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1967: Israel, the War, and the Year that Transformed the Middle East Paperback – Illustrated, April 29, 2008
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"A marvelous achievement . . . Anyone curious about the extraordinary six days of Arab-Israeli war will learn much from it."―The Economist
Tom Segev's acclaimed One Palestine, Complete and The Seventh Million overturned accepted views of the history of Israel. Now, in 1967, he brings his masterful skills to the watershed year when six days of war reshaped the country and the entire region.
Going far beyond a military account, Segev re-creates the apocalyptic climate in Israel before the war as well as the country's bravado after its victory. He introduces the legendary figures―Moshe Dayan, Golda Meir, Gamal Abdel Nasser, and Lyndon Johnson―and an epic cast of soldiers, lobbyists, refugees, and settlers. He reveals as never before Israel's intimacy with the White House, and the political rivalries that sabotaged any chance of peace. Above all, Segev challenges the view that the war was inevitable, showing that behind the bloodshed was a series of disastrous miscalculations.
Vibrant and original, 1967 is sure to stand as the definitive account of that pivotal year.
- Print length704 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherPicador
- Publication dateApril 29, 2008
- Dimensions6 x 1.55 x 9 inches
- ISBN-100805088121
- ISBN-13978-0805088120
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“Today we know that Israel's triumph in 1967 was a Pyrrhic victory. Tom Segev's 1967 makes that more clear than anything written on the subject . . . Segev documents this historic tragedy brilliantly, authoritatively, as no one has before.” ―Amos Elon, Ha'aretz
“Tom Segev's 1967 offers a brilliant description of the Six Day War in its widest context: the international scene, the Middle Eastern confrontations, the political and social situation of Israel, as well as fascinating snippets of everyday life. The crucial role of individual actors is deftly woven into the general picture, the description of the military events is enthralling. This is probably the best book on those most fateful days in the history of Israel and the Middle East.” ―Saul Friedlander, author of The Years Of Extermination: Nazi Germany And The Jews, 1939-1945
“The year 1967 divides the history of Israel in two: what came before and what came after. Tom Segev's book makes this abundantly clear, and demonstrates the difference between a military victory and a political one.” ―Daniel Barenboim
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- Publisher : Picador; First Edition (April 29, 2008)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 704 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0805088121
- ISBN-13 : 978-0805088120
- Item Weight : 1.94 pounds
- Dimensions : 6 x 1.55 x 9 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,463,193 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #2,044 in Israel & Palestine History (Books)
- #2,486 in England History
- #39,399 in World History (Books)
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I cannot say enough except that I cannot wait to receive my next book by Tom Segev!
But he is a great researcher and presenter of facts. He's a great documenter of an era, and has citations for just about everything. You end up learning more about Israeli society during the runup to the war, and about the occupation than the war itself. But that's fine. That's more what the book is for. The war itself is well-documented elsewhere.
One thing to note: If you get the Kindle edition, you're missing out on some nice photographs. I originally had the physical book, and was sorry to learn that I lost out on the photos when I switched out for an e-book.
This book was originally published in Israel in Hebrew. Israeli reviewers unlike Mr Tewel actually read the book. Anyone who does that will find much of interest. For example on page 502 Segev quotes Zalman Aran, Israel's minister of education, and Haim Shapira, the minister of Justice:
The main argument revolved around the future of the West Bank. Zalman Aran said, "I'm telling you plainly that we don't need the West Bank. It will do us more harm than good." He was afraid, of course, of the Palestinians. "To this day, I love Eretz Israel more than the State of Israel," Aran said, but as he considered Israel's future with the West Bank, he was sure that "we will choke on it." He prophesied that the West Bank would be the downfall of the state.
The days of empires were gone, added Minister of Justice Shapira: this was the age of decolonization. There were those who denounced Israel as an agent of colonialism, and, if it insisted on ruling the Arabs of the West Bank, their voices would only grow louder. "Every progressive person will say, 'look, this is why we called these people the torch-bearers of imperialism and colonialism. They want to turn the West Bank, which is populated by Arabs, into a colony of the State of Israel.' " It was not merely a question of what people would say, Shapira continued. Annexation of the West Bank would turn Israel into a binational state, and it wouldn't be long before the Jews became a minority. "Then we're finished with the whole Zionist enterprise and we'll be a ghetto here." Shortly after Israel's 1967 victory the first settlements appeared in the newly acquired territories. This led to what Segev describes on page 576 as: A top secret --and quite embarrassing --legal opinion by the foreign minister's legal counsel stated that civilian settlement in the "administered territories" contravened international law. The counsel, Theodore Meron, was unequivocal: according to Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, an occupying country shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into territory it occupies. Meron quoted an authoritative interpretation of the clause, which reinforced his opinion that Israel could not settle its citizens in the territories. According to Israel, the final status of the West Bank had never been determined, and its annexation to the Hashemite Kingdom had not been carried out legally. And hence Israel claimed that the West Bank was not an occupied territory, which meant that it was not prevented from settling its citizens there. Meron did not refute this argument, but noted that it was disputed by the international community. Furthermore, Meron noted with embarrassment, Israel itself had recognized the status of the West Bank as an occupied territory by publishing military decrees declaring explicitly that it would respect the Geneva Conventions. Meron who never changed his legal opinion was not overstating the matter when he noted that the "international community " rejected Israel's legal contortions about the territories. Israel has failed to convince a single American President or Secretary of a State that that the West Bank is not occupied territory. It has failed to convince the overwhelming majority of the countries in the world of his reasoning. It cannot even convince even all Israeli Jews about these matters
Back in 1979 I met Yavov Arnon who was deputy finance of Israel in 1967. He was present at many of the cabinet meetings where these matters were discussed. His boss was Israeli Finance minister at the time. Arnon remembered him warning that putting Israeli settlers in the territories endless trouble.
Israel tried to argue that settlements were a military necessity . This led to one interesting episode. I also met the late Israeli Major General Mattityhu Peled in 1977. He told me of his testimony before a Knesset committee where he was asked about the military value of the settlements. He responded that from a military point of view the settlements were useless would be a liability in a war situation. The right wing members of the committee were angered and complained that Peled was known as a left wing dove. They asked why right wing generals were not invited to testify. The answer quickly became clear. The right wing generals even if they disagreed with Peled on political matters agreed with his military analysis. No military professional no matter what his politics would say that having a number of fixed points to defend was a good military strategy. This was succinctly expressed by General Patton who said that fixed fortifications were "monuments to the stupidity of man." The wisdom of this was proved during the 1973 war. Israel got a few hours of warning and its general staff ordered all settlers evacuated from Golan heights. They got out just before the Syrian attack.
All this should be enough to convince readers of the value of Segev's book. They should also consider Israeli military authorities who have warned of Israel fighting endless wars with half of the population under its control loyal to the enemy.
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Bekommen habe ich ein altes verschmutztes und die Seiten mit dem gelben Stift markiertes Buch!
Keine Kaufempfehlung!
Reviewed in Germany on December 30, 2016
Bekommen habe ich ein altes verschmutztes und die Seiten mit dem gelben Stift markiertes Buch!
Keine Kaufempfehlung!
The wide-ranging sources cited by Segev in this account are really the strength of the book. From LBJ's White House machinations to the minutes of the Israeli war cabinet, from myriad private letters of concerned citizens to the various press articles and columns of the day. There is an important consideration given also to the cultural atmosphere in Israeli society whether before, during or after the war. These give the book an intensity of 'putting you right there' in amongst the days of drama. Those less familiar with the personalities discussed may struggle to keep apace of the fast-moving developments and intricacies of both domestic Israeli politics and complex cold war era international relations - this is not 'an ideal introduction' to the Arab-Israeli conflict. But for the interested reader of this subject, Segev's thorough book will prove compelling, well-written, and will quite probably serve to present a perspective on the war that you may not have previously been privy to.
The chapters covering the action of the war itself are based simultaneously on the candid records of minutes and diaries of most of the principals involved, but most interestingly also include large extracts from the diary of one army reservist in particular called up weeks ahead of the conflict. This is Yeshayahu Bar-Dayan, and his diary provides a unique window into the mind of an everyday Israeli called on by his nation to do his duty. He is not a particularly gung-ho commando or special agent or anything as obvious or cliched as that, but a humble mechanic attached to a unit of the Tank Corps. His writing from the battlefield in Sinai is often at times both intimate and profound - an extremely valuable inclusion.
All told, this is an extremely good addition to the shelves of any reader with an interest in post-war 20th century history and/or the Arab-Israeli conflict. It is a particularly in-depth look at the complex Israeli national psyche of the 1960s, and the war which still shapes the fierce debate of the still ongoing troubles in the Middle East. It is a superb addition to the work of one of the finest contemporary Israeli historians around.