Stewart Patrick

... Strong Will Low Will High Capacity Low Capacity Relatively Good Performers (eg, Senegal, Honduras) Weak but Willing (eg, Mozambique, East Timor) ... THE WASHINGTON QUARTERLY • SPRING 2006 30 Page 5. Weak States and Global Threats: Fact or Fiction? | ...

This chapter contains sections titled: IntroductionCommon Claims and Policy InnovationsThe “Failed State” ReconsideredMeasuring State WeaknessA New Measure of State WeaknessA Typology of Pathology: Additional Parameters of State WeaknessWeak States and Transnational Threats: Rhetoric and Reality3Conclusions and Policy ImplicationsAcknowledgmentsAppendix: Index of state weakness in the developing worldNotesReferencesIntroductionCommon Claims and Policy InnovationsThe “Failed State” ReconsideredMeasuring State WeaknessA New Measure of State WeaknessA Typology of Pathology: Additional Parameters of State WeaknessWeak States and Transnational Threats: Rhetoric and Reality3Conclusions and Policy ImplicationsAcknowledgmentsAppendix: Index of state weakness in the developing worldNotesReferences

... above all, that that bear the main brunt of state weakness and its attendant ... Guinea Togo Azerbaijan Bangladesh Cuba Iran Nepal Libya Syria Sierra Leone Guinea-Bissau Cameroon ... Indicators for 1996-2004, by Daniel Kauffmann, Aart Kray and Massimo Mastruzzi (World Bank ...

... View all notes. On balance, such richness serves US interests and the cause of global governance ... Such a pragmatic approach to global governance has intuitive appeal ... avoid transaction costs, the most realistic near-term option might be to designate a core group (whether a G-8 ...

... Strong Will Low Will High Capacity Low Capacity Relatively Good Performers (eg, Senegal, Honduras) Weak but Willing (eg, Mozambique, East Timor) ... THE WASHINGTON QUARTERLY • SPRING 2006 30 Page 5. Weak States and Global Threats: Fact or Fiction? | ...

One of the dominant influences shaping contemporary North–South relations is the perception that the main threats to international security emanate dispropor-tionately from poorly governed states in the developing world. Beyond represent-ing the hard core of today's ...

... The mixed record of American democracy promotion is consistent with broader patterns in recent ... NATO's internal cohesion is threatened by transatlantic disagreements over the emerging Euro-pean ... In East Asia, Washington's main strategic challenge has not been to manage ...

Contemporary debates over the appropriate balance of unilateralism and multilateralism in U.S. foreign policy reflect disagreements not simply about the practical effectiveness of these alternative options but also about their legitimacy. Advocates of multilateral and unilateral action alike tend to bundle prudential calculations with normative claims, making assessments about costs and benefits difficult to disentangle from ethical arguments about fairness, justice, morality and obligation. Greater clarity may be possible by classifying U.S. foreign policy into six analytical categories, based on whether the aims pursued are nationalist, internationalist, or cosmopolitan and the strategies adopted to realize them are unilateral or multilateral. Each set of aims has different ethical justifications that generate and help to explain divergent attitudes and judgments about the role of multilateral cooperation in U.S. foreign policy. The article sheds new light on alleged U.S. unilateralism, showing that the U.S. decision to go it alone–or to act with others–can be motivated by the desire to advance the narrow interests of the United States, to advance the interests of all states, or to advance the interests of humanity at large. The article suggests that purely nationalist policies, whether pursued through unilateral or multilateral means, will become increasingly untenable and illegitimate as world politics becomes institutionalized and as humanity becomes integrated, albeit slowly, into a single cosmopolitan community.

Zimbabwe is a country in deep economic and political crisis, but also one whose situation could change quickly. Waiting until the day after the fall of Robert Mugabe could be too late, so the international community should start preliminary planning now for responses to a ...

... 5 See multiple reports by the Amani Trust and the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, including “Politically motivated violence in Zimbabwe ... 21 Adele Harmer and Joanna Macrae (eds.), “Beyond the Continuum: The Changing Role of Aid Policies in Protracted Crises,” HPG ...