Carlos Sanz
Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Historia Contemporánea, Faculty Member
- History, Migration Studies, International History, Transnational History, 20th Century, Contemporary International Migration, and 44 moreSpain (History), 20th Century German History, Public Sphere, Cold War International Relations, European Integration History, Return Migration, Historical Migrations, Transnationalism and multiple identities, Historia Contemporánea, International Relations, European History, Migration, Transnational migration, Spanish History, Cold War history, Portuguese History, Archives, Transnational Labour Migration, Contemporary History of Spain, 20th Century Spain, Emigration Research, Spain under Franco, History of Labour Migration, Gastarbeiter, Federal Republic of Germany, State Secrets, Classified Documents, Contemporary History, World War II, Historia Contemporánea de España, Postwar Studies, Russian History, Soviet History, Russian Studies, Cold War and Culture, Cold War, Diplomacy and international relations, New Diplomatic History, Foreign Policy Decision Making, Disappointment, Political Disenchantment, Anthropology of Policy, Digital Humanities, and Digital Historyedit
This book explores the reciprocal relationships between transitions and democratization processes in Spain and the countries of Latin America, with a cross-cutting and transnational perspective on the mechanisms that Ibero-American... more
This book explores the reciprocal relationships between transitions and democratization processes in Spain and the countries of Latin America, with a cross-cutting and transnational perspective on the mechanisms that Ibero-American societies have mobilized to overcome dictatorships and armed conflicts.
To achieve this, the authors trace a set of initiatives developed in recent decades around policies of truth, justice, reparations, memory, guarantees of non-repetition, and a gender perspective, specifically considering what Latin America can contribute to the Spanish and, by extension, European democratic discourse.
To achieve this, the authors trace a set of initiatives developed in recent decades around policies of truth, justice, reparations, memory, guarantees of non-repetition, and a gender perspective, specifically considering what Latin America can contribute to the Spanish and, by extension, European democratic discourse.
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The Cold War marked international relations for more than four decades of global rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union. Under the shadow of nuclear deterrence, the two superpowers and their blocs of allied and related... more
The Cold War marked international relations for more than four decades of global rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union. Under the shadow of nuclear deterrence, the two superpowers and their blocs of allied and related countries waged a permanent confrontation at the world level, substituting direct military confrontation for conventional wars in the Third World. Systemic conflict as well as a radical time in which our present has its roots, the Cold War conditioned the life of humanity in multiple ways and its traces and effects continue to be visible today.
Far from being a distant past, today we see the Cold War as an unfinished story, whose shadows are projected on our present. After the promises of globalization and a new harmonious and cooperative world order inspired by the West, today geopolitics and the dynamics of rivalry and conflict are once again governing relations between the great powers. The aggressive rhetoric, the narrative of the spheres of influence, the proxy wars on the margins of the system, the formation of ideological fronts, the risk of a direct military confrontation between the central actors and the nuclear threat have emerged again with force, fueling the ghosts of a time that seemed definitively buried.
This book deciphers the complexity of the Cold War, providing not only the reconstruction of historical events, but also the keys to its interpretation. On the one hand, it brings the reader closer to the most up-to-date state of research, combining classic contributions with the most recent research, based on recently declassified archival sources. On the other hand, it integrates the various schools and interpretive approaches to the Cold War. The result is a work that, beyond the East-West political and military conflict, pays attention to the social, economic and cultural aspects and to the multiplicity of actors and scenarios at play, from a global perspective. A compact and methodical text that allows the reader to know and understand the Cold War, both as a historical time, and from the perspective of the past and current international system.
Far from being a distant past, today we see the Cold War as an unfinished story, whose shadows are projected on our present. After the promises of globalization and a new harmonious and cooperative world order inspired by the West, today geopolitics and the dynamics of rivalry and conflict are once again governing relations between the great powers. The aggressive rhetoric, the narrative of the spheres of influence, the proxy wars on the margins of the system, the formation of ideological fronts, the risk of a direct military confrontation between the central actors and the nuclear threat have emerged again with force, fueling the ghosts of a time that seemed definitively buried.
This book deciphers the complexity of the Cold War, providing not only the reconstruction of historical events, but also the keys to its interpretation. On the one hand, it brings the reader closer to the most up-to-date state of research, combining classic contributions with the most recent research, based on recently declassified archival sources. On the other hand, it integrates the various schools and interpretive approaches to the Cold War. The result is a work that, beyond the East-West political and military conflict, pays attention to the social, economic and cultural aspects and to the multiplicity of actors and scenarios at play, from a global perspective. A compact and methodical text that allows the reader to know and understand the Cold War, both as a historical time, and from the perspective of the past and current international system.
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La Gran Guerra del 14 supuso un aldabonazo para la conciencia de los contemporáneos y ocasionó profundas alteraciones en todos los órdenes de la vida. España permaneció neutral oficialmente durante los cuatro años del conflicto, pero no... more
La Gran Guerra del 14 supuso un aldabonazo para la conciencia de los contemporáneos y ocasionó profundas alteraciones en todos los órdenes de la vida. España permaneció neutral oficialmente durante los cuatro años del conflicto, pero no estuvo aislada ni se mantuvo al margen de la guerra y de sus consecuencias. Todo lo contrario: el conflicto afectó de múltiples formas la vida de los españoles y trastornó para siempre las prácticas políticas y culturales del país. Esta obra ofrece una renovadora visión sobre el impacto de la Primera Guerra Mundial en España, un país donde la neutralidad oficial se vio contrastada con una fuerte beligerancia social y que estuvo expuesta a los mismos vientos del cambio que acabaron barriendo las estructuras del pasado en todo el mundo. De la política a la literatura, pasando por los nacionalismos, los debates intelectuales, las consecuencias para la sociedad, las relaciones internacionales o los aspectos militares, se analizan en este volumen las múltiples facetas del conflicto en su relación con la compleja situación de la España del momento. Todo ello sin olvidar el papel de Alfonso XIII, dado el protagonismo que asumió el monarca y su particular interés e implicación en la política exterior del país.
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El Plan de Estabilización de 1959 supuso la adaptación del régimen franquista a los nuevos vientos que soplaban desde el exterior: apertura comercial, entrada de inversiones de empresas multinacionales e importación de tecnología. La... more
El Plan de Estabilización de 1959 supuso la adaptación del régimen franquista a los nuevos vientos que soplaban desde el exterior: apertura comercial, entrada de inversiones de empresas multinacionales e importación de tecnología. La ciencia y la investigación tuvieron una participación subsidiaria en aquella transformación. Ni los políticos ni los empresarios consideraron que valiese la pena convertir a España en una economía innovadora y de base tecnológica. La indiferencia hacia el carácter estratégico de la I+D se prolongó hasta la promulgación en 1986 de la Ley de la Ciencia. Sin embargo, aquella medida modernizadora no fue suficiente y tanto la economía como la ciencia españolas permanecen a las puertas del club de países innovadores. Esta obra analiza algunas de las claves de ese proceso. La política científica comenzó su propia transición antes de que el cambio político llegase al país, pero hoy en día todavía persisten lastres que dificultan el necesario salto hacia adelante.
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La configuración de la sociedad internacional actual y la noción de relaciones internacionales retratan hoy un universo social más amplio y complejo que el que vio nacer a esta disciplina histórica. Un universo que no se puede reducir al... more
La configuración de la sociedad internacional actual y la noción de relaciones internacionales retratan hoy un universo social más amplio y complejo que el que vio nacer a esta disciplina histórica. Un universo que no se puede reducir al haz de "relaciones interestatales", el núcleo de lo que constituían tradicionalmente las relaciones internacionales; sino un nuevo marco en el que se desenvuelven a la vez las "relaciones internacionales" en sentido estricto, referidas a las relaciones entre entidades soberanas e independientes, y las "relaciones transnacionales" que se establecen a través de las fronteras por parte de individuos, colectivos y organizaciones no explícitamente vinculadas a una entidad política estatal.
A la hora de articular esta "Historia de las relaciones internacionales", los autores han integrado ambos niveles tomando como hilo conductor los cambios en el sistema internacional en el curso de los siglos XIX, XX y XXI. A partir de este principio, el enfoque cronológico vertebra un recorrido que abarca desde el sistema de Estados europeos consagrado en el Congreso de Viena de 1815, hasta el orden multipolar actual, alumbrado bajo el influjo de la globalización posterior a la Guerra Fría y la depresión iniciada en 2007 a través de un continuo reequilibrio entre viejas y nuevas potencias con aspiraciones hegemónicas. Un recorrido histórico, riguroso a la vez que divulgativo, profusamente ilustrado con mapas y gráficos para hacer más comprensible su lectura, con el objetivo de llegar tanto al estudioso y profesional de las relaciones internacionales como al lector interesado por la Historia.
A la hora de articular esta "Historia de las relaciones internacionales", los autores han integrado ambos niveles tomando como hilo conductor los cambios en el sistema internacional en el curso de los siglos XIX, XX y XXI. A partir de este principio, el enfoque cronológico vertebra un recorrido que abarca desde el sistema de Estados europeos consagrado en el Congreso de Viena de 1815, hasta el orden multipolar actual, alumbrado bajo el influjo de la globalización posterior a la Guerra Fría y la depresión iniciada en 2007 a través de un continuo reequilibrio entre viejas y nuevas potencias con aspiraciones hegemónicas. Un recorrido histórico, riguroso a la vez que divulgativo, profusamente ilustrado con mapas y gráficos para hacer más comprensible su lectura, con el objetivo de llegar tanto al estudioso y profesional de las relaciones internacionales como al lector interesado por la Historia.
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Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland und andere westeuropäische Industriestaaten warben von den 1950er bis zu den frühen 1970er Jahren Millionen ausländische Arbeitskräfte an, um ihre nationalen Arbeitsmärkte in Zeiten der Hochkonjunktur zu... more
Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland und andere westeuropäische Industriestaaten warben von den 1950er bis zu den frühen 1970er Jahren Millionen ausländische Arbeitskräfte an, um ihre nationalen Arbeitsmärkte in Zeiten der Hochkonjunktur zu ergänzen. Zahlreiche bilaterale Anwerbeabkommen boten den Rahmen. Bis heute werden die Folgen des "Gastarbeiter"-Systems unter dem Stichwort "Integration" kontrovers diskutiert. Das Sammelwerk bietet aktuelle Ergebnisse der Historischen Migrationsforschung. Dabei werden die Bedingungen und Formen der Anwerbung und deren Auswirkungen für Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft und Politik ebenso untersucht wie Aspekte der Integration auf kommunaler und nationaler Ebene. Diese übergreifende Perspektive ermöglicht neue Einblicke in die Geschichte der Arbeitsmigration.
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El objeto de esta Tesis es el análisis de las relaciones entre España y la República Federal de Alemania (RFA) entre 1949 y 1966 desde tres niveles de análisis principales. Estos son: las relaciones políticas incluyendo la política de... more
El objeto de esta Tesis es el análisis de las relaciones entre España y la República Federal de Alemania (RFA) entre 1949 y 1966 desde tres niveles de análisis principales. Estos son: las relaciones políticas incluyendo la política de defensa y seguridad, los intercambios económicos, y el flujo emigratorio de trabajadores españoles con destino a Alemania. Los tres niveles se abordan en íntima relación con su contexto internacional. Ello permite superar el marco estrictamente bilateral, e incardinar las hispano-alemanas en los amplios procesos de cambio que experimenta el sistema internacional en este periodo, marcado por el tránsito desde la Guerra Fría hasta los primeros signos de la Distensión entre los bloques. Partiendo de las necesidades de inserción internacional de España y la República Federal de Alemania tras 1945, se analiza así el lugar que cada país ocupaba en la agenda de la política exterior del otro, los objetivos de cada gobierno, y el grado de consecución de los mismos. Trás una primera etapa (1949-1958) en que las relaciones hispano-alemanas estuvieron predominantemente condicionadas y limitadas por problemas heredados de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, se produce, en una segunda fase (1958-1966), una profundización, intensificación y diversificación en estas relaciones. Para la España de Franco, la RFA aparece cada vez más como un importante valedor exterior en la operación de estabilización y liberalización económica, y de aproximación a Europa, emprendida por el régimen a partir de 1957. Los gobiernos de la RFA, a su vez, apoyarán esta operación, como medio para favorecer la penetración de la economía alemana en España y de contribuir a la estabilidad de la península Ibérica, con el fin último de reforzar el bloque occidental. En conexión con este argumento central se analizan, asimismo, una serie de puntos de la agenda bilateral hispano-alemana, como son: la posición del gobierno español ante la división de Alemania y la doctrina Hallstein; el apoyo alemán a la aproximación española al proceso de construcción europea y a la OTAN; las relaciones industriales y la ayuda al desarrollo concedida por Alemania a España; y las movilizaciones políticas de signo antifranquista surgidas entre los emigrantes españoles en Alemania, entre otras. Las distintas temáticas así abordadas se analizan teniendo en cuenta la complejidad aportada por la interacción de diversos actores dentro de España y Alemania, tanto estatales como no estatales, con capacidad de influir sobre las relaciones hispano-alemanas en este periodo.
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In face of the growing systemic conflict between the West and China and the sudden escalation of tensions with Russia in the wake of the invasion of Ukraine, the concept of the Cold War reappears in recent years as a reference category.... more
In face of the growing systemic conflict between the West and China and the sudden escalation of tensions with Russia in the wake of the invasion of Ukraine, the concept of the Cold War reappears in recent years as a reference category. Terefore, the purpose of this article is to present an exhaustive and up-to-date review of the historiographical state of the art in relation to the concept, interpretations, physical and mental spaces and defining systemic structures of the world order between 1947 and 1991. Classic references are included, as well as the most recent, innovative and ground-breaking contributions to the historiography of the Cold War, which since 1991 has undergone a profound makeover, due to the broadening of interpretative categories and the multiplication of historiographical sources. Only by identifying what the Cold War really was will it be possible to construct valid comparative analyses, highlight lines of continuity, describe new variables and, ultimately, draw interpretative frameworks that allow us to understand a potential new cold war in light of the systemic confrontation during the second half of the twentieth century.
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Se analiza la razón humanitaria que esgrimió Chile para ofrecer refugio y protección al ex líder de la República Democrática Oriental (RDA) Erich Honecker, en su Embajada en Moscú desde fines de 1991 hasta mediados de 1992. El tema,... more
Se analiza la razón humanitaria que esgrimió Chile para ofrecer refugio y protección al ex líder de la República Democrática Oriental (RDA) Erich Honecker, en su Embajada en Moscú desde fines de 1991 hasta mediados de 1992. El tema, escasamente abordado por la historiografía internacionalista chilena y alemana, está basado en fuentes diplomáticas chilenas inéditas-especialmente el archivo James Holger-, prensa chilena y alemana del período, entrevistas a políticos y diplomáticos, sesiones parlamentarias de Chile y Alemania, archivo presidencial digital de Patricio Aylwin, entre otras. Se revelan los argumentos de una estrategia que apeló a la condición de salud del ex jerarca germanooriental y las confusas circunstancias que terminaron por agotar esa vía de solución para dar paso a largas gestiones jurídico/diplomáticas entre Chile, Alemania y Rusia, las que finalmente resolvieron el asunto.
Palabras claves: Chile-Alemania-Honecker-razón humanitaria-refugio
It analyses the humanitarian reason that wielded Chile to offer shelter and protection to the former leader of the German Democratic Republic (DDR), Erich Honecker, at the embassy in Moscow from the end of 1991 until mid-1992. The issue is scarce addressed by the Chilean and German internationalistic historiography, it is based on unpublished Chilean diplomatic sources-the James Holger file-, Chilean and German press of the period, interviews with politicians and diplomats, parliamentary sessions of Chile and Germany, and the digital Presidential archive of Patricio Aylwin, among others. It reveals the arguments of a strategy that appealed to the health condition of former East German hierarch and the confusing circumstances that ended up exhausting that way of solution, then replaced by legal/diplomatic efforts between Chile, Germany and Russia, those who ended up solving the matter.
Palabras claves: Chile-Alemania-Honecker-razón humanitaria-refugio
It analyses the humanitarian reason that wielded Chile to offer shelter and protection to the former leader of the German Democratic Republic (DDR), Erich Honecker, at the embassy in Moscow from the end of 1991 until mid-1992. The issue is scarce addressed by the Chilean and German internationalistic historiography, it is based on unpublished Chilean diplomatic sources-the James Holger file-, Chilean and German press of the period, interviews with politicians and diplomats, parliamentary sessions of Chile and Germany, and the digital Presidential archive of Patricio Aylwin, among others. It reveals the arguments of a strategy that appealed to the health condition of former East German hierarch and the confusing circumstances that ended up exhausting that way of solution, then replaced by legal/diplomatic efforts between Chile, Germany and Russia, those who ended up solving the matter.
Research Interests: Latin American and Caribbean History, German History, Refugee Studies, Cold War, History of Chile, and 9 moreInternational Humanitarian Law, Post-Soviet Studies, Post Cold War Era, 20th Century German History, International Refugee Law, Cold War International Relations, GDR History, Cold War history, and Historia de Chile
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El objeto principal de este artículo es exponer a la comunidad científica de historiadores la problemática actual para la consulta de la documentación histórica tanto del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, como del Ministerio de Defensa,... more
El objeto principal de este artículo es exponer a la comunidad
científica de historiadores la problemática actual para la consulta de la documentación histórica tanto del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, como del Ministerio de Defensa, en especial desde el año 2011 con la llegada al poder del actual gobierno. Temas hasta estos momentos abiertos y disponibles para la investigación se han ido cerrando progresivamente en los archivos de estos Ministerios, pero también en otros centros documentales. El origen se encuentra en un acuerdo «secreto»
del Consejo de Ministros de octubre de 2010 bajo mandato del presidente Rodríguez Zapatero.
científica de historiadores la problemática actual para la consulta de la documentación histórica tanto del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, como del Ministerio de Defensa, en especial desde el año 2011 con la llegada al poder del actual gobierno. Temas hasta estos momentos abiertos y disponibles para la investigación se han ido cerrando progresivamente en los archivos de estos Ministerios, pero también en otros centros documentales. El origen se encuentra en un acuerdo «secreto»
del Consejo de Ministros de octubre de 2010 bajo mandato del presidente Rodríguez Zapatero.
Research Interests: Secrecy, Foreign Policy, Spanish History, Archives, Right to Information Act, and 10 moreAccess to Information as Human Right, 20th Century Spain, Contemporary History of Spain, Transparency, Archives and Records Managment, Defense and National Security, Right to Information, Government transparency, Defense, and Government Secrecy
This article analyses the evolution of the decision-making process in Spain from the end of the dictatorship of General Franco in 1975 until the consolidation of democracy in the mid-eighties. The study highlights the bureaucratization... more
This article analyses the evolution of the decision-making process in Spain from the end of the dictatorship of General Franco in 1975 until the consolidation of democracy in the mid-eighties.
The study highlights the bureaucratization and depersonalization of the decision-making process; the institutional adaptation to the principles and rules of democracy; the multiplication of decision and influence centers; the presidentialization and the foreign policy; and the redefinition of the role of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and of the traditional instruments of diplomacy.
Cet article étudie l’évolution du processus de prise de décisions en politique étrangère en Espagne de la fin de la dictature du général Franco en 1975 jusqu’à la consolidation de la démocratie dans la deuxième moitié des années quatre-vingt.
L’analyse met en évidence la bureaucratisation et la dépersonnalisation de la prise de décision ; l’adaptation des institutions aux principes et aux règles de fonctionnement de la démocratie ; la multiplication des centres de décision et d’influence sur l’action internationale de l’État ; la présidentialisation de la politique étrangère ; et la redéfinition du rôle du ministère des Affaires étrangères et les instruments traditionnels de la diplomatie.
The study highlights the bureaucratization and depersonalization of the decision-making process; the institutional adaptation to the principles and rules of democracy; the multiplication of decision and influence centers; the presidentialization and the foreign policy; and the redefinition of the role of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and of the traditional instruments of diplomacy.
Cet article étudie l’évolution du processus de prise de décisions en politique étrangère en Espagne de la fin de la dictature du général Franco en 1975 jusqu’à la consolidation de la démocratie dans la deuxième moitié des années quatre-vingt.
L’analyse met en évidence la bureaucratisation et la dépersonnalisation de la prise de décision ; l’adaptation des institutions aux principes et aux règles de fonctionnement de la démocratie ; la multiplication des centres de décision et d’influence sur l’action internationale de l’État ; la présidentialisation de la politique étrangère ; et la redéfinition du rôle du ministère des Affaires étrangères et les instruments traditionnels de la diplomatie.
Research Interests: Diplomatic History, International Relations, Foreign Policy Analysis, Decision Making, Democratization, and 11 moreDiplomatic Studies, Foreign Policy, Spanish History, Diplomacy, Parliamentary Studies, Europeanization, Contemporary Spanish History, Contemporary History of Spain, Europeanization and Domestic Change, The Spanish Transition to Democracy, and Public Policy
The role of the Federal Republic of Germany as an external player in the Iberian transitions —mainly through its government, political parties, political foundations, and unions— has been highlighted since the first studies on the... more
The role of the Federal Republic of Germany as an external player in the Iberian transitions —mainly through its government, political parties, political foundations, and unions— has been highlighted since the first studies on the international dimension of regime change in Portugal and Spain in 1974-1975. This article aims to contribute to our knowledge of the «German factor» in the Iberian transitions by underlining Bonn’s perception of the Iberian Peninsula as a whole and by tracking the interdependencies that were established on the German side, in the analysis and in concrete initiatives, when tackling the crisis that was triggered by the end of the Portuguese and Spanish dictatorships. This is done primarily by analyzing both published and unpublished diplomatic documents from the FRG. This analysis provides an assessment of the German perception of the case of Portugal, as a precedent and as a testing ground for policies to promote democracy later applied to Spain.
Research Interests: German Studies, Spanish Studies, German History, Portuguese Studies, Portuguese History, and 15 moreIberian Studies, Portuguese Contemporary History, Democratization, Cold War, Spanish History, History Portuguese and Spanish, 20th Century German History, Democracy, Dictatorships, Cold War International Relations, Transitology (Political Science), 20th Century Spain, Cold War history, Democratization Studies, and Memory and Representation of the Spanish Civil War and Dictatorship
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"This paper reviews the laws and norms regulating access to public documents in Spain, as well as their actual implementation in archival institutions and their consequences for historical research. Despite the liberal character of the... more
"This paper reviews the laws and norms regulating access to public documents in Spain, as well as their actual implementation in archival institutions and their consequences for historical research. Despite the liberal character of the early laws enacted in the democratic period, the publication of subsequent
privacy regulations has severely curtailed access to historical documents. The vagueness and contradictions of the relevant norms, combined with the negligence typical of Spanish public archives, are posing greater burdens in researchers’ access to archival material. A situation worsened by the recent
governmental decision to extend the scope of the State Secrets Act (Ley de Secretos Oficiales) to cover a number of issues relating to foreign policy. As a result, historians are finding more and more difficult the study of recent Spanish History. "
privacy regulations has severely curtailed access to historical documents. The vagueness and contradictions of the relevant norms, combined with the negligence typical of Spanish public archives, are posing greater burdens in researchers’ access to archival material. A situation worsened by the recent
governmental decision to extend the scope of the State Secrets Act (Ley de Secretos Oficiales) to cover a number of issues relating to foreign policy. As a result, historians are finding more and more difficult the study of recent Spanish History. "
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This article analyses the phenomena of political and trade union mobilization which arose amongst Spanish emigrants in the Federal Republic of Germany during the dictatorship of General Franco. Starting with the examination of the rise of... more
This article analyses the phenomena of political and trade union mobilization which arose amongst Spanish emigrants in the Federal Republic of Germany during the dictatorship of General Franco. Starting with the examination of the rise of emigrant associations in that country, we continue by analysing the different trends and organisations, political and trade-unionist, active amongst Spanish emigrants. After a chronological tour through the development of the main Spanish anti-Francoist activities and social and labour demandings in Germany, we finally approach the analysis of the various policies adopted by the Spanish and German states in response to the phenomena of this mobilization.
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This article discusses the role of international migration in the relations between Spain and Europe between 1945 and 1986. It first offers a quantitative approach to the figures of Spanish emigration to Europe and its economic impact on... more
This article discusses the role of international migration in the relations between Spain and Europe between 1945 and 1986. It first offers a quantitative approach to the figures of Spanish emigration to Europe and its economic impact on Spain. It follows a consideration on the role that corresponded to the State and its international relations in this migratory flow. Finally it tackles the emigrants' associations and it suggests some clues about their influence on the social change experienced by Spain from dictatorship to democracy.
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In this article I analize cultural relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and Spain between 1949 and 1966. The analysis focuses on the creation, and reestablishment in some cases, of the institutional structures required for... more
In this article I analize cultural relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and Spain between 1949 and 1966. The analysis focuses on the creation, and reestablishment in some cases, of the institutional structures required for the deployment of the cultural action of both states. On a second level I study the aims and the means of the respective foreign cultural policy of Spain and the GFR in their mutual relations, and the way in which these modified over the medium term, as affected by domestic and international transformations both states underwent.
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En este artículo se investiga el surgimiento de una activa movilización sindical y política entre los emigrantes españoles a la RFA en los años sesenta, valorando el papel que este fenómeno desempeñó en el conjunto de las relaciones... more
En este artículo se investiga el surgimiento de una activa movilización sindical y política entre los emigrantes españoles a la RFA en los años sesenta, valorando el papel que este fenómeno desempeñó en el conjunto de las relaciones bilaterales entre Madrid y Bonn. El estudio pretende llamar la atención sobre el desafío presentado a la dictadura de Franco por la movilización de grupos de emigrantes sobre los que el régimen disponía de mermadas posibilidades de control, así como sobre las actitudes de los gobiernos español y alemán al respecto, y sobre la forma en que los principales partidos políticos del exilio aprovecharon la novedosa posibilidad de actuación que ofrecía el fenómeno migratorio a Europa
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En 1956 la República Federal de Alemania incluyó a la España de Franco en su programa de ayuda técnica para países en vías de desarrollo, lo que le permitió financiar en los años siguientes una serie de proyectos destinados a elevar la... more
En 1956 la República Federal de Alemania incluyó a la España de Franco en su programa de ayuda técnica para países en vías de desarrollo, lo que le permitió financiar en los años siguientes una serie de proyectos destinados a elevar la productividad de la economía española y ayudarla a superar su atraso. Cinco años más tarde. en 1961. el vicecanciller Ludwig Erhard anunciaba la concesión a España de un cuantioso crédito en concepto de ayuda al desarrollo, que se destinaría a la financiación de trabajos de irrigación en una de las regiones más deprimidas de España, como era el campo andaluz. La RFA favoreció a la España de Franco, a lo largo de la década de los sesenta, con nuevas concesiones de ayuda técnica y financiera para la realización de obras hidráulicas, remodelación de plantas siderúrgicas y desarrollo de investigaciones agronómicas, entre otros proyectos, siempre dentro del marco general de la ayuda a países en vías de desarrollo. Ello permitió que realizaciones emblemáticas del desarollismo franquista. como el trasvase Tajo-Segura, se beneficiaron directamente de la ayuda prodigada por el gobierno de Bonn.
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El significado de la palabra Europa ha cambiado a lo largo de la Historia en función de múltiples variables. Desde 1989/1991, Europa y sus fronteras han sufrido una importante transformación debido al final de la "guerra fría" y la... more
El significado de la palabra Europa ha cambiado a lo largo de la Historia en función de múltiples variables. Desde 1989/1991, Europa y sus fronteras han sufrido una importante transformación debido al final de la "guerra fría" y la desaparición del "telón de acero". A partir de este momento, a Europa se la ha identificado con más fuerza con la Unión Europea. Esto ha provocado que la mayor parte de los Estados no integrados en la Unión, especialmente los de la Europa Central y Oriental, tengan como objetivo prioritario su ingreso en esta organización. En el Consejo Europeo de Copenhague (junio de 1993) se establecieron los criterios que debían cumplir estos países europeos para integrarse en la Unión. Desde ese momento se ha establecido un nuevo mapa de la ampliación, bajo una fórmula de círculos concéntricos, en función de las características internas de los países candidatos. Con este proceso, en el siglo XXI el propio concepto de Europa se transformará notablemente.
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The transformations which have taken place in international society as a result of the downfall of Communism and the rise of globalization have had a bearing on the international agenda on Human Rights in several ways. Whilst the trend... more
The transformations which have taken place in international society as a result of the downfall of Communism and the rise of globalization have had a bearing on the international agenda on Human Rights in several ways. Whilst the trend towards protecting civil and political rights advances, economic, social and cultural rights are threatened by economic globalization. At the same time, new demands arise with respect to third and fourth generation rights, such as the right to development, environment, protection of the cultural heritage of Humanity, etc. In this article a balance is drawn out on these phenomena and a brief outline is given of future prospects.
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Con la renovación historiográfica de las últimas décadas, los sindicatos, las ONGs, las multinacionales o las fundaciones filantrópicas, comenzaron a ser estudiados per se, como actores destacados, y en buena medida autónomos, del... more
Con la renovación historiográfica de las últimas décadas, los sindicatos, las ONGs, las multinacionales o las fundaciones filantrópicas, comenzaron a ser estudiados per se, como actores destacados, y en buena medida autónomos, del tablero internacional. No siempre fue así. Anteriormente el ‘Estado’ y sus relaciones con otros estados era el objeto de análisis casi exclusivo. La mirada del historiador se ha diversificado, además, con la incorporación de otros enfoques, dentro de la denominada ‘Historia de las Emociones’. Filias y fobias de los individuos protagonistas del discurrir histórico que han despertado el interés de los especialistas .
Somos conscientes de que ése es un terreno movedizo en términos historiográficos. Tales sentimientos suelen escapar al registro documental, como también es complicado comparar los modus operandi de los distintos sindicalismos que intervinieron en esta historia. Cada quien tenía sus intereses, sus agendas, no siempre coincidentes con lo que, a priori, se esperaba de ellos, al otro lado de la trinchera. Fueron habituales, por ejemplo, las confusiones en torno a cuál debía ser el papel de los sindicatos dentro de la maquinaria de producción capitalista. Para el presidente de la todopoderosa confederación estadounidense American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), George Meany, estaba claro: “Nos consagramos a la preservación de ese sistema [el capitalista], que recompensa a los trabajadores, que es a la vez el sistema en el que la empresa tiene un gran interés.” afirmó en repetidas ocasiones
Somos conscientes de que ése es un terreno movedizo en términos historiográficos. Tales sentimientos suelen escapar al registro documental, como también es complicado comparar los modus operandi de los distintos sindicalismos que intervinieron en esta historia. Cada quien tenía sus intereses, sus agendas, no siempre coincidentes con lo que, a priori, se esperaba de ellos, al otro lado de la trinchera. Fueron habituales, por ejemplo, las confusiones en torno a cuál debía ser el papel de los sindicatos dentro de la maquinaria de producción capitalista. Para el presidente de la todopoderosa confederación estadounidense American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), George Meany, estaba claro: “Nos consagramos a la preservación de ese sistema [el capitalista], que recompensa a los trabajadores, que es a la vez el sistema en el que la empresa tiene un gran interés.” afirmó en repetidas ocasiones
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The Planes Nacionales de Festivales de España (National Plans of the Spanish Festivals, FDE) were a relevant tool of the Spanish public diplomacy during General Franco’s dictatorship and in the years of transition to a democracy. Created... more
The Planes Nacionales de Festivales de España (National Plans of the Spanish Festivals, FDE) were a relevant tool of the Spanish public diplomacy during General Franco’s dictatorship and in the years of transition to a democracy. Created in 1954 by the Spanish government, they consisted in three to four-month campaigns per year, running normally from May to September, which included a wide range of dance, music, and theatre shows.
As a high-level State policy, the FE enjoyed strong official support —both in terms of funding and of political endorsement—, wide domestic and international diffusion, and allegedly a high level of success. That was the case during the 1960s, when the cooperation and networking of top politicians from the Spanish Ministry of Information and Tourism such as Manuel Fraga, Carlos Robles and Enrique de la Hoz resulted in both a qualitative and a qualitative increase of the FE. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the Ministry of National Education (MNE) were also key actors in this political undertaking. In 1963 for instance 45 FE were celebrated and in 1969 their number amounted to 83, with about 800 different shows in 1964, whereas their budgets rose from 4-5 million pesetas in the 1950s to 100 million per year in the 1960s.
The expansion of the FE’s target audience may be considered as one of its most important pretended achievements. Not only did the FE try to bring supposedly educated art forms to the lower strata of the Spanish society —as it was the case in other contemporary European dictatorships—, but they also intended to boost the international acceptance of the dictatorship and the touristic attraction of Spain, reflecting the priorities of the Spanish foreign policy in the 1960s and 1970s, by promoting Spanish performing arts abroad.
The aim of this paper is to analyze the FE campaigns as a tool of “soft power” displayed by the Spanish public diplomacy in order to affect both domestic and foreign audiences visually and emotionally for the sake of Francoist political legitimacy and booming economy. Special attention will be given to some state-driven musical, theatre and dance embassies to countries such as the USA, USSR or West Germany, with which the dictatorship pretended to foster a gentle image in the central decades of the Cold War. The reconstruction of this cultural machinery, the cooperation with unofficial actors —such as impresarios or private travel agencies—, the contradictions within the notion of “popular culture” used by the dictatorship, and the re-appropriation of the FE by the Spanish budding democracy since 1975 will also be discussed in this contribution.
As a high-level State policy, the FE enjoyed strong official support —both in terms of funding and of political endorsement—, wide domestic and international diffusion, and allegedly a high level of success. That was the case during the 1960s, when the cooperation and networking of top politicians from the Spanish Ministry of Information and Tourism such as Manuel Fraga, Carlos Robles and Enrique de la Hoz resulted in both a qualitative and a qualitative increase of the FE. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the Ministry of National Education (MNE) were also key actors in this political undertaking. In 1963 for instance 45 FE were celebrated and in 1969 their number amounted to 83, with about 800 different shows in 1964, whereas their budgets rose from 4-5 million pesetas in the 1950s to 100 million per year in the 1960s.
The expansion of the FE’s target audience may be considered as one of its most important pretended achievements. Not only did the FE try to bring supposedly educated art forms to the lower strata of the Spanish society —as it was the case in other contemporary European dictatorships—, but they also intended to boost the international acceptance of the dictatorship and the touristic attraction of Spain, reflecting the priorities of the Spanish foreign policy in the 1960s and 1970s, by promoting Spanish performing arts abroad.
The aim of this paper is to analyze the FE campaigns as a tool of “soft power” displayed by the Spanish public diplomacy in order to affect both domestic and foreign audiences visually and emotionally for the sake of Francoist political legitimacy and booming economy. Special attention will be given to some state-driven musical, theatre and dance embassies to countries such as the USA, USSR or West Germany, with which the dictatorship pretended to foster a gentle image in the central decades of the Cold War. The reconstruction of this cultural machinery, the cooperation with unofficial actors —such as impresarios or private travel agencies—, the contradictions within the notion of “popular culture” used by the dictatorship, and the re-appropriation of the FE by the Spanish budding democracy since 1975 will also be discussed in this contribution.
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Carlos Sanz and José Manuel Morales discuss in their contribution the politicization and exportation of flamenco music and dance by Franco’s dictatorship in Spain. From its origins, General Franco’s regime did not hesitate to use culture... more
Carlos Sanz and José Manuel Morales discuss in their contribution the politicization and exportation of flamenco music and dance by Franco’s dictatorship in Spain. From its origins, General Franco’s regime did not hesitate to use culture as an instrument with propagandistic goals, especially when it tried to foster a particular representation of the Spanish nation amid the international public opinion. Based on a wide range of primary and bibliographic sources, this contribution aims to highlight the underlying motivations which contributed to the election of a popular musical tradition as an ambassador of Franco's regime abroad, to the point of merging flamenco music and dance with Spanish identity and generating "national flamencoism" as an exportable cultural product. It was a choice with long-lasting effects on the crystallization of a cultural cliché regarding Spanish culture, with effects still visible today.
Research Interests: Cultural Studies, International Relations, Popular Music, Popular Culture, Public Diplomacy, and 11 moreInternational History, Diplomacy, History of International Relations, Jazz Studies, Soft Power, Hip-Hop Studies, Flamenco, Soft Power and International Relations, Rock Music, Diplomacy and international relations, and Soft Power and Public Diplomacy
The democratic election of city councils in Spain in 1979 resulted in a revival of Folk High Schools as centers founded for lifelong learning, cultural activities and promotion of artistic and craft creativity among adults. These emerging... more
The democratic election of city councils in Spain in 1979 resulted in a revival of Folk High Schools as centers founded for lifelong learning, cultural activities and promotion of artistic and craft creativity among adults. These emerging centers owed little to the Spanish tradition of Folk High Schools developed between 1901 and 1939. Inpiration for the new Spanish Folk High Schools came instead from the German Volkshochschule that flourished in the 1960s and 1970s, as well as from other European models experienced first-hand by Spanish union activists and budding politicians through emigration in Germany and other countries. This paper reconstructs the role that some of these activists, placed in key positions of political parties and trade unions, played in the transfer to Spain of a European and German model of Folk High School that they deemed essential in the modernization and democratization of access to education and culture.
Research Interests: Cultural History, History of Education, Transnational and World History, Democratization, Spanish History, and 10 moreCultural Transfer Studies, Transnational History, 20th Century German History, Contemporary Spanish History, German History after 1945, Comparative Politics, Democratization, Authoritarian Regimes, Regime Change, Concept Analysis, Measurement, Informal Education, Transferts culturels, Adults education, and Comparative/Transnational History
Con la firma de los Acuerdos hispanoamericanos de 1953, el Franquismo rompió con la tradición de neutralidad de facto y relativo aislamiento que había caracterizado a la política exterior española. Durante los años siguientes fue... more
Con la firma de los Acuerdos hispanoamericanos de 1953, el Franquismo rompió con la tradición de neutralidad de facto y relativo aislamiento que había caracterizado a la política exterior española. Durante los años siguientes fue cristalizando un cambio económico, social y cultural que condujo a la modernización del país y que tuvo un claro componente internacional. En paralelo se produjo también una progresiva normalización de sus relaciones exteriores, que se aceleró a partir del fin de la dictadura en 1975 y culminó con la integración de España en la OTAN y en la Comunidad Económica Europea. En el transcurso de esas décadas España afrontó una paulatina apertura internacional que engarzó al país con las corrientes globales que transformaron el mundo en aquella época. Esta obra aborda las diversas dimensiones de ese proceso histórico, al tiempo que ofrece una puesta al día de los estudios que lo han analizado.
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España y la RFA en el sistema de seguridad de Europa occidental: la base aérea de la NATO de Beja (Portugal) y sus implicaciones multilaterales en los años sesenta / Spain and the FRG in Western Europe's security system: the NATO base of Beja (Portugal) and its multilateral implications in the 1960smore
Research Interests: Military History, Diplomatic History, German History, NATO, Portuguese Contemporary History, and 13 moreCold War, Spanish History, History Portuguese and Spanish, Cold War (History) (History), History of International Relations, 20th Century German History, Cold War International Relations, 20th Century Spain, Cold War history, Portugal (History), History of the Cold War, História de Portugal, and Cold War History and Portuguese Africa
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Die Erfahrung spanischer Frauen mit der Migration in die Bundesrepublik Deutschland unterschied sich in einigen fundamentalen Aspekten von derjenigen der Männer während der Phase der Rekrutierung und der späteren Stabilisierung der... more
Die Erfahrung spanischer Frauen mit der Migration in die Bundesrepublik Deutschland unterschied sich in einigen fundamentalen Aspekten von derjenigen der Männer während der Phase der Rekrutierung und der späteren Stabilisierung der spanischen Immigranten in Deutschland in den 1960er und 1970er Jahren. Die Bedingungen für die Ankunft, den Aufenthalt im Land, die Berufswege und die Integrationsmöglichkeiten der Migranten waren sehr stark von der Variable Geschlecht abhängig. Das Bewusstsein dieser Tatsache stimulierte die Selbstorganisation und eigene Forderungen der spanischen Migranten in Deuschland, die man als eine spezifische Variante des Feminismus in der Migration bezeichnen kann und die erst durch die Migration hervorgerufen wurde.
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Texto en español y alemán / Deutsche und Spanische Fassung
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Of the 770,000 people that emigrated to the Federal Republic of Germany from Spain between 1960 and 1975, around 70% were men. Out of the 580,000 that were accounted for in the annual border outflow during this same period, 73% were men... more
Of the 770,000 people that emigrated to the Federal Republic of Germany from Spain between 1960 and 1975, around 70% were men. Out of the 580,000 that were accounted for in the annual border outflow during this same period, 73% were men and 27% were women. Other variables such as the job offers for Spaniards in the FRG channelled by both public administrations and the distribution of Spanish workers in productive sectors in Germany show evident inequalities in the labour project of men and women as well, resulting in an increased male protagonism. The Spanish emigration to the FRG had thus a distinct gender dimension which was evident both in the ways of entry into the country and in the integration of Spanish workers in the German labour market.
From 1945 until 1973 the Federal Republic of Germany adopted a guest worker/Gastarbeiter system for managing its migratory flow. It was a fundamental part of the process towards creating an international labour market in Europe. Under this scheme, migration from Spain to the FRG was channelled via bureaucratic management and negotiations between the two countries. This generated an official infrastructure comprised of federal officials based in Madrid, (the German Commission) who received the recruitment requests from German companies, and officials from the Instituto Español de Emigración (IEE) [Spanish Migration Institute], with the aim of controlling the labour migration flow to the FRG. The Agreement between the Spanish State and the Federal Republic of Germany on the migration, employment and placement of Spanish workers, signed in 1960, was an example of this form of management.
From 1945 until 1973 the Federal Republic of Germany adopted a guest worker/Gastarbeiter system for managing its migratory flow. It was a fundamental part of the process towards creating an international labour market in Europe. Under this scheme, migration from Spain to the FRG was channelled via bureaucratic management and negotiations between the two countries. This generated an official infrastructure comprised of federal officials based in Madrid, (the German Commission) who received the recruitment requests from German companies, and officials from the Instituto Español de Emigración (IEE) [Spanish Migration Institute], with the aim of controlling the labour migration flow to the FRG. The Agreement between the Spanish State and the Federal Republic of Germany on the migration, employment and placement of Spanish workers, signed in 1960, was an example of this form of management.
Research Interests: History, German Studies, Gender Studies, German History, Migration, and 10 moreSpanish History, 20th Century German History, Migration Studies, Transnational migration, Transnational Labour Migration, 20th Century Spain, Labour Market, Gastarbeiter, Labour Market Dynamics, and 20th Century Spanish History
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Essay on the current state of international history and history of international relations. Critical review on Robert FRANK (dir.): Pour l’histoire des relations internationales . Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 2012 (Colección... more
Essay on the current state of international history and history of international relations. Critical review on Robert FRANK (dir.): Pour l’histoire des relations internationales . Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 2012 (Colección “Le noeud gordien”), and Jost DÜLFFER y Wilfried LOTH (eds.): Dimensionen internationaler Geschichte.
Múnich, Oldenbourg Verlag, 2012 (Colección “Studien zur Internationalen Geschichte, vol. 30).
Múnich, Oldenbourg Verlag, 2012 (Colección “Studien zur Internationalen Geschichte, vol. 30).
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The Network for the New Diplomatic History is an informal group of scholars whose work focuses broadly on the historical study of diplomats, their methods and their cultural, political and social milieux. Diplomatic history itself is very... more
The Network for the New Diplomatic History is an informal group of scholars whose work focuses broadly on the historical study of diplomats, their methods and their cultural, political and social milieux. Diplomatic history itself is very old but is now being rediscovered as historians have become more receptive to trends in cultural studies, to advances in the social sciences, and to the mutual incorporation of state and non-state actors into the study of international, transnational and global history.
Our network’s approach is “new” for two reasons: it is aimed specifically at the study of individuals and groups of individuals who perform diplomatic roles, rather than at international relations as a whole; and it integrates political and economic narratives with other perspectives and methodologies such as prosopography, the sociology of knowledge, gender theory and network analysis.
Our interests include, inter alia, the history of diplomatic institutions, practices, languages, norms, symbols, families, friendships, literature, associations, attitudes and methods. Our goal is to reassert professional diplomats and other diplomatic actors as important subjects of historical study while paving the way for further innovations in the understanding of international society. Although most of our own work is in the modern era, we are open to members with any chronological and geographic expertise.
Our network’s approach is “new” for two reasons: it is aimed specifically at the study of individuals and groups of individuals who perform diplomatic roles, rather than at international relations as a whole; and it integrates political and economic narratives with other perspectives and methodologies such as prosopography, the sociology of knowledge, gender theory and network analysis.
Our interests include, inter alia, the history of diplomatic institutions, practices, languages, norms, symbols, families, friendships, literature, associations, attitudes and methods. Our goal is to reassert professional diplomats and other diplomatic actors as important subjects of historical study while paving the way for further innovations in the understanding of international society. Although most of our own work is in the modern era, we are open to members with any chronological and geographic expertise.
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Dans l'analyse du recit numerique de l'histoire europeenne en Espagne, Felipe Gonzalez est l'une des figures les plus importantes. Son parcours politique le place comme l'un des protagonistes de la grande relance... more
Dans l'analyse du recit numerique de l'histoire europeenne en Espagne, Felipe Gonzalez est l'une des figures les plus importantes. Son parcours politique le place comme l'un des protagonistes de la grande relance europeenne des annees 80 et 90. Felipe Gonzalez fait egalement partie de la lecture canonique de la transition, dans laquelle la question europeenne etait tres importante. Les documents numeriques, et notamment ceux deposes a la Fondation Felipe Gonzalez, permettent d’analyser a la fois cette histoire et de reflechir sur les strategies narratives utilisees par les acteurs politiques dans la politisation de « l'Europe ».
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Como cualquier otro pais europeo, la Espana de Franco se vio confrontada en 1945 con la necesidad de definir su posicion ante la cuestion alemana cuando esta emergio, tras la derrota del nacionalsocialismo, como el principal problema de... more
Como cualquier otro pais europeo, la Espana de Franco se vio confrontada en 1945 con la necesidad de definir su posicion ante la cuestion alemana cuando esta emergio, tras la derrota del nacionalsocialismo, como el principal problema de la posguerra en el continente. La division del territorio aleman y de Berlin en cuatro zonas de ocupacion controladas por estadounidenses, britanicos, franceses y sovieticos, la incertidumbre sobre las estructuras politicas que surgirian de las ruinas del Reich y, posteriormente, la consolidacion de dos Estados alemanes, integrados en los bloques antagonicos protagonistas de la Guerra Fria, obligaron a la diplomacia espanola a tomar partido. Lastrada por su pasado de intima colaboracion con la Alemania de Hitler durante la Guerra Civil y la Segunda Guerra Mundial, condenada por los aliados en Potsdam, sometida despues, entre 1946-1950, a un periodo de cuarentena internacional (Portero 1989), y parcialmente rehabilitada en 1953 en virtud de la firma d...
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Presentación del monográfico "España en la nueva Europa. Treinta años del Tratado de Maastricht", Revista de Estudios Europeos,82, 2023: https://revistas.uva.es/index.php/ree/issue/view/366
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El papel del Derecho de la Información ... Manuel Sánchez de Diego Fernández de la Riva (Coordinador) ... Ángel Conde Gómez -Carlos Cordero Sanz -Carlos Reusser Monsálvez-Damián Loreti - Esther Martínez Pastor -Eugenio Ribón Seisdedos ... more
El papel del Derecho de la Información ... Manuel Sánchez de Diego Fernández de la Riva (Coordinador) ... Ángel Conde Gómez -Carlos Cordero Sanz -Carlos Reusser Monsálvez-Damián Loreti - Esther Martínez Pastor -Eugenio Ribón Seisdedos Eva Moraga Guerrero ...
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In face of the growing systemic conflict between the West and China and the sudden escalation of tensions with Russia in the wake of the invasion of Ukraine, the concept of the Cold War reappears in recent years as a reference category.... more
In face of the growing systemic conflict between the West and China and the sudden escalation of tensions with Russia in the wake of the invasion of Ukraine, the concept of the Cold War reappears in recent years as a reference category. Terefore, the purpose of this article is to present an exhaustive and up-to-date review of the historiographical state of the art in relation to the concept, interpretations, physical and mental spaces and defining systemic structures of the world order between 1947 and 1991. Classic references are included, as well as the most recent, innovative and ground-breaking contributions to the historiography of the Cold War, which since 1991 has undergone a profound makeover, due to the broadening of interpretative categories and the multiplication of historiographical sources. Only by identifying what the Cold War really was will it be possible to construct valid comparative analyses, highlight lines of continuity, describe new variables and, ultimately, d...
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El Movimiento Europeo en España en su 60o aniversario, y la representación fotográfica de la emigración exterior española, han sido los temas de dos exposiciones que han podido visitarse en la Facultad de Geografía e Historia de la UCM en... more
El Movimiento Europeo en España en su 60o aniversario, y la representación fotográfica de la emigración exterior española, han sido los temas de dos exposiciones que han podido visitarse en la Facultad de Geografía e Historia de la UCM en el curso 2011-12. Dos muestras que han servido además de marco para la celebración de sendas jornadas científicas, en las que el constante diálogo entre pasado y presente que caracteriza a nuestra disciplina resonó con especial intensidad a través de los debates suscitados entre los participantes. La profunda crisis económica, financiera y de identidad de la UE y la reaparición de la emigración en el horizonte de la sociedad española –si hemos de dar crédito al discurso difundido por los medios de comunicaciónhacen hoy necesario revisar los procesos que han jalonado la compleja relación España-Europa y el papel de la emigración en el desarrollo material y en la configuración de la sociedad española contemporánea. La exposición Memoria gráfica de la...
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The Planes Nacionales de Festivales de España (National Plans of the Spanish Festivals, FDE) were a relevant tool of the Spanish public diplomacy during General Franco’s dictatorship and in the years of transition to a democracy. Created... more
The Planes Nacionales de Festivales de España (National Plans of the Spanish Festivals, FDE) were a relevant tool of the Spanish public diplomacy during General Franco’s dictatorship and in the years of transition to a democracy. Created in 1954 by the Spanish government, they consisted in three to four-month campaigns per year, running normally from May to September, which included a wide range of dance, music, and theatre shows. As a high-level State policy, the FE enjoyed strong official support —both in terms of funding and of political endorsement—, wide domestic and international diffusion, and allegedly a high level of success. That was the case during the 1960s, when the cooperation and networking of top politicians from the Spanish Ministry of Information and Tourism such as Manuel Fraga, Carlos Robles and Enrique de la Hoz resulted in both a qualitative and a qualitative increase of the FE. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the Ministry of National Education (MNE) were also key actors in this political undertaking. In 1963 for instance 45 FE were celebrated and in 1969 their number amounted to 83, with about 800 different shows in 1964, whereas their budgets rose from 4-5 million pesetas in the 1950s to 100 million per year in the 1960s. The expansion of the FE’s target audience may be considered as one of its most important pretended achievements. Not only did the FE try to bring supposedly educated art forms to the lower strata of the Spanish society —as it was the case in other contemporary European dictatorships—, but they also intended to boost the international acceptance of the dictatorship and the touristic attraction of Spain, reflecting the priorities of the Spanish foreign policy in the 1960s and 1970s, by promoting Spanish performing arts abroad. The aim of this paper is to analyze the FE campaigns as a tool of “soft power” displayed by the Spanish public diplomacy in order to affect both domestic and foreign audiences visually and emotionally for the sake of Francoist political legitimacy and booming economy. Special attention will be given to some state-driven musical, theatre and dance embassies to countries such as the USA, USSR or West Germany, with which the dictatorship pretended to foster a gentle image in the central decades of the Cold War. The reconstruction of this cultural machinery, the cooperation with unofficial actors —such as impresarios or private travel agencies—, the contradictions within the notion of “popular culture” used by the dictatorship, and the re-appropriation of the FE by the Spanish budding democracy since 1975 will also be discussed in this contribution.
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Una de las consecuencias del debate politico desarrollado en la ultima decada acerca de la necesidad y oportunidad de una Constitucion para Europa1, ha sido reintroducir en el orden del dia del debate europeo una cuestion como es la... more
Una de las consecuencias del debate politico desarrollado en la ultima decada acerca de la necesidad y oportunidad de una Constitucion para Europa1, ha sido reintroducir en el orden del dia del debate europeo una cuestion como es la finalidad del proceso de unificacion de profundo significado simbolico, al asociarse a la percepcion de que la construccion europea parece mas un camino a recorrer que un punto de destino. Un debate que con un sustrato mas academico que politico, se ha venido suscitando desde los anos setenta a proposito de la relacion establecida entre profundizacion en la estructura politica de la Comunidad y desarrollo de una identidad europea2.
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La experiencia de al emigracion se esconde en la memoria de muchas generaciones de ciudadanos de nuestro pais. De uno de los hitos de esta experiencia, el IEE, como timon del barco de la 'emigracion asistida', pretende dar cuenta... more
La experiencia de al emigracion se esconde en la memoria de muchas generaciones de ciudadanos de nuestro pais. De uno de los hitos de esta experiencia, el IEE, como timon del barco de la 'emigracion asistida', pretende dar cuenta este libro. Hoy pocas personas asociaran en su recuerdo el ano 1956 con la creacion del Instituto, pero muchas recordaran aquel ano, y otros anteriores y posteriores, por la sangria de miles de espanoles que abandonaron sus pueblos y ciudades en busca de trabajo en Argentina, Uruguay, Alemania, Francia, Suiza y tantos otros rincones del mundo a los que llego el exodo laborioso e incesante de la Espana peregrina. Institucion importante en la historia de la emigracion entre 1956 y 1985, y por lo tanto, en la vida de muchos espanoles, el IEE ha sido testigo de la evolucion de la relacion entre la administracion y los ciudadanos desde el final del franquismo hasta la consolidacion democratica, largo camino que culmina en nuestros dias con el emigrante t...
Research Interests: History, Humanities, Art, Political Science, Spanish History, and 11 moreTransnational migration, Transnational Labour Migration, Emigration Research, Spain under Franco, Francoism, Institute of History of Ukraine, Spanish Migration, Emigration from Spain, MIgration adminstration, Transnational Migration, and Spain History
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Between 1956 and the seventies, the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany granted substantial amounts to Franco's Spain within the framework of the German official programmes of technical and financial assistance for... more
Between 1956 and the seventies, the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany granted substantial amounts to Franco's Spain within the framework of the German official programmes of technical and financial assistance for developing countries. This financial and technical support allowed the execution of public works in Spain such as irrigation infrastructures, the reorganization of iron and steel industries and the development of agronomic research, among others. All of these works were carried out within the framework of the Spanish development planning of the sixties and the seventies. This study analyses the reasons for the FRG to grant this kind of aid to Spain and describes the programmes which benefited from German support as well as the amount of the granted assistance. Basing in the analysis of official documents both from the FRG and Spain, it is shown that Spain's status as a developing country was very early under discussion, and that the debate about maintaining or denying this status to Spain was influenced by conflicting perceptions and interests in both countries.
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... Los gobiernos de la RFA, a su vez, apoyarán esta operación, como medio para favorecer la penetración de la economía alemana en España y de contribuir a la ... Directores (o tutores), Email del director (o tutor). ... Materias:... more
... Los gobiernos de la RFA, a su vez, apoyarán esta operación, como medio para favorecer la penetración de la economía alemana en España y de contribuir a la ... Directores (o tutores), Email del director (o tutor). ... Materias: Ciencias Sociales > Política > Relaciones internacionales. ...
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Este artículo reconstruye la lógica política, tecnológica y económica de las relaciones entre España y Alemania en el ámbito de la defensa entre 1945 y 1986 desde el punto de vista de las aportaciones alemanas a la modernización militar... more
Este artículo reconstruye la lógica política, tecnológica y económica de las relaciones entre España y Alemania en el ámbito de la defensa entre 1945 y 1986 desde el punto de vista de las aportaciones alemanas a la modernización militar de España. La RFA fue una fuente destacada de transferencias tecnológicas a España, aunque muy por detrás de Estados Unidos y Francia. La década de 1945-1955 y el periodo democrático a partir de 1975 ofrecieron las condiciones más favorables para el intercambio, primero esencialmente bilateral y privado, y después cada vez más oficial y multilateral en el marco de la OTAN.
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Research Interests: German Studies, Spanish Studies, German History, Portuguese Studies, Portuguese History, and 15 moreIberian Studies, Political Science, Portuguese Contemporary History, Democratization, Cold War, Spanish History, History Portuguese and Spanish, Democracy, Dictatorships, Cold War International Relations, Cold War history, Hispania, Democratization Studies, Historical Studies, and Memory and Representation of the Spanish Civil War and Dictatorship
Se analiza la razón humanitaria que esgrimió Chile para ofrecer refugio y protección al ex líder de la República Democrática Oriental (RDA) Erich Honecker, en su Embajada en Moscú desde fines de 1991 hasta mediados de 1992. El tema,... more
Se analiza la razón humanitaria que esgrimió Chile para ofrecer refugio y protección al ex líder de la República Democrática Oriental (RDA) Erich Honecker, en su Embajada en Moscú desde fines de 1991 hasta mediados de 1992. El tema, escasamente abordado por la historiografía internacionalista chilena y alemana, está basado en fuentes diplomáticas chilenas inéditas-especialmente el archivo James Holger-, prensa chilena y alemana del período, entrevistas a políticos y diplomáticos, sesiones parlamentarias de Chile y Alemania, archivo presidencial digital de Patricio Aylwin, entre otras. Se revelan los argumentos de una estrategia que apeló a la condición de salud del ex jerarca germanooriental y las confusas circunstancias que terminaron por agotar esa vía de solución para dar paso a largas gestiones jurídico/diplomáticas entre Chile, Alemania y Rusia, las que finalmente resolvieron el asunto. Palabras claves: Chile-Alemania-Honecker-razón humanitaria-refugio It analyses the humanitarian reason that wielded Chile to offer shelter and protection to the former leader of the German Democratic Republic (DDR), Erich Honecker, at the embassy in Moscow from the end of 1991 until mid-1992. The issue is scarce addressed by the Chilean and German internationalistic historiography, it is based on unpublished Chilean diplomatic sources-the James Holger file-, Chilean and German press of the period, interviews with politicians and diplomats, parliamentary sessions of Chile and Germany, and the digital Presidential archive of Patricio Aylwin, among others. It reveals the arguments of a strategy that appealed to the health condition of former East German hierarch and the confusing circumstances that ended up exhausting that way of solution, then replaced by legal/diplomatic efforts between Chile, Germany and Russia, those who ended up solving the matter.
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CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB RU , UK West th Street, New York, NY – , USA Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC , Australia ...
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Page 1. RUSSIA FACES NATO EXPANSION I. L BLACK Page 2. Page 3. Page 4. fVUSSIA FALLS NATO EXPANSION BEARING GIFTS OR BEARING ARMS? J. I. BLACK The immediate and long-term importance of Russian thinking ...
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ABSTRACT
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... Globalización/antiglobalización: sobre la reconstrucción del orden mundial. Información General. Autores: David Held, Anthony G. McGrew; Editores: Barcelona : Paidós Ibérica, 2003; Año de publicación: 2003; País: España; Idioma:... more
... Globalización/antiglobalización: sobre la reconstrucción del orden mundial. Información General. Autores: David Held, Anthony G. McGrew; Editores: Barcelona : Paidós Ibérica, 2003; Año de publicación: 2003; País: España; Idioma: Español; ISBN : 84-493-1415-1. Otros catálogos ...
Page 1. Estado de mercado, Eurasia y fin del mundo bipolar j r Rafael Poch Icaria $ Más Madera Page 2. Page 3. TRES PREGUNTAS SOBRE RUSIA "Ttii s One 8AC2-QXW-DH2G Page 4. Page 5. RAFAEL POCH TRES PREGUNTAS ...
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En los últimos años han aflorado investigaciones y propuestas que coinciden en el propósito de actualizar y expandir la tradición de la historia diplomática contemporaneísta mediante el diálogo con las aportaciones ofrecidas por la... more
En los últimos años han aflorado investigaciones y propuestas que coinciden en el propósito de actualizar y expandir la tradición de la historia diplomática contemporaneísta mediante el diálogo con las aportaciones ofrecidas por la historia cultural y social, la antropología, el enfoque transnacional o la aplicación de metodologías renovadas tomadas de las ciencias sociales. Esta comunicación propone una aproximación a los ejemplos más relevantes de lo que, para algunos historiadores como K. Weisbrode, consituye las primicias de una "nueva historia diplomática". Se trata de identificar sus rasgos más relevantes, como el desplazamiento del interés de las estructuras a los sujetos; una concepción ampliada y culturalista del fenómeno histórico de la diplomacia y de sus agentes; la consideración de los "diplomáticos" como "traductores" y "mediadores" interculturales; la preferencia por el estudio de problemáticas y actores transnacionales antes que interestatales; y la propuesta del análisis de redes como herramienta de investigación, entre otras.
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INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE: The Trade Unions, in an International Context, 1888-1986 Madrid, November 19-21. 2018. University Carlos III of Madrid, Campus of Getafe. [1] DIRECTORS: : Manuela Aroca Mohedano (FFLC-UC3M) Rosario Ruiz... more
INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE:
The Trade Unions, in an International Context, 1888-1986
Madrid, November 19-21. 2018.
University Carlos III of Madrid, Campus of Getafe. [1]
DIRECTORS: :
Manuela Aroca Mohedano (FFLC-UC3M)
Rosario Ruiz Franco (UC3M)
SCIENTIFIC COMITTEE:
Andrea Ciampani - Universidad LUMSA (Italia)
Federico Romero - European University Institute
Robert Waters - Ohio Northern University (USA)
Carlos Sanz – Universidad Complutense de Madrid
Francisco Sánchez – Universidad Carlos III de Madrid
Eduardo Sánchez Calleja – Universidad Carlos III de Madrid
ORGANIZING COMMITTEE:
Directors: Manuela Aroca and Rosario Ruiz Franco
Secretary: Francisco Rodríguez Jiménez.
SCHEDULE-TIMINGS
Submission of Proposals: December 1st 2017 through January 31th 2018. (Max 200 words)
Notification of the acceptance of proposals: February 20th, 2018.
Deadline for submission of the complete texts: February 20th, 2018 through 30 September 2018 (6.000 to 9.000 words max)
Final acceptance notification: October 15, 2018
Email: [email protected]
LANGUAGES: Spanish and English, (simultaneous translation will be most probably provided)
MADRID, 2018.
The Francisco Largo Caballero Foundation and Carlos III University of Madrid have scheduled the International Conference: “The Trade Unions, in an International Context, 1888-1986” to be held November 19-21, 2018 on the campus of Getafe (Madrid), of the Carlos III University of Madrid. The international activities and agenda of the labour unions since their creation will be explored. Until recently, traditional historiography has attributed the responsibility of international relations, practically exclusively, to the action of States. However, despite the fact that they are mainly national entities, trade unions have developed from the outset supranational groupings and have maintained bilateral relations with partner organizations in other countries. In some historical circumstances, the support or international blockade of supranational institutions or unions in other countries has been central to the development and consolidation of trade unions. Therefore, this congress will study these international trade union relations, based mainly on the following areas of study: supranational organizations, bilateral relations between unions in different countries, relations with political parties in other countries and the constitution of or participation in humanitarian organizations supranational.
PRIORITY TOPICS TO BE CONSIDERED FOR ACCEPTANCE.
Although any issue related with the history of the international activities of trade unions can be evaluated, the following issues will be considered as priorities:
· Supranational trade union organizations.
· Trade union action in the International Labour Organization (ILO), or any other international organization in the world of work.
· Bilateral relations between unions of different countries, with the emphasis on studies in which one of them is a Spanish union.
· Linking of trade unions in international humanitarian organizations.
· Trade unions in exile and their relationship with trade unions and organizations in the host country.
· Examples of general international policy developed by trade unions.
· Presence and participation of women in international trade unionism. Labour and gender claims.
[1] Action developed in the framework of the R & D project, funded under the program of excellence HAR2013-44849-P, “THE INTERNATIONAL TRAJECTORY OF THE SPANISH SOCIALDEMOCRAT UNIONISM (1888-1986), Francisco Largo Caballero Foundation, Director: Manuela Aroca Mohedano.
The Trade Unions, in an International Context, 1888-1986
Madrid, November 19-21. 2018.
University Carlos III of Madrid, Campus of Getafe. [1]
DIRECTORS: :
Manuela Aroca Mohedano (FFLC-UC3M)
Rosario Ruiz Franco (UC3M)
SCIENTIFIC COMITTEE:
Andrea Ciampani - Universidad LUMSA (Italia)
Federico Romero - European University Institute
Robert Waters - Ohio Northern University (USA)
Carlos Sanz – Universidad Complutense de Madrid
Francisco Sánchez – Universidad Carlos III de Madrid
Eduardo Sánchez Calleja – Universidad Carlos III de Madrid
ORGANIZING COMMITTEE:
Directors: Manuela Aroca and Rosario Ruiz Franco
Secretary: Francisco Rodríguez Jiménez.
SCHEDULE-TIMINGS
Submission of Proposals: December 1st 2017 through January 31th 2018. (Max 200 words)
Notification of the acceptance of proposals: February 20th, 2018.
Deadline for submission of the complete texts: February 20th, 2018 through 30 September 2018 (6.000 to 9.000 words max)
Final acceptance notification: October 15, 2018
Email: [email protected]
LANGUAGES: Spanish and English, (simultaneous translation will be most probably provided)
MADRID, 2018.
The Francisco Largo Caballero Foundation and Carlos III University of Madrid have scheduled the International Conference: “The Trade Unions, in an International Context, 1888-1986” to be held November 19-21, 2018 on the campus of Getafe (Madrid), of the Carlos III University of Madrid. The international activities and agenda of the labour unions since their creation will be explored. Until recently, traditional historiography has attributed the responsibility of international relations, practically exclusively, to the action of States. However, despite the fact that they are mainly national entities, trade unions have developed from the outset supranational groupings and have maintained bilateral relations with partner organizations in other countries. In some historical circumstances, the support or international blockade of supranational institutions or unions in other countries has been central to the development and consolidation of trade unions. Therefore, this congress will study these international trade union relations, based mainly on the following areas of study: supranational organizations, bilateral relations between unions in different countries, relations with political parties in other countries and the constitution of or participation in humanitarian organizations supranational.
PRIORITY TOPICS TO BE CONSIDERED FOR ACCEPTANCE.
Although any issue related with the history of the international activities of trade unions can be evaluated, the following issues will be considered as priorities:
· Supranational trade union organizations.
· Trade union action in the International Labour Organization (ILO), or any other international organization in the world of work.
· Bilateral relations between unions of different countries, with the emphasis on studies in which one of them is a Spanish union.
· Linking of trade unions in international humanitarian organizations.
· Trade unions in exile and their relationship with trade unions and organizations in the host country.
· Examples of general international policy developed by trade unions.
· Presence and participation of women in international trade unionism. Labour and gender claims.
[1] Action developed in the framework of the R & D project, funded under the program of excellence HAR2013-44849-P, “THE INTERNATIONAL TRAJECTORY OF THE SPANISH SOCIALDEMOCRAT UNIONISM (1888-1986), Francisco Largo Caballero Foundation, Director: Manuela Aroca Mohedano.
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El impacto de la Gran Guerra sobre la España de Alfonso XIII desbordó el marco de la estricta neutralidad declarada por el gobierno, para expresarse en una aguda beligerancia social de la que surgieron nuevos discursos y prácticas... more
El impacto de la Gran Guerra sobre la España de Alfonso XIII desbordó el marco de la estricta neutralidad declarada por el gobierno, para expresarse en una aguda beligerancia social de la que surgieron nuevos discursos y prácticas políticas y culturales, como pone de manifiesto la historiografía más reciente. Este congreso centra su atención en esta pluralidad de reverberaciones del conflicto en España y su trascendencia para la renovación de las culturas políticas dominantes en las décadas posteriores.
Congreso Internacional - XI Jornadas FIES. Madrid, Fundación Ortega-Marañón, 20-23 noviembre 2017
Congreso Internacional - XI Jornadas FIES. Madrid, Fundación Ortega-Marañón, 20-23 noviembre 2017
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The Planes Nacionales de Festivales de España (National Plans of the Spanish Festivals, FDE) were a relevant tool of the Spanish public diplomacy during General Franco’s dictatorship and in the years of transition to a democracy. Created... more
The Planes Nacionales de Festivales de España (National Plans of the Spanish Festivals, FDE) were a relevant tool of the Spanish public diplomacy during General Franco’s dictatorship and in the years of transition to a democracy. Created in 1954 by the Spanish government, they consisted in three to four-month campaigns per year, running normally from May to September, which included a wide range of dance, music, and theatre shows.
The aim of this paper is to analyze the FE campaigns as a tool of “soft power” displayed by the Spanish public diplomacy in order to affect both domestic and foreign audiences visually and emotionally for the sake of Francoist political legitimacy and booming economy. Special attention will be given to some state-driven musical, theatre and dance embassies to countries such as the USA, USSR or West Germany, with which the dictatorship pretended to foster a gentle image in the central decades of the Cold War. The reconstruction of this cultural machinery, the cooperation with unofficial actors —such as impresarios or private travel agencies—, the contradictions within the notion of “popular culture” used by the dictatorship, and the re-appropriation of the FE by the Spanish budding democracy since 1975 will also be discussed in this contribution.
The aim of this paper is to analyze the FE campaigns as a tool of “soft power” displayed by the Spanish public diplomacy in order to affect both domestic and foreign audiences visually and emotionally for the sake of Francoist political legitimacy and booming economy. Special attention will be given to some state-driven musical, theatre and dance embassies to countries such as the USA, USSR or West Germany, with which the dictatorship pretended to foster a gentle image in the central decades of the Cold War. The reconstruction of this cultural machinery, the cooperation with unofficial actors —such as impresarios or private travel agencies—, the contradictions within the notion of “popular culture” used by the dictatorship, and the re-appropriation of the FE by the Spanish budding democracy since 1975 will also be discussed in this contribution.
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Research Interests: History, Modern History, International Relations, Foreign Policy Analysis, European Foreign Policy, and 15 moreDiplomacy, European Union, Negotiation, History of International Relations, Social Network Analysis (SNA), Spain (History), Spain, Data Visualization, Historia, Germany, Diplomacia, Historia Contemporánea de España, Historia Contemporánea, Análisis de redes sociales, and Gephi
Research Interests: Music, International Relations, Foreign Policy Analysis, Dance Studies, Public Diplomacy, and 17 moreInternational History, Diplomacy, Spain (History), Dance, Cultural Diplomacy, Soft Power, Spain, Flamenco, Historia, Soft Power and International Relations, Spanish Foreign Policy, España, Public Diplomacy and Strategic Communication, Historia Contemporánea de España, Diplomacy and international relations, Soft Power and Public Diplomacy, and Public Policy
Are you interested in a conference about European Union future in the stormy scenario of International Relations, post-COVID 19 ¿? Stay tuned. July 6th, 6pm, Madrid -noon at New York, starring the top-notch scholar Nathalie Tocci... more
Are you interested in a conference about European Union future in the stormy scenario of International Relations, post-COVID 19 ¿? Stay tuned. July 6th, 6pm, Madrid -noon at New York, starring the top-notch scholar Nathalie Tocci
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XlP3SRBl2sY&feature=emb_logo&fbclid=IwAR3mKMOcjLmy_7V1b2TKYpow93pIg6Ygucq3_reVrjMMnUpBe_XgDQLOvjA
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XlP3SRBl2sY&feature=emb_logo&fbclid=IwAR3mKMOcjLmy_7V1b2TKYpow93pIg6Ygucq3_reVrjMMnUpBe_XgDQLOvjA
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Cristina Manzano es directora de esglobal, la principal publicación digital sobre cuestiones globales en español. Es además columnista de El País y de El Periódico de Catalunya, y colaboradora de diversos medios de comunicación como... more
Cristina Manzano es directora de esglobal, la principal publicación digital sobre cuestiones globales en español.
Es además columnista de El País y de El Periódico de Catalunya, y colaboradora de diversos medios de comunicación como RNE, la cadena SER o el programa 24 horas de RTVE. Es además coordinadora editorial de la revista Pensamiento Iberoamericano, editada por Segib. Participa habitualmente como panelista y ponente en reuniones, seminarios y mesas redondas sobre diversas cuestiones internacionales.
Ha sido subdirectora general de la Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior (FRIDE), un think tank independiente con sede en Madrid.
Licenciada en Ciencias de la Información (rama Periodismo) por la Universidad Complutense de Madrid, realizó estudios de post-grado en la Universidad de Maryland (Estados Unidos), gracias a la obtención de una Beca Fulbright. Durante más de 10 años fue Directora general de Reporter, empresa líder en publicaciones y comunicación corporativas
Es miembro de diversas organizaciones nacionales e internacionales, entre ellas, el Consejo español de ECFR (European Council on Foreign Relations), el Consejo Científico del Real Instituto Elcano. los Patronatos de la Fundación Educación para el Empleo Europa y de Alianza por la Solidaridad y las Juntas directivas del capítulo español del Club de Roma y del Club de Madrid.
Es además columnista de El País y de El Periódico de Catalunya, y colaboradora de diversos medios de comunicación como RNE, la cadena SER o el programa 24 horas de RTVE. Es además coordinadora editorial de la revista Pensamiento Iberoamericano, editada por Segib. Participa habitualmente como panelista y ponente en reuniones, seminarios y mesas redondas sobre diversas cuestiones internacionales.
Ha sido subdirectora general de la Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior (FRIDE), un think tank independiente con sede en Madrid.
Licenciada en Ciencias de la Información (rama Periodismo) por la Universidad Complutense de Madrid, realizó estudios de post-grado en la Universidad de Maryland (Estados Unidos), gracias a la obtención de una Beca Fulbright. Durante más de 10 años fue Directora general de Reporter, empresa líder en publicaciones y comunicación corporativas
Es miembro de diversas organizaciones nacionales e internacionales, entre ellas, el Consejo español de ECFR (European Council on Foreign Relations), el Consejo Científico del Real Instituto Elcano. los Patronatos de la Fundación Educación para el Empleo Europa y de Alianza por la Solidaridad y las Juntas directivas del capítulo español del Club de Roma y del Club de Madrid.
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Comparto aquí las Alegaciones y consideraciones sobre el Anteproyecto de Ley de Información Clasificada que he enviado al Ministerio de Presidencia del Gobierno de España en el trámite de audiencia e información pública, abierto del 3 al... more
Comparto aquí las Alegaciones y consideraciones sobre el Anteproyecto de Ley de Información Clasificada que he enviado al Ministerio de Presidencia del Gobierno de España en el trámite de audiencia e información pública, abierto del 3 al 12 de agosto de 2022.