Lorenzo Mosca
University of Parma, Department of Economics and Management, Faculty Member
- New Media, Digital Media, Social Networking, Social Movements, Online Politics, Political communication, and 15 morePolitical Participation, Social Media, Italy, Survey, Parma, Campagne Elettorali Online, Social Sciences, Media Sociology, Civil Society and the Public Sphere, The Internet, Political Activism Online, Online Political Participation, South European Society and Politics, Populism, and Digital Platformsedit
- Lorenzo Mosca was awarded the degree of PhD by the University of Florence in 2004. He then got a Max Weber fellowship... moreLorenzo Mosca was awarded the degree of PhD by the University of Florence in 2004. He then got a Max Weber fellowship at the European University Institute, a research grant at the Bocconi University (Milan) and a post-doc fellowship at the University of Trento. He was an assistant professor at the University of Roma Tre (2008-2015), an associate professor at the Department of Political and Social Sciences of the Scuola Normale Superiore (2015-2018) and a full professor at the Department of Social and Political Sciences of the State University of Milan (2018-2023). He is currently full professor at the Department of Economics and Management of the University of Parma.
He has been teaching in the Rutgers University (Florence), the James Madison University (Florence), the Boston College (Parma) and the Pitzer College (Parma).
His research interests focus on political participation, political communication, online politics, and social policies.
He has personal experience of a wide range of methodologies and has been involved in several local, national and European collaborative research projects. These include, among others, YOUNEX (FP7), DEMOS (FP6), EUROPUB (FP5), PRODEM (Volkswagen Foundation).
He has published in international peer-reviewed scientific journals and articles in books translated into English, Spanish, French, German and Italian. His publications include more than 100 articles and chapters, 1 monograph, 8 edited books/special issues, 6 collective books with highly reputable academics and over 60 papers presented at national and international conferences.
Keywords:
Political Participation and Social Movements
Political Communication
Populism
Digital Politics
E-Campaigns
ICTs and Grassroots Mobilization
Public Opinion
Social Policyedit
The ascendance of austerity policies and the protests they have generated have had a deep impact on the shape of contemporary politics. The stunning electoral successes of SYRIZA in Greece, Podemos in Spain and the Movimento 5 Stelle... more
The ascendance of austerity policies and the protests they have generated have had a deep impact on the shape of contemporary politics. The stunning electoral successes of SYRIZA in Greece, Podemos in Spain and the Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S) in Italy, alongside the quest for a more radical left in countries such as the UK and the US, bear witness to a new wave of parties that draws inspiration and strength from social movements.
The rise of movement parties challenges simplistic expectations of a growing separation between institutional and contentious politics and the decline of the left. Their return demands attention as a way of understanding both contemporary socio-political dynamics and the fundamentals of political parties and representation.
Bridging social movement and party politics studies, within a broad concern with democratic theories, this volume presents new empirical evidence and conceptual insight into these topical socio-political phenomena, within a cross-national comparative perspective.
The rise of movement parties challenges simplistic expectations of a growing separation between institutional and contentious politics and the decline of the left. Their return demands attention as a way of understanding both contemporary socio-political dynamics and the fundamentals of political parties and representation.
Bridging social movement and party politics studies, within a broad concern with democratic theories, this volume presents new empirical evidence and conceptual insight into these topical socio-political phenomena, within a cross-national comparative perspective.
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Il libro presenta una riflessione sulla politica online in Italia, interrogandosi sul se e sul come internet contribuisca a ridefinire i confini, i processi e gli attori dell’arena politica. Proponendo il termine webpolitica, ci si... more
Il libro presenta una riflessione sulla politica online in Italia, interrogandosi sul se e sul come internet contribuisca a ridefinire i confini, i processi e gli attori dell’arena politica. Proponendo il termine webpolitica, ci si focalizza sull’uso di internet da parte di alcuni dei principali attori del sistema politico italiano, presentando i risultati di una serie di ricerche effettuate dall’autore nel corso degli ultimi anni. In particolare, si guarda a come internet influenza i rapporti fra cittadini e istituzioni nelle fasi di governo, a come interviene nelle relazioni fra candidati ed elettori durante le campagne elettorali, alle modalità con cui esso è utilizzato da soggetti esterni all’arena politica istituzionale, come i movimenti sociali.
Questo volume è indirizzato a tutti coloro che si interessano di comunicazione politica online e intende proporsi come un’introduzione al tema per studenti e studiosi di scienze della comunicazione, sociologia e scienza politica.
Questo volume è indirizzato a tutti coloro che si interessano di comunicazione politica online e intende proporsi come un’introduzione al tema per studenti e studiosi di scienze della comunicazione, sociologia e scienza politica.
“Davos” has become synonymous with everything bad about globalization—capitalist imperialism, elitism, secrecy, and antidemocratic operations. Dating from the first confrontations at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, in... more
“Davos” has become synonymous with everything bad about globalization—capitalist imperialism, elitism, secrecy, and antidemocratic operations. Dating from the first confrontations at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, in 2001, the World Social Forum has become the largest political gathering in human history and offers a direct challenge to the extreme inequities of corporate-led globalization. The forums are an experiment in global and participatory democracy, bringing together networks, organizations, and activists from around the world to create visions of a just and liberated global society. This book is itself an experiment in collaboration among twelve leading scholars, all of whom have participated in World Social Forums around the globe. Recounting dozens of dramatic firsthand experiences from their attendance, these authors draw on their knowledge of global politics to introduce the World Social Forum process, explain its foundations, and discuss its relevance to ongoing transnational efforts toward freedom, peace, and democracy. In keeping with the spirit of the World Social Forums and the collaborative authorship of the book, royalties will be donated to Grassroots Global Justice.
This is the first book we know of on the World Social Forum process that specifically addresses a nonspecialist U.S. audience
Many of the book’s authors are well-known experts in the fields this book addresses
The book’s multiple authors have participated in all of the World Social Forums and in many regional and local ones, offering a unique approach to analyzing this major global phenomenon
The World Social Forum is the most happening event on the planet and Americans are just starting to learn about it
This is a perfect handbook for those interested in social activism in the contemporary world
Leading scholars wrote this book for a general readership including activists and students to alert them to the World Social Forum, currently the most significant global political event
This is the first book we know of on the World Social Forum process that specifically addresses a nonspecialist U.S. audience
Many of the book’s authors are well-known experts in the fields this book addresses
The book’s multiple authors have participated in all of the World Social Forums and in many regional and local ones, offering a unique approach to analyzing this major global phenomenon
The World Social Forum is the most happening event on the planet and Americans are just starting to learn about it
This is a perfect handbook for those interested in social activism in the contemporary world
Leading scholars wrote this book for a general readership including activists and students to alert them to the World Social Forum, currently the most significant global political event
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In una fase di profonda trasformazione dei governi locali, in cui alle tradizionali difficoltà legate alla scarsità di risorse e alla complessa gestione dei servizi pubblici si aggiungono nuove polemiche sui costi della politica, i... more
In una fase di profonda trasformazione dei governi locali, in cui alle tradizionali difficoltà legate alla scarsità di risorse e alla complessa gestione dei servizi pubblici si aggiungono nuove polemiche sui costi della politica, i comuni, in particolare quelli di piccole e medie dimensioni, sono messi alla prova da crescenti vincoli e pressioni. La cooperazione tra comuni, o intercomunalità – fenomeno in crescita a livello europeo – è una risposta a queste sfide. La gestione comune di funzioni e servizi permette agli enti locali di operare in maniera più razionale ed efficiente, erogando servizi di migliore qualità su un territorio e a una popolazione più ampi. L’Emilia-Romagna è una delle regioni italiane che più ha mostrato interesse per questa opportunità, soprattutto attraverso la forma delle unioni di comuni. Il volume, dopo aver ricostruito le problematiche teoriche dell’intercomunalità a livello europeo e nella realtà italiana, analizza tre casi di unioni di comuni in Emilia-Romagna con l’obiettivo di esaminarne – nei processi di governo, nella gestione delle politiche pubbliche, negli aspetti normativi, organizzativi, operativi e politici – i tratti comuni e le sfide condivise, ma anche le rispettive peculiarità . Il volume permette quindi di comprendere il significato di questa nuova esperienza amministrativa, la più dinamica innovazione istituzionale sia nel governo locale emiliano-romagnolo, sia nel pano rama nazionale.
Le origini del movimento italiano contro la globalizzazione neoliberista, la sua organizzazione, la sua identità, le sue strategie, le sue interazioni con l’establishment, in particolare con il governo e l’opposizione, in uno dei primi... more
Le origini del movimento italiano contro la globalizzazione neoliberista, la sua organizzazione, la sua identità, le sue strategie, le sue interazioni con l’establishment, in particolare con il governo e l’opposizione, in uno dei primi studi di sintesi che ne mette in luce la novità politica.
Digital technologies have been considered as generating new opportuni- ties to enhance democratic politics. However, political parties have generally been latecomers in appropriating digital media in their every day life. The case of the... more
Digital technologies have been considered as generating new opportuni- ties to enhance democratic politics. However, political parties have generally been latecomers in appropriating digital media in their every day life. The case of the Ital- ian Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S) represents an interesting example of innovative use of digital technologies in politics. Adopting a mixed-method research design, this article contrasts the democratic vision of the M5S with its online participatory plat- form. First, the discursive production of its leaders on democracy is analysed and complemented with an examination of a law proposal focusing on direct democracy. The core elements of the M5S’ democratic conception are identified in a criticism of representative democracy and the elaboration of a cyberutopian narrative. Sec- ond, the concrete realization of democratic ideals through online instruments of par- ticipation is taken into consideration. Sixty-five online ballots and 326 discussions of draft laws that took place on the Rousseau platform between 2012 and 2017 are critically inspected and discussed, singling out explanations of a continuing decline in participation over time.
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This article contrasts the democratic vision of the Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S) with its practices of online participation. The first section focuses on the discursive production of its leaders and representatives. The main pillars of the... more
This article contrasts the democratic vision of the Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S) with its practices of online participation. The first section focuses on the discursive production of its leaders and representatives. The main pillars of the democratic vision of the Movement concerns criticisms and possible improvements of representative democracy as well as the elaboration of a cyberutopian conception understanding the internet as a technology of freedom and an active and self-conscious subject. The second section addresses the concrete realization of the democratic ideals of the Movement by analysing its main instruments of online participation. Based on a critical analysis of 39 online ballots and 239 discussions on draft laws that took place on the ‘Rousseau’ platform between 2013 and 2016 the ongoing decline of participation over time is detected and discussed.
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This volume analyses the genesis and evolution of movement parties during the Great Recession. Bridging social science literature on social movements and political parties, it empirically analyses cases such as Podemos, Syriza and the... more
This volume analyses the genesis and evolution of movement parties during the Great Recession. Bridging social science literature on social movements and political parties, it empirically analyses cases such as Podemos, Syriza and the Five Star Movement
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In recent years ‘movement parties’ such as Syriza in Greece, the Movimento 5 Stelle in Italy, Podemos in Spain and—to a lesser extent—Bloco de Esquerda in Portugal shook national party systems, breaking the consolidated dynamics of... more
In recent years ‘movement parties’ such as Syriza in Greece, the Movimento 5 Stelle in Italy, Podemos in Spain and—to a lesser extent—Bloco de Esquerda in Portugal shook national party systems, breaking the consolidated dynamics of political competition. Despite growing interest in movement parties, there has been scant attention to the role of citizens adopting unconventional forms of action and using digital media in accounting for their electoral performance. To fill this gap, four original internet-based post-electoral surveys are employed showing that protesters and digital media users are more likely to vote for these parties, despite important country differences.
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In questo capitolo discutiamo come la crescita elettorale e l’affermazione istituzionale del Movimento 5 Stelle, così come i cambiamenti nel sistema mediale italiano intervenuti fra il 2012 e il 2016, abbiano influenzato le strategie... more
In questo capitolo discutiamo come la crescita elettorale e l’affermazione istituzionale del Movimento 5 Stelle, così come i cambiamenti nel sistema mediale italiano intervenuti fra il 2012 e il 2016, abbiano influenzato le strategie comunicative degli eletti del Movimento, le diete informative degli elettori cinquestelle e gli strumenti digitali sviluppati dal partito di Grillo per favorire la partecipazione degli iscritti. Concluderemo quindi delineando gli elementi di persistenza e quelli di cambiamento nei repertori comunicativi di élite, elettori e membri del partito di Grillo.
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La mediatizzazione della politica che ha accompagnato il ventennio berlusconiano ha profondamente influenzato tutti i soggetti che lottano per far sentire la propria voce nello spazio pubblico: non solo quelli istituzionali ma anche... more
La mediatizzazione della politica che ha accompagnato il ventennio berlusconiano ha profondamente influenzato tutti i soggetti che lottano per far sentire la propria voce nello spazio pubblico: non solo quelli istituzionali ma anche attori poveri di risorse come i movimenti sociali per i quali la protesta rappresenta la principale risorsa politica. L’azione collettiva non convenzionale nel corso dell’ultimo ventennio ha gradualmente incorporato gli elementi propri dei format mediali divenendo sempre più spettacolare e sempre più orientata a ottenere visibilità mediatica. Se la mediatizzazione diviene cifra dominante della protesta, essa apre anche forti contraddizioni dentro i movimenti, che per loro natura tendono a organizzarsi mediante strutture orizzontali. Tali lacerazioni talvolta vengono risolte dando vita a strutture verticistiche finalizzate ad esercitare un controllo ferreo della comunicazione che circola nella sfera pubblica, a scapito del dibattito e della democrazia interna. Nello show iperreale della democrazia italiana in cui anche i movimenti sociali cercano di ritagliarsi un ruolo da protagonisti, l’avvento e la diffusione del digitale aprono percorsi originali per superare tali rischi ma possono al tempo stesso esacerbarli. Il presente articolo si propone di riflettere sull’evoluzione dei movimenti sociali italiani nell’ultimo ventennio alla luce dei processi di media- tizzazione, popolarizzazione e personalizzazione della politica, facendo riferimento ai cicli di protesta che hanno accompagnato i governi di centro-destra, con particolare attenzione a quelli compresi fra il 2001 e il 2006, fra il 2008 e il 2011 e al sorgere del Movimento 5 Stelle. L’analisi diacronica e il confronto fra i movimenti dei primi anni 2000 e quelli che hanno accompagnato la recente crisi economica permetteranno di riflettere sui caratteri emergenti dell’azione collettiva alla luce dei più recenti sviluppi tecnologici.
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Si la globalización – concepto impreciso y criticado – redefine las características de los movimientos abasteciendo una serie de oportunidades para la movilización en escala transnacional, ella también define una serie de vínculos... more
Si la globalización – concepto impreciso y criticado – redefine las características de los movimientos abasteciendo una serie de oportunidades para la movilización en escala transnacional, ella también define una serie de vínculos para la acción de los movimientos sociales. Los movimientos se encuentran para interactuar con una serie de actores diversos sobre el tablero global: nuevos desafíos surgen en la esfera económica con el creciente peso asumido por las empresas multinacionales, nuevas contrapartes institucionales ocupan la esfera política después de la multiplicación de las organizaciones gubernametanles internacionales (OGI) y nuevos conflictos han surgido en la esfera cultural alrededor de la definición de los problemas políticos, con la afirmación de los medios de comunicación privados globales.
El movimiento antiliberal se encuentra operando en un sistema extremadamente complicado en el cual no sólo los lugares, sino también los actores que asumen decisiones importantes son múltiples o actúan en esferas distintas y sobre niveles territoriales diferentes. Por lo tanto, los movimientos buscan individuar distintas estrategias, para tener una mayor probabilidad en la obtención de resultados. Pero, ¿cuáles son las reacciones puestas en acción por los movimientos sociales transnacionales para reaccionar a los nuevos desafíos que se manifiestan en el nivel económico, político y cultural? Como se argumenta en este capítulo, los movimientos reaccionan entretejiendo una multiplicidad de estrategias: desde los boicots, pasando por la organización de contravértices, hasta la creación de instrumentos propios de información y comunicación alternativa.
El movimiento antiliberal se encuentra operando en un sistema extremadamente complicado en el cual no sólo los lugares, sino también los actores que asumen decisiones importantes son múltiples o actúan en esferas distintas y sobre niveles territoriales diferentes. Por lo tanto, los movimientos buscan individuar distintas estrategias, para tener una mayor probabilidad en la obtención de resultados. Pero, ¿cuáles son las reacciones puestas en acción por los movimientos sociales transnacionales para reaccionar a los nuevos desafíos que se manifiestan en el nivel económico, político y cultural? Como se argumenta en este capítulo, los movimientos reaccionan entretejiendo una multiplicidad de estrategias: desde los boicots, pasando por la organización de contravértices, hasta la creación de instrumentos propios de información y comunicación alternativa.
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Based on original post-electoral surveys held after the 2014 European elections on representative samples of citizens with internet access in Italy, Germany and the UK, we explore the relationship between the exposure to different sources... more
Based on original post-electoral surveys held after the 2014 European elections on representative samples of citizens with internet access in Italy, Germany and the UK, we explore the relationship between the exposure to different sources of information and attitudinal and behavioural dimensions of Euroscepticism. We distinguish respondents in occasional media users, prevalently traditional, prevalently digital and ‘omnivores’. We expect to find a relation between different news diets and confidence in EU institutions, electoral abstention and vote for Eurosceptic parties. Our analyses show that omnivores are more trustful of the EU and less likely to abstain and that digital univores are more likely to vote for Eurosceptic parties.
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In the course of a three-year research project comparing social media and political participation across the European Union, we collected data on representative samples of internet users from Germany, Italy and the UK. Online users were... more
In the course of a three-year research project comparing social media and political participation across the European Union, we collected data on representative samples of internet users from Germany, Italy and the UK. Online users were surveyed just after the May 2014 European elections. The three countries have been selected as they differ not only in terms of institutional features but also in terms of the character of their media systems: ‘liberal’ in the UK, ‘democratic-corporatist’ in Germany and ‘polarized pluralist’ in Italy. Although previous studies have not put into direct relationship media systems with participatory patterns, we hypothesized that different types of media ecologies may generate peculiar incentives for non-institutional participation. Taking such differences into account, our paper sheds light on the linkage between digital media and unconventional participation across the three countries. Our hypothesis is that distinct news diets and different social media platforms may influence non- institutional participation in specific ways that reflect varying contextual characteristics. We assess the role of different news diets on unconventional participation, distinguishing our respondents according to their main sources of information (occasional, traditional univores, digital univores and omnivores). We then consider the association between the use of different social media (i.e. Facebook and Twitter) and non-institutional participation. Finally, we take into account the indirect effect of national contexts by running interaction models. Our findings show that news diets and social media use matter in the three countries, but that substantial differences are hard to find across them.
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The focus of this chapter concerns the linkage among the movement, social conflicts and local protests. Three main dimensions shedding light on this relationship are considered: a) the proximity of the electoral programme and campaigns of... more
The focus of this chapter concerns the linkage among the movement, social conflicts and local protests. Three main dimensions shedding light on this relationship are considered: a) the proximity of the electoral programme and campaigns of Grillo and the M5S to social movement claims; b) the action repertoire and multiple belongings of the movement’s elected representatives; c) electoral outcomes in areas with severe social conflicts.
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in this chapter, we analyse three dimensions of the Web’s role for the M5S against the backdrop of international theoretical debates and empirical research on digital politics. First, we discuss the narratives that Beppe Grillo and his... more
in this chapter, we analyse three dimensions of the Web’s role for the M5S against the backdrop of international theoretical debates and empirical research on digital politics. First, we discuss the narratives that Beppe Grillo and his chief consultant, Gianroberto Casaleggio, have employed to talk about the democratic role of the Internet against some real-world examples of whether and how the M5s upholds democratic principles in its operations. Secondly, we investigate how the Web was employed to select candidates for the 2013 general elections. Thirdly, we assess how M5s voters use the internet to inform themselves about and participate in politics. Our purpose, therefore, is to conduct empirical scrutiny on how the M5S has used the internet as a rhetorical device, as an organisational platform, and as a tool for campaign communication and engagement.
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In this chapter we evaluate the online primaries of the Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S). We analyse the rules for passive and active electorate that were put in place by the party leadership and evaluate their impact on the inclusiveness of the... more
In this chapter we evaluate the online primaries of the Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S). We analyse the rules for passive and active electorate that were put in place by the party leadership and evaluate their impact on the inclusiveness of the competition and their contribution as a form of democratic innovation in the Italian political system. Since these primaries were conducted entirely online, we address the role of the internet in candidates’ repertoire of communication, particularly as regards their presence and popularity in the main social media platforms. We evaluate the outcomes of the primaries in terms of the characteristics of the candidates placed in higher positions in the party lists as a result of the online primaries. This is a very relevant factor for the internal party’s competition, since due to the aforementioned characteristics of the electoral law for the Italian Parliament, the place- ment of the single candidates in the parties’ lists mostly determined whether they were elected. Finally, we offer some reflections on the process employed by the M5S to select its candidates for the following national elections – those for the European Parliament that were held in 2014 – and some reflections on the prospects and implications of this innovative candidate selection method for the party and the Italian political system.
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In the first section of this chapter we present three Italian generations of social movement scholars. In the following section we introduce the principal areas of empirical research on social movements considering academic articles and... more
In the first section of this chapter we present three Italian generations of social movement scholars. In the following section we introduce the principal areas of empirical research on social movements considering academic articles and books that have been published since the 1990s, thus updating the mapping exercise of Diani and Melucci (1988). In the concluding section we briefly present a research agenda stressing some relevant issues that, we believe, still need to be an- swered by Italian social movement scholars.
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The chapter begins with a brief overview of our methodology, followed by a brief historical summary of protest time in Italy and a breakdown of the types and actors of protest in Italy in 2011. We then focus on democracy, then on Europe,... more
The chapter begins with a brief overview of our methodology, followed by a brief historical summary of protest time in Italy and a breakdown of the types and actors of protest in Italy in 2011. We then focus on democracy, then on Europe, drawing on the results of our frame analysis and survey data. Our conclusions develop the idea of the ideals and practices of the Indignados and Occupy movements finding their expression via different groups in the Italian context, in particular the referendum campaign, citizens’ movements against large-scale infrastructure projects but also the many labour conflicts – against factory closures, dismissals and worsening market and labour conditions taking place throughout the year.
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Nel presente saggio l’attenzione è posta su alcuni dei principali conflitti locali emersi in Italia dalla metà degli anni Novanta: le proteste dei comitati spontanei di cittadini, le campagne contro la TAV in Valle di Susa in Piemonte e... more
Nel presente saggio l’attenzione è posta su alcuni dei principali conflitti locali emersi in Italia dalla metà degli anni Novanta: le proteste dei comitati spontanei di cittadini, le campagne contro la TAV in Valle di Susa in Piemonte e contro il ponte sullo Stretto di Messina, le mobilitazioni dei social forum locali. Nella parte conclusiva si presenta un’analisi degli eventi di protesta che hanno caratterizzato il biennio 2011-12, formulando alcune ipotesi sull’apparente e paradossale assenza di conflitto in un contesto che sembrerebbe invece particolarmente favorevole all’emergere della protesta.
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This article discusses the use of the internet in politics focusing in particular on the case of the Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S). A description of a new organizational model called «cybercratic centralism» vis-a-vis other ways of online... more
This article discusses the use of the internet in politics focusing in particular on the case of the Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S). A description of a new organizational model called «cybercratic centralism» vis-a-vis other ways of online organization is provided. Problems concerning online polling on Grillo’s blog are then examined, stressing their limits in terms of transparency and participation. Two specific cases are presented as being particularly telling of M5S online democratic practices: the selection of candidates to the Italian parliament and the membership to a political group in the European parliament. The most recent organizational developments of Grillo’s party are finally examined, underlying the enduring problems of such model.
Keywords: Movimento 5 Stelle – internet – electronic democracy – cybercratic centralism.
Keywords: Movimento 5 Stelle – internet – electronic democracy – cybercratic centralism.
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Despite the growing role of digital media in mobilizing protest and even changing its logic, the reflection on online methods in social movement studies has been quite limited until now. While such methods are generally employed in... more
Despite the growing role of digital media in mobilizing protest and even changing its logic, the reflection on online methods in social movement studies has been quite limited until now. While such methods are generally employed in empirical research, there has been little reflection on the limits and opportunities they entail, and in general their relationship with offline techniques has been poorly discussed and problematized. This chapter thus aims to fill this gap in the literature. Building on recent discussion of online methods in the social sciences, this chapter: (a) discusses methodological problems related to collecting and archiving online data; (b) addresses sampling problems in researching the online dimension of social movements; and (c) examines the pros and cons of specific techniques to analyze online movements.
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The enduring economic crisis, austerity measures and corruption scandals have created a favourable environment for the advent of new political actors all over Europe. During the last general elections (February 2013), Italy was shocked by... more
The enduring economic crisis, austerity measures and corruption scandals have created a favourable environment for the advent of new political actors all over Europe. During the last general elections (February 2013), Italy was shocked by the inexorable rise of the Five Star Movement. Beppe Grillo’s creature upset the political system, occupying portions of the public sphere that had been ignored (the web) or gradually abandoned by traditional political parties (the squares). Its unusual campaigning style, its internet-based organisational structure, its atypical political positioning (beyond left and right), and its oversimplification of complex problems all help to explain its electoral performance, and distinguish it from similar anti-establishment parties that have emerged in Europe over the past decade.
La vicinanza ai movimenti sociali è solo un aspetto tra quelli che contribuiscono a definire l'identità del Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S). Tuttavia, uno dei motivi del successo del M5S consiste indubbiamente nella sua capacità di nutrirsi dei... more
La vicinanza ai movimenti sociali è solo un aspetto tra quelli che contribuiscono a definire l'identità del Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S). Tuttavia, uno dei motivi del successo del M5S consiste indubbiamente nella sua capacità di nutrirsi dei conflitti locali per generare risorse e catalizzare il voto di protesta. Ci sono almeno 3 dimensioni che possono contribuire a chiarire il rapporto tra Movimento, conflitti e proteste locali: a) la prossimità del programma elettorale del M5S e delle campagne sostenute da Grillo ad alcune rivendicazioni dei movimenti sociali; b) le biografie degli eletti del Movimento; c) i risultati elettorali dei 5 stelle in aree profondamente segnate dalla presenza di conflitti.
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This chapter looks at the most important actors engaged in social and political conflict in Italy during 2012, linking conflicts to policy arenas and the change in policy style of the government. The study is based mostly on a qualitative... more
This chapter looks at the most important actors engaged in social and political conflict in Italy during 2012, linking conflicts to policy arenas and the change in policy style of the government. The study is based mostly on a qualitative analysis of the most important national newspapers. The actors examined are the mobilization of students, the trade union movement, the “No TAV” movement (against high-speed trains in northwestern Italy), and the Five Star Movement, all active against the anti-austerity measures of the technical government. Social reaction against so-called neo-liberal policies in Italy has been belated and fragmented when compared with other European countries. In the final section we discuss the explanations for the particular characteristics of the Italian protest movements during 2012.
Keywords: conflict arenas, Five Star Movement, “No TAV” movement, protest, social movements, students, unions
Keywords: conflict arenas, Five Star Movement, “No TAV” movement, protest, social movements, students, unions
This chapter looks at the most important actors engaged in social and political conflict in Italy during 2012, linking conflicts to policy arenas and the change in policy style of the government. The study is based mostly on a qualitative... more
This chapter looks at the most important actors engaged in social and political conflict in Italy during 2012, linking conflicts to policy arenas and the change in policy style of the government. The study is based mostly on a qualitative analysis of the most important national newspapers. The actors examined are the mobilization of stu- dents, the trade union movement, the “No TAV” movement (against high-speed trains in northwestern Italy), and the Five Star Movement, all active against the anti-austerity measures of the technical govern- ment. Social reaction against so-called neo-liberal policies in Italy has been belated and fragmented when compared with other European countries. In the final section we discuss the explanations for the par- ticular characteristics of the Italian protest movements during 2012.
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Considerare i gruppi d’interesse, i movimenti sociali e le imprese attori primari della scena pubblica, soggetti della comunicazione politica ancora più importanti di partiti, leader e istituzioni nel determinare la formazione... more
Considerare i gruppi d’interesse, i movimenti sociali e le imprese attori primari della scena pubblica, soggetti della comunicazione politica ancora più importanti di partiti, leader e istituzioni nel determinare la formazione dell’opinione pubblica: è la prospettiva da cui questo libro propone di guardare le dinamiche del dibattito pubblico. Da prima vengono introdotte le ragioni di tale diversa prospettiva, poi vengono proposti studi di area e di caso. Tra gli altri: la Chiesa italiana, le associazioni dei consumatori, Amnesty International, i promotori del rock umanitario.
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In this article we explore the process of ‘contamination’ (namely cross-fertilization) in the development of the Global Justice Movement in Italy during the 1990s. We focus on two specific organizational sectors of this movement: labour... more
In this article we explore the process of ‘contamination’ (namely cross-fertilization) in the development of the Global Justice Movement in Italy during the 1990s. We focus on two specific organizational sectors of this movement: labour organizations and associations for solidarity with the global South. We concentrate on a stage of the protest cycle that has been overlooked in social movement studies, namely the emergence of mobilization after a period of latency, and shed light on the process through which individual and organizational networks actually facilitate mobilization and vice versa. The process of ‘contamination’ in action is presented as the combination of structural, cognitive and affective mechanisms. It operates through both individual and organizational networks that together facilitate logistic coordination, enable the emergence of tolerance and mutual trust and allow frame bridging and the transnationalization of identities.
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A social anxiety currently pervades the political classes of the western world, arising from the perception that young people have become disaffected with liberal democratic politics. Voter turnout among 18-25 year olds continues to be... more
A social anxiety currently pervades the political classes of the western world, arising from the perception that young people have become disaffected with liberal democratic politics. Voter turnout among 18-25 year olds continues to be lower than other age groups and they are less likely to join political parties. This is not, however, proof that young people are not interested in politics per se but is evidence that they are becoming politically socialized within a new media environment.
This shift poses a significant challenge to politicians who increasingly have to respond to a technologically mediated lifestyle politics that celebrates lifestyle diversity, personal disclosure and celebrity. This book explores alternative approaches for engaging and understanding young people’s political activity and looks at the adoption of information and ICTs as a means to facilitate the active engagement of young people in democratic societies.
Young Citizens in a Digital Age presents new research and the first comprehensive analysis of ICTs, citizenship and young people from an international group of leading scholars. It is an important book for students and researchers of citizenship and ICTs within the fields of sociology, politics, social policy and communication studies among others.
This shift poses a significant challenge to politicians who increasingly have to respond to a technologically mediated lifestyle politics that celebrates lifestyle diversity, personal disclosure and celebrity. This book explores alternative approaches for engaging and understanding young people’s political activity and looks at the adoption of information and ICTs as a means to facilitate the active engagement of young people in democratic societies.
Young Citizens in a Digital Age presents new research and the first comprehensive analysis of ICTs, citizenship and young people from an international group of leading scholars. It is an important book for students and researchers of citizenship and ICTs within the fields of sociology, politics, social policy and communication studies among others.
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La vicinanza ai movimenti sociali è ovviamente solo un aspetto tra quelli che contribuiscono a definire l'identità del Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S). Tuttavia, uno dei motivi del successo del M5S consiste indubbiamente nella sua capacità... more
La vicinanza ai movimenti sociali è ovviamente solo un aspetto tra quelli che contribuiscono a definire l'identità del Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S). Tuttavia, uno dei motivi del successo del M5S consiste indubbiamente nella sua capacità di nutrirsi dei conflitti locali per generare risorse e catalizzare il voto di protesta. Ci sono almeno 3 dimensioni che possono contribuire a chiarire il rapporto tra Movimento, conflitti e proteste locali: a) la prossimità del programma elettorale del M5S e delle campagne sostenute da Grillo ad alcune rivendicazioni dei movimenti sociali; b) le biografie degli eletti del Movimento; c) i risultati elettorali dei 5 stelle in aree profondamente segnate dalla presenza di conflitti.
Gli ultimi anni hanno visto un'espansione senza precedenti dei movimenti sociali che criticano la globalizzazione neoliberista. Qual è la natura di questi movimenti? Che possibilità hanno di incidere sulle politche globali, sugli... more
Gli ultimi anni hanno visto un'espansione senza precedenti dei movimenti sociali che criticano la globalizzazione neoliberista. Qual è la natura di questi movimenti? Che possibilità hanno di incidere sulle politche globali, sugli assetti economici, sugli squilibri planetari? E che idea di società veicolano? Risultato della ricerca di un gruppo di studiosi, il volume indaga i diversi aspetti del movimento dei movimenti, dalla cooperazione comunicativa attraverso le reti alla riprogettazione del territorio e dell'ambiente, allo scontro con gli organismi che governano i processi economici mondiali, tracciando i contorni di una nuova opposizione sociale.
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Il fenomeno dei comitati di cittadini a Bologna: alternativamente considerato minaccia o risorsa per il sistema democratico incentrato sulla rappresentanza, il moltiplicarsi delle ini-ziative dei comitati spontanei di cittadini... more
Il fenomeno dei comitati di cittadini a Bologna: alternativamente considerato minaccia o risorsa per il sistema democratico incentrato sulla rappresentanza, il moltiplicarsi delle ini-ziative dei comitati spontanei di cittadini ripropone il tema della partecipazione diretta ...
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Notwithstanding a growing interest in online politics, the analysis of web sites' qualities by social movement organizations (SMOs) has received little attention in social research. In creating their sites, SMOs often underline the... more
Notwithstanding a growing interest in online politics, the analysis of web sites' qualities by social movement organizations (SMOs) has received little attention in social research. In creating their sites, SMOs often underline the capacity of new technologies to involve members and ...
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Since the first World Social Forum (WSF) that took place in January 2001, Social Fora have developed as spaces for a sustained and intensified communication within the global justice movements across thematic and ideological divisions... more
Since the first World Social Forum (WSF) that took place in January 2001, Social Fora have developed as spaces for a sustained and intensified communication within the global justice movements across thematic and ideological divisions (della Porta 2005; Rucht forthcoming). Contrary ...
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Citizens' committees have become an increasingly frequent, relevant phenomenon in Italian local politics and policy over the last decade or so. This article examines protest campaigns concerning traffic policies in four medium-size cities... more
Citizens' committees have become an increasingly frequent, relevant phenomenon in Italian local politics and policy over the last decade or so. This article examines protest campaigns concerning traffic policies in four medium-size cities in which such committees have played a pivotal role. Though the ability of such actors to successfully impose their preferences on the policy agenda appears to be at the very least uncertain, an analysis of these campaigns reveals some of the factors that can increase their chances of exerting influence on policy decisions. Such factors include the resources these campaigns can mobilize – namely various forms of human, social and political capital –, their political opportuneness and their ability to structure public discourse within a global framework that fosters the building of coalitions supporting their claims.
Protest compaign comparative analysis in Italy
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Capace di suscitare entusiasmi e speranze pari ai timori e alle ripulse, il «grillismo» sembra più di una meteora del costume: forse sarà un nuovo protagonista degli equilibri politici italiani, forse – come promette e minaccia – li farà... more
Capace di suscitare entusiasmi e speranze pari ai timori e alle ripulse, il «grillismo» sembra più di una meteora del costume: forse sarà un nuovo protagonista degli equilibri politici italiani, forse – come promette e minaccia – li farà saltare. In ogni caso, sarà bene conoscere il fenomeno più da vicino, al di là del clamore giornalistico. Con l’aiuto dell’Istituto Cattaneo, il lettore potrà scoprire le ragioni del successo del M5s e potrà quindi, alla vigilia delle prossime elezioni politiche, su cui Grillo si sforza quotidianamente di mettere un’ipoteca, inquadrare bene il movimento e la sua organizzazione dentro e fuori la rete, il rapporto tra la base e il condottiero-blogger, le relazioni tra eletti e militanti, l’uso delle tecnologie informatiche e della «web democracy», il ruolo delle tradizioni civiche e la capacità di proiezione a livello nazionale.
In una fase di profonda trasformazione dei governi locali, in cui alle tradizionali difficoltà legate alla scarsità di risorse e alla complessa gestione dei servizi pubblici si aggiungono nuove polemiche sui costi della politica, i... more
In una fase di profonda trasformazione dei governi locali, in cui alle tradizionali difficoltà legate alla scarsità di risorse e alla complessa gestione dei servizi pubblici si aggiungono nuove polemiche sui costi della politica, i comuni, in particolare quelli di piccole e medie dimensioni, sono messi alla prova da crescenti vincoli e pressioni. La cooperazione tra comuni, o intercomunalità – fenomeno in crescita a livello europeo – è una risposta a queste sfide. La gestione comune di funzioni e servizi permette agli enti locali di operare in maniera più razionale ed efficiente, erogando servizi di migliore qualità su un territorio e a una popolazione più ampi. L’Emilia-Romagna è una delle regioni italiane che più ha mostrato interesse per questa opportunità, soprattutto attraverso la forma delle unioni di comuni. Il volume, dopo aver ricostruito le problematiche teoriche dell’intercomunalità a livello europeo e nella realtà italiana, analizza tre casi di unioni di comuni in Emilia-Romagna con l’obiettivo di esaminarne – nei processi di governo, nella gestione delle politiche pubbliche, negli aspetti normativi, organizzativi, operativi e politici – i tratti comuni e le sfide condivise, ma anche le rispettive peculiarità . Il volume permette quindi di comprendere il significato di questa nuova esperienza amministrativa, la più dinamica innovazione istituzionale sia nel governo locale emiliano-romagnolo, sia nel pano rama nazionale.