Marcin Skladanowski
John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Doctoral School, Department Member
- International Security Studies, International Security and Strategic affairs, Russian Studies, Russian Foreign Policy, Post-Soviet Studies, Security and Peace Studies, and 11 moreInternational Security, Gender Studies, Ecumenism, Russian Orthodoxy, Russian Orthodox Church, Russia, Russian History, Russian Politics, Soviet History, Soviet Union (History), and Soviet Unionedit
- Professor Dr habil. Marcin Skladanowski, a researcher in the field of international security studies; a specialist in... moreProfessor Dr habil. Marcin Skladanowski, a researcher in the field of international security studies; a specialist in the field of the relationship between ideology, culture, and politics in the history of the Rus' and Russia and the present-day Russian Federation.
He is the head of the Department of the University Strategy and Development at the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin and the director of the Doctoral School of the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin.
He holds a PhD degree (2010) and habilitation (2014) in ecumenical theology (awarded by the Faculty of Theology of the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin), and a PhD degree (2021) in social sciences, in the discipline of security studies, awarded by the War Studies University in Warsaw. In 2021 he was awarded the title of professor by the president of the Republic of Poland.edit
Research Interests:
Since Vladimir Putin commenced his third presidential term in 2012, anti-Western and anti-European discourse has markedly intensified in both the Russian public sphere and the state-controlled media. Accusations levelled against the West... more
Since Vladimir Putin commenced his third presidential term in 2012, anti-Western and anti-European discourse has markedly intensified in both the Russian public sphere and the state-controlled media. Accusations levelled against the West and endeavours to underscore Russia's moral and cultural pre-eminence have escalated in concert with the burgeoning tensions in Russia’s relations with the West. This crescendo of official Russian anti-Western sentiment is manifest in the pronouncements of Putin and other government officials subsequent to the initiation of Russia’s full-scale military aggression against Ukraine. This article aims to elucidate how this formalised anti-Western narrative has permeated Russian strategic documents pertinent to the security and foreign policy of the Russian Federation. An examination of documents promulgated in successive phases of Russia’s escalating conflict with the West (Phase 1: 2007-2014; Phase 2: 2014-2022; Phase 3: post-24th February 2022) reveals that anti-Europeanism and anti-Westernism, concomitant with a historiosophical conception of Russia as a distinct civilisation, have transitioned from the realm of political discourse and propaganda to codification in documents that guide Russian security and foreign policy, thus constituting a salient ideological component therein.
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This article analyses the recent Russian Orthodox discourse on the Solun Brothers. This analysis shows, on the one hand, that the politicised interpretation of the mission of Cyril and Methodius is not a recent ideological innovation, but... more
This article analyses the recent Russian Orthodox discourse on the Solun Brothers. This analysis shows, on the one hand, that the politicised interpretation of the mission of Cyril and Methodius is not a recent ideological innovation, but appeals to the same motives that made their cult popular in 19th-century Russian Orthodoxy. On the other hand, the reinterpretation of the meaning of their mission that is currently taking place is acquiring additional political objectives harmonised with those of Russian state ideology, as well as cultural and foreign policy, especially in relation to the post-Soviet area. At the same time, however, the religious significance of Cyril and Methodius is almost disappearing from church discourse and theological reflection. A common element of Russian discourse on the Solun Brothers, in both the 19th and 21st centuries, is ahistoricity, understood as a complete disconnection from the actual historical context in which Cyril and Methodius lived and worked.
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Rosyjskie działania propagandowe związane z konfliktem w Donbasie zmierzają do przedstawienia tego regionu w warstwie kulturowej, duchowej, aksjologicznej i religijnej jako nieodłącznej części tzw. ruskiego świata (русский мир),... more
Rosyjskie działania propagandowe związane z konfliktem w Donbasie zmierzają do przedstawienia tego regionu w warstwie kulturowej, duchowej, aksjologicznej i religijnej jako nieodłącznej części tzw. ruskiego świata (русский мир), rozumianego jako rosyjska wspólnota cywilizacyjna. Ważnym elementem ideologicznej polityki Rosji względem Donbasu jest kształtowanie obrazu „ruskiego bohatera”. Przedstawiany artykuł poświęcony jest heroizacji i sakralizacji dwóch najgłośniejszych postaci związanych z konfliktem w Donbasie – Arsena Pawłowa („Motoroli”) oraz Michaiła Tołstycha („Giwiego”). Interesującym kontekstem ukazującym tło ideologiczne i konsekwencje heroizacji Pawłowa i Tołstycha są nacjonalistyczne poglądy Aleksandra Dugina, jednego z najbardziej znanych ideologów współczesnego rosyjskiego neoimperializmu. W artykule najpierw zarysowane są sylwetki obu postaci. W dalszej kolejności uwagę zwraca się na ideologiczny aspekt konfliktu w Donbasie, w który wpisuje się medialna kreacja Pawło...
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The Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) presents itself as a defender of traditional Christian values. Among these values, representatives of the ROC mention concern for marriage and family. To what extent is the position of the ROC an... more
The Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) presents itself as a defender of traditional Christian values. Among these values, representatives of the ROC mention concern for marriage and family. To what extent is the position of the ROC an expression of commitment to the traditional Christian concept of marriage and family? In this article, we analyse the contemporary Orthodox discourse in Russia since Kirill Gundyayev became the Patriarch of Moscow in 2009. From a political science and security studies perspective, we highlight the main ideological elements of this discourse. We contrast these elements with similar content in Russian official documents and Vladimir Putin’s statements. An analysis of what the ROC says about the problems and protection of marriage and family in Russia, against the background of Putin’s statements and the actions of the state authorities, shows that the ROC’s discourse on marriage and family echoes the main themes of the political discourse controlled by the state authorities. In its understanding of marriage and in its efforts on behalf of the family, the ROC represents a conservative doctrinal position. Although, in doctrinal terms, it essentially expresses the traditional Christian teaching on marriage, the strong ideologisation and securitisation of demographic issues in Russia are also reflected in church discourse.
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Artykuł rozpoczyna się krótką prezentacją najważniejszych momentów dziejowych chrześcijaństwa, które ukształtowały dzisiejszą złożoną relację pomiędzy Kościołem, narodem i państwem. Następnie omawia główne kwestie związane z relacją... more
Artykuł rozpoczyna się krótką prezentacją najważniejszych momentów dziejowych chrześcijaństwa, które ukształtowały dzisiejszą złożoną relację pomiędzy Kościołem, narodem i państwem. Następnie omawia główne kwestie związane z relacją pomiędzy Kościołem i wspólnotami narodowymi oraz pomiędzy Kościołem i państwem. Na zakończenie wskazuje implikacje różnych modeli relacji pomiędzy Kościołem, narodem i państwem dla dzisiejszego polskiego kontekstu społeczno-religijnego.
In the context of Russia's confrontation with the West, especially after the beginning of the war against Ukraine on 24 February 2022, one can be surprised by the extent of support that President Putin enjoys in the Russian society. The... more
In the context of Russia's confrontation with the West, especially after the beginning of the war against Ukraine on 24 February 2022, one can be surprised by the extent of support that President Putin enjoys in the Russian society. The author hypothesizes that this phenomenon cannot be explained with the help of political factors only. The article aims to demonstrate the ideological significance of Russian Orthodox tradition in the process of forming and reaffirming the Russian concept of state authority. After outlining the main issues related to the ideological legitimization of authority in Russia, two religiously rooted concepts are discussed: the "Third Rome" and "God-bearing." These concepts also explain why the Russian Orthodox Church has almost unequivocally supported Russia's military aggression against Ukraine.
Research Interests: Sociology, Political Sociology, Theology, Religion and Politics, Orthodox Theology, and 13 moreRussian Orthodox Church, Politics and Religion, Russian Orthodoxy, Orthodox Christianity, Russia, Religious Studies, The Third Rome, Historiosophy, Orthodox Anthropology, The 'Third Rome, Russian Orthodox Ecclesiology, anti-occidentalism, and religious historiosophy
In the context of Russia's confrontation with the West, especially after the beginning of the war against Ukraine on 24 February 2022, one can be surprised by the extent of support that President Putin enjoys in Russian society. The... more
In the context of Russia's confrontation with the West, especially after the beginning of the war against Ukraine on 24 February 2022, one can be surprised by the extent of support that President Putin enjoys in Russian society. The author hypothesizes that this phenomenon cannot be explained with the help of political factors only. The article aims to demonstrate the ideological significance of Russian Orthodox tradition in the process of forming and reaffirming the Russian concept of state authority. After outlining the main issues related to the ideological legitimization of authority in Russia, two religiously rooted concepts are discussed: the "Third Rome" and "God-bearing." These concepts also explain why the Russian Orthodox Church has almost unequivocally supported Russia's military aggression against Ukraine.
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The Russian Federation is a secular state, and the church is separate from the state. Nonetheless, during Putin’s rule, a seemingly desecularising transition has taken place in Russia. This transition can be observed on legal,... more
The Russian Federation is a secular state, and the church is separate from the state. Nonetheless, during Putin’s rule, a seemingly desecularising transition has taken place in Russia. This transition can be observed on legal, ideological, and social levels. This article presents the characteristics of a new secular-state model that has developed in Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union. We claim that the evolution of the public role of religion in Russia and the state’s attitude towards religion cannot be considered in any way a symptom of the post-secularisation tendencies observed in some Western societies. Desecularisation in Russia takes place only at the verbal level. However, this façade desecularisation conceals a profound secularisation of religious institutions and organisations, understood as their total subordination to state policy objectives and, thus, their becoming elements of the state structure.
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This article aims to analyze religious and mystical elements contained in Putin’s public statements by referring to selected examples characteristic of contemporary Russian identity politics. In order to demonstrate the importance of... more
This article aims to analyze religious and mystical elements contained in Putin’s public statements by referring to selected examples characteristic of contemporary Russian identity politics. In order to demonstrate the importance of religious and mystical threads in Putin’s speeches, we chose five specific cases. The analysis of these statements indicates that religious and mystical motifs in Putin’s language are an attempt at self-creation for the purpose of domestic policy. We claim that this self-creation is more of an effort to strengthen Putin’s public support than proof that he borrows patterns for shaping Russia’s political life from the Russian religious and political tradition. Putin’s rhetoric is not so much a desire for an axiological renewal of Russian politics but an attempt to search for the new legitimization of the power system he created in confrontation with the West.
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The Russian Federation is a secular state, and the church is separate from the state. Nonetheless, during Putin’s rule, a seemingly desecularising transition has taken place in Russia. This transition can be observed on legal,... more
The Russian Federation is a secular state, and the church is separate from the state. Nonetheless, during Putin’s rule, a seemingly desecularising transition has taken place in Russia. This transition can be observed on legal, ideological, and social levels. This article presents the characteristics of a new secular-state model that has developed in Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union. We claim that the evolution of the public role of religion in Russia and the state’s attitude towards religion cannot be considered in any way a symptom of the post-secularisation tendencies observed in some Western societies. Desecularisation in Russia takes place only at the verbal level. However, this façade desecularisation conceals a profound secularisation of religious institutions and organisations, understood as their total subordination to state policy objectives and, thus, their becoming elements of the state structure.
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This article compares the main aspects of Dugin's neo-Eurasianism with the content of two important texts published in 2021: Putin's article 'On the historical unity of Russians and Ukrainians' and the new National Security Strategy.... more
This article compares the main aspects of Dugin's neo-Eurasianism with the content of two important texts published in 2021: Putin's article 'On the historical unity of Russians and Ukrainians' and the new National Security Strategy. These texts can be understood as part of ideological preparations for the war against Ukraine in 2022. The presence of elements of Russian nationalist ideology in these texts will make it possible to answer the question of whether the neo-Eurasian ideology is the authentic basis of Russian neo-imperialist policy or whether it is merely a useful propaganda façade.
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This article aims to analyze religious and mystical elements contained in Putin’s public statements by referring to selected examples characteristic of contemporary Russian identity politics. In order to demonstrate the importance of... more
This article aims to analyze religious and mystical elements contained in Putin’s public statements by referring to selected examples characteristic of contemporary Russian identity politics. In order to demonstrate the importance of religious and mystical threads in Putin’s speeches, we chose five specific cases. The analysis of these statements indicates that religious and mystical motifs in Putin’s language are an attempt at self-creation for the purpose of domestic policy. We claim that this self-creation is more of an effort to strengthen Putin’s public support than proof that he borrows patterns for shaping Russia’s political life from the Russian religious and political tradition. Putin’s rhetoric is not so much a desire for an axiological renewal of Russian politics but an attempt to search for the new legitimization of the power system he created in confrontation with the West.
Research Interests:
The Russian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate has gained, after the fall of the Soviet Union, an exceptional position in the social and political life of the Russian Federation, which it had never occupied before. Formally, it is... more
The Russian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate has gained, after the fall of the Soviet Union, an exceptional position in the social and political life of the Russian Federation, which it had never occupied before. Formally, it is separate from the state. The Constitution of the Russian Federation in article 14 guarantees state ideological neutrality and acknowledges the separation of State and Church. At the same time, the Church representatives themselves, such as Patriarch Kirill (Gundyayev), consider this separation beneficial to the Church’s activity. Both the Patriarch and the representatives of Church hierarchy emphasise the religious and cultural role of the Church in a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. The Church’s purpose is, on the one hand, to restore religious life that was destroyed in the Soviet period and, on the other hand, to promote traditional values that form the foundation of Russian identity. In the extra-religious dimension, these values are supposed to ensure the stability of Russian society as well as its ability to oppose foreign (mostly Western) cultural, political, and religious influences. The article deals with the concept of ‘traditional values’ (traditsionnyye tsennosti) and ‘spiritual bonds’ (dukhovnyye skrepy) as a unifying factor for contemporary Russian society. According to Patriarch Kirill, the Russian Orthodox Church can propose an axiological system based on Christian beliefs, especially on the Orthodox concept of the human person and the human community. This system should become a foundation of social unity and peace as well as a factor which strengthens Russian national identity.
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Research Interests: Philosophy and Theology
In the process of analysing the phenomenon of blasphemy in Russian public life, one encounters the problem of anti-church protests being generally political. However, in recent years Russia has witnessed a protest which had the character... more
In the process of analysing the phenomenon of blasphemy in Russian public life, one encounters the problem of anti-church protests being generally political. However, in recent years Russia has witnessed a protest which had the character of simple blasphemy and which was devoid of any political context. This chapter will analyse the context and consequences of Ruslan Sokolovskiy’s performance – an individual who was accused in 2016 of offending the feelings of religious believers after he had searched for Pokémon in the church na Krovi (‘on Blood’) in Yekaterinburg. Sokolovskiy aimed to check whether the game played in the church would result in legal consequences. The video made by Sokolovskiy during the performance and broadcast on YouTube also contained clear blasphemous elements, such as calling Jesus a “rare Pokémon.” In his public statements after the release of the video, Sokolovskiy portrayed his performance as openly anti-church and anti-religious. In 2017 Sokolovskiy was found guilty and sentenced to three-and-a-half years’ imprisonment, suspended for three years. Additionally, he was ordered to remove all the videos offending the feelings of religious believers. Sokolovskiy’s case will serve as an example to analyse the issue of offending the feelings of religious believers in the contemporary Russian Federation: the existing legislation, its flexible interpretation, selective and strongly politically determined implementation, as well as its role in shaping the image of the Orthodox church in Russian society.
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"In the Year of Faith announced by Benedict XVI, while the ecumenical movement commemorates the 30th anniversary of the Lima Statement on “Baptism, Eucharist and Ministry”, the article aims to show the difficulties in the... more
"In the Year of Faith announced by Benedict XVI, while the ecumenical movement commemorates the 30th anniversary of the Lima Statement on “Baptism, Eucharist and Ministry”, the article aims to show the difficulties in the reception of the document. The first part presents the basic principles by which the Catholic Church evaluates the Lima Document. The second part indicates some positive elements of the Lima Text. The third part is devoted to difficulties related to the doctrinal statements of the text. The last part presents the current status and possibilities for further theological work on the Lima Document."
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The cross of Jesus, being the main symbol of christianity, has not lost its controversial meaning over the centuries. although the reasons for cross-related difficulties at the time of the apostles are different from the ones encountered... more
The cross of Jesus, being the main symbol of christianity, has not lost its controversial meaning over the centuries. although the reasons for cross-related difficulties at the time of the apostles are different from the ones encountered nowadays, the fact remains that the cross does not leave anyone indifferent. if it evokes such varied, including negative, reactions from those who encounter christianity, it is worth wondering which meanings contained in the cross made it be the key subject of the apostolic proclamation as well as the teaching of the church. The cross, although it expresses the historical reality of Jesus’s death executed according to Roman practices, still remains much more than a mere reminiscence of old methods of causing death to convicts. it is clearly seen in the way St. Paul understands his mission of preaching the Gospel: ‘after all, christ sent me not to baptise, but to preach the Gospel; and not by means of wisdom of language, wise words which would make ...
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The article aims to demonstrate ideological roots of the social and theological attitude of the World Council of Churches on the example of the recent official statement of the Central Committee of the WCC issued on June 28, 2016 which... more
The article aims to demonstrate ideological roots of the social and theological attitude of the World Council of Churches on the example of the recent official statement of the Central Committee of the WCC issued on June 28, 2016 which regards the connection between religion and violence. Particular emphasis is put on an attempt to explain how the ideology accepted by the WCC, and present in a more or less distinct manner in the documents of this organization, influences the presentation of Christian teaching regarding peace in the said document. The article analyses the mentioned document, starting from the manner in which the phenomenon of violence has been tackled. Further, it examines those statements in which the WCC is presented as promoting the inter-religious dialogue and peace.
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This article presents the main elements of criticism directed by Kirill, Patriarch of Moscow and all Rus’, at the values and rules connected with Western liberal democracy. His criticism, which coincides with the contemporary ideological... more
This article presents the main elements of criticism directed by Kirill, Patriarch of Moscow and all Rus’, at the values and rules connected with Western liberal democracy. His criticism, which coincides with the contemporary ideological orientation of official Kremlin propaganda, is primarily addressed to Russian society. This propaganda also reaches Western far-right intellectual circles that perceive Putin’s Russia as a counterweight to the secularization of the West and even consider the Russian model of State–Church coexistence, including the defense of so-called traditional values against foreign influences, as necessary to enable the survival of Western religious, social, and intellectual traditions. However, despite the Patriarch’s interesting remarks regarding the place religion deserves in social life, the image of Russia as a country defending “traditional Christian values” is an element of Russian national and religious mythology. This article points, first, to Manichaeism and messianism as permanent elements of Russian culture and religion. Next, it describes the main elements of criticism of Western liberal democracy that can be found in Patriarch Kirill’s statements. It then discusses two elements of this criticism: the axiological and anthropological aspects. Finally, the article presents Patriarch Kirill’s response to what he perceives to be the weaknesses of Western liberal democracy. This response is his proposal to establish the ethics of State–Church relations based on moral consensus and the involvement of the state in promoting and defending traditional values that decide the identity and persistence of society.
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Aleksandr Dugin is one of the most controversial figures of contemporary Russia’s intellectual life. He is trying to find reasons for Russia’s uniqueness and incompatibility with the West. Dugin’s concepts cannot be comprehended without... more
Aleksandr Dugin is one of the most controversial figures of contemporary Russia’s intellectual life. He is trying to find reasons for Russia’s uniqueness and incompatibility with the West. Dugin’s concepts cannot be comprehended without Russian religious historiosophy. The article discusses this context of his thought. Firstly, it shows the historical and anthropological roots of Russian anti-Occidentalism. Further, it presents its three crucial features: Manichaeism, “God-bearing,” and eschatologism and their reinterpretation in Dugin’s works. This analysis leads to the conclusion that Dugin’s anti-Occidentalism is founded in Rus’ spiritual tradition. Religious historiosophy has shaped Russia’s spiritual image, making it impossible for Russia to join the Western cultural circle.
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ABSTRACT The conviction of Russia’s uniqueness, both in the past as well as at present, is widespread among Russian conservative intellectuals and currently enjoys the support of President Putin. However, its most coherent, expressive,... more
ABSTRACT The conviction of Russia’s uniqueness, both in the past as well as at present, is widespread among Russian conservative intellectuals and currently enjoys the support of President Putin. However, its most coherent, expressive, and distinct form can be found in Russian far-right circles. This study presents the concept of Russia as a civilization according Aleksandr G. Dugin, a controversial Russian scholar and political activist. This concept is supposed to prove Russia’s civilizational uniqueness and its exceptional place in the world history. The article presents Dugin’s criticism towards the Western view on contemporary civilizational transformations (1). It discusses Dugin’s attitude to Huntington’s theory (2) in order to, consequently, describe Dugin’s concept of civilization (3–5). Finally, it explains the socio-political significance of his concept in Russia’s contemporary internal and international situation (6). Although Dugin’s ideas can be considered extreme in numerous aspects, they do reflect Russia’s pursuit to radically separate itself from any foreign influences. This pursuit is a result of not only temporary political interests of Russian elites but it is also rooted in the whole Rus’ social and religious tradition.
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This article aims to present the way in which the accomplishment of Russia's historic mission in the Soviet Union, as well as the reasons for the failure and fall of that state are viewed by Aleksandr G. Dugin. Part 1 shows the... more
This article aims to present the way in which the accomplishment of Russia's historic mission in the Soviet Union, as well as the reasons for the failure and fall of that state are viewed by Aleksandr G. Dugin. Part 1 shows the Soviet Union as an important stage in Russia's historic mission. Part 2 presents the main elements of Marxist ideology implemented in post-revolutionary Russia which stand in contradiction to the 'Russian logos' and, consequently, to Russia's civilisational mission, and which indicate the internal weakness of Marxism as an ideological foundation of the USSR. Part 3 is devoted to ideological conclusions which should be drawn by the authorities of the Russian Federation under the leadership of President Putin from the ideological weakness of the USSR in order not to repeat its fate and to enable Russia to play a crucial role in the modern world.
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Abstract: The article presents some identitary problems related to the publication of the Apostolic Constitution Anglicanorum coetibus. The document, published the 4th November 2009, opened the way for the creation of personal... more
Abstract: The article presents some identitary problems related to the publication of the Apostolic Constitution Anglicanorum coetibus. The document, published the 4th November 2009, opened the way for the creation of personal ordinariates for members of the ...
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This article is aimed at presenting a certain limited and at the same time significant area on which such cultural and political pressure is exerted, i.e. the Churches’ language policies. The issue of language policy, which is seen as a... more
This article is aimed at presenting a certain limited and at the same time significant area on which such cultural and political pressure is exerted, i.e. the Churches’ language policies. The issue of language policy, which is seen as a symbol of actions undertaken for the sake of gender equality in church life, will be presented based on the example of the Lutheran Churches. This is because it is Lutherans who, in recent years, have been the most committed to promoting equality between, and equal rights for, women and men (especially in North America) in social, economic and political life as well as within the Church’s structures. This article begins with a presentation of the issue of gender justice in modern mainstream Lutheranism. Then the role of church language for this trend in the Church is shown as a tool in the fight for gender justice and for eliminating inequalities as well as negative stereotypes. Next, the official recommendations of the largest Lutheran Churches in North America are presented concerning the purification of church language and containing guidelines on its proper, non-discriminatory use. Finally, an attempt is made at presenting the results of Lutheran language policy.
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This article is aimed at presenting a certain limited and at the same time significant area on which such cultural and political pressure is exerted, i.e. the Churches’ language policies. The issue of language policy, which is seen as a... more
This article is aimed at presenting a certain limited and at the same time significant area on which such cultural and political pressure is exerted, i.e. the Churches’ language policies. The issue of language policy, which is seen as a symbol of actions undertaken for the sake of gender equality in church life, will be presented based on the example of the Lutheran Churches. This is because it is Lutherans who, in recent years, have been the most committed to promoting equality between, and equal rights for, women and men (especially in North America) in social, economic and political life as well as within the Church’s structures. This article begins with a presentation of the issue of gender justice in modern mainstream Lutheranism. Then the role of church language for this trend in the Church is shown as a tool in the fight for gender justice and for eliminating inequalities as well as negative stereotypes. Next, the official recommendations of the largest Lutheran Churches in North America are presented concerning the purification of church language and containing guidelines on its proper, non-discriminatory use. Finally, an attempt is made at presenting the results of Lutheran language policy.
Research Interests:
This article presents the main elements of criticism directed by Kirill, Patriarch of Moscow and all Rus’, at the values and rules connected with Western liberal democracy. His criticism, which coincides with the contemporary ideological... more
This article presents the main elements of criticism directed by Kirill, Patriarch of Moscow and all Rus’, at the values and rules connected with Western liberal democracy. His criticism, which coincides with the contemporary ideological orientation of official Kremlin propaganda, is primarily addressed to Russian society. This propaganda also reaches Western far-right intellectual circles that perceive Putin’s Russia as a counterweight to the secularization of the West and even consider the Russian model of State–Church coexistence, including the defense of so-called traditional values against foreign influences, as necessary to enable the survival of Western religious, social, and intellectual traditions. However, despite the Patriarch’s interesting remarks regarding the place religion deserves in social life, the image of Russia as a country defending “traditional Christian values” is an element of Russian national and religious mythology.
This article points, first, to Manichaeism and messianism as permanent elements of Russian culture and religion. Next, it describes the main elements of criticism of Western liberal democracy that can be found in Patriarch Kirill’s statements. It then discusses two elements of this criticism: the axiological and anthropological aspects. Finally, the article presents Patriarch Kirill’s response to what he perceives to be the weaknesses of Western liberal democracy. This response is his proposal to establish the ethics of State–Church relations based on moral consensus and the involvement of the state in promoting and defending traditional values that decide the identity and persistence of society.
This article points, first, to Manichaeism and messianism as permanent elements of Russian culture and religion. Next, it describes the main elements of criticism of Western liberal democracy that can be found in Patriarch Kirill’s statements. It then discusses two elements of this criticism: the axiological and anthropological aspects. Finally, the article presents Patriarch Kirill’s response to what he perceives to be the weaknesses of Western liberal democracy. This response is his proposal to establish the ethics of State–Church relations based on moral consensus and the involvement of the state in promoting and defending traditional values that decide the identity and persistence of society.
Research Interests:
The Russian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate has gained, after the fall of the Soviet Union, an exceptional position in the social and political life of the Russian Federation, which it had never occupied before. Formally, it is... more
The Russian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate has gained, after the fall of the Soviet Union, an exceptional position in the social and political life of the Russian Federation, which it had never occupied before. Formally, it is separate from the state. The Constitution of the Russian Federation in article 14 guarantees state ideological neutrality and acknowledges the separation of State and Church. At the same time, the Church representatives themselves, such as Patriarch Kirill (Gundyayev), consider this separation beneficial to the Church’s activity. Both the Patriarch and the representatives of Church hierarchy emphasise the religious and cultural role of the Church in a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. The Church’s purpose is, on the one hand, to restore religious life that was destroyed in the Soviet period and, on the other hand, to promote traditional values that form the foundation of Russian identity. In the extra-religious dimension, these values are supposed to ensure the stability of Russian society as well as its ability to oppose foreign (mostly Western) cultural, political, and religious influences. The article deals with the concept of ‘traditional values’ (traditsionnyye tsennosti) and ‘spiritual bonds’ (dukhovnyye skrepy) as a unifying factor for contemporary Russian society. According to Patriarch Kirill, the Russian Orthodox Church can propose an axiological system based on Christian beliefs, especially on the Orthodox concept of the human person and the human community. This system should become a foundation of social unity and peace as well as a factor which strengthens Russian national identity.
Research Interests:
Aleksandr Dugin is one of the most controversial figures of contemporary Russia’s intellectual life. He is trying to find reasons for Russia’s uniqueness and incompatibility with the West. Dugin’s concepts cannot be comprehended without... more
Aleksandr Dugin is one of the most controversial figures of contemporary Russia’s intellectual life. He is trying to find reasons for Russia’s uniqueness and incompatibility with the West. Dugin’s concepts cannot be comprehended without Russian religious historiosophy. The article discusses this context of his thought. Firstly, it shows the historical and anthropological roots of Russian anti-Occidentalism. Further, it presents its three crucial features: Manichaeism, “God-bearing,” and eschatologism and their reinterpretation in Dugin’s works. This analysis leads to the conclusion that Dugin’s anti-Occidentalism is founded in Rus’ spiritual tradition. Religious historiosophy has shaped Russia’s spiritual image, making it impossible for Russia to join the Western cultural circle.
Research Interests:
The conviction of Russia’s uniqueness, both in the past as well as at present, is widespread among Russian conservative intellectuals and currently enjoys the support of President Putin. However, its most coherent, expressive, and... more
The conviction of Russia’s uniqueness, both in the past as well as at
present, is widespread among Russian conservative intellectuals and
currently enjoys the support of President Putin. However, its most
coherent, expressive, and distinct form can be found in Russian
far-right circles. This study presents the concept of Russia as a
civilization according Aleksandr G. Dugin, a controversial Russian
scholar and political activist. This concept is supposed to prove
Russia’s civilizational uniqueness and its exceptional place in the
world history. The article presents Dugin’s criticism towards the
Western view on contemporary civilizational transformations (1). It
discusses Dugin’s attitude to Huntington’s theory (2) in order to,
consequently, describe Dugin’s concept of civilization (3–5).
Finally, it explains the socio-political significance of his concept in
Russia’s contemporary internal and international situation (6).
Although Dugin’s ideas can be considered extreme in numerous
aspects, they do reflect Russia’s pursuit to radically separate itself
from any foreign influences. This pursuit is a result of not only
temporary political interests of Russian elites but it is also rooted
in the whole Rus’ social and religious tradition.
present, is widespread among Russian conservative intellectuals and
currently enjoys the support of President Putin. However, its most
coherent, expressive, and distinct form can be found in Russian
far-right circles. This study presents the concept of Russia as a
civilization according Aleksandr G. Dugin, a controversial Russian
scholar and political activist. This concept is supposed to prove
Russia’s civilizational uniqueness and its exceptional place in the
world history. The article presents Dugin’s criticism towards the
Western view on contemporary civilizational transformations (1). It
discusses Dugin’s attitude to Huntington’s theory (2) in order to,
consequently, describe Dugin’s concept of civilization (3–5).
Finally, it explains the socio-political significance of his concept in
Russia’s contemporary internal and international situation (6).
Although Dugin’s ideas can be considered extreme in numerous
aspects, they do reflect Russia’s pursuit to radically separate itself
from any foreign influences. This pursuit is a result of not only
temporary political interests of Russian elites but it is also rooted
in the whole Rus’ social and religious tradition.
Research Interests:
This article aims to present the way in which the accomplishment of Russia's historic mission in the Soviet Union, as well as the reasons for the failure and fall of that state are viewed by Aleksandr G. Dugin. Part 1 shows the Soviet... more
This article aims to present the way in which the accomplishment of Russia's historic mission in the Soviet Union, as well as the reasons for the failure and fall of that state are viewed by Aleksandr G. Dugin. Part 1 shows the Soviet Union as an important stage in Russia's historic mission. Part 2 presents the main elements of Marxist ideology implemented in post-revolutionary Russia which stand in contradiction to the 'Russian logos' and, consequently, to Russia's civilisational mission, and which indicate the internal weakness of Marxism as an ideological foundation of the USSR. Part 3 is devoted to ideological conclusions which should be drawn by the authorities of the Russian Federation under the leadership of President Putin from the ideological weakness of the USSR in order not to repeat its fate and to enable Russia to play a crucial role in the modern world.
Research Interests:
One of the interesting aspects of Russian self‐definition in opposition to the West is its attitude toward Western science. Russian distrust of scientific and technological progress in the West is an important force shaping contemporary... more
One of the interesting aspects of Russian self‐definition in opposition to the West is its attitude toward Western science. Russian distrust of scientific and technological progress in the West is an important force shaping contemporary Russian identity. This article touches on these issues in four parts. The first section characterizes two main conservative circles that are active in today's disputes over the significance of scientific development for Russian identity. The second demonstrates certain Russian contemporary concerns related to scientific and technological progress, which will enable us to explain the position of the Russian Orthodox Church. The third section presents the political, religious, and identity context for the suspicion toward science expressed by Russian conservatives. The final section, on the other hand, discusses the way in which Russian Orthodox neoconservatism uses Orthodox anthropology to raise suspicion toward scientific and technological achievements.
Research Interests:
Zbawcze znaczenie śmierci Chrystusa oraz gniew jako nienawiść Boga względem grzechu przeplatały się w dziejach teologii. W pewnych ujęciach próbowano nawet powiązać krzyżową śmierć Chrystusa z gniewem Bożym w taki sposób, jak gdyby Jego... more
Zbawcze znaczenie śmierci Chrystusa oraz gniew jako nienawiść Boga względem grzechu przeplatały się w dziejach teologii. W pewnych ujęciach próbowano nawet powiązać krzyżową śmierć Chrystusa z gniewem Bożym w taki sposób, jak gdyby Jego śmierć miałaby ten gniew uśmierzać. Artykuł zarysowuje główne fazy takiej syntezy teologicznej, dążąc do prześledzenia zależności między wiarą w zbawczą wartość śmierci Chrystusa a interpretacjami gniewu Bożego. Najpierw przedstawiany jest rozwój interpretacji śmierci Jezusa w teologii patrystycznej i scholastycznej. Na drugim etapie omawiany jest moment kulminacyjny związku teologii krzyża z teorią gniewu Bożego wyrażający się w reformacyjnej koncepcji zastępstwa karnego i w przejawach jej kontestacji. Z kolei trzeci etap prezentuje współczesne próby ukazania relacji pomiędzy zbawczą wartością krzyża a ideą Bożego gniewu.
Research Interests:
In the article the emphasis will be put on the reinterpretations of Jesus’s Cross in political theologies whose developed forms are liberation theology and feminist theology. The article will consider the reasons which compelled the... more
In the article the emphasis will be put on the reinterpretations of Jesus’s Cross in political theologies whose developed forms are liberation theology and feminist theology. The article will consider the reasons which compelled the representatives of these lines of theological thinking to question traditional staurologies and to suggest new attempts of reflection on the Cross. Further, I will present typical for these movements attempts of ahistorical and ideological theology of the Cross along with their consequences for the Christian faith. Finally, an attempt will be made to answer the question whether all the presented attempts of political reinterpretation of the Cross could be called ‘staurologies’, that is an exhaustive and systematic theological approach to all that is contained in Jesus’s death for Christians, or whether they are of a different nature.
Research Interests:
The article aims to demonstrate ideological roots of the social and theological attitude of the World Council of Churches on the example of the recent official statement of the Central Committee of the WCC issued on June 28, 2016 which... more
The article aims to demonstrate ideological roots of the social and theological attitude of the World Council of Churches on the example of the recent official statement of the Central Committee of the WCC issued on June 28, 2016 which regards the connection between religion and violence. Particular emphasis is put on an attempt to explain how the ideology accepted by the WCC, and present in a more or less distinct manner in the documents of this organization, influences the presentation of Christian teaching regarding peace in the said document. The article analyses the mentioned document, starting from the manner in which the phenomenon of violence has been tackled. Further, it examines those statements in which the WCC is presented as promoting the inter-religious dialogue and peace.
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Aleksandr Dugin is an extremely radical thinker. Nevertheless, it is worth dealing with his thought because it shows in an exaggerated form how the evolution of social and political ideas took place in the history of Russia, which led to... more
Aleksandr Dugin is an extremely radical thinker. Nevertheless, it is worth dealing with his thought because it shows in an exaggerated form how the evolution of social and political ideas took place in the history of Russia, which led to Putin's contemporary neo-imperialism. This book presents the Russian discourse on national security against a broader background of global academic reflection, takes a closer look at the sources and ideological basis of the concept of Russia’s security developed by Dugin, discusses the subject and main dimensions of Russia’s national security in Dugin’s works, and shows the importance of Russia’s foreign policy for the creation of its national security. The author presents Dugin’s idea of Russia as a key element of a new, multi-polar world order and a guarantor of international security.
Research Interests:
Demystifying the Sacred: Blasphemy and Violence from the French Revolution to Today offers a much-needed analysis of a subject that historians have largely ignored, yet that has considerable relevance for today’s world: the powerful... more
Demystifying the Sacred: Blasphemy and Violence from the French Revolution to Today offers a much-needed analysis of a subject that historians have largely ignored, yet that has considerable relevance for today’s world: the powerful connection that exists between offences against the sacred and different forms of violence. Drawing on cases from revolutionary France to the Russia of Vladimir Putin, the international authors probe the nature and agency of local blasphemy accusations, the historical and legal framework in which they were expressed and the violence, both physical and symbolic, accompanying them. In doing so, the volume reveals how cultures of blasphemy, and related acts of heresy, apostasy and sacrilege, were a companion to or acted as a trigger for physical action but also a form of how violence was experienced. More generally, it shows the importance of religious sensibilities in modern society and the violent potential contained in criticism or ridicule of the sacred and secular alike.