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==References==
==References==
*[[Charles Blattberg]] (2003) ''Shall We Dance? A Patriotic Politics for Canada''. McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 0773525963.
*[[Charles Blattberg]] (2003) ''Shall We Dance? A Patriotic Politics for Canada''. McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 0773525963.
*[[Douglas Coupland]] (2002) ''Souvenir of Canada''. Douglas & McIntyre. ISBN 1550549170. [http://www.coupland.com/books/books03.html]
*[[Douglas Coupland]] (2002) ''Souvenir of Canada''. Douglas & McIntyre. ISBN 1550549170.
[http://www.coupland.com/books/books03.html]
* Mahmood Iqbal, "The Migration of High-Skilled Workers from Canada to the United States:Empirical Evidence and Economic Reasons" (Conference Board of Canada, 2000) [www.ccis-ucsd.org/PUBLICATIONS/wrkg20.PDF online version]
* Morton, William Lewis. ''The Canadian Identity'' 2nd ed. 1972
* Morton, William Lewis. ''The Canadian Identity'' 2nd ed. 1972
*[http://www.dfait-maeci.gc.ca/can-am/new_york/home_page/current_state_future_directions_779-en.asp "Current State, Future Directions: Canada - U.S. Relations" by Pamela Wallin (Canada’s Consul General to New York); April 28, 2003]
*[http://www.dfait-maeci.gc.ca/can-am/new_york/home_page/current_state_future_directions_779-en.asp "Current State, Future Directions: Canada - U.S. Relations" by Pamela Wallin (Canada’s Consul General to New York); April 28, 2003]

Revision as of 06:36, 20 June 2006

Canadian identity refers to the set of characteristics and symbols that a majority of Canadians regard as expressing their unique place and role in the world.

Primary influences on the "Canadian identity" are the existence of many well-established First Nations and the arrival, beginning in the 15th Century, of French and British settlers. The relations between French Canadians and English-speaking Canadians have played a major role in Canadian history. Then, as a relatively small population spread out over an immense and varied landmass, other European and Asian nationalities, and later, other cultures began to shape the Canadian identity.

Canada’s location on Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, its settlement patterns, regional differences, geography and climatic variations have given Canada a diverse makeup (see Canadian culture). Moreover, it is a bilingual and multicultural nation. These factors tend to make any discussion of the "Canadian identity", as a unified subject, a difficult task.

The major external influence has been Canada's location next to the United States and, in its relations with its powerful neighbour, a tendency towards accommodation and evolution. See Annexationist movements of Canada for efforts to join the two countries, and Canadian and American politics compared for efforts to compare the two.

Canadians have devoted a great deal of attention to proclaiming that they are not-Americans, both in their own cultural products and when they travel outside the region and are frequently mistaken as coming from the United States. Many Canadians consciously avoid the term "American" to describe themselves.

Early years

Canada's large geographic size and relatively open immigration policy have led to an extremely diverse society, including a large set of First Nations (the Canadian preferred term for pre-European inhabitants). Despite this large range in cultural contexts, there is a general sense of nationhood which is explored in this article.

Canada experienced periods under direct French then British control, and arguably has been influenced (or paralleled) culturally by the United States. These influences continue to resonate today, with French Canadians and English Canadians continuing to voice desires for distinction at the national level. Several other immigrant groups have settled in sufficient densities to create somewhat insular communities.

20th century

The main crisis regarding Canadian identity came in World War I. Canadians of British heritage strongly supported the war effort, while those of French heritage, especially in Quebec, were far less supportive. A series of political upheavals ensued, especially the Conscription Crisis of 1917. Simultaneously, the role of immigrants as loyal Canadians was contested, with large numbers of men of German or Ukrainian heritage temporarily stripped of voting rights or incarcerated in camps. The war helped define a separate political identities for the two groups, and permanently alienated Quebec and the Conservative party. A similar crisis, though much less intense, errupted in World War II.

In the 1920s, the Dominion of Canada began to seek out greater independence from Britain (see: Statute of Westminster), but still remained loyal to the larger Commonwealth. As Canada became increasingly independent and sovereign, its primary foreign relationship and point of reference gradually moved to the United States, the superpower with whom it shared a long border and a major economic, social and cultural relationships.

Canadians have struggled to decide what it is exactly that makes them Canadian. Though Canadians continue to recognize Queen Elizabeth II as head of state, the British aspect of the national identity is barely evoked anymore. The majority of the Queen's duties have now been transferred to the Governor General, who since 1952 has been a Canadian citizen. Up until 1965, the Canadian flag was a Red Ensign, featuring the British Union Jack, but this was replaced by a new design with a red maple leaf. Similar reforms or abolitions of colonial-era symbols and institutions occurred throughout most of the mid-20th Century, and contemporary Canadian society features few noticeable signs of Canada's colonial past.

Unlike other Commonwealth realms, such as Australia, republicanism has not been a highly emotional issue in Canada in recent years. Any debate of republicanism in Canada is mostly academic.

The toned down role of the Queen is a recent phenomenon of the last decades of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st. In the 1940s and 1950s the question of the monarchy was a divisive topic which pitted English against French at all levels of society. The quarrel came to a head in the 1960s when each visit by Queen Elizabeth was met by ever bigger riots in the province of Quebec. Specialists in protocol and diplomacy finally defused the issue in the late 1960s by carefully organizing royal visits which avoided public exposure of the Queen in large French language communities or important social or cultural manifestations in Quebec, save for a few exceptions like the opening of the Montreal Olympics in 1976.

Modern times

Winnipeg street after two snowstorms

Canadians usually define their culture by comparing its differences with the United States. Since the larger American population tends to dominate North America and Canadian mannerisms and accents often seem indistinguishable from their neighbouring Americans, Canadians are often confused for Americans by many foreigners and Americans alike. This tendency seems to be the catalyst for the perception that Canadian culture can be defined simply as "not American". When visiting or migrating to other countries, particularly the USA, Canadians often must point out differences from their more populous southern nieghbours or else accept the positive or negative consequences of being grouped as Americans. Though today much popular culture available in Canada, such as TV, movies, music, news, and literature, is both American and Canadian in origin, many Canadians believe a unique distinct Canadian culture exists, even in an era of deep economic and cultural ties between the two nations. However, in defence against the perceived American influence on television, Canadian broadcasters must conform to government-mandated "Canadian content" rules (which are allowed under NAFTA due to their cultural, rather than economic, protection purpose). In addition, many American cultural hallmarks and distinctions such as American film and American television could actually be more accurately described as 'collaborations' between the two countries or 'representative of Western culture' since many of these 'culturally-representative' projects often involve significant Canadian contributions. Many Americans and Canadians alike would be amazed to learn that in any given year, hundreds of so-called 'American' films, cartoons, musicians, videogames, music videos and commercials are actually created in both parts of Canada and the USA with significant Canadian casts, Canadian production houses and hundreds of Canadian technical workers. A great example is the popular rock song, "American Woman" by The Guess Who, which many Americans and even Canadians assume is a patriotic tribute to American culture by an American rock band, but instead, is actually an arguably anti-American song written by a band of Canadian musicians. Other examples of so-called American icons with strong Canadian participation include 'American Apparel', a clothing store with deep Canadian roots, the late night TV show, Saturday Night Live, M.A.C. Cosmetics and famous writer, Malcolm Gladwell (a famous Canadian writer who is often tagged as an American or New York writer). The list could go on and on. When one turns to Hollywood, Canadian contribution is enormous.

As for the role of history in national identity, the books of Pierre Berton and television series like Canada: A People's History have done much to spark the popular interest of Canadians in their history.

Much of the debate over the contemporary "Canadian identity" is argued in political terms, and defines Canada as a country defined by its government policies, which are thought to reflect deeper cultural values. To the political philosopher Charles Blattberg, Canada should be conceived as a civic or political community, a community of citizens, one that contains many other kinds of communities within it. These include not only communities of ethnic, regional, religious, civic (the provincial and municipal governments) and civil associational sorts, but also national communities. For Blattberg argues that Canada is a multi-national country, one that contains at least three nations within it: the Québécois, the Aboriginal nations, and English Canada.

In keeping with this, it is often asserted that Canadian government policies such as publicly-funded health care, higher taxation to distribute wealth, emphasis on a loyal opposition, outlawing capital punishment, strong efforts to eliminate poverty, an emphasis on multiculturalism, imposing strict gun control, and most recently legalizing same-sex marriage make their country politically different from the United States. These differences also have played a significant role in migration of citizens from one country to the other. One can easily scan Canadian history to understand why Canada is viewed by many as the "alternative" for Americans or other immigrants seeking a different Western lifestyle. Canada was the home for 'American' British Loyalists during the uproar of the American Revolution; Canada was also the escape-route for slaves from America via the Underground Railway (The 'North Star' as heralded by Martin Luther King Jr.) and Canada was also the refuge for American Vietnam draft-dodgers during the turbulent 1960s.

The US in turn has been a refuge for many Canadians who did not agree with the collectivist, risk adverse nature of Canada. The US has always attracted Canadians who wanted to "pursue their dreams" be it in theatre, journalism, business, design, or medicine. The opportunity and reward for the "best and brightest" has always lured Canadians, especially those who couldn't break into the old boy network of certain fields such as finance and law. For many professions the wages are also much greater in the US (while skilled trades are more lucrative in Canada generally). For instance surgeons routinely can earn 3 times the income in the US for the same type and amount of work as is done in government run Canadian health system. (reference needed) As Canadians by nature are a more cautious people, risk takers and individualists have also been attracted to the US. This has been a cause for concern in Canada and is even referred to as the "brain drain." Without very strict US immigration controls, it is thought many more Canadians would move to the US (and vice versa).

Within Canadian politics, there is a diverse range of reaction to the United States amongst individual members of the various political parties. In the early 20th century the Conservatives portrayed themselves as loyal to the Empire and hostile to threatened American takeovers. They decisively won the 1911 election on these grounds. In World War II, however, Liberal William Lyon Mackenzie King built close ties with the US, working smoothly with President Franklin D. Roosevelt. In 1957-1963 the Conservative John Diefenbaker took defiantly anti-American positions, especially regarding defense issues. In the late 1960s the Vietnam issue opened a gulf between the two neighbours, and Pierre Trudeau perhaps took political advantage in moving the Liberals to a more anti-American position in foreign affairs.

Generally speaking however, in recent years parties of the political left, such as the Liberal Party of Canada and the New Democratic Party, have tended to advocate a more distant relationship with the United States, particularly when conservatives hold office in Washington, D.C. In the past, the Canadian left has largely opposed economic deals such as free trade and Canada's participation in US-led military operations such as the Gulf War. The term "Americanization" is likewise frequently used by members of the Canadian political left to designate policies they dislike. For example, private, or two-tier healthcare is often described as simply "American-style" healthcare in political debates. Much of these criticisms ostensibly arise from the belief that the United States, and the United States government is fundamentally more conservative than Canada, and as a result "Americanize" becomes synonmous with "right-wing reform". Some believe, however, that the frequent use of the word "Americanization" in Canadian political discourse has little to do with American politics or 'quality of life' issues itself but is rather used as a potent "scare tactic" to frighten constituents who found part of their identity as Canadians on not being Americans.

In recent years the Canadian right, mostly led by the Conservative Party of Canada and related special interest groups such as the Fraser Institute, by contrast have generally tended to be more in favour of a closer relationship with the United States, supporting US iniatives such as the 2003 Invasion of Iraq and the rejection of the Kyoto Protocol. Some conservative Canadians often argue that closer ties to the United States are both an inescapable reality and favourable economically. Because they may already oppose policies such as socialized healthcare or Canada's gun laws, the term "Americanization" is not as frequently used as a term of condemnation by those on the political right.

Recent economic issues such as lingering trade disputes on softwood lumber and cattle, especially in areas of Canada harmed significantly by the closure of mills and inability of farmers (especially within Alberta) to sell their cattle likewise continue to be a source of political tension between the countries.

Books such as Fire and Ice: The United States, Canada and the Myth of Converging Values, by Michael Adams, head of the Environics polling company argues this point using polling research performed by his company as evidence. Critics of the idea of a fundamentally "liberal Canada" such as David Frum argue that the Canadian drive towards a more noticeably leftist political stance is largely due to the increasing role that Québec plays in the Canadian government (three of the last five elected Prime Ministers have been Quebecers, four if one includes Ontarian born Paul Martin). Québec historically was the most conservative, religious and traditional part of Canada. Since the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s, however, it has become the most secular and social democratic region of Canada. However, it is noteworthy that many Western provinces (particularly Saskatchewan and British Columbia) also have reputations as supporting leftist and social democratic policies. For example Saskatchewan is one of the few provinces (all in the West) to reelect social democratic governments and is the cradle of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation and New Democratic Party. Also, a large part of the Canadian feminist movement occurred in Manitoba, lead by Nellie McClung. By contrast, the Conservative government of province of Alberta has frequently quarelled with federal administrations preceived to be dominated by "eastern liberal elites"[citation needed]. Part of this is due to what Albertans feel were federal intrusions on provincial jurdistictions such as the National Energy Program and other attempts to 'interfere' with Albertan oil resources.

In a poll that asked what institutions made Canada feel most proud about their country, number one was health care, number two was the CBC, and number three was peacekeeping. In a CBC contest to name "The Greatest Canadian", the three highest ranking in descending order were the social democratic politician and father of medicare Tommy Douglas, the legendary cancer activist Terry Fox, and the Liberal prime minister Pierre Trudeau, which suggested that their voters valued left-of-centre political leanings and community involvement.

Outsider perceptions

Many Canadians are of the firmly held belief that Americans have an ignorant or dismissive view of Canadian reality, especially since America is known to include jokes at Canada's expense on a considerable number of their programs, depicting Canada as either a complete non-entity or a lesser version of America; there are certain cases wherein American films do not even feature Canada on a world map. A very common expression of Canadian identity is to rail against the stereotypes that they believe non-Canadians hold of Canadian citizens. This ranges from Voltaire's purported assessment of Canada as a few acres of snow (which is, in fact, a misquote) to the pervasive myth of American tourists who come to Toronto in July with skis on the roof of their car.

Canadian media personalities sometimes also play with this phenomenon for comedic purposes. During his years with This Hour Has 22 Minutes, comic Rick Mercer produced a popular recurring segment called Talking to Americans, in which he would pose as a journalist in an American city, asking passers-by for their opinions on a fabricated Canadian news story. (Some of the "stories" for which he solicited comment included the legalization of staplers, the coronation of King Svend, the border dispute between Québec and Chechnya, the campaign against the Toronto Polar Bear Hunt, and the reconstruction of the historic "Peter Mann's Bridge". During the 2000 election in the United States, Mercer successfully staged a Talking to Americans segment in which presidential candidate George W. Bush gratefully accepted news of his endorsement by Canadian Prime Minister "Jean Poutine".

There is also a widespread belief in Canada that Canadians are generally more liked by foreigners than Americans, and thus treated with more respect and better service when travelling to foreign lands. Allegedly, many Canadians in turn attach Canadian flags to their backpacks and clothing when travelling, in an attempt to encourage such better treatment and not be mistaken for Americans. In reality these flag patches seem to attract pickpockets and touts more often than good will from the locals. There is some dispute over the prevalence of this assumed international hospitality, however — humorist Will Ferguson has joked that while Canadians believe they are more widely liked internationally, in reality they are simply less widely hated.

A common thought is that all Canadians make a habit of saying, "eh."

Another very common expression of Canadian nationalism is to link a political course of action, such as the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement, to the threat of Canada becoming the 51st state of the United States. This tactic is intended to prey on raw emotion, but is very often effective nonetheless.

Historically there have always been a few minor, yet vocal Canadian commentators who argue that Canadian/American distinctions are ultimately meaningless, and that a union between the two countries is both imminent and desirable. Such advocates include author Goldwin Smith and media magnate Conrad Black.

Quebec and Canada

While the distinct language and customs of Quebec are accepted and embraced by Canadians who enjoy Canada's multiculturalism, Quebec's repeated attempts at political separation from Canada have made the province appear distant and foreign to many residents of other provinces, especially in the West.

Even many federalist Québécois who readily identify as Canadian regard French-Canadians as constituting a distinct nation (in the ethnic sense) within the Canadian federation. This comes of the pervasive reality of the culture of Quebec which is made of six million francophones trying to maintain an independent culture against the majority culture of 27 million anglo-Canadians (and 280 million more English-speaking Americans just south of it).

Most of Canada's recent prime ministers have been from Quebec, and thus have tried to improve relations with the province with a number of tactics, notably official bilingualism which required the provision of a number of services in both official languages and, among other things, required that all commercial packaging in Canada is printed in French and English. Again, while this bilingualism is a notable feature to outsiders, the plan has been less than warmly embraced by many English Canadians some of whom resent the extra administrative costs and the requirement of many key federal public servants to be fluently bilingual. Furthermore, despite the widespread introduction of French-language classes throughout Canada, very few anglophones are truly bilingual outside of Quebec.

Things are complicated by sharp differences in the perception of the nature of bilingualism and bilingual individuals, whether one lives and works in English or in French, in Quebec or in the other provinces.

Given this and differences in viewpoints on such matters as the relative importance of commercial packaging, language laws and customs, and otherwise trivial cultural things it is not always easy for a French-speaking Canadian citizen to bear a completely Canadian identity, unless one stretches the Canadian identity quite a bit. But this stretching does happen and it does so in the most surprising circumstances. To give but one example: French Québécois bear Canadian passports, and when they enter really foreign lands in distant places they can be given a hearty welcome, as Canadians, given the relatively good reputation of Canada in international circles. This kind of welcome is done of course without taking note of personal political choices and it leads persons with open minds to some philosophical musings on the nature of self image.

At the core one must remember that, like Canadians in other provinces, the Québécois hold the health care system to be nearly sacred (even if there are some quibbles as to how much of it is a provincial versus federal responsibility) and its existence to be non-negotiable. Like other Canadians too, they are very much attached to the CBC, albeit its French-language counterpart, Société Radio-Canada. Finally, like other Canadians they support Canada's efforts in the international community from peacekeeping to foreign aid and co-operative programs.

Multiculturalism

Many Canadians believe, and are taught to believe that the state of inter-ethnic relations in English Canada is fundamentally different from what occurs in the United States. The conventional wisdom is to assume while immigrants to the United States are compelled to prove their undivided loyalty to the U.S. first, Canada is more relaxed and tolerant, allowing ethnic or linguistic particularism to exist unquestioned. In metropolitan areas such as Toronto and Vancouver there is often a strong sense that multiculturalism is a normal and respectable expression of being Canadian. Critics of Canada's multiculturalism, however, argue that the country's "timid" attitude towards the assimilation of immigrants has actually weakened, not strengthed Canada's national identity through factionalism.

The indulgent attitude taken towards cultural differences is perhaps a side effect of the vexed histories of French-English and Aboriginal-settler relations, which have created a need for a civic national identity, as opposed to one based on some homogenous cultural ideal.

Supporters of Canadian multiculturalism will also argue tolerance of ethnic and religious minorities promotes a greater willingness to tolerate political differences- again as compared to Americans, who are assumed to be far more rigid and conservative in ideology. Many Canadians, especially those on the political left, believe that.

Trivia

Skating on the Rideau canal in Ottawa

Canadians often like to see themselves as brave warriors who have to endure each winter a never ending struggle against massive amounts of snow and ice and extremely cold temperatures. They proudly proclaim that Ottawa is the coldest capital in the Americas, and has the second coldest winter weather of any capital in the world after Ulan Bator.

The search for the Canadian identity often yields some whimsical results. To outsiders, this soul-searching (or, less charitably, navel-gazing) seems tedious or absurd, inspiring the Monty Python sketch Whither Canada?

In the 1970s, CBC Radio's This Country in the Morning held a competition whose goal was to compose the conclusion to the phrase: "As Canadian as ..." The winning entry read: "... possible, under the circumstances." [1]

Robertson Davies, one of Canada's best known novelists, once commented about his homeland: "Some countries you love. Some countries you hate. Canada is a country you worry about."

Pierre Berton, a Canadian journalist and novelist, once alluded to Canada's voyageur roots with this famous saying: "A Canadian is someone who knows how to make love in a canoe without tipping it."

British novelist Douglas Adams said each country was like a particular type of person, and "Canada is like an intelligent 35 year old woman". America, on the other hand, is a "belligerent adolescent boy" and Australia is "Jack Nicholson".

American journalist Richard Starnes once famously remarked, "Canadians are generally indistinguishable from the Americans, and the surest way of telling the two apart is to make the observation to a Canadian."

A half-joking definition of a Canadian, offered by The Economist in 1993: "an American with healthcare and no guns", in reference to the countries' contrasting levels of gun crime and military spending.

In 2000, Molson, a beer company, created an advertisement for its Molson Canadian brand called "I Am Canadian" about what it means to be Canadian. It depicted an average Joe Canadian, who gives a rant about the finer points of being Canadian. Some critics suggested that this ad was revealing, in that Joe's definition of Canada is almost entirely in the negative; that is to say he defines what he is not--a stereotypical American--more than he defines what he is. This is considered a common symptom of Canadian expression of identity. Some observers opined that Molson appealed to Canadians' sensibility of not being American simply because they knew that's what sells in Canada. Despite the criticisms, the campaign was highly successful. Shortly after Molson merged with the American Coors Brewing Company in 2004, the company announced that the slogan "I Am Canadian" was being dropped in favour of "It Starts Here".

See also

References

  • Charles Blattberg (2003) Shall We Dance? A Patriotic Politics for Canada. McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 0773525963.
  • Douglas Coupland (2002) Souvenir of Canada. Douglas & McIntyre. ISBN 1550549170.

[2]