- Emeritus Prof. of the Institute of Archaeology, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel. Director of large scale e... moreEmeritus Prof. of the Institute of Archaeology, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel. Director of large scale excavations in Caesarea Maritima, Israel (1993-2002) and of A Digital Corpus of Churches and Monasteries in the Holy Land 2014- .edit
The Temple eclipsed in its splendor and importance all other institutions of the Jews, both in the Land of Israel and in the Diaspora. It was the center of religious and national life; a goal of pilgrimage. Already in the 19th century,... more
The Temple eclipsed in its splendor and importance all other institutions of the Jews, both in the Land of Israel and in the Diaspora. It was the center of religious and national life; a goal of pilgrimage. Already in the 19th century, 'The Quest for the Temple' had spread beyond the limited circles of Jewish commentators, becoming an interest also of Christian scholars. The Dead Sea Scrolls, especially the Temple Scroll, rst published in 1977, brought new source materials pertaining to the pre-Herodian Temple to the fore. Some water cisterns still extant under the upper platform of the present Muslim compound are hiding a telling story, left unnoticed so far. Its unravelling in an interdisciplinary approach, an attentive re-reading of all available literary sources, and a re-evaluation of the said archaeological remains, lie at the core of the studies presented here.
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It is well known that during the Second Temple period the Jews of Judea strictly observed the injunction against graven images. Although the Jews borrowed techniques and artistic styles from the surrounding Hellenistic-Roman culture, they... more
It is well known that during the Second Temple period the Jews of Judea strictly observed the injunction against graven images. Although the Jews borrowed techniques and artistic styles from the surrounding Hellenistic-Roman culture, they abstained from using images in their art. What is less well known is that, during the same period a similar phenomenon was taking place in the adjacent Arab kingdom of Nabatea, and this despite the fact that, unlike the monotheistic Jews, the Nabateans worshipped many deities. In both kingdoms political independence went hand in hand with a cultural independence that expressed itself in religion, language, script and art. Although continuity with iconoclastic Judea may have had some influence on Nabatean steadfastness to tradition under pressure from the dominant Hellenistic-Roman culture, it appears that their abstract perception of their gods and disregard for figurative art were innate, growing out of a particular theological doctrine. The principles of that doctrine have not been preserved, but we can deduce its existence - and to a lesser degree, its nature - on the basis of certain archaeological discoveries that we will discuss here subsequently. ; Unlike the common practice both in the Greco-Roman West and in the Parthian East, to accord the gods a human form, the Nabateans represented their gods in the form of a stele. The abstract manner in which they perceived the form of their deities, affected their approach towards figurative art. A systematic survey of Nabatean art indicates that negation of figurative art is evident in all domains of their creativity. Hundreds of years before the Nabatean civilization, but in this same geographical area, there was a similar religious and artistic phenomenon of venerating stele gods and negating figurative art among another Arabian tribe, which scholars tend to identify with the biblical Midianites. The same spiritual wellsprings that nourished a nonfigurative tradition among the North Arabian tribes for hundreds of years - first the Midianites and then the Nabateans - ultimately resurfaced, nourishing the nonfigurative tendency we see in Islamic Arabian art. This book examines the origins of prohibition of a graven image among the Nabateans, its effect on all facets of Nabatean art and its subsequent influence on Islamic art several hundred years hence.
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Review Article on Syria. Archéologie, art et histoire, XCVI: Annéé 2019. Dossier: Églises paléo-chrétiennes à absides saillantes au Levant. À propos de nouvelles découvertes. Coordinated by W. Khoury and M.-C. Comte. Pp. 419 incl. 496... more
Review Article on Syria. Archéologie, art et histoire, XCVI: Annéé 2019. Dossier: Églises paléo-chrétiennes à
absides saillantes au Levant. À propos de nouvelles découvertes. Coordinated by W. Khoury and M.-C. Comte. Pp. 419 incl. 496 colour and black-and-white
figs and tables. Beyrouth: Presses de l’Ifpo, 2019
JEH (72/3) 2020
absides saillantes au Levant. À propos de nouvelles découvertes. Coordinated by W. Khoury and M.-C. Comte. Pp. 419 incl. 496 colour and black-and-white
figs and tables. Beyrouth: Presses de l’Ifpo, 2019
JEH (72/3) 2020
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Since the start of the new restoration works in the early 1960s, the Church of the Holy Sepulchre has undergone a thorough archaeological and architectural investigation. The results presented mainly by V. Corbo and C. Coüasnon have... more
Since the start of the new restoration works in the early 1960s, the Church of the Holy Sepulchre has undergone a thorough archaeological and architectural investigation. The results presented mainly by V. Corbo and C. Coüasnon have placed on firmer ground the monumental study by the Dominican fathers H. Vincent and F.-M. Abel, 1 but strangely enough the edicule of the Tomb of Christ, located at the centre of the Anastasis, had not been given the same attention, apart from studies by G. Dalman and J. Wilkinson. 2 The book under review is an enhanced and richly illustrated version of an article published by Biddle in 1994. 3 Although most of the text remains unchanged, it includes some significant improvements relating to the history of the structure, and the new material, as well as the splendid illustrations, are good enough reasons for the re-publication and for this review; as a monograph too it will reach a much larger audience. It is both a historical study and a vehicle for communicating the chief observations and conclusions of the new architectural study. 4 It comprises a meticulous documentation of the present edicule that was made in 1989, 1990 and 1992. Since 1934-35 the edicule, in poor condition, has been encased by steel and timber shoring put up by the British Mandate government following damage by the earthquake of 1927. The documentation was carried out with the help of the most advanced methods of photogrammetry and 3-D computer modelling, as well as by conventional surveying, drawing, and photography. Biddle's assumption that anomalies in its form would shed light on its structural development turned out to be fully justified. The floor of the rotunda was also surveyed, and all the records were incorporated in a coherent database that was established not only to serve the 3-D reconstruction and architectural study but also to guarantee proper documentation of the current state of the structure prior to future works of consolidation. These works will require first the careful disassembling, stone by stone, of the entire structure (9). Chapter 1 presents the state of research and outlines the principles and procedures applied in his new study. Chapter 2 presents the visual resources for the study of the edicule, according to the 4 main phases of its history:
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This is the second publication dedicated to the IFAPO field work in the Hauran in the 1970's and 1980's. While Hauran I 1 was mostly dedicated to the history and archaeology of this region at large, at the focus of the present publication... more
This is the second publication dedicated to the IFAPO field work in the Hauran in the 1970's and 1980's. While Hauran I 1 was mostly dedicated to the history and archaeology of this region at large, at the focus of the present publication is a structure of moderate dimensions, designated as Si' 8, located in the valley below the sanctuaries and village of Si'/Seia, at a distance of ca. 450m to the east of Baalshamin temple. Two major constructional phases were discerned here: a small sanctuary dated to the last quarter of the 1 st c. CE, over which a Late Umayyad wine press was built. The decision to excavate this site was far from being arbitrary. Since first surveyed by H.C. Butler early in the 20 th c., the sacred precinct on top of the hill was badly dilapidated and disturbed, while the façade of Si' 8 (identified by Butler as a burial monument), with ornaments typical to this region, is relatively well preserved. As for the wine press-viticulture was a major agricultural occupation of the inhabitants since the Roman period. Thus, it was envisaged, two essential aspects related to the architecture, art, and economy of southern Syria will be set in a precise stratigraphical context. And indeed, in addition to being an exemplary archaeological report, the discussions of each topic are comprehensive, and profound; each aspect is examined against a much wider cultural background, pertaining to the entire region, and farther afield. An entire cultural phase is thus assigned a date. An archaeological exploration is a team project. There are 26 contributors, including the three editors, and the two architects: Mikaël Kalos and Philippe Tandon. The material is arranged in seven parts, arranged in a chronological and thematic order. Each part has its own bibliography. In Part 1, after a description of the extant remains, and its components, in all phases, and in all excavated zones, the stratigraphy is detailed and illustrated by a global diagram (Pl. 39), and 1-3 profiles for each sounding or excavated zone, 17 profiles altogether (Pls. 40-52). Each profile is accompanied by a stratigraphical floating chart, with a description and nature of each locus. Then the history of the site is given, according to 13 chronological phases (table on p. 23); clear criteria for the dating of each period are provided. Thus, the finds dating the construction of the sanctuary (assigned as period 4), are a Nabataean coin of Rabel II found in situ under the sill of the central opening in the façade, and pottery from the foundation trench of this wall (p. 34). The dating criteria for the construction of the wine press (period 9), are pottery typical to the end of the Umayyad period, including Jerash Lamps (p. 35-36). At the end of this chapter there is a remark about a disaccord between the pottery and the numismatic finds-the majority of the coins being dated to the 1 st c. AD, and coins being found mixed with later pottery. Several reasons are given to explain this disaccord (p. 37). 1 J.M. Dentzer (ed.), Hauran I. Recherches archéologiques sur la Syrie du Sud à l'époque hellénistique et romaine [Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 124], 2 vols., Paris 1985, reviewed by D. Graf,
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Dès le iv e siècle, les moines transformèrent le « désert » de Judée en une « cité », suivant l'expression de Cyrille de Scythopolis. Sous la domination arabe, le désert revint presque entièrement à ses habitants naturels, les nomades et... more
Dès le iv e siècle, les moines transformèrent le « désert » de Judée en une « cité », suivant l'expression de Cyrille de Scythopolis. Sous la domination arabe, le désert revint presque entièrement à ses habitants naturels, les nomades et les bergers. Le nombre des monastères et des ermitages qui étaient en activité auparavant décrut de 72 %, soit beaucoup plus et plus rapidement que le déclin des communautés chrétiennes en Palestine. Les communautés vivant dans le désert étaient beaucoup plus vulnérables à la détérioration de la sécurité et à l'instabilité politique. La population monastique passa de 3 000 à 5 000 moines au vi e siècle à 500 au maximum au début du ix e siècle. Il y eut aussi un processus d'adaptation linguistique aux nouveaux occupants. Au lieu de continuer à utiliser le grec, les moines se mirent de plus en plus à parler arabe. Loin d'être d'origines variées, la plupart des recrues étaient issues des Melkites de Palestine, de Transjordanie et de Syrie. L'arabe remplaça peu à peu le grec comme langue littéraire. La détérioration de la sécurité, la réduction des ressources et la baisse de la population amena un repli des laures sur leur noyau même. Ce processus atteignit son stade ultime au début du ix e siècle, après les atrocités des débuts de l'époque abbasside. C'est à cette époque que la Grande Laure et la Vieille Laure, qui n'avaient pas de mur d'enceinte et dont les cellules étaient dispersées le long des wadis, furent transformées en coenobia de Mar Saba et de Mar Chariton, tous deux fortifiés par des tours massives et placées sur des sommets élevés. Néanmoins, elles continuaient à être appelées laures. Les cellules de Choziba et des autres laures, comme la Nouvelle Laure, Heptastomos, Jeremias et Marda/Masada furent abandonnées beaucoup plus tôt. Tous les autres monastères qui survécurent, ceux de Théodose, d'Euthyme, de Kastellion, de Gerasimos et de Saint-Jean-Baptiste étaient des coenobia fortifiés. Tous les liens avec la cour byzantine et avec les chrétiens orthodoxes, non monophysites de Byzance étaient coupés. Les grandes églises monophysites d'Alexandrie et d'Antioche (toutes deux sous le joug musulman) et celle d'Arménie ne pouvaient apporter d'aide aux fervents moines orthodoxes du désert. Sans ressources humaines et physiques, les moines maintenaient une dévotion de ces moines très active. Ces monastères avec Mar Saba toujours à leur tête continuèrent à se considérer, et étaient considérés par les autres, comme les parangons de la foi et de la doctrine chrétienne orthodoxe en terre d'Islam, au même niveau que Jérusalem : « Tout comme Jérusalem est la Reine des Cités, ainsi la Laure de Saba est la princesse de tous les déserts, et autant Jérusalem est le modèle des autres cités, autant Saint-Sabas est exemplaire pour les autres monastères » (Passion de saint Michel le Sabaïte).
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AN OVERVIEW ON THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK IN THE CHURCH OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE, in: The Archaeology and History of the Church of the Redeemer and the Muristan in Jerusalem A Collection of Essays from a Workshop on the Church of the Redeemer and its Vicinity held on 8th/9th September 2014 in Jerusalemmore
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La vie quotidienne des moines en Orient et en Occident (iv e-x e siècle)
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מקדש זרובבל נחנך בשלישי באדר שנת שש למלכות דריוש. לא היה זה מועד חנוכת המשכן – אהל מועד (א ניסן או כג אדר); גם לא מועד חנוכת מקדש שלמה (ז תשרי). מדוע בחרו שבי ציון בתאריך זה? לוחות שנה אסטרונומיים בבליים בני הזמן מלמדים שתאריך זה, לפי... more
מקדש זרובבל נחנך בשלישי באדר שנת שש למלכות דריוש. לא היה זה מועד חנוכת המשכן – אהל מועד (א ניסן או כג אדר); גם לא מועד חנוכת מקדש שלמה (ז תשרי). מדוע בחרו שבי ציון בתאריך זה? לוחות שנה אסטרונומיים בבליים בני הזמן מלמדים שתאריך זה, לפי הלוח הירחי, מתאים ל-12 במרץ 515 לפני סה"נ על פי הלוח השמשי היוליאני. אזימות זריחת החמה מעל הר הזיתים במועד זה ביחס לצופה שעמד בפתח המקדש היה 99.7ᵒ. אזימות זה תואם במדויק למפנה (אוריינטציה) חזית המקדש, כפי שהשתמר בציר האורך של בור מים מס' 5 ברחבה העליונה של הר הבית / חראם אל-שריף. בור מים זה מצביע על מקומם המדויק של המזבח והמקדש ועל המפנה שלו. לפיכך, תאריך חנוכת הבית השני נקבע על ידי זריחת החמה באותו מועד. במאמר ניתנת גם סקירה על הפנייה אל המקדש בפולחן היהודי, הן במרחב הציבורי והן במרחב הפרטי, בימי הבית השני ואף קודם לכן.
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selon le récit biblique c'est à Jérusalem, vers 965-962 av. J.-c., que salomon fait construire un temple pour abriter l'arche d'al-liance. Détruit par Nabuchodonosor en 586 av. J.-c., il est recons-truit plus modestement, pour enfin être... more
selon le récit biblique c'est à Jérusalem, vers 965-962 av. J.-c., que salomon fait construire un temple pour abriter l'arche d'al-liance. Détruit par Nabuchodonosor en 586 av. J.-c., il est recons-truit plus modestement, pour enfin être remplacé, agrandi et embelli par hérode au i er siècle av. J.-c. Voici l'histoire d'un temple qui connut bien des vicissitudes.
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" Theater seats " found in secondary use in the excavations near Robinson arch in Jerusalem, and published recently, 1 offer an opportunity to reexamine the issue of Herod's theater in Jerusalem. Two literary sources of different periods... more
" Theater seats " found in secondary use in the excavations near Robinson arch in Jerusalem, and published recently, 1 offer an opportunity to reexamine the issue of Herod's theater in Jerusalem. Two literary sources of different periods mention a theater in Jerusalem. Josephus Flavius (Ant. XV.8.1-268-74) tells about a theater built by Herod in Jerusalem. The second source – Chronicon Paschale, a 7 th-century Greek Christian composition, mentions a theater in a list of civic structures erected by Hadrian in Aelia Capitolina, the Roman colony he founded over the ruins of Jerusalem. 2 Hadrian's theater might have been just a restoration of Herod's theater, but there is no certainty about it. These might have been two different structures. The circumstances of the newly found seats did not permit Reich and Billig to decide if they originated from the Herodian theater or from the Hadrianic one. They are also aware that the seats might have not belonged to a theater but to a different structure, such as an odeum, which might also have existed in the Roman city, although it is not mentioned in any source or inscription. The outline of the seats is quite straight rather than curvilinear, and therefore their attribution to the Herodian hippodrome, or to the Roman circus of Aelia Capitolina, rather than to a theater, should be considered. 3 Several sites were suggested in the past for the location of the theater. One extra morum, in a depression in the upper part of a rivulet descending from Abu Tor to the Valley of Hinom, and a second intra-morum, near Burj Qibrit, in the upper part of a rivulet descending from the hill of the Upper City to Tyropoeon Valley. Archaeological excavations at the two sites gave negative results and these suggestions should be dropped. 4 In the given topography of Jerusalem it makes sense to assume that the theater was located at the head of one of the valleys with the seats resting against the hillside, rather than on a flat area on top of the hills. The amount of building material for such a structure would have been considerably less than that needed for a theater built on a plain, and its remains would be less, accordingly. Reich and Billig, being aware of this consideration, suggested two other alternative sites for the structure to which the seats once belonged, both adjacent to the site of the
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A gem of a temple at Khirbet et-Tannur - JUDITH S. MCKENZIE, JOSEPH A. GREENE, ANDRES T. REYES, CATHERINE S. ALEXANDER, DEIRDRE G. BARRETT, BRIAN GILMOUR, JOHN F. HEALEY, MARGARET O’HEA, NADINE SCHIBILLE, STEPHAN G. SCHMID, WILMA WETTERSTROM, AND SARAH WHITCHER KANSA, with contributions by Kate d...more
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ABSTRACT
ABSTRACT
ABSTRACT
Water and the Petra Siq. UELI BELLWALD, MA'AN AL-HUNEIDI, ADNAN SALIHI, DANIEL KELLER, RAJAH NASER, DAWUD AL-EISAWI, edited by ISABELLE RUBEN, THE PETRA SIQ. NABATAEAN HYDROLOGY UNCOVERED (Petra National Trust, Amman 2003). Pp. xxii + 140, 7 tables, maps, 158 figs. (almost all in colour), sector ...more
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A rural monastery in the Judaean highlands. ITAMAR TAXEL, with contributions by N. AMITAI-PREISS, Z. GUR, A. KINDLER, S. MARCO and A. SASSON, KHIRBET ES-SUYYAGH. A BYZANTINE MONASTERY IN THE JUDAEAN SHEPHELAH (Salvage Excavation Reports no. 6; Sonia and Marco Nadler Institute of Archaeology, Tel ...more
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The monastery of Deir Déhès near Antioch. JEAN-LUC BISCOP, avec la collaboration de D. ORSSAUD et M. MUNDELL MANGO, DEIR DÉHÈS, MONASTÈRE D'ANTIOCHÈNE. ETUDE ARCHITECTURALE (Institut Français d'Archéologie du Proche-Orient, Bibliothèque archéologique et historique T. CXLVIII, Beyrouth 1997). Pp. ...more
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The Herodian hippodrome/stadium at Caesarea was exposed between 1992 and 1998. It runs parallel to the shore between the Herodian harbour and the theatre, at the location specified by Josephus. Josephus refers to the structure as an... more
The Herodian hippodrome/stadium at Caesarea was exposed between 1992 and 1998. It runs parallel to the shore between the Herodian harbour and the theatre, at the location specified by Josephus. Josephus refers to the structure as an amphitheatre but it is clear from him and from the archaeological evidence to be described below that equestrian events were an integral part of the games held in it. In the very late Republic and early Empire, the term amphitheatre was used indifferently to designate a stadium or a hippodrome rather than the traditional Roman oval amphitheatrum. Josephus also calls this building ‘the great stadium’ in conjunction with events at the time of the procurator Pontius Pilate in A.D. 26, and it was still known by that name in the 4th c. It was inaugurated in 10/9 B.C. The games held included athletics (gymnika), horse- and chariot-races (hippika), and Roman spectacles (munera gladiatorum and venationes), so the structure had to serve the needs of the contestan...