OPINION – Ben-Gvir’s Influence: A Shadow Over Netanyahu’s War Strategy

Former IDF Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot exposes the far-right's sway on Netanyahu’s wartime conduct

A week after the centrist National Unity party stepped down from the government, National Unity MK Gadi Eisenkot confirmed in an interview what we all suspected from the start: that Bibi Netanyahu’s conduct in the Israel-Hamas war is being heavily influenced by Itamar Ben-Gvir and his extreme right-wing party.

On several occasions in the interview, Eisenkot stated that the Netanyahu he served under when he was IDF chief of staff is not the same Netanyahu we see today. Ben-Gvir’s influence seems to have a lot to do with that change.

The conduct of Ben-Gvir since October 7 has been deplorable. He opposed the first deal to release hostages in November, which resulted in over 100 hostages being freed. He has threatened to bring down the government if any future deal is agreed to.

Together with his ally Bezalel Smotrich, Ben-Gvir has displayed minimal empathy for the families of the hostages. He propels a populist message regarding the war in Gaza and the need to confront Hezbollah in a way that undermines the professionals tasked with conducting the war. It should not be forgotten that the army refused to enlist Ben-Gvir into its ranks due to his activities as a youth coordinator for the extremist organization Kach.

Ben-Gvir and Smotrich have often advocated policies toward the Palestinians in Judea and Samaria that have gone against the recommendations of the security services. For example, it was only at the last minute that Netanyahu managed to overrule Ben-Gvir’s decision to bar Arabs from attending Ramadan prayers at Al-Aqsa Mosque.

Smotrich and Ben-Gvir’s irresponsible statements regarding the war in Gaza have provided plenty of ammunition to those seeking to accuse Israel of genocide and war crimes.

They have displayed disdain and contempt toward Israel’s main ally, the United States. In doing so, they appeal to their constituents while ignoring the reality that Israel requires the support of the United States.

Their defense of the hooliganism carried out against Palestinians in the West Bank by a small minority of settlers is inexcusable.

Ben-Gvir has also promoted the insane proposition that Israel should rebuild settlements in Gaza, which would require Israel to militarily occupy Gaza again.

Perhaps his most perfidious act was supporting the government’s efforts to maintain mass exemptions from military service for ultra-Orthodox Israelis. After all, it is his constituents—religious but not Orthodox Jews—who are bearing the major brunt of casualties and the burden of military service in the current conflict.

Now that Netanyahu has accepted that his immediate future rests with his narrow coalition, it is clear that Ben-Gvir holds sway over major forthcoming decisions regarding the hostages, Hamas, and Hezbollah. This puts the country in dire straits.

Many have opined that Netanyahu’s primary focus is survival at all costs, meaning that he is willing to sacrifice the needs of the nation in order to do so. Netanyahu’s opponents are obsessed with the idea of removing him from power, which has contributed to the siege mentality that Netanyahu has taken on.

What has been appalling to watch over the last eight months is that even as the war rages on, the country’s politics are still defined by the pro- and anti-Netanyahu camps. Now, more than ever, the country needs responsible leadership.

At the outset of the war, I was of the view that a national unity government comprising all the major parties was desirable. I lamented how Yair Lapid and Avigdor Liberman failed to join Benny Gantz in the coalition and the war cabinet out of an inability to temporarily reconcile with Netanyahu. Their participation may have provided Netanyahu with the additional support required to neutralize Ben-Gvir and company. In the case of Liberman’s Yisrael Beitenu party and Gideon Sa’ar’s New Hope party, Netanyahu also missed out on potential allies from the right.

Politicians like Lapid and Liberman have previously served in government and have the knowledge and experience to conduct themselves responsibly. This is in stark contrast to the outrageous stream of comments that Ben-Gvir and Smotrich have uttered throughout the war. That they are serving ministers of a government at war makes their conduct all the more reprehensible.

The majority in the country may now want elections to be held immediately. But Netanyahu will retain his narrow majority if he sticks with Ben-Gvir.

The country is in a state of uncertainty and lacks clear goals. On the one hand, it seeks the return of the hostages no matter the price. It also seeks to dismantle Hamas and deal with Hezbollah so that the displaced residents of the North can return. There is no clear vision for how Gaza is to be governed in the future. Peace with Saudi Arabia still holds an allure and a regional alliance is also on the table. All the while, Israel’s international standing continues to plummet as it faces charges of war crimes and genocide and calls for the arrest of its prime minister and defense minister.

In this environment, the last thing the nation needs is to allow Ben-Gvir to meddle in its affairs of state.

The latest cease-fire proposal, which the US said came from Israel, may have the majority of the country’s support—assuming Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar ever accedes to its terms. At the end of the day, Bibi Netanyahu may well have to decide between what’s in the nation’s best interest and his own survival.