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Somali clans

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Somali clans (Somali: Qabaa'ilka Soomaalida; Arabic: القبائل الصومالية, romanizedal-Qabāyỉl al-Sūmālīā) are the patrilineal kinship groups based on agnatic descent of the Somali people.[1][2][3] Tradition and folklore connects the origin of the Somali population by language and way of life, and societal organisations, by customs, and by a feeling of belonging to a broader family among individuals from the Arabian Peninsula.[2][4][5]

The Somalis are a Muslim ethnoreligious group native to the Horn of Africa.[6] Predominantly of Cushitic ancestry, they are segmented into clan groupings which are important kinship units that play a central part in Somali culture and politics. Clan families are patrilineal and are divided into clans, primary lineages or subclans, and dia-paying kinship groups. The clan symbolise the utmost kinship level. It possesses territorial properties and is commonly governed by a Sultan. Primary lineages are directly derived from the clans, and are exogamous political entities with no officially appointed leader. They constitute the division level that an individual typically indicates he or she is affiliated with, with the founding forefather reckoned to between six and ten generations.[4][7][8]

Mainly divided among five patrilineal clans, the Hawiye, Darod, Rahanweyn, Dir, and Isaaq,[9] the average person is able to trace his/her ancestry generations back. Somali clans in contemporary times have an established official structure in the country's political system, acknowledged by a mathematical formula for equitably distributing seats between the clans in the Federal Parliament of Somalia.[10][11][12]

Somali clans were founded by various patriarchs who came to Africa following the emergence of Islam, and they are linked to the propagation of the religion in the Somali Peninsula. The traditions of descent from noble forefathers from Quraysh set the Somalis further apart from other neighbouring ethnic groups.[13][14][15][16]

Clan structure

[edit]
Genealogical tree of Somali clans[17]

The Somalis constitute the largest ethnic group throughout Greater Somalia, at approximately 98% of the nation's inhabitants.[18][19] Somali society is traditionally ethnically endogamous. So to extend ties of alliance, marriage is often to another ethnic Somali from a different clan. Thus, for example, a recent study observed that in 89 marriages contracted by men of the Dhulbahante clan, 55 (62%) were with women of Dhulbahante sub-clans other than those of their husbands; 30 (33.7%) were with women of surrounding clans of other clan families (Isaaq, 28; Gadabuursi, 3); and 3 (4.3%) were with women of other clans of the Darod clan family (Marehan 2, Ogaden 1).[20]

Certain clans are traditionally classed as noble clans, referring to their pastoral lifestyle in contrast to the sedentary "Sab".[21] The noble clans are the Dir, Darod, Hawiye and Isaaq.[22][23] Out of these clans, Dir and Hawiye are regarded as descended from Samaale, the likely source of the ethnonym Somali (soomaali).[24] Darod and Isaaq have separate agnatic (paternal) traditions of descent from Abdirahman bin Isma'il al-Jabarti (Sheikh Darod) and Ishaaq bin Ahmed (Sheikh Ishaaq) respectively.[25] Sheikh Darod and Sheikh Ishaaq are asserted to have married women from the Dir clan, thus establishing matrilateral ties with the Samaale main stem.[24] "Sab" is a term used to refer to the agricultural clans such as the Rahanweyn, in contrast to "Samaale".[26] Both Samaale and Sab are the children of the father "Hiil" who is the common ancestor of all Somali clans.[27][28]

Kinship

[edit]

The traditional political unit among the Somali people has been kinships.[29] Dia-paying groups are groupings of a few small lineages, each consisting of a few hundred to a few thousand members. They trace their foundation to between four and eight generations. Members are socially contracted to support each other in jural and political duties, including paying or receiving dia or blood compensation (mag in Somali).[30] Compensation is obligatory in regards to actions committed by or against a dia-paying group, including blood-compensation in the event of damage, injury or death.[29][31][32]

Social stratification

[edit]
Bimaal elders along with the Bimaal Sultan Ali on board the Marco Polo.

Within traditional Somali society (as in other ethnic groups of the Horn of Africa and the wider region), there has been social stratification.[33][34][35] According to the historian Donald Levine, these comprised high-ranking clans, low-ranking clans, caste groups, and slaves.[36] This rigid hierarchy and concepts of lineal purity contrast with the relative egalitarianism in clan leadership and political control.[34]

Nobles constituted the upper tier and were known as bilis. They consist of individuals of ethnic Somali ancestral origin, and have been endogamous.[37]

The lower tier was designated as Sab, and was distinguished by its heterogeneous constitution and agropastoral lifestyle as well as some linguistic and cultural differences. A third Somali caste strata was made up of artisanal groups, which were endogamous and hereditary.[38] Among the caste groups, the Midgan were traditionally hunters and circumcision performers.[39][40] The Tumal (also spelled Tomal) were smiths and leatherworkers, and the Yibir (also spelled Yebir) were the tanners and magicians.[41][42]

According to the anthropologist Virginia Luling, the artisanal caste groups of the north closely resembled their higher caste kinsmen, being generally Caucasoid like other ethnic Somalis.[43] Although ethnically indistinguishable from each other, state Mohamed Eno and Abdi Kusow, upper castes have stigmatized the lower ones.[44]

Outside of the Somali caste system were slaves of Bantu origin and physiognomy.[45] Their distinct physical features and occupations differentiated them from Somalis and positioned them as inferior within the social hierarchy.[46][47]

Law

[edit]

The customary justice system of Somalis, known as xeer, holds a significant position among the Somali clans, serving as a crucial mechanism for resolving conflicts. Somali clans are organized according to a patriarchal clan-based framework, which is further segmented into sub-clans, lineages, and mag groupings. These groupings are united through familial bonds or contractual agreements. Xeer justice primarily centers around the latter groupings, given their smaller size. Within these units, every member is held accountable for the actions of others and thus shares a portion of any imposed punishment. Under this system, only the victim or their immediate family has the authority to initiate criminal proceedings through xeer mediation. xeer relies on clan elders who utilize precedent, Sharia law, and mutual verbal agreements between clans to settle disputes and provide resolutions.[48][49]

Marriage

[edit]

Among Somali clans, in order to strengthen alliance ties, marriage is often to another ethnic Somali from a different clan. According to I. M. Lewis, of 89 marriages initiated by men of the Dhulbahante clan, 55 (62%) were therefore with women of Dhulbahante subclans other than those of their husbands; 30 (33.7%) were with women of adjacent clans of other clan families (Isaaq, 28; Hawiye, 3); and 3 (4.3%) were with women of other clans of the Darod clan family (Majerteen 2, Ogaden 1).[50]

A traditional Somali wedding basket.

Such exogamy is always followed by the dia-paying group and usually adhered to by the primary lineage, whereas marriage to lineal kin falls within the prohibited range.[51] These traditional strictures against consanguineous marriage ruled out the patrilateral first cousin marriages that are favored by Arab Bedouins and specially approved by Islam. These marriages were practiced to a limited degree by certain northern Somali subclans.[50] In areas inhabited by diverse clans, such as the southern Mogadishu area, endogamous marriages also served as a means of ensuring clan solidarity in uncertain socio-political circumstances.[52] This inclination was further spurred on by intensified contact with Arab society in the Gulf, wherein first cousin marriage was preferred. Although politically expedient, such endogamous marriage created tension with the traditional principles within Somali culture.[53]

In 1975, the most prominent government reforms regarding family law in a Muslim country were set in motion in the Somali Democratic Republic, which put women and men, including husbands and wives, on complete equal footing.[54] The 1975 Somali Family Law gave men and women equal division of property between the husband and wife upon divorce and the exclusive right to control by each spouse over his or her personal property.[55]

FGM is almost universal in Somalia, and many women undergo infibulation, the most extreme form of female genital mutilation.[56] According to a 2005 WHO estimate, about 97.9% of Somalia's women and girls underwent FGM. This was at the time the world's highest prevalence rate of the procedure.[57]

Major clans

[edit]

Isaaq

[edit]
Isaaq Sultans Abdillahi Deria and Abdulrahman Deria in London 1955 to petition for the Haud Reserve Area

The Isaaq (also Ishaq, Isaac) (Somali: Reer Sheekh Isxaaq; Arabic: اسحاق) are a major Somali clan family.[58] It is one of the largest Somali clan families in the Horn of Africa, with a large and densely populated traditional territory. The Isaaq people claim in a traditional legend to have descended from Sheikh Ishaaq bin Ahmed, an Islamic scholar who traveled to Somaliland in the 12th or 13th century and married two women; one from the local Dir clan. and the other from the neighboring Harari people.[59] He is said to have sired eight sons who are the common ancestors of the clans of the Isaaq clan-family. He remained in Maydh until his death.[60] Somali genealogical tradition places the origin of the Isaaq tribe in the 12th or 13th century with the arrival of Ishaaq Bin Ahmed (Sheikh Ishaaq) from Arabia.[61][62] Sheikh Ishaaq purportedly settled in the coastal town of Maydh in modern-day northeastern Somaliland. Hence, Sheikh Ishaaq married two local women in Somaliland, which left him with eight sons.[59][63] The Isaaq are typically grouped under the Dir.[64]

Darod

[edit]
Mohamoud Ali Shire, leader of the Warsangali. Warsangali are a subclan of the Darod.

The Darod (Somali: Daarood, Arabic: دارود) are a Somali clan. The forefather of this clan is Sheikh Abdirahman bin Isma'il al-Jabarti, more commonly known as Daud or Darod.[65]According to early Islamic books and Somali tradition, Aqeel Abu Talib ibn Abd al-Muttalib Al-Qurashi descendant Abdirahman bin Isma'il al-Jabarti (Darod), a son of the Sufi Sheikh Isma'il al-Jabarti of the Qadiriyyah order, fled his homeland in the Arabian Peninsula after an argument with his uncle.[66][67] During the 10th or 11th century CE,[68] Abdirahman is believed to have then settled in modern-day Sanaag just across the Red Sea and married Dobira, the daughter of the Dir clan chief. This union is said to have given rise to the Darod clan family.[69] Thus, it established matrilateral ties with the Samaale main stem. [70] Darod is the son of the famous Arabian Sheikh, Ismail bin Ibrahim Al-Jabarti, who is buried in the Zabid District of Yemen.[71][72][73]

Hawiye

[edit]
Sultan Olol Dinle of the Hawiye Ajuran Sultanate.

The Hawiye (Somali: Hawiye; Arabic: بنو هوية) are one of the principal and largest of the Somali clans,[74] tracing their lineage back to Sheikh Ahmed Bin Abdulrahman Bin Uthman, also known as Sheikh Hawiye, the eponymous figure of the clan.[75][76][77] They are considered the earliest documented clan to have settled in the Somali peninsula, as noted in the 12th century by Al-Idrisi, occupying the regions spanning from Ras Hafun to Merca, which served as their capital.[78] Sheikh Hawiye, also known as Ahmed based on oral traditions and Arabic hagiologies, is renowned as a revered saint and religious figure who bore the epithet "Hawi al 'Uluum", meaning the conservator of knowledge, denoting his mastery of Islamic knowledge. Through the passage of time, this appellation was condensed to just "Hawiyah" or "Hawiye" and subsequently evolved into the ethnonym of his progeny.[75] The genealogy of Sheikh Hawiye, as delineated in these oral narratives, Arabic hagiologies, and indigenous manuscripts, can be traced as follows: Ahmed (Hawiye) Bin Abdulrahman (Irir) Bin Uthman (Samaale) Bin Muhammed Bin Hanbal Bin Mahdi Bin Ahmed Bin Mohammed Bin Aqeel Bin Abu Talib.[76] [79][80][81][82] The tomb of Shiekh Hawiye can be found in Qundhuro, situated within the Haraghe region, which served as his primary residence for the later years of his life as a revered Sheikh who dedicated himself to the propagation of the teachings of Islam. Alongside Shiekh Hawiye rests his eldest son, Karanle, in a burial site.[80] The Hawiye furthered the spread of Islam in the Horn of Africa.[83]

Dir

[edit]
Notable elders belonging to the Bimal clan of the Dir clan family.

The Dir (Somali: Dir) are one of the largest and most prominent Somali clans in the Horn of Africa.[84][85][86] They are descended from Hawiye's brother Aji, whose actual name is documented in oral traditions and further supported by Al Idrus's work "History of Somalia" as Ismail. Dir, also known as Abu-Bakr,[76] is regarded as the father-in-law of Darod, the progenitor of the Darod clan as well as Sheikh Isaaq.[87]

See also

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References

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  2. ^ a b Lewis, I. M.; Samatar, Said S. (1999). A Pastoral Democracy: A Study of Pastoralism and Politics Among the Northern Somali of the Horn of Africa. James Currey Publishers. ISBN 978-0-85255-280-3.
  3. ^ Marian Aguiar (2010). Anthony Appiah and Henry Louis Gates (ed.). Encyclopedia of Africa. Oxford University Press. p. 395. ISBN 978-0-19-533770-9.
  4. ^ a b Abdi, Farhia (2024-01-01). "Relational Leadership and Governing: Somali Clan Cultural Relational Leadership and Governing: Somali Clan Cultural Leadership Leadership". The Journal of Social Encounters. doi:10.69755/2995-2212.1248.
  5. ^ Hamilton, David (1967). "Imperialism Ancient and Modern: A Study of British Attitudes to the Claims to Sovereignty to the Northern Somali Coastline" (PDF). Journal of Ethiopian Studies: 11–12.
  6. ^ Østebø, Terje (2013-04-17). Muslim Ethiopia: The Christian Legacy, Identity Politics, and Islamic Reformism. Springer. ISBN 978-1-137-32209-8.
  7. ^ Lewis, I. M.; Samatar, Said S. (1999). A Pastoral Democracy: A Study of Pastoralism and Politics Among the Northern Somali of the Horn of Africa. James Currey Publishers. pp. 5–7. ISBN 978-0-85255-280-3.
  8. ^ Lewis, I. M.; Samatar, Said S. (1999). A Pastoral Democracy: A Study of Pastoralism and Politics Among the Northern Somali of the Horn of Africa. James Currey Publishers. pp. 11–14. ISBN 978-0-85255-280-3.
  9. ^ "Somali networks - structures of clan and society (GSDRC Helpdesk Research Report 949)". GOV.UK. Retrieved 2024-07-16.
  10. ^ "The role of 4.5 in democratization and governance in Somalia: Implications and considerations for the way forward (May 2023) - Somalia | ReliefWeb". reliefweb.int. 2023-05-22. Retrieved 2024-07-16.
  11. ^ Ahmed, Nasteha (2019-02-01). "Somalia's struggle to integrate traditional and modern governance: The 4.5 formula and 2012 provisional constitution". Theses and Dissertations.
  12. ^ Osman, Abdulahi A. (2007-07-31). Somalia at the Crossroads: Challenges and Perspectives inReconstituting a Failed State. Adonis & Abbey Publishers Ltd. ISBN 978-1-909112-87-2.
  13. ^ Lewis, I. M. (2017-02-03). Islam in Tropical Africa. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-315-31139-5.
  14. ^ Peter, C. B.; Wandera, Joseph; Jansen, Willem J. E. (2013). Mapping Eastleigh for Christian-Muslim Relations. African Books Collective. p. 17. ISBN 978-9966-040-61-9.
  15. ^ Nelson, Harold D. (1982). Somalia, a Country Study. U.S. Government Printing Office. p. 6.
  16. ^ Kaplan, Irving (1977). Area Handbook for Somalia. U.S. Government Printing Office. p. 61.
  17. ^ Schlee, Günther (1989). Identities on the Move: Clanship and Pastoralism in Northern Kenya. Manchester University Press. p. 28. ISBN 978-0-7190-3010-9.
  18. ^ Bhui, Kamaldeep; Craig, Tom; Mohamud, Salaad; Warfa, Nasir; Stansfeld, Stephen A.; Thornicroft, Graham; Curtis, Sarah; McCrone, Paul (2006-05-01). "Mental disorders among Somali refugees". Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology. 41 (5): 400–408. ISSN 1433-9285.
  19. ^ Abdullahi, Mohamed Diriye (2001). Culture and Customs of Somalia. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 142. ISBN 0313313334.
  20. ^ Ioan M. Lewis, Blood and Bone: The Call of Kinship in Somali Society, (Red Sea Press: 1994), p.51
  21. ^ Lewisfirst1=I. M. (1999). A Pastoral Democracy: A Study of Pastoralism and Politics Among the Northern Somali of the Horn of Africa. James Currey Publishers. pp. 11–14. ISBN 0852552807. Retrieved 8 July 2016.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  22. ^ Pham, J. Peter (2011). "State Collapse, Insurgency, and Famine in the Horn of Africa: Legitimacy and the Ongoing Somali Crisis". The Journal of the Middle East and Africa. 2 (2): 153–187. doi:10.1080/21520844.2011.617238. S2CID 154845182.
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  29. ^ a b Marian Aguiar (2010). Anthony Appiah and Henry Louis Gates (ed.). Encyclopedia of Africa. Oxford University Press. p. 395. ISBN 978-0-19-533770-9.
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  31. ^ I. M. Lewis (1994). Blood and Bone: The Call of Kinship in Somali Society. The Red Sea Press. pp. vii–viii, 20, 43–44, 48–50, 163–164. ISBN 978-0-932415-93-6.
  32. ^ Tobias Hagmann (2007). Lars Buur and Helene Maria Kyed (ed.). Bringing the Sultan Back In: Elders as Peacemakers in Ethiopia's Somali Region in "State Recognition and Democratization in Sub-Saharan Africa". Springer Palgrave. pp. 31–51. ISBN 978-1-349-36980-5.
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  34. ^ a b Catherine Besteman (2014). Unraveling Somalia: Race, Class, and the Legacy of Slavery. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 123–124. ISBN 978-0-8122-9016-5., Quote: "The social organization of Somali society accommodated ideological conceptions of inferiority through investing clan membership with definitions of lineal purity. Somali clans, while fiercely egalitarian with regards to leadership and political control, contain divisions of unequal status".
  35. ^ Beatrice Akua-Sakyiwah (2016), Education as Cultural Capital and its Effect on the Transitional Issues Faced by Migrant Women in the Diaspora, Journal of International Migration and Integration, Volume 17, Number 4, pages 1125–1142, Quote: "This caste stratification is a daily reality in Somali society".
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  39. ^ David F. Horrobin (2012). The Somali, in "A Guide to Kenya and Northern Tanzania". Springer. pp. 29–30. ISBN 978-94-011-7129-8.; Е. de Larajasse (1972), Somali-English and Somali-English Dictionary, Trubner, page 108
  40. ^ Е. de Larajasse (1972), Somali-English and Somali-English Dictionary, Trubner, pages 108, 119, 134, 145, 178
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  45. ^ Luling, Virginia (2002). Somali Sultanate: the Geledi city-state over 150 years. Transaction Publishers. pp. 115–116. ISBN 978-1874209980. Retrieved 19 December 2016.
  46. ^ Catherine Besteman (2014). Unraveling Somalia: Race, Class, and the Legacy of Slavery. University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 52. ISBN 978-0-8122-9016-5. Whatever their origins, their physical features and occupations distinguished them from Somalis and placed them in an inferior sociopolitical position in Somali cosmology.
  47. ^ Mohamed A. Eno and Abdi M. Kusow (2014), Racial and Caste Prejudice in Somalia, Journal of Somali Studies, Iowa State University Press, Volume 1, Issue 2, pages 91–92, 95–96, 108–112
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  51. ^ I. M. Lewis (1994). Blood and Bone: The Call of Kinship in Somali Society. The Red Sea Press. p. 51. ISBN 978-0-932415-93-6. The primary lineage is normally, and the dia-paying group always, exogamous, because these units are already so strongly united that marriage within them is considered to threaten their cohesion.
  52. ^ I. M. Lewis (1994). Blood and Bone: The Call of Kinship in Somali Society. The Red Sea Press. pp. 51. ISBN 978-0-932415-93-6. in areas formerly characterized by clan heterogeneity, with people of different clans living together harmoniously and inter-marrying, marriage outside one's own clan became the exception rather than, as formerly, the rule. Indeed, in the devastated capital, Mogadishu, women who had married outside their own clan found themselves at a serious disadvantage, they and their children being disowned and left unprotected by both sets of kin. Insecurity required maximum clan solidarity, including now clan endogamy rather than exogamy.
  53. ^ I. M. Lewis (1994). Blood and Bone: The Call of Kinship in Somali Society. The Red Sea Press. pp. 51. ISBN 978-0-932415-93-6. This new trend was further encouraged by the intensified contact with the Arab society, and its preference for cousin marriage, through the experience of labour migration in the Gulf. The tension between this politically expedient practice and traditional cultural precepts was reflected in the popular view that such endogamous marriage amounted to a kind of incest akin to the mating of animals.
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  75. ^ a b Hawiyah, meaning the Conservator of Sciences, his name is Ahmad ibn Irir, (Whose name is Abd al-Rahman) ibn Samaal, (Whose name is Uthman) bin Muhammad ibn Hanbal Bin Mahdi bin Ahmed bin Muhammad bin Aqeel bin Abi Talib. This (Muhammad) is the one to whom the Darod, whose actual name is Daud, tribes trace their lineage to.
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