- Classics, Historical Linguistics, Philology, Indo-European Studies, Homer, Anatolian, and 27 moreProsody, Hittite, Meter, Phonology, Greek Linguistics, Languages and Linguistics, Linguistics, Greek Language, Comparative Linguistics, Latin Language and Literature, Greek Epigraphy, Indo-European Linguistics, Latin, Vedic Sanskrit, Italic Languages, Etymology, Anatolian Studies, Ancient Greek Language, Luwian, Hittitology, Proto Indo-European, Diachronic Linguistics (Or Historical Linguistics), Historical Syntax, Indo-European, Anatolian Languages, Lycian, and Indo-Iranian Linguisticsedit
- I'm currently an assistant professor at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) in the interdepartmental Pro... moreI'm currently an assistant professor at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) in the interdepartmental Program in Indo-European Studies (PIES) and in the department of Near Eastern Languages and Cultures. I completed my PhD in PIES in the summer of 2017, then spent two years as a Humboldt Research Fellow at the Lehrstuhl für Historische und Indogermanische Sprachwissenschaft at Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München before returning to UCLA in January 2023.
I specialize in Indo-European comparative-historical linguistics and in the philology and linguistics of the Anatolian languages, with particular focus on Hittite. My research is concerned broadly with the synchronic and historical grammar of the Anatolian languages, and with how these inform our understanding of the rest of the Indo-European language family.
For more on my research, see my website: http://www.adyates.comedit
This dissertation develops optimality-theoretic analyses of word-level stress assignment in two languages with lexical accent, Cupeño (Takic, Uto-Aztecan) and Hittite (Anatolian, Indo-European); it also assesses the implications of word... more
This dissertation develops optimality-theoretic analyses of word-level stress assignment in two languages with lexical accent, Cupeño (Takic, Uto-Aztecan) and Hittite (Anatolian, Indo-European); it also assesses the implications of word stress in Hittite and the other Anatolian languages for the reconstruction of stress assignment in Proto-Indo European.
I argue that stress assignment in Cupeño is governed by the BASIC ACCENTUATION PRINCIPLE (BAP; Kiparsky and Halle 1977): stress is assigned to the leftmost lexically accented morpheme, else to the word’s left edge. This analysis is compared to that of Alderete (2001), who
argues that Cupeño shows accentual root faithfulness — i.e., that the accentual properties of roots are privileged over non-root morphemes. I show that the BAP analysis is both simpler and attains greater empirical coverage than the root faithfulness analysis, which fails to account for certain attested stress patterns that are captured under the BAP analysis. Thus reanalyzed, Cupeño has two important typological implications. First, without support from Cupeño, root faithfulness may be unattested as a feature of lexical accent systems. Second, Cupeño provides a clear typological parallel for the ancient IE languages on the basis of which the BAP was posited — in particular, Vedic Sanskrit — as well as for Hittite, where I argue that it is also operative.
The analysis of Hittite stress advanced in this dissertation is the first systematic attempt at a synchronic generative treatment of its word stress patterns. Having established that stress assignment in Hittite inflection is governed by the BAP, I also adduce evidence for accentual dominance — i.e., morphemes whose accentual specification “overrides” the BAP. I propose that accentual dominance in Hittite is a consequence of morphological headedness: the lexical accent of the word’s head morpheme is privileged in Hittite, just as Revithiadou (1999) has argued for other lexical accent systems.
Finally, this dissertation addresses the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European (PIE) word-prosodic system. Hittite and the other Anatolian languages are not traditionally viewed as important sources for the reconstruction of this system; however, I contend that the BAP is reconstructible for PIE and that — against this traditional view — this reconstruction depends crucially on the Anatolian evidence, which converges with Vedic Sanskrit in this respect.
I argue that stress assignment in Cupeño is governed by the BASIC ACCENTUATION PRINCIPLE (BAP; Kiparsky and Halle 1977): stress is assigned to the leftmost lexically accented morpheme, else to the word’s left edge. This analysis is compared to that of Alderete (2001), who
argues that Cupeño shows accentual root faithfulness — i.e., that the accentual properties of roots are privileged over non-root morphemes. I show that the BAP analysis is both simpler and attains greater empirical coverage than the root faithfulness analysis, which fails to account for certain attested stress patterns that are captured under the BAP analysis. Thus reanalyzed, Cupeño has two important typological implications. First, without support from Cupeño, root faithfulness may be unattested as a feature of lexical accent systems. Second, Cupeño provides a clear typological parallel for the ancient IE languages on the basis of which the BAP was posited — in particular, Vedic Sanskrit — as well as for Hittite, where I argue that it is also operative.
The analysis of Hittite stress advanced in this dissertation is the first systematic attempt at a synchronic generative treatment of its word stress patterns. Having established that stress assignment in Hittite inflection is governed by the BAP, I also adduce evidence for accentual dominance — i.e., morphemes whose accentual specification “overrides” the BAP. I propose that accentual dominance in Hittite is a consequence of morphological headedness: the lexical accent of the word’s head morpheme is privileged in Hittite, just as Revithiadou (1999) has argued for other lexical accent systems.
Finally, this dissertation addresses the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European (PIE) word-prosodic system. Hittite and the other Anatolian languages are not traditionally viewed as important sources for the reconstruction of this system; however, I contend that the BAP is reconstructible for PIE and that — against this traditional view — this reconstruction depends crucially on the Anatolian evidence, which converges with Vedic Sanskrit in this respect.
Research Interests: Diachronic Linguistics (Or Historical Linguistics), Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Typology, and 20 moreAncient Indo-European Languages, Indo-European Studies, Stress, Morphology, Uto-Aztecan Linguistics, Hittite, Linguistics, Prosody and Its Interfaces, Phonological Theory, Morphology (Languages And Linguistics), Indo-European Linguistics, Language Typology, Proto Indo-European, Linguistic Typology, Prosody, Morphophonology, Diachronic Phonology, Comparative Indo-European Linguistics, Proto-Indo-European reconstruction, and Cupeno
It is widely thought that Proto-Indo-European τόμος-type nouns are robustly continued in the Anatolian languages. I challenge this view, arguing that most of the alleged Anatolian reflexes of this class instead continue τομή-or φυγή-type... more
It is widely thought that Proto-Indo-European τόμος-type nouns are robustly continued in the Anatolian languages. I challenge this view, arguing that most of the alleged Anatolian reflexes of this class instead continue τομή-or φυγή-type nouns, or in a few cases, τομός-type adjectives. Based on this reassessment of the Anatolian evidence, I propose a new historical account of the Hittite noun-forming suffix -ā̆tar/n- in which inherited τομή-and φυγή-type nouns play a crucial role. This evidence also prompts a reevaluation of the morphology of τομή-and φυγή-type nouns in Proto-Indo-European. I present empirical and morphophonological arguments in support of the view that φυγή-type nouns were primary derivatives, whereas τομή-type nouns were derived from τομός-type adjectives with the same suffix *-eh2- .
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Anatolian Studies, Ancient Indo-European Languages, and 13 moreComparative Linguistics, Stress, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Luwian, Lycian, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, Morphophonology, Ancient Greek Language, and Derivational Morphology
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Greek Language, Language Variation and Change, and 15 moreAncient Indo-European Languages, Indo-European Studies, Vedic Sanskrit, Comparative Linguistics, Stress, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Luwian, Linguistics, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, Morphophonology, and Diachronic Phonology
It is widely thought that (i) Proto-Indo-European had *-mon-stem nominals formed by internal derivation from neuter *-men-stems and that (ii) these *-mon-stems were characterized by "amphikinetic" inflection, thus stressed full-grade of... more
It is widely thought that (i) Proto-Indo-European had *-mon-stem nominals formed by internal derivation from neuter *-men-stems and that (ii) these *-mon-stems were characterized by "amphikinetic" inflection, thus stressed full-grade of the root in their strong case forms (*R(é)-mon-). This paper challenges the latter claim, arguing that these forms instead had stem-final stress (*R(e)-món-). I adduce prosodic evidence in support of this alternative reconstruction from Lithuanian, Greek, Hittite, and above all Vedic Sanskrit, where the attested reflexes of these *-mon-stems consistently show stem-final stress. I then propose a new account of their root full-grade, which on this new reconstruction is phonologically irregular, since it surfaces in a pretonic syllable. I contend that this full-grade was synchronically transferred from their neuter *-men-stem bases. In this respect, internally derived *-mon-stems are shown to pattern morphophonologically with other reconstructible non-primary derivatives, which similarly acquire their root vocalism from their derivational bases.
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Language Variation and Change, Sanskrit language and literature, and 15 moreIndo-European Studies, Vedic Sanskrit, Stress, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Indo-Iranian Languages, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, Morphophonology, Ancient Greek Language, Diachronic Phonology, Derivational Morphology, and Lithuanian language
This paper assesses the implications of the Anatolian evidence for the phonological and morphological reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European *-mon-stem nominals. I argue that Anatolian inherited the morphological process whereby *-mon-stem... more
This paper assesses the implications of the Anatolian evidence for the phonological and morphological reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European *-mon-stem nominals. I argue that Anatolian inherited the morphological process whereby *-mon-stem nominals were formed by internal derivation from neuter *-men-stems, as is generally assumed to be the case in Proto-Indo-European. With respect to the phonology of these internally derived *-mon-stems, however, I challenge the traditional reconstruction. I argue that the Anatolian evidence supports reconstructing them with paradigmatically invariant full-grade of the root and stressed *o-vocal-ism of the derivational suffix in their strong case forms rather than the "amphikinetic" inflectional pattern assumed under the Erlangen Model. In addition, I propose that PIE had *-mon-stem nominals derived directly from verbal roots, which differed phonologically from the internally derived type in that they had zero-grade of the root.
Research Interests: Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Language Variation and Change, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Indo-European Studies, and 13 moreVedic Sanskrit, Comparative Linguistics, Stress, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Luwian, Lydian, Indo-Iranian Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, Ancient Greek Linguistics, and Historical Phonology
We address the relationship between syntactic valency and voice morphology in Hittite (Anatolian, Indo-European), focusing on cases where active syntax is expressed using non-active morphology, and vice versa. We argue that apparent... more
We address the relationship between syntactic valency and voice morphology in Hittite (Anatolian, Indo-European), focusing on cases where active syntax is expressed using non-active morphology, and vice versa. We argue that apparent "mismatches" between syntax and morphology are strictly a morphological rather than a syntactic phenomenon (contra Alexiadou et al. 2015; Grestenberger 2018). Our study highlights voice "reversals" — i.e., cases in which the expected mismatch disappears and morphological and syntactic valency match. We determine that such reversals correlate with morphological locality, and cannot be derived by hierarchical factors. Our findings provide a novel argument for a uniform syntactic structure of voice (Wood 2015; Wood & Marantz 2018).
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Greek Language, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Indo-European Studies, Syntax, and 11 moreFormal syntax, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Linguistics, Morphology and Syntax, Valency, Distributed Morphology, Ancient Greek Language, Voice, and Comparative Indo-European Linguistics
This paper is concerned with the lexical representation of accentedness — i.e., the property by which certain morphemes attract word-level stress in languages in which its surface distribution is not phonologically predictable. Recent... more
This paper is concerned with the lexical representation of accentedness — i.e., the property by which certain morphemes attract word-level stress in languages in which its surface distribution is not phonologically predictable. Recent constraint-based approaches to this question diverge in whether a lexical accent is (i) an abstract prominence autosegmentally linked to an input vowel, which is thus preferentially
incorporated into metrical structure (Revithiadou 1999, 2007, Alderete 2001, i.a.); or (ii) metrical structure directly pre-specified in the input (Inkelas 1999, Özçelik 2014, i.a.). I argue that only (ii) can account for the distribution of word stress in Vedic Sanskrit (Indic, Indo-European). Crucial evidence for this proposal comes from cases in which an accented vowel is eliminated in the output, which results in an apparent rightward stress shift (termed ``secondary mobility'' by Kiparsky 2010). I show that only on the metrical analysis is it possible to reconcile these rightward shifts with the phonological preference for left edge stress otherwise observed in the language.
incorporated into metrical structure (Revithiadou 1999, 2007, Alderete 2001, i.a.); or (ii) metrical structure directly pre-specified in the input (Inkelas 1999, Özçelik 2014, i.a.). I argue that only (ii) can account for the distribution of word stress in Vedic Sanskrit (Indic, Indo-European). Crucial evidence for this proposal comes from cases in which an accented vowel is eliminated in the output, which results in an apparent rightward stress shift (termed ``secondary mobility'' by Kiparsky 2010). I show that only on the metrical analysis is it possible to reconcile these rightward shifts with the phonological preference for left edge stress otherwise observed in the language.
Research Interests:
This article proposes a new formal reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) nouns containing the suffix *–oi–. I argue that both primary and non-primary derivatives in this class had stress alternating between the derivational suffix... more
This article proposes a new formal reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) nouns containing the suffix *–oi–. I argue that both primary and non-primary derivatives in this class had stress alternating between the derivational suffix and the following inflectional ending (e.g., ACC.SG *[-óy-ṃ] vs. GEN *[-y-ós]) rather than the "amphikinetic" alternation between root and inflectional ending (ACC.SG *[´-oy-ṃ] vs. GEN *[-y-ós]) that is traditionally assumed for all primary nominals with suffixal *[o]-vocalism under the widely accepted “Erlangen Model” (Schindler 1975a,b, Rix 1992) of Indo-European morphophonology. Support for this alternative reconstruction comes from Hittite, which confirms that the suffixal stress seen in the Greek reflex of this noun class was inherited from PIE rather than root stress as in Vedic Sanskrit. More broadly, I contend that an adequate account of the prosodic behavior of PIE *–oi-stems requires (i) abandoning the traditional connection between suffixal *[o]-grade and "amphikinetic" word stress; and (ii) adopting a framework (such as the one articulated by Kiparsky 2010) in which the suffix's capacity to attract stress in both primary and non-primary derivation can be modeled in a unified way.
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Greek Language, Language Variation and Change, and 14 moreAncient Indo-European Languages, Sanskrit language and literature, Indo-European Studies, Vedic Sanskrit, Comparative Linguistics, Stress, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Morphophonology, Ancient Greek Language, and Historical Phonology
This paper presents a systematic reassessment of STURTEVANT'S LAW (Sturtevant 1932), which governs the differing outcomes of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) voiced and voiceless obstruents in Hit-tite (Anatolian). I argue that STURTEVANT'S LAW... more
This paper presents a systematic reassessment of STURTEVANT'S LAW (Sturtevant 1932), which governs the differing outcomes of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) voiced and voiceless obstruents in Hit-tite (Anatolian). I argue that STURTEVANT'S LAW was a conditioned pre-Hittite sound change whereby (i) contrastively voiceless word-medial obstruents regularly underwent gemination (cf. Melchert 1994), but gemination was blocked for stops in pre-stop position; and (ii) the inherited [±voice] contrast was then lost, replaced by the [±long] opposition observed in Hittite (cf. Blevins 2004). I provide empirical and typological support for this novel restriction, which is shown not only to account straightforwardly for data that is problematic under previous analyses, but also to be phonetically motivated, a natural consequence of the poorly cued durational contrast between voiceless and voiced stops in pre-stop environments. I develop an optimality-theoretic analysis of this gemination pattern in pre-Hittite, and discuss how this grammar gave rise to synchronic Hittite via "transphonologization" (Hyman 1976, 2013). Finally, it is argued that this analysis supports deriving the Hittite stop system from the PIE system as traditionally reconstructed (contra Kloekhorst 2016, Jäntti 2017).
Research Interests:
In this paper we develop a synchronic and diachronic analysis of the phonology of partial reduplication in the Anatolian branch of Indo-European. We argue that the reduplicative patterns of Hittite and Luwian differ from Proto-Anatolian,... more
In this paper we develop a synchronic and diachronic analysis of the phonology of partial reduplication in the Anatolian branch of Indo-European. We argue that the reduplicative patterns of Hittite and Luwian differ from Proto-Anatolian, which exhibited an asymmetric treatment of verbal stems with initial consonant clusters: full copying of sibilant-stop clusters, but partial copying of stop-sonorant clusters. We contend that the phonological constraint driving this asymmetry, NO POORLY-CUED REPETITIONS (Zukoff 2017a), was demoted within the separate prehistories of Hittite and Luwian due to independent phonological changes eliminating the distinction between these cluster types. Furthermore, we show that the proposed set of diachronic constraint re-rankings in Hittite and Luwian can be explained under Maximally Informative Recursive Constraint Demotion, a minor reformulation of the Recursive Constraint Demotion algorithm (RCD; Tesar 1995, Tesar and Smolensky 1998, 2000) that favors the high ranking of maximally informative winner-preferring constraints.
Research Interests: Diachronic Linguistics (Or Historical Linguistics), Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Anatolian Studies, and 15 moreLanguage Variation and Change, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Indo-European Studies, Comparative Linguistics, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Luwian, Linguistics, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, Morphophonology, Reduplication, and Phonetics and Phonology
This chapter aims to provide an updated overview of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) morphology, broadly establishing the typological properties of the reconstructible system, and offering some new perspectives on certain controversial aspects... more
This chapter aims to provide an updated overview of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) morphology, broadly establishing the typological properties of the reconstructible system, and offering some new perspectives on certain controversial aspects of this reconstruction. In this respect, we hope to make this chapter both relevant and accessible to several audiences: to students of IE languages looking to understand which categories are reconstructed for the proto-language and what their formal exponents looked like, so that they may see the daughter languages in the light of their diachronic developments; to specialists in IE linguistics, who may be interested in a " state-of-the-art " assessment of long-standing issues in PIE morphology and, to a lesser extent, the proposals we advance here; and to general linguists pursuing typological, historical, or theoretical questions who wish to see what kinds of morphological categories are reconstructed for the IE languages, on what basis they are reconstructed, and what types of analyses have been proposed.
Research Interests: Diachronic Linguistics (Or Historical Linguistics), Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Greek Language, and 40 moreLanguage Variation and Change, Slavic Languages, Germanic linguistics, Ancient Indo-European Languages, History of Latin Language, Sanskrit language and literature, Indo-European Studies, Vedic Sanskrit, Comparative Linguistics, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Tocharian, Classical Armenian, Latin Language and Literature, Old Germanic Languages, Linguistics, Italic Languages, English historical linguistics, Slavic Historical Linguistics, Latin Language, Morphology (Languages And Linguistics), Indo-European Linguistics, Language Change, Language Typology, Armenian Language, Proto Indo-European, Morphology and Syntax, Linguistic Typology, Ancient Greek Language, Phonetics and Phonology, Diachronic Phonology, Comparative Indo-European Linguistics, Diachronic linguistics, Derivational Morphology, Proto-Indo-European Morphology and Syntax, Slavic Languages and Literatures, Historical Phonology, Verbal Inflectional Morphology, and Inflectional Morphology
This paper develops a new, optimality-theoretic analysis of word-level stress assignment in Cupeño (Takic, Uto-Aztecan). I argue that primary stress is assigned to the leftmost lexically accented (i.e. stress-preferring) morpheme, else to... more
This paper develops a new, optimality-theoretic analysis of word-level stress assignment in Cupeño (Takic, Uto-Aztecan). I argue that primary stress is assigned to the leftmost lexically accented (i.e. stress-preferring) morpheme, else to the word's left edge. I contend that this analysis is simpler and better explains the Cupeño data than previous accounts, which assume that special faithfulness constraints privilege the accentual properties of roots over those of other affixes. The typological implications of this renanalysis of Cupeño stress are then discussed; without empirical support from Cupeño, it is suggested that "root faithfulness" plays no role in determining word stress in lexical accent systems cross-linguistically.
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Phonology, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Stress, Morphology, and 11 moreUto-Aztecan Linguistics, Linguistics, Optimality Theory, Morphology (Languages And Linguistics), Indo-European Linguistics, Language Typology, Morphology and Syntax, Linguistic Typology, Phonetics and Phonology, Comparative Indo-European Linguistics, and Cupeno
This paper addresses the synchronic and diachronic treatment of inherited *é in Hittite. I argue in support of the traditional view (Melchert 1994; Kimball 1999) that this vowel lengthened in both open and closed stressed syllables,... more
This paper addresses the synchronic and diachronic treatment of inherited *é in Hittite. I argue in support of the traditional view (Melchert 1994; Kimball 1999) that this vowel lengthened in both open and closed stressed syllables, yielding Hittite [éː] and thereby merging with the historical reflexes of *ḗ and *éh1 (contra Kloekhorst 2014). Furthermore, I present new evidence for Melchert's (1994) proposal that Hittite [éː] from all three sources is derived from /e/ via a synchronic process of stressed vowel lengthening, which is shown to target "new" /e/ vowels that arise within Hittite via sound change or analogy.
Research Interests: Diachronic Linguistics (Or Historical Linguistics), Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Indo-european language reconstruction, and 16 moreAnatolian Studies, Language Variation and Change, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Indo-European Studies, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Linguistics, Writing Systems (Languages And Linguistics), Writing systems, Orthography, Indo-European Linguistics, Language Change, Phonetics and Phonology, Diachronic Phonology, History of Writing Systems, and Orthography Development
This paper develops a new optimality-theoretic analysis of lexical accent in Hittite (Anatolian, Indo-European). I demonstrate that Hittite synchronic stress assignment is consistent with Kiparsky and Halle's (1977) BASIC ACCENTUATION... more
This paper develops a new optimality-theoretic analysis of lexical accent in Hittite (Anatolian, Indo-European). I demonstrate that Hittite synchronic stress assignment is consistent with Kiparsky and Halle's (1977) BASIC ACCENTUATION PRINCIPLE , which assigns primary stress to the leftmost morpheme lexically specified for prosodic prominence or else to the left edge of a prosodic word. The Hittite evidence is thus shown to converge with Kiparsky and Halle's reconstruction of this principle for the common ancestor of the non-Anatolian Indo-European languages (i.e. Proto-Nuclear-Indo-European), and in view of this agreement, argued to be reconstructible for Proto-Indo-European itself.
Research Interests: Diachronic Linguistics (Or Historical Linguistics), Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Anatolian Studies, and 15 moreLanguage Variation and Change, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Vedic Sanskrit, Stress, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Palaic, Linguistics, Indo-European Linguistics, Language Change, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, Morphophonology, Diachronic Phonology, and Proto-Indo-European reconstruction
This paper adduces evidence for and attempts to phonologically motivate a pattern of descriptive "retraction" of surface word accent in the Anatolian languages. It is proposed that the innovative accentual peak (ICTUS) in the relevant... more
This paper adduces evidence for and attempts to phonologically motivate a pattern of descriptive "retraction" of surface word accent in the Anatolian languages. It is proposed that the innovative accentual peak (ICTUS) in the relevant forms is due to Anatolian Default Accentuation, which applies when no constituent morpheme in a prosodic word is lexically- specified as accented and assigns ICTUS to its leftmost syllable. Diachronic prosodic change is shown to result from the interaction of various morphophonological developments and the stable operation of this default accentual principle, whose effects in Hittite, Palaic, and Luwian require its reconstruction for Proto-Anatolian. Furthermore, the Anatolian evidence is argued to support Kiparsky and Halle’s (1977) reconstruction of the same default principle for Proto- Indo-European on the basis of Vedic and Balto-Slavic evidence.
Research Interests: Homer, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Anatolian Studies, Greek Language, and 22 moreLanguage Variation and Change, Morphological evolution, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Sanskrit language and literature, Indo-European Studies, Vedic Sanskrit, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Luwian, Palaic, Grammaticalization, Indo-European Linguistics, Language Change, Proto Indo-European, Morphophonology, Ancient Greek Language, Lexicalization, Phonetics and Phonology, Diachronic Phonology, Derivational Morphology, and Homeric studies
This paper discusses interactions between epenthesis and ictus assignment in the Anatolian languages. The evidence for Melchert (2013b)'s phonological rule whereby a pretonic epenthetic vowel ``attracts'' the single surface prosodic... more
This paper discusses interactions between epenthesis and ictus assignment in the Anatolian languages. The evidence for Melchert (2013b)'s phonological rule whereby a pretonic epenthetic vowel ``attracts'' the single surface prosodic prominence (ICTUS) is assessed from synchronic, diachronic, and typological perspectives. I argue that putative cases of non-initial epenthetic vowels ``attracting'' ictus are illusory or else non-probative, and consequently, that forms in which ictus unexpectedly surfaces on the leftmost syllable are better explained by ANATOLIAN DEFAULT ACCENTUATION (Yates 2015).
Research Interests: Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Indo-european language reconstruction, Anatolian Studies, Ancient Indo-European Languages, and 11 moreIndo-European Studies, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Luwian, Palaic, Indo-European Linguistics, Anatolian Prehistory, Prosody, Diachronic Phonology, Comparative Indo-European Linguistics, and Historical Phonology
I present evidence from the earliest stages of Latin, Vedic, Greek, Armenian, and Hittite for a SVC-like syntactic structure containing two identically marked 2nd person imperatives—the first a verb of motion—that are monoclausal. I argue... more
I present evidence from the earliest stages of Latin, Vedic, Greek, Armenian, and Hittite for a SVC-like syntactic structure containing two identically marked 2nd person imperatives—the first a verb of motion—that are monoclausal. I argue that the shared features of these constructions are most economically explained by common inheritance—specifically, from a "quasi-serial verb" construction already in high-node Proto-Indo-European that was strictly confined to the imperative with an initial motion verb. I propose an origin for this construction, and attempt to explain its further development in Armenian and Hittite, where corresponding indicative structures in every person, tense, and number have become productive.
Research Interests: Homer, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Anatolian Studies, Greek Language, and 15 moreAncient Indo-European Languages, Syntax, Vedic Sanskrit, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Classical Armenian, Prosody-Syntax, Greek Linguistics, Indo-European Linguistics, Armenian Language, Prosody, Ancient Greek Language, Diachronic Syntax, Latin linguistics, and Ancient Greek Linguistics
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Language Variation and Change, Ancient Indo-European Languages, and 10 moreVedic Sanskrit, Stress, Morphology, Indo-Iranian Linguistics, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Iranian Languages, Prosody, Morphophonology, and Ancient Greek Language
Research Interests:
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Language Variation and Change, Ancient Indo-European Languages, and 12 moreIndo-European Studies, Vedic Sanskrit, Stress, Morphology, Hittite, Linguistics, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, Ancient Greek Language, Diachronic Phonology, and Ablaut
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Anatolian Studies, Language Variation and Change, and 11 moreAncient Indo-European Languages, Poetics, Vedic Sanskrit, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Luwian, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, and Diachronic Phonology
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Language Variation and Change, Ancient Indo-European Languages, and 12 moreIndo-European Studies, Vedic Sanskrit, Comparative Linguistics, Stress, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Indo-Iranian Linguistics, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, and Comparative Indo-European Linguistics
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Language Variation and Change, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Vedic Sanskrit, Morphology, and 10 moreAnatolian Languages, Hittite, Linguistics, Greek Linguistics, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Phonetics and Phonology, Indo-European Etymology, Derivational Morphology, and Historical Phonology
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Indo-European Studies, Sanskrit, and 13 moreVedic Sanskrit, Comparative Linguistics, Stress, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Indo-Iranian Linguistics, Indo-European Linguistics, Armenian Language, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, Ancient Greek Language, and Diachronic Phonology
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Slavic Languages, Germanic linguistics, and 13 moreIndo-European Studies, Vedic Sanskrit, Stress, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Palaic, Tocharian, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, Ancient Greek Language, and Diachronic Phonology
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Indo-European Studies, Stress, and 11 moreMorphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Indo-European Linguistics, Language Change, Proto Indo-European, Gothic Language, Prosody, Ancient Greek Language, Historical Phonology, and Tocharian Languages
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Anatolian Studies, Language Variation and Change, and 13 moreIndo-European Studies, Vedic Sanskrit, Comparative Linguistics, Stress, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Luwian, Lycian, Palaic, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, and Hittites
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Anatolian Studies, Greek Language, and 15 moreLanguage Variation and Change, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Vedic Sanskrit, Stress, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Linguistics, Indo-Iranian Linguistics, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, Ancient Greek Language, Phonetics and Phonology, and Diachronic Phonology
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Language Variation and Change, Ancient Indo-European Languages, and 14 moreSanskrit language and literature, Vedic Sanskrit, Stress, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Baltic languages, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, Ancient Greek Language, Phonetics and Phonology, Comparative Indo-European Linguistics, and Lithuanian language
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Vedic Sanskrit, and 10 moreStress, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Indo-Iranian Linguistics, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, Phonetics and Phonology, and Comparative Indo-European Linguistics
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Anatolian Studies, Language Variation and Change, and 15 moreAncient Indo-European Languages, Sanskrit language and literature, Vedic Sanskrit, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Old Germanic Languages, Linguistics, Indo-European Linguistics, Armenian Language, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, Ancient Greek Language, Diachronic Phonology, and Comparative Indo-European Linguistics
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Anatolian Studies, Greek Language, and 10 moreLanguage Variation and Change, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Indo-European Studies, Vedic Sanskrit, Morphology, Hittite, Optimality Theory, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, and Phonetics and Phonology
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Greek Language, Language Variation and Change, Historical Syntax, and 11 moreAncient Indo-European Languages, Syntax, Morphosyntax, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Linguistics, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Distributed Morphology, and Ancient Greek Language
This paper presents a new comparative reconstruction of the morphology and phonology of PIE *–oi–stems. On the basis of Hittite, Greek, and Indo-Iranian evidence, I argue that this suffix formed primary deverbal and non-primary deverbal... more
This paper presents a new comparative reconstruction of the morphology and phonology of PIE *–oi–stems. On the basis of Hittite, Greek, and Indo-Iranian evidence, I argue that this suffix formed primary deverbal and non-primary deverbal and denominal derivatives in PIE, and that – against the traditional view – nouns formed with this suffix did not show "amphikinetic" inflectional paradigms; instead, primary derivatives were characterized by: (i) intraparadigmatic zero-grade of the root; (ii) stressed *–ói– suffix in the strong cases; and (iii) zero-grade suffix and stressed inflectional endings in the weak cases. I propose a new analysis of the PIE *–oi-stems that accounts for these prosodic patterns, then compare the predictions of this analysis to those of the widely accepted "Erlangen Model" of PIE word prosody.
Research Interests: Diachronic Linguistics (Or Historical Linguistics), Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Language Variation and Change, and 14 moreAncient Indo-European Languages, Sanskrit language and literature, Indo-European Studies, Vedic Sanskrit, Comparative Linguistics, Stress, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Linguistics, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, and Ancient Greek Language
Research Interests: Diachronic Linguistics (Or Historical Linguistics), Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Anatolian Studies, and 15 moreLanguage Variation and Change, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Indo-European Studies, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Linguistics, Phonetics-Phonology Interface, Orthography, Indo-European Linguistics, Language Change, Proto Indo-European, Phonetics and Phonology, Diachronic Phonology, Indo-European, and Comparative Indo-European Linguistics
We conducted an artificial grammar learning experiment that tested for substantive bias in the case of final (de)voicing while controlling for formal complexity. There were three training patterns, Devoicing, Voicing, and Change (final... more
We conducted an artificial grammar learning experiment that tested for substantive bias in the case of final (de)voicing while controlling for formal complexity. There were three training patterns, Devoicing, Voicing, and Change (final voicing and devoicing). In test, a 2AFC task tested participants’ learning of their training pattern. Voicing was learned better than Devoicing and Change, which did not differ. This result is inconsistent with the substantive bias hypothesis, which predicts better learning of final devoicing than final voicing. Thus we found no evidence supporting substantive bias, in line with Moreton & Pater (2012). We also address other unexpected results.
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This paper reassesses the diachronic development of word stress in the Cupan languages, in particular, in Cahuilla and Cupeño. I argue that their divergent stress systems result from differing responses to the loss of contrastive vowel... more
This paper reassesses the diachronic development of word stress in the Cupan languages, in particular, in Cahuilla and Cupeño. I argue that their divergent stress systems result from differing responses to the loss of contrastive vowel length in each language, which caused the breakdown of the inherited quantity-sensitive system (Munro 1990). I propose that fixed root-initial stress in Cahuilla reflects the generalization of the predominant inherited pattern, whereas Cupeño's left-edge oriented lexical accent system (Hill 2005; Yates 2017) emerged through a more complicated set of developments: the stress domain was expanded from root to word, and word-internal stresses were lexicalized.
Research Interests: Diachronic Linguistics (Or Historical Linguistics), Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Language Variation and Change, and 15 moreMorphological evolution, Stress, Morphology, Uto-Aztecan Linguistics, Prosody and Its Interfaces, Phonological Theory, Morphology (Languages And Linguistics), Language Change, Prosody, Phonetics and Phonology, Diachronic Phonology, Historical Phonology, Cahuilla, Cupeno, and Takic languages
Research Interests: Diachronic Linguistics (Or Historical Linguistics), Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Indo-european language reconstruction, and 26 moreLanguage Variation and Change, Anatolian Archaeology, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Indo-European Studies, Vedic Sanskrit, Comparative Linguistics, Stress, Morphology, Hittite, Linguistics, Comparative Philology, Greek Linguistics, Prosody and Its Interfaces, Morphology (Languages And Linguistics), Indo-European Linguistics, Language Change, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, Morphophonology, Phonetics and Phonology, Diachronic Phonology, Ancient Greek Linguistics, Indo-European, Comparative Indo-European Linguistics, Proto-Indo-European reconstruction, and Historical Phonology
Previous analyses of Cupeño (Takic, Uto-Aztecan) partial reduplication differ in whether the reduplicant is analyzed as a prefix (Hill 2005) or an infix (Haynes 2007). This paper develops an optimality-theoretic atemplatic infixing... more
Previous analyses of Cupeño (Takic, Uto-Aztecan) partial reduplication differ in whether the
reduplicant is analyzed as a prefix (Hill 2005) or an infix (Haynes 2007). This paper develops an
optimality-theoretic atemplatic infixing analysis of partial reduplication, which accounts for both
(i) variation in the amount of segmental material copied (C or CV; cf. Riggle 2006 on Pima) and (ii) consistent word-initial stress. I argue that this approach is more economical than the prefixing analysis and empirically superior to the templatic infixing analysis of Haynes (2007), which cannot account for certain TETU effects observed in the reduplicant.
reduplicant is analyzed as a prefix (Hill 2005) or an infix (Haynes 2007). This paper develops an
optimality-theoretic atemplatic infixing analysis of partial reduplication, which accounts for both
(i) variation in the amount of segmental material copied (C or CV; cf. Riggle 2006 on Pima) and (ii) consistent word-initial stress. I argue that this approach is more economical than the prefixing analysis and empirically superior to the templatic infixing analysis of Haynes (2007), which cannot account for certain TETU effects observed in the reduplicant.
Research Interests:
Previous analyses of Cupeño (Takic, Uto-Aztecan) partial reduplication differ in whether the reduplicant is analyzed as a prefix (Hill 2005) or an infix (Haynes 2007). This paper develops an optimality-theoretic prefixing analysis of... more
Previous analyses of Cupeño (Takic, Uto-Aztecan) partial reduplication differ in whether the reduplicant is analyzed as a prefix (Hill 2005) or an infix (Haynes 2007). This paper develops an optimality-theoretic prefixing analysis of partial reduplication, which accounts for both (i) variable syncope of the 1st syllable of the base and (ii) consistent word-initial (/reduplicant) stress. I identify a set of TETU-like effects which emerge only in reduplication that cannot be handled under the templatic infixing analysis of Haynes (2007), but leave open the possibility of an atemplatic infixing analysis (a là Riggle (2006) on Pima).
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Research Interests: Diachronic Linguistics (Or Historical Linguistics), Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Anatolian Studies, and 15 moreLanguage Variation and Change, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Indo-European Studies, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Luwian, Lycian, Linguistics, Indo-European Linguistics, Language Change, Proto Indo-European, Phonetics and Phonology, Diachronic Phonology, Phonological Change, and Hieroglyphic Luvian / Luwian
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Phonology, Greek Language, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Vedic Sanskrit, and 14 moreStress, Uto-Aztecan Linguistics, Hittite, Linguistics, Metrical Phonology, Indo-European Linguistics, Language Typology, Linguistic Typology, Ancient Greek Language, Phonetics and Phonology, Balto-Slavic accentology, American Indian Languages, Uto-Aztecan Languages, and Lexical Accent
Research Interests: Diachronic Linguistics (Or Historical Linguistics), Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Anatolian Studies, Greek Language, and 27 moreLanguage Variation and Change, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Sanskrit language and literature, Indo-European Studies, Vedic Sanskrit, Comparative Linguistics, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Luwian, Lycian, Latin Language and Literature, Linguistics, Latin Language, Indo-European Linguistics, Language Change, Proto Indo-European, Gothic Language, Morphophonology, Ancient Greek Language, Reduplication, Diachronic Phonology, Comparative Indo-European Linguistics, Indo-European Languages, Proto-Indo-European reconstruction, Indo-European phonology and morphology, and Hieroglyphic Luvian / Luwian
Research Interests: Diachronic Linguistics (Or Historical Linguistics), Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Language Variation and Change, and 11 moreDiabetes, Comparative Linguistics, Stress, Uto-Aztecan Linguistics, Language Change, Prosody, Diachronic Phonology, Historical-Comparative Linguistics, Historical Phonology, Uto-Aztecan historical linguistics, and Takic languages
Research Interests: Diachronic Linguistics (Or Historical Linguistics), Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Anatolian Studies, and 21 moreLanguage Variation and Change, Slavic Languages, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Sanskrit language and literature, Indo-European Studies, Vedic Sanskrit, Comparative Linguistics, Stress, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Linguistics, Slavic Historical Linguistics, Indo-Iranian Linguistics, Slavic Linguistics, Phonological Theory, Indo-European Linguistics, Language Change, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, Morphophonology, and Ancient Greek Language
The relationship between stress and vowel quantity in Hittite is assessed from synchronic and diachronic perspectives. I defend the historical lengthening of PIE/PA *e in closed syllables (e.g. Kimball 1999; contra Kloekhorst 2014a),... more
The relationship between stress and vowel quantity in Hittite is assessed from synchronic and diachronic perspectives. I defend the historical lengthening of PIE/PA *e in closed syllables (e.g. Kimball 1999; contra Kloekhorst 2014a), bringing to bear previously neglected evidence that directly contradicts the (already much critiqued) glottalic stop hypothesis. I further argue that an economical account of Hittite vowel quantity requires positing synchronic stress-conditioned vowel lengthening and shortening processes, and present new evidence for the synchronic status of stressed mid vowel lengthening in closed syllables (cf. Melchert 1994). The implications of this analysis are evaluated --- on the one hand, for the Hittite vowel inventory, and on the other, for our understanding of stress patterns in Hittite, and in turn, Proto-Indo-European.
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Indo-european language reconstruction, Anatolian Studies, and 21 moreLanguage Variation and Change, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Stress, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Luwian, Palaic, Linguistics, Spelling, Prosody and Its Interfaces, Orthography, Indo-European Linguistics, Language Change, Proto Indo-European, Cuneiform, Prosody, Morphophonology, Diachronic Phonology, Comparative Indo-European Linguistics, and Historical Phonology
Research Interests: Diachronic Linguistics (Or Historical Linguistics), Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Anatolian Studies, Ancient Indo-European Languages, and 15 moreIndo-European Studies, Stress, Morphology, Anatolian Languages, Hittite, Prosody and Its Interfaces, Morphology (Languages And Linguistics), Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Prosody, Morphophonology, Diachronic Phonology, Proto-Indo-European language, Historical Phonology, and Diachronic Morphology
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Paper presented at the 25th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference, 25-26 October 2013