Valeria Coronel

Ubasart-González, Gemma (2018), “Periferias, plurinacionalidad y frentepopulismo”,  Cadahia, Luciana; Valeria Coronel; Franklin Ramírez (2018), A contracorriente: materiales para una teoría renovada del populismo, Bolivia: Vicepresidencia del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia.

RESUMEN. Objetivo/contexto: El artículo analiza la relación entre el Estado y las élites financieras en Ecuador durante el gobierno de Rafael Correa (2007-2014), enmarcado en lo que se conoce como giro a la izquierda. Este gobierno emprendió una lucha descorporativizadora para desacoplar la gestión estatal de los intereses privados que habían capturado al Estado durante el ciclo neoliberal. Esto implicó dos movimientos simultáneos: quebrar la institucionalidad vigente en distintos ámbitos de política pública (educación, finanzas, salud, medios de comunicación, entre otros) regentados por actores de veto con intereses particulares y, al mismo tiempo, edificar una nueva institucionalidad capaz de responder a intereses y demandas más amplias, en una clave democrática e inclusiva. Metodología: La exploración empírica de este caso se efectuó con una metodología cualitativa basada en el análisis hemerográfico y normativo y el rastreo de procesos, lo cual permitió ofrecer evidencia sobre mecanismos de captura y descorporativización del Estado, en el marco de gobiernos H Este artículo presenta los resultados de la investigación titulada "¿Populismo republicano? Un estudio comparado del vínculo entre derechos y democracia en Ecuador y Argentina de la última década" (código IP 974), financiada por la Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales-Sede Ecuador, a través del Fondo de Desarrollo Académico. La investigación fue coordinada por María Luciana Cadahia y Valeria Coronel. Los autores agradecen las observaciones de los evaluadores externos.

Cadahia, María Luciana, Coronel, Valeria, Guanche, Julio y Stoessel, Soledad (2020). Hacia una nueva lógica del populismo: de la ruptura de las instituciones a la institucio-nalidad populista. Recerca. Revista de Pensament i Anàlisi, 25(1), pp. 1-20. Publicación en avance. Resumen En este artículo estudiaremos el vínculo entre las instituciones y el populismo mediante una experiencia concreta: la asignación universal por hijo (AUH) en Argentina. Para ello, va-mos a dividir el artículo en tres partes. Primero, desarrollaremos un tipo de abordaje metodo-lógico específico: el procedimiento coyuntural recogido por Mouffe para pensar el actual momento populista. Segundo, explicitaremos el debate teórico alrededor del vínculo entre instituciones y populismo y las dificultades que existen para pensar esta relación. Tercero, partiremos del caso concreto de la AUH, con objeto de mostrar sus tres momentos constituti-vos: el surgimiento de la demanda popular, su apropiación y tramitación por parte del Go-bierno y la transformación de la demanda en un derecho. Finalmente, señalaremos, a partir del caso estudiado, cómo la conflictividad rupturista de la institucionalidad populista puede ayu-darnos a pensar, transnacionalmente, una lógica alternativa al neoliberalismo. Abstract This article aims to study the relationship between institutional policies and popu-lism analyzing the Universal Assignment for Child (AUH) in Argentina. To achieve this objective we will divide the paper in three sections. Firstly, we will think the populist

The article demonstrates the profound impact that various decades of social conflict surrounding labor rights, land access, and citizenship had on the formation of the Ecuadorian state after the crisis of the liberal state. Between 1925 and 1945, a national state with a system of social rights was forged in this country. This condition became the framework for an important change in the country’s international policy and in turn ex- plains the beginning of state demands of powerful companies, such as Anglo Oil, the mi- ning enterprise South American Development Company, and the United Fruit Company, in terms of tax payment and the fulfillment of labor laws. A state was revealed that had been institutionally and legally forged in the heat of active demands made of it throug- hout various decades, a state that now justified its interventions in territories and over circuits of capital based on workers’ demands for justice, given that this was central to its legitimizing discourse and, in addition, effectively activated state action. The article is based on the international correspondences of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, press re- ports, and official reports from the historical archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Quito.

El libro estudia la revuelta popular de Octubre 2019 en Ecuador. Se procuran desarrollar tres niveles analíticos: a) la dinámica de la protesta (Paro Nacional); b) el entorno político-económico que activó el descontento social; c) el dispositivo represivo con que se procuró contener la movilización. De este modo, el análisis del Paro Nacional aparece como una coyuntura crítica para entender las transformaciones del Estado ecuatoriano en su giro neoliberal y su disposición autoritaria.

This book chapter  studies the Ecuadorian left in its specific organizational forms as well as examining its interventions in spaces of dialogue and dispute with other political forces such as the public sphere and in State formation. It examines the press and different spaces of leftist participation in political contestations concerning collective action and the  organs of the state.
It is suggested that the emergence of the Ecuadorian left was rooted
in the press and other political organizations closely aligned with Alfarist radicalism,
and that within the context of the crisis of 1920 the left adopted notions of justice that
had been previously popularized during the democratic revolution, combining them
with the discourse of twentieth century revolutions, including Russian, Mexican and
Peruvian variants of Marxism. The Ecuadorian left had notable successes between the
1920s-1940s, challenging conservative rights, fascism and the threat of the transnational
oligarchy; it instigated discourses of the national popular State that successfully
connected regional and ethnic identities in the popular imaginary, it promoted popular
organization and demanded public recognition of popular causes; and it participated
in the political life of the State and its reform. While it had only limited success at the
electoral level, it nevertheless maintained a notable presence in the legislative arena, the
army, in agrarian politics, labor policy, education and in democratic representation. The left marked the public sphere with a characteristic cultural production that combined
notions of radical modernity with notions of popular culture, in the process managing
to displace Spanish intellectual currents in these cultural disputes. From the end of the
IIWW, the Ecuadorian state formed by the left and by popular struggle became the
main target of the counterrevolution, unifying the oligarchies in their attempt to configure
a modern right, and catching the attention of the political intelligence agencies of
the Western Hemisphere during the Cold War. The left associated with the beginnings
of neoliberalism nevertheless maintained a somewhat distrustful gaze upon this previous
stage of the national popular left.

The book a whole proposes a collection of nineteen essays on the history of international communism during the twentieth century. The first part is dedicated to the Italian Communist Party, the most important communist party in Western Europe. The book then moves on to an analysis of the parties of Eastern Europe, for example in the Soviet Union, East Germany, Romania, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia. Finally, the analysis goes beyond the European boundaries, focusing on communism in Latin America, with Chilean communism and the Ecuadorian Left, and in Eastern Asia, with the Vietnamese and the Chinese Communist parties. The book offers a global and interdisciplinary approach, merging the analysis of political-cultural processes with the study of political discourse and language, textual or iconic, thanks to studies by historians, linguists, philosophers, and historians of language.

Resumen
El artículo propone una aproximación hacia el problema de la
regulación y la desregulación de la riqueza en América Latina
vinculando dos coyunturas: una histórica, centrada en la crisis de
entreguerras, y otra contemporánea, centrada en la crisis por la
pandemia de COVID-19. A través de un trabajo interdisciplinario
entre historia y sociología enfocado en los casos de Ecuador, México,
Argentina y Brasil se presentan avances y resultados parciales para
un estudio de las capacidades de los instrumentos y regímenes
tributarios en los procesos de distribución de la riqueza y reducción
de las desigualdades en América Latina. Distintas experiencias
regulatorias son abordadas sobre la base de la investigación histórica
de la crisis de entreguerras, trazando un puente hacia los desafíos
planteados por la crisis contemporánea del COVID-19.

Abstract
The paper proposes an approach on the problem of wealth regulations in Latin America during two historical turning points: the interwar crisis and the current COVID-19 pandemic crisis. Through an interdisciplinary work between history and sociology, it focuses on the cases of Ecuador, Mexico, Argentina and Brazil, presenting advancements and partial results for the study of the capacities of tax instruments and regimes to distribute wealth and reduce inequalities in Latin America. Different regulatory experiences are addressed on the bases of historical research, bridging to the challenges posed by the current COVID-19 pandemic crises.