Herve Bocherens

The dog is the only domesticated species that dates from
before the origin of agriculture when human populations
were living as hunter-gatherers (e.g. Germonpré
et al. 2009, 2015, 2018; Thalmann et al. 2013; Freedman
and Wayne 2017). Morphological and genetic analyses
have shown that dogs descent from an extinct Eurasian
Pleistocene wolf population or possibly several populations
(e.g. Germonpré et al. 2009; Thalmann et al. 2013;
Skoglund et al. 2015; Frantz et al. 2016). Although the
dogs’ ancestor is now known, many questions remain,
such as how the first dogs could have participated in
the daily life of their owners (Losey et al. 2018).
In this contribution, we first summarize two
models on the origin of the dog; then we detail two
canid morphotypes from the Upper Palaeolithic; next,
we look to the Upper Palaeolithic sites that have evidence
for the presence of incipient dogs. After that, we
review ethnographic sources for dog-related practices
among Northern societies and whether and how these
could enhance differential access to resources and
influence social status distinctions. Subsequently, we
discuss what could have been the roles of early dogs
in some Upper Palaeolithic societies. Finally, we propose
a tentatively narrative on how the contributions
of Palaeolithic dogs could have affected differential
wealth and influenced social distinction among past
men and women.

Cat remains from Poland dated to 4,200 to 2,300 y BCE are currently the earliest evidence for the migration of the Near Eastern cat (NE cat), the ancestor of domestic cats, into Central Europe. This early immigration preceded the known establishment of housecat populations in the region by around 3,000 y. One hypothesis assumed that NE cats followed the migration of early farmers as synan-thropes. In this study, we analyze the stable isotopes in six samples of Late Neolithic NE cat bones and further 34 of the associated fauna, including the European wildcat. We approximate the diet and trophic ecology of Late Neolithic felids in a broad context of contemporary wild and domestic animals and humans. In addition, we compared the ecology of Late Neolithic NE cats with the earliest domestic cats known from the territory of Poland, dating to the Roman Period. Our results reveal that human agricultural activity during the Late Neolithic had already impacted the isotopic signature of rodents in the ecosystem. These synanthropic pests constituted a significant proportion of the NE cat's diet. Our interpretation is that Late Neolithic NE cats were opportunistic synan-thropes, most probably free-living individuals (i.e., not directly relying on a human food supply). We explore niche partitioning between studied NE cats and the contemporary native European wildcats. We find only minor differences between the isotopic ecology of both these taxa. We conclude that, after the appearance of the NE cat, both felid taxa shared the ecological niches. wildcat | synanthropic species | stable isotopes | paleoecology | trophic niche

Heavy reliance on plants is rare in carnivora and mostly limited to relatively small species in subtropical settings. The feeding behaviors of extinct cave bears living during Pleistocene cold periods at middle latitudes have been intensely studied using various approaches including isotopic analyses of fossil collagen. In contrast to cave bears from all other regions in Europe, some individuals from Romania show exceptionally high δ 15 n values that might be indicative of meat consumption. Herbivory on plants with high δ 15 N values cannot be ruled out based on this method, however. Here we apply an approach using the δ 15 N values of individual amino acids from collagen that offsets the baseline δ 15 n variation among environments. the analysis yielded strong signals of reliance on plants for Romanian cave bears based on the δ 15 n values of glutamate and phenylalanine. these results could suggest that the high variability in bulk collagen δ 15 N values observed among cave bears in Romania reflects niche partitioning but in a general trophic context of herbivory. Bears represent the largest terrestrial members within the Carnivora alive today and the vast majority of them have carnivorous or omnivorous feeding habits. Until around 25,000 years ago, the coldest period in the Pleistocene, additional, now extinct bear species were living 1-4 , among which the so-called cave bears, a very large type of bear that formed the sister lineage of extant brown bears and polar bears (e.g., ref. 5). The paradox of the cave bear is that their diet has been said to be herbivorous despite their large body sizes while extant herbivorous Carnivora species are smaller 6,7. After their divergence from the brown bear lineage 1.2-1.6 million years ago, cave bear populations showed substantial morphological and genetic variability and multiple forms have been recognized 8 , although their taxonomic status and the relationships among them continue to be debated 9. The possible causes of the extinction of these bears are also intensively debated, involving climate change, human impacts, and (lack of) flexibility in feeding behavior 10-15. Understanding cave bear feeding behavior is therefore important as it might give insights into the extinction of this species, and also it could be relevant for the conservation of extant, herbivorous carnivoran species that are under threat of extinction (e.g., binturong, red panda, giant panda 16,17). More recent studies have shown mixed results based on different lines of evidence including anatomical properties like craniodental morphologies, tooth wear analyses, mortality patterns (e.g., sex ratio), etc. wherein the conclusions were highly context dependent and differed by sample-sets 18-23. This is also the case for stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses (δ 13 C and δ 15 N) on collagen extracted from bone/teeth 24-31. Relatively low δ 15 N values of most of these bears so far indicate their highly-plant-dependent feeding habits with possible exceptions for some groups in today's Romania that exhibited relatively high δ 15 N values 30,32,33. The δ 15 N value of bulk bone/

Levänluhta is a unique archaeological site with the remains of nearly a hundred Iron Age individuals found from a water burial in Ostrobothnia, Finland. The strongest climatic downturn of the Common Era, resembling the great Fimbulvinter in Norse mythology, hit these people during the 6 th century AD. This study establishes chronological, dietary, and livelihood synthesis on this population based on stable carbon and nitrogen isotopic and radiocarbon analyses on human remains, supported by multidisciplinary evidence. Extraordinarily broad stable isotopic distribution is observed, indicating three subgroups with distinct dietary habits spanning four centuries. This emphasizes the versatile livelihoods practiced at this boundary of marine, freshwater, and terrestrial ecosystems. While the impact of the prolonged cold darkness of the 6 th century was devastating for European communities relying on cultivation, the broad range of livelihoods provided resilience for the Levänluhta people to overcome the abrupt climatic decline.

Levä nluhta is a unique archaeological site with the remains of nearly a hundred Iron Age individuals found from a water burial in Ostrobothnia, Finland. The strongest climatic downturn of the Common Era, resembling the great Fimbulvinter in Norse mythology, hit these people during the 6 th century AD. This study establishes chronological, dietary, and livelihood synthesis on this population based on stable carbon and nitrogen isotopic and radiocarbon analyses on human remains, supported by multidisciplinary evidence. Extraordinarily broad stable isotopic distribution is observed, indicating three subgroups with distinct dietary habits spanning four centuries. This emphasizes the versatile livelihoods practiced at this boundary of marine, freshwater, and terrestrial ecosystems. While the impact of the prolonged cold darkness of the 6 th century was devastating for European communities relying on cultivation, the broad range of livelihoods provided resilience for the Levä nluhta people to overcome the abrupt climatic decline.

The cave bear (Ursus spelaeus) is one of the Late Pleistocene megafauna species that faced extinction at the end of the last ice age. Although it is represented by one of the largest fossil records in Europe and has been subject to several interdisciplinary studies including palaeogenetic research, its fate remains highly controversial. Here, we used a combination of hybridisation capture and next generation sequencing to reconstruct 59 new complete cave bear mitochondrial genomes (mtDNA) from 14 sites in Western, Central and Eastern Europe. In a Bayesian phylogenetic analysis, we compared them to 64 published cave bear mtDNA sequences to reconstruct the population dynamics and phylogeography during the Late Pleistocene. We found five major mitochondrial DNA lineages resulting in a noticeably more complex biogeography of the European lineages during the last 50,000 years than previously assumed. Furthermore, our calculated effective female population sizes suggest a drastic cave bear population decline starting around 40,000 years ago at the onset of the Aurignacian, coinciding with the spread of anatomically modern humans in Europe. Thus, our study supports a potential significant human role in the general extinction and local extirpation of the European cave bear and illuminates the fate of this megafauna species.

While sequencing ancient DNA (aDNA) from archaeological material is now commonplace, very few attempts to sequence ancient transcriptomes have been made, even from typically stable deposition environments such as permafrost. This is presumably due to assumptions that RNA completely degrades relatively quickly, particularly when dealing with autolytic, nuclease-rich mammalian tissues. However, given the recent successes in sequencing ancient RNA (aRNA) from various sources including plants and animals, we suspect that these assumptions may be incorrect or exaggerated. To challenge the underlying dogma, we generated shotgun RNA data from sources that might normally be dismissed for such study. Here, we present aRNA data generated from two historical wolf skins, and perma-frost-preserved liver tissue of a 14,300-year-old Pleistocene canid. Not only is the latter the oldest RNA ever to be sequenced, but it also shows evidence of biologically relevant tissue specificity and close similarity to equivalent data derived from modern-day control tissue. Other hallmarks of RNA sequencing (RNA-seq) data such as exon-exon junction presence and high endogenous ribosomal RNA (rRNA) content confirms our data's authenticity. By performing independent technical library replicates using two high-throughput sequencing platforms, we show not only that aRNA can survive for extended periods in mammalian tissues but also that it has potential for tissue identification. aRNA also has possible further potential, such as identifying in vivo genome activity and adaptation, when sequenced using this technology.

The mega-site of Valencina is currently a major focus of interest for the study of Copper Age Iberia. Remarkable megalithic monuments such as La Pastora, Montelirio or Structure 10.042-10.049 at PP4-Montelirio are found alongside hundreds of other features, including pits and large-sized ditches, some of which have yielded evidence of exotic material craftsmanship without parallels in Iberian Late Prehistory which also suggests long-distance contacts. Part of the flourishing experienced by Valencina in the 3 rd millennium BC can be explained by its specific geographic location at the mouth of the Guadalquivir river, facing a marine gulf surrounded by lands of high agricultural potential. Other reasons, however, must have accounted for Valencina's growth as a mega-site, including particularly demographic and economic ones. In order to better understand the demographic and subsistence patterns of the communities that lived and/or frequented Valencina, we analysed 29 human and 7 faunal samples for δ 18 O and δ 13 C isotope analyses. The sampling strategy followed is based on a combination of bone and dental tissues. In addition an intra-tooth study was also carried out to observe intra-individual seasonal changes. Overall, this evidence contributes to the study of diet and mobility patterns, which can in turn provide insights of the demography and economy of the communities that used this mega-site. Resumen: El mega-sitio de Valencina es actualmente un referente principal en el estudio de la Edad del Cobre en Iberia. Destacados monumentos megalíticos tales como La Pastora, Montelirio o la Estructura 10.042-10.049 del sector PP4-Montelirio aparecen junto a cientos de otras estructuras, incluyendo hoyos y zanjas de gran tamaño, algunos de los cuales han proporcionado evidencias de artesanía de materias primas exóticas sin paralelos en la Prehistoria Reciente ibérica, evidenciando también contactos de larga distancia. Parte del florecimiento de Valencina en el III milenio ANE puede ser explicado por su ubicación geográfica específica, en la desembocadura del río Guadalquivir y frente a un gran golfo marino rodeado de terrenos de alto potencial agrícola. Otras razones, sin embargo, deben explicar el crecimiento de Valencina como un mega-sitio, especialmente aquellas de carácter demográfico y económico. Para conocer mejor las pautas demográficas y subsistenciales de las comunidades que vivieron y/o frecuentaron Valencina, en este estudio hemos analizado 29 individuos humanos y 7 dientes de fauna según los análisis de isótopos estables de δ 18 O y δ 13 C. Se ha seguido una estrategia de muestreo combinada de tejidos óseos y dentales. También hemos seguido una estrategia de análisis intra-individuo basado en múltiples bandas en el diente para poder observar cambios estacionales. En conjunto, estos datos contribuyen al estudio de las pautas de dieta y movilidad, lo cual a su vez proporciona nuevas formas de analizar la demografía y la economía de las comunidades que usaron este mega-sitio.

The southern Iberian megalithic cemeteries of Panoría and El Barranquete offer an excellent opportunity to explore ancient dietary patterns. Due to the special nature of these funerary contexts as palimpsests, a multi-proxy approach including multi-isotopic determination and a high-resolution dating framework was carried out. As a result, 52 samples were isotopically measured, of which 48 were also radiocarbon dated. With this new isotopic series as a basis, three main conclusions can be drawn: (i) the diet was based on C 3 plants and terrestrial animals with no evidence of marine protein consumption; (ii) there is a general tendency for carbon isotope values to increase during the Bronze Age, which is consistent with the intensification of crop farming taking place at the time; and (iii) nitrogen isotope variability is especially remarkable when comparing collective to individual tombs. People buried individually show the highest and the most variable nitrogen ratios in contrast with those buried in collective tombs that show similar nitrogen values over time. These differences support the hypothesis of a conservative megalithic population resisting cultural innovations during the Argaric Bronze Age.

In Brazilian Intertropical Region (BIR) fossil remains of the giant ground sloth Eremotherium laurillardi (Lund, 1842) and of the proboscidean Notiomastodon platensis (Ameghino, 1888) are the most abundant among megaherbivores. However, the paleoecology of both species needs to be better understood to enlighten why these species disappear in the end of the Pleistocene, an issue that is still debated. During the last decades, the carbon and oxygen stable isotopes have been increasingly being used to obtain paleoecological information about extinct animals, although this information is in most cases dissociated from chronological data. Thus, the main objective of this study is to contribute to the knowledge about feeding ecology and chronology of E. laurillardi and N. platensis within BIR. For each fossil sample we performed stable isotopes analyses (d 13 C/d 18 O) and radiocarbon dating (14 C with AMS). The results showed that N. platensis occurred between 12,125 and 19,594 cal yr BP and exhibited a grazer diet (d 13 C ¼ À1.1&e1.3&), while E. laurillardi lived between 11,084 and 27,690 cal yr BP, with a mixed feeder diet (C 3 /C 4 plants; values ratio d 13 C ¼ À7.7& to À3.3&). The d 18 O values of N. platensis ranged between 2.20& and 3.60&, while the values of E. laurillardi ranged between À3.10& and À1.10&. Neither species did exhibit differences in its diet through time, which suggests that the vegetational composition of this locality did not vary in the late Pleistocene. Both species were living in an open environment, rich in herbaceous plants (C 4 plants) and with tree and shrub with disjoint distribution, maybe similar to some parts of recent Caatinga, where they have partitioned the spatial and feeding niches.

Correlating cultural, technological and ecological aspects of both Upper Pleistocene modern humans (UPMHs) and Neandertals provides a useful approach for achieving robust predictions about what
makes us human. Here we present ecological information for a period of special relevance in human evolution, the time of replacement of Neandertals by modern humans during the Late Pleistocene in Europe. Using the stable isotopic approach, we shed light on aspects of diet and mobility of the late Neandertals and UPMHs from the cave sites of the Troisième caverne of Goyet and Spy in Belgium. We demonstrate that their diet was essentially similar, relying on the same terrestrial herbivores, whereas mobility strategies indicate considerable differences between Neandertal groups, as well as in comparison to UPMHs. Our results indicate that UPMHs exploited their environment to a greater extent than Neandertals and support the hypothesis that UPMHs had a substantial impact not only on the population dynamics of large mammals but also on the whole structure of the ecosystem since their initial arrival in Europe.

Environmental changes related to forest expansion and later to agricultural development and deforestation during the Holocene in Europe have strongly shaped herbivore distribution and habitat selection, leading to species extinction. In this paper, we examine, through dental microwear textural analysis, the foraging habitats, dietary flexibility and niche partitioning of large herbivores (100 to 1000 kg) including two bovids (European bison Bison bonasus and aurochs Bos primigenius) and two cervids (moose Alces alces and red deer Cervus elaphus). The study focuses on northeast (NE) and south central (SC) Europe during three periods of the Holocene: Neolithic (6500–3500 cal yrs BP), Roman Period and Middle Ages (~2000–450 cal yrs BP) and Recent times (1963–2014). Our study highlights differences in diet between species only in the Neolithic SC Europe. This may have resulted from diversified habitats and dietary niche separation in SC Europe. The absence of differences in NE Europe may suggest more homogeneous habitat conditions in combination with lower densities of large herbivores in forested habitats. Analysis shows that during the Neolithic, in the bison diet there was more herbaceous monocotyledons in SC Europe than in NE Europe. We also found temporal changes in microwear texture variables for the bison in SC Europe suggesting a more herbaceous diet in the Neolithic than during the Roman Period and Middle Ages. However, neither spatial nor temporal differences in microwear texture variables were found in the aurochs. Thus, the diet of the European bison has likely changed, which may indicate a greater plasticity that promoted survival in refuge habitats.

We investigated how do environmental and climatic factors, but also management, affect the carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) stable isotope composition in bone collagen of the two largest contemporary herbivores: European bison (Bison bonasus) and moose (Alces alces) across Europe. We also analysed how different scenarios of population recovery- reintroduction in bison and natural recovery in moose influenced feeding habitats and diet of these two species and compared isotopic signatures of modern populations of bison and moose (living in human-altered landscapes) with those occurring in early Holocene. We found that δ13C of modern bison and moose decreased with increasing forest cover. Decreasing forest cover, increasing mean annual temperature and feeding on farm crops caused an increase in δ15N in bison, while no factor significantly affected δ15N in moose. We showed significant differences in δ13C and δ15N among modern bison populations, in contrast to moose populations. Variation in both isotopes in bison resulted from inter-population differences, while in moose it was mainly an effect of intra-population variation. Almost all modern bison populations differed in δ13C and δ15N from early Holocene bison. Such differences were not observed in moose. It indicates refugee status of European bison. Our results yielded evidence that habitat structure, management and a different history of population recovery have a strong influence on foraging behaviour of large herbivores reflected in stable isotope signatures. Influence of forest structure on carbon isotope signatures of studied herbivores supports the “canopy effect” hypothesis.

Archäologentage Otzenhausen 4, 2017, pp. 187-204:

During the archaeological excavations between 2009 and 2011 in the Roman settlement at Mamer-Bertrange (L), the almost complete skeleton of a dromedary was found. The 173 bones, weighing in total almost 48.50 lbs, were unearthed from the bottom layer of well that was 40.22 ft deep. The archaeozoological evaluation, conducted by Carola Oelschlägel from Halle (Germany), revealed the dromedary to have been a male, robust specimen of 6 to 7 years of age. The absence of any cut or chop marks on the bones indicate that the body was still in anatomical cohesion when it was thrown into the well which was thereafter used as a rubbish pit. The animal was probably already rather decayed then; otherwise, the body would probably could not have fit through the opening of the well, which was only 3.60 ft in diameter.
From the well, the residues of 259 animals emerged out of its backfilling, among them slaughtering waste and scraps of food. Apart from the livestock customarily found in Roman settlements (cattle, pig, sheep/goat, poultry etc.), the bones of dogs, feral cats, a barn owl and corvids were identified, too. The backfilling of the well began in the middle of the 3rd c. AD, as indicated both by several Roman coins and timbers dated by dendrochronology. Isotopic analysis of tooth enamel and bone collagen samples from the dromedary as well as from a local reference group of animals, which were also found in the well, has been conducted by Hervé Bocherens from Tübingen University (Germany). The results suggest that the dromedary was probably born in Egypt and carried out a remarkable "mileage" during its relatively short life.
The dromedary might have been the beast of burden of a merchant, but it seems more probable that it was been used in that way by the Roman military. The inscription on the altar of Fortuna, found in 2008 at Dalheim, proves that a military unit belonging to the Legio VIII Augusta had been in the area about 257 AD. These troops had often been on the eastern frontier of the Roman Empire. This suggests the most likely case history of the animal, but its presence and death here in Mamer cannot be conclusively explained.

In der römischen Siedlung, die sich über die Grenze der Gemeinden Mamer und Bartringen (Luxemburg) erstreckt, wurde bei Ausgrabungen in den Jahren 2009-2011 das nahezu vollständige Skelett eines Dromedars entdeckt. Die 173 Knochen, die zusammen ein Gewicht von fast 20 kg besitzen, kamen in der feucht-lehmigen Verfüllung eines 12,26 m tiefen Brunnens zutage. Die archäozoologischen Untersuchungen, die Carola Oelschlägel aus Halle (Deutschland) 2014 durchführte, ergaben, dass es sich um ein männliches, robustes 6-7 Jahre altes Tier gehandelt hatte. Das Fehlen von Schnitt- oder Hackspuren an den Knochen legt nahe, dass sich das Dromedar noch im anatomischen Verband befand, als es in den Brunnen gelangte, der zu diesem Zeitpunkt bereits als Abfallgrube genutzt wurde. Vermutlich war das Tier bereits stark verwest gewesen, so dass sein geschrumpfter Körper durch die mit einem Durchmesser von nur 1,10 Meter recht enge Brunnenöffnung passte.
In dem Brunnen wurden die Überreste von 259 Individuen gefunden, darunter auch Schlacht- und Speiseabfälle. Außer den für römische Siedlungen typischen Nutztieren (Rind, Schwein, Schaf/Ziege, Hühnervögel usw.) fanden sich auch Knochen von Hunden, Wildkatzen, einer Schleiereule und Rabenvögeln. Durch römischen Münzen sowie dendrochronologisch datierte Hölzer, die aus dem Brunnen geborgen wurden, lässt sich der Beginn der Verfüllung des Brunnens in die zweite Hälfte des 3. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. datieren. Sowohl vom Dromedar als auch von einer lokalen Vergleichsgruppe (Nutztiere aus demselben Kontext) wurden Proben entnommen, anhand derer Hervé Bocherens an der Universität Tübingen (Deutschland) Isotopenanalysen des Zahnschmelzes und des Knochenkollagens durchführte. Die Resultate lassen vermuten, dass das Dromedar wahrscheinlich in Ägypten zur Welt kam und in seinem vergleichsweise kurzen Leben eine enorme „Laufleistung“ erbracht hat.
Das Dromedar könnte beispielsweise von einem Händler als Lasttier verwendet worden sein, wahrscheinlicher ist jedoch, dass es vom Militär in dieser Weise genutzt wurde. Wie die Inschrift des 2008 in Dalheim gefundenen Fortuna-Altars belegt, befand sich um 257 n. Chr. in der Region ein Truppenteil der Legio VIII Augusta, die mehrfach an den Ostgrenzen des Reichs im Einsatz gewesen war. Die Gründe für die Anwesenheit und den Tod des Dromedars in Mamer sind damit allerdings noch nicht geklärt.

Un squelette presque complet de dromadaire a été découvert durant les fouilles archéologiques menées entre 2009 et 2011 sur l’agglomération secondaire romaine de Mamer-Bertrange (Luxembourg). Les 173 ossements, d’un poids total de près de 20 kg, ont été mis au jour dans les sédiments humides du fond d’un puits de 12,26 m de profondeur conservée. L’étude archéozoologique réalisée par Carola Oelschlägel de Halle (Allemagne) a montré qu’il s’agissait d’un individu mâle, robuste et âgé de 6 à 7 ans. L’absence de stries de découpe bouchère induit que l’animal a été introduit entier dans le puits, déjà relégué comme dépotoir à ce moment. Cela implique que le cadavre du dromadaire devait être dans un état de décomposition suffisamment avancé, le diamètre supérieur du puits étant seulement de 1,10 m. On compte 259 restes animaux dans ce puits, dont des reliefs de boucherie et de consommation. À côté des animaux habituellement rencontrés sur les sites romains (bœuf, porc, mouton/chèvre, volailles…), on note la présence du chien, du chat sauvage, de la chouette effraie et de corvidés. Des monnaies romaines retrouvées dans le puits ainsi qu’une datation dendrochronologique indiquent que le dépôt de ces restes a débuté à partir de la seconde moitié du IIIème siècle de notre ère. Les analyses isotopiques de l’émail dentaire et du collagène osseux du dromadaire et des animaux régionaux du même contexte ont été réalisées par Hervé Bocherens à l’Université de Tübingen (Allemagne). Les résultats laissent supposer que le dromadaire est probablement né en Egypte et qu'il a parcouru dans sa vie relativement courte un « kilométrage » énorme.
Le dromadaire a pu être utilisé comme animal de bât par un marchand, mais plus probablement par l’armée romaine. Comme l’atteste l’inscription retrouvée en 2008 sur l’Autel de Fortune à Dalheim, un corps de troupe de la Legio VIII Augusta engagée sur les frontières orientales de l’empire était présent dans la région vers 257 après J.-C. La présence et la mort du dromadaire à Mamer ne sont donc pas tout à fait expliquées.

During the archaeological excavations between 2009 and 2011 in the Roman settlement at Mamer-Bertrange (L), the almost complete skeleton of a dromedary was found. The 173 bones, weighing in total almost 48.50 lbs, were unearthed from the bottom layer of well that was 40.22 ft deep. The archaeozoological evaluation, conducted by Carola Oelschlägel from Halle (Germany), revealed the dromedary to have been a male, robust specimen of 6 to 7 years of age. The absence of any cut or chop marks on the bones indicate that the body was still in anatomical cohesion when it was thrown into the well which was thereafter used as a rubbish pit. The animal was probably already rather decayed then; otherwise, the body would probably could not have fit through the opening of the well, which was only 3.60 ft in diameter.
From the well, the residues of 259 animals emerged out of its backfilling, among them slaughtering waste and scraps of food. Apart from the livestock customarily found in Roman settlements (cattle, pig, sheep/goat, poultry etc.), the bones of dogs, feral cats, a barn owl and corvids were identified, too. The backfilling of the well began in the middle of the 3rd c. AD, as indicated both by several Roman coins and timbers dated by dendrochronology. Isotopic analysis of tooth enamel and bone collagen samples from the dromedary as well as from a local reference group of animals, which were also found in the well, has been conducted by Hervé Bocherens from Tübingen University (Germany). The results suggest that the dromedary was probably born in Egypt and carried out a remarkable „mileage“ during its relatively short life. The dromedary might have been the beast of burden of a merchant, but it seems more probable that it was been used in that way by the Roman military. The inscription on the altar of Fortuna, found in 2008 at Dalheim, proves that a military unit belonging to the Legio VIII Augusta had been in the area about 257 AD. These troops had often been on the eastern frontier of the Roman Empire. This suggests the most likely case history of the animal, but its presence and death here in Mamer cannot be conclusively explained.

The late Pleistocene expansion of anatomically modern humans (AMHs) into Eurasia and the concurrent demise of the Neanderthals appears to be a complex and regionally variable process. The southern Caucasus region, with its rich cave-sites, has recently provided important results regarding this process. In this paper we report on the results of fieldwork in Bondi Cave, Western Georgia, providing a new radiocarbon chronology, stratigraphic observations, analyses of lithic technology and provenance, faunal and floral remains as well as paleoenvironmental data. The cave includes Middle Palaeolithic (ca, 45,000 ka cal. BP) cultural horizons and a long Upper Palaeolithic sequence (ca. 40,000–27,000 cal. BP from layer V to IV). A modern human tooth was found in layer Vb. We estimate its age at 39,000–35,800 Cal BP (95.4%), based on the Bayesian age model we built. If the context of the tooth is reliable, as we think it is, this would make it the oldest morphologically modern human in the Caucasus. Upper Palaeolithic hunting of tur and bison, as well as the collection of various plants including flax is attested. Mobile Upper Palaeolithic foragers inhabited the cave in generally cold and dry periods, but a mosaic of environments, including forests and meadows, was nonetheless available to them. The archaeological sequence of Bondi and adjacent sites indicates a substantial time gap between the Middle and Upper Palaeolithic occupations, thus disproving Neanderthal-AMH interaction in this area and lending support to a replacement scenario in the southern Caucasus, assuming of course that the Early Upper Palaeolithic (EUP) is related to the arrival of AMHs.

The site of Birgelsgaerten in Ostheim (Haut-Rhin, France) was excavated in 2008 by the Pôle d’Archéologie Interdépartemental Rhénan. This rural settlement is located on the edge of a terrace of loess and an alluvial area crossed by a palaeochannel. Around 2500 animal bones were retrieved from the stratigraphic layers attributed to the Early Middle Age, amongst which domestic species prevailed. However, in pit 3070-3325 (late 7th - early 8th century) almost 1000 bones were excavated, with the remains of game represent 16 % of the bones identified. These are composed of species rarely encountered in Merovingian Gaul: European bison (Bison bonasus), one wild bovine, and moose (Alces alces). The association in a single stratigraphic unit of these rare species with several stags (Cervus elaphus) and wild boar (Sus scrofa) is interpreted as the passage through this place of an aristocratic elite.

In the Central Ukraine area of the Middle Dnipro Basin, including the Desna river valley, there are exceptional Upper Palaeolithic open air sites with mammoth bone dwelling structures. Mezhyrich is one of these settlements, which are attributed to the Epigravettian cultural facies and occurred in a periglacial environment, during Oxygen Isotope Stage (OIS) 2. Mammoth bone buildings are surrounded by pits, which are filled with archaeological material (tools, hunting weapons, ivory and bone ornaments) and bones of mammoth and other large mammals such as hare, fox, wolf, horse. A new site Buzhanka 2 has yielded a pit which could be related to an expected dwelling structure. These Final Pleistocene sites are particularly appropriate to shed new light upon the relation between man and environment at the time of the mammoth steppe disappearance. Multidisciplinar studies have been carried on, to cross results from zooarchaeology of the pit contents, carbon and nitrogen stable isotope (13C and 15N) analyses of bone collagen, direct 14C dates on mammal bones and microstratigraphic analyses of the loessic sediment. With almost twenty 14C dates available, from mammoth and wolf bones and from charcoals, Mezhyrich is the best dated Epigravettian mammoth bone dwelling site: around 14 500 years BP. Mammoth treatment is zooarchaeologically evidenced in Buzhanka 2, but limited excavated areas do not allow to interpret their procurement yet. In Mezhyrich, consumption of mammoth meat is evidenced from the pit contents, coming from a few juveniles and young adults, probably hunted. The bones used in the dwelling structure no. 4, which are attributed to at least 37 individuals, have two different origins: mostly isolated elements gathered from other deposits, natural accumulations or previous kill sites; a few skeletal portions in anatomical position taken from at least one quite freshly dead mammoth body, for instance a hunted individual. From the stable isotope analyses, it appears that a modification of the regional plant and climatic context may have inferred a change of food resource for mammoths, which could have been put into food competition with horses. Mammoths from Central Ukraine at late OIS 2 may have formed an isolated local population, under the pressure of modified ecological conditions, compared to the period of maximal extension of the mammoth steppe. Thus, thanks to a combined approach of zooarchaeology, stable isotopes and radiocarbon dating, in the stratigraphic context, a better knowledge of the palaeoecological context of the last mammoths at late Pleniglacial in Central Ukraine is expected.

In northeastern France, red deer (Cervus elaphus L.) populations were rebuilt from a few hundred individuals, which have subsisted in remote valleys of the Vosges mountains, and to a lesser extent from individuals escaped from private enclosures; at present times, this species occupies large areas, mainly in the Vosges Mountains. In this study, we examined the population dynamics of red deer in the Vosges Mountains using ancient and contemporary mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) from 140 samples (23 ancient + 117 modern) spanning the last 7'000 years. In addition, we reconstructed the feeding habits and the habitat of red deer since the beginning of agriculture applying isotopic analyses in order to establish a basis for current environmental management strategies. We show that past and present red deer in the Vosges Mountains belong to mtDNA haplogroup A, suggesting that they originated from the Iberian refugium after the last glacial maximum (LGM). Palaeogenetic analysis of ancient bone material revealed the presence of two distinct haplotypes with different temporal distributions. Individuals belonging to the two haplotype groups apparently occupied two different habitats over at least 7'000 years. AM6 correlates with an ecological type that feeds in densely forested mountain landscapes, while AM235 correlates with feeding in lowland landscapes, composed of a mixture of meadows and riverine, herb-rich woodlands. Our results suggest that red deer of northeastern France was able to adapt, over the long term, to these different habitat types, possibly due to efficient ethological barriers. Modern haplotype patterns support the historical record that red deer has been exposed to strong anthropogenic influences as a major game species.

Trophic Enrichment Factor (TEF) is the main parameter used in isotopic trophic ecology. TEF values can be derived from specimens subjected to experimental feeding or from free-ranging specimens whose dietary behavior is well monitored, and it can be measured for different tissues of animal body. Direct collagen-to-collagen TEF is a key parameter for fossil material and needs to be well constrained in order to ascertain the reliability of the palaeodietary models. In this paper, we present isotopic results for a subfossil bone accumulation related to
red fox (Vulpes vulpes) activity, discovered in an abandoned mine in Potok-Senderki (Poland). The objective was to report δ13C and δ15N collagen data for red foxes and their prey. These data were used to calculate a prey-predator collagen-to-collagen TEF and provided important information for interpreting stable isotope fractionation
in terrestrial food webs. We used different taphonomic indexes to calculate the fox mean diet. The presence of juvenile and adult individuals of fox allowed us to specify the difference in isotopic enrichment according to the age class of the predator. Δ13C and Δ15N values calculated here for fox were similar to TEF values presented previously for wolf and lynx, but characterized by wider standard deviation.

An excavation carried out at the megalithic necropolis of Panoria in 2015 offered an excellent opportunity for dating a widespread variety of polygonal, rectangular, and trapezoidal-shaped tombs with short passages for which, surprisingly, there were previously no known radiocarbon (14 C) measurements available. Based on the anthropological remains, a series of 19 14 C dates was obtained and modeled in a Bayesian statistical framework. The results stress a long period of use that began in the Late Neolithic (3525–3195 cal BC), reaching the most intensive ritual activity during the Copper Age and ending in the Early Bronze Age (2125–1980 cal BC). Throughout this period, tombs were built at different times and used at different temporal scales and intensities, ranging from a few decades to centuries.

A B S T R A C T Results from the recent excavations at the Cuncaicha rock shelter (4480 m above sea level) suggest a successful colonization of the Andean highlands by groups of foragers during the Terminal Pleistocene and Early Holocene. The discovery of Early and Late Holocene human remains buried in the site brings new opportunities to assess mobility and occupation strategies during this period. In this study, isotopic analysis of strontium (87 Sr /86 Sr) and oxygen (δ 18 O) in faunal and human dental enamel helped to identify the most likely areas where humans obtained food and consumed water during their formative years. Collection of modern plant and water samples also helped to define a reliable background for the mobility analysis within the study area. 87 Sr /86 Sr ratios and δ 18 O on dental enamel showed that Early Holocene humans lived within the Pucuncho Basin and obtained most of their resources from there. Isotopic analyses are an important step for modeling the mobility patterns of the Early Holocene occupants of Cuncaicha.

Relatively high 15N abundances in bone collagen of early anatomically modern humans in Europe
have often been interpreted as a specific consumption of freshwater resources, even if mammoth is
an alternative high 15N prey. At Buran-Kaya III, access to associated fauna in a secured archaeological context and application of recently developed isotopic analyses of individuals amino acids offer the opportunity to further examine this hypothesis. The site of Buran-Kaya III is located in south Crimea and has provided a rich archaeological sequence including two Upper Palaeolithic layers, from which human fossils were retrieved and directly dated as from 37.8 to 33.1 ka cal BP. Results from bulk collagen of three human remains suggests the consumption of a high 15N prey besides the contribution of saiga, red deer, horse and hare, whose butchered remains were present at the site. In contrast to bulk collagen, phenylalanine and glutamic acid 15N abundances reflect not only animal but also plant protein contributions to omnivorous diet, and allow disentangling aquatic from terrestrial resource consumption. The inferred human trophic position values point to terrestrial-based diet, meaning a significant contribution of mammoth meat, in addition to a clear intake of plant protein.

The extinct megamammals Eremotherium laurillardi (weight 6550 kg), Notiomastodon platensis (w ¼ 6000 kg), Toxodon platensis (w ¼ 3090 kg), Valgipes bucklandi (w ¼ 980 kg) and Equus (Amerhippus) neogaeus (w ¼ 370 kg) are recorded for the late Pleistocene of the Brazilian Intertropical Region. In order to evaluate the isotopic paleoecology (feeding diet, niche breadth and overlap) of these species, 14 C dates, d 13 C and d 18 O analyzes were performed. Our results suggest that E. laurillardi (md 13 C ¼ À4.35 ± 2.87‰; mB A ¼ 0.77 ± 0.25), T. platensis (md 13 C ¼ À5.74 ± 4.80‰; mB A ¼ 0.57 ± 0.40) and N. platensis (md 13 C ¼ À1.17 ± 2.76‰; mB A ¼ 0.56 ± 0.20) were mixed feeders with a wide niche breadth, while E. (A.) neogaeus (md 13 C ¼ 0.73 ± 1.19‰; mB A ¼ 0.38 ± 0.22) was a grazer, and V. bucklandi (d 13 C ¼ À10.17‰; B A ¼ 0.13) was a specialist browser. A narrow niche overlap occurred between V. bucklandi and the species that fed principally on C 4 plants (>70%; O ¼ 0.24e0.43). In contrast, there was a high niche overlap between E. neogaeus and N. platensis (O ¼ 0.75) and between E. laurillardi and T. platensis (O ¼ 0.86). Therefore, E. laurillardi was probably a key species in this Pleistocene community due to its high body weight and wide niche breadth, suggesting that E. laurillardi was a great competitor for resources in the BIR.

Ancient DNA is revealing new insights into the genetic relationship between Pleistocene hominins and modern humans. Nuclear DNA indicated Neanderthals as a sister group of Denisovans after diverging from modern humans. However, the closer affinity of the Neanderthal mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) to modern humans than Denisovans has recently been suggested as the result of gene flow from an African source into Neanderthals before 100,000 years ago. Here we report the complete mtDNA of an archaic femur from the Hohlenstein–Stadel (HST) cave in southwestern Germany. HST carries the deepest divergent mtDNA lineage that splits from other Neanderthals B270,000 years ago, providing a lower boundary for the time of the putative mtDNA introgression event. We demonstrate that a complete Neanderthal mtDNA replacement is feasible over this time interval even with minimal hominin introgression. The highly divergent HST branch is indicative of greater mtDNA diversity during the Middle Pleistocene than in later periods.

Ancient DNA is revealing new insights into the genetic relationship between Pleistocene hominins and modern humans. Nuclear DNA indicated Neanderthals as a sister group of Denisovans after diverging from modern humans. However, the closer affinity of the Neanderthal mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) to modern humans than Denisovans has recently been suggested as the result of gene flow from an African source into Neanderthals before 100,000 years ago. Here we report the complete mtDNA of an archaic femur from the Hohlenstein–Stadel (HST) cave in southwestern Germany. HST carries the deepest divergent mtDNA lineage that splits from other Neanderthals B270,000 years ago, providing a lower boundary for the time of the putative mtDNA introgression event. We demonstrate that a complete Neanderthal mtDNA replacement is feasible over this time interval even with minimal hominin introgression. The highly divergent HST branch is indicative of greater mtDNA diversity during the Middle Pleistocene than in later periods.

e Anthropos Institute, Moravian Museum, Zelný trh 6, 659 37 Brno, Czech Republic f Equipe " Comportements des N eandertaliens et des Hommes anatomiquement modernes replac es dans leur contexte pal eo ecologique " , a b s t r a c t The Gravettian site of P redmostí I in the central Moravian Plain has yielded a rich and diverse large mammal fauna dated around 25e27,000 14 C years BP (ca. 29,500e31,500 cal BP). This fauna includes numerous carnivores (cave lion, wolf, brown bear, polar fox, wolverine) and herbivores (reindeer, large bovine, red deer, muskox, horse, woolly rhinoceros, woolly mammoth) whose trophic position could be reconstructed using stable isotopic tracking (d 13 C, d 15 N, d 34 S) of bone collagen (n ¼ 63). Among large canids, two morphotypes, " Pleistocene wolves " and " Palaeolithic dogs " , were considered, and two human bones attributed to the Gravettian assemblage of P redmostí I were also sampled. The trophic system around the Gravettian settlement of P redmostí I showed the typical niche partitioning among herbivores and carnivores seen in other mammoth-steppe contexts. The contribution of the analyzed prey species to the diet of the predators, including humans, was evaluated using a Bayesian mixing model (SIAR). Lions included great amounts of reindeer/muskox and possibly bison in their diet, while Pleistocene wolves were more focused on horse and possibly mammoth. Strong reliance on mammoth meat was found for the human of the site, similarly to previously analyzed individuals from other Gravettian sites in Moravia. Interestingly, the large canids interpreted as " Palaeolithic dogs " had a high proportion of reindeer/ muskox in their diet, while consumption of mammoth would be expected from the availability of this prey especially in case of close interaction with humans. The peculiar isotopic composition of the Palaeolithic dogs of P redmostí I may indicate some control of their dietary intake by Gravettian people, who could have use them more for transportation than hunting purpose.

The diet of extinct giant Xenarthrans is a debated topic, especially for ground sloths, for which herbivory, insectivory, and carnivory through scavenging or active hunting have been suggested. In this study, stable carbon isotopic composition of collagen and carbonate fraction of well-preserved fossil bones was used as a tracer of trophic level. More than 200 modern mammal bones of species with a variety of diets were used as a reference dataset. The good preservation of the carbonate isotopic composition was checked using different diagenetic indicators and by using fossil carnivorous and herbivorous taxa from the same sites as test-taxa. The results on modern mammals indicate a clear distinction in the difference between the carbon isotopic composition of carbonate and collagen between faunivores (carnivores, insectivores, piscivores, omnivores) and herbivores. Using this framework, the results on the fossil megafaunal Xenarthrans indicate a herbivorous diet for both Glyptodontids and are also consistent with a herbivorous diet for giant ground sloths, including Megatherium. The hypothesis that Megatherium could be a cryptic meat-eater or an insectivore is not supported by the results obtained in the present study.

How modern humans dispersed into Eurasia and Australasia, including the number of separate expansions and their timings, is highly debated [1, 2]. Two categories of models are proposed for the dispersal of non-Africans: (1) single dispersal, i.e., a single major diffusion of modern humans across Eurasia and Australasia [3-5]; and (2) multiple dispersal, i.e., additional earlier population expansions that may have contributed to the genetic diversity of some present-day humans outside of Africa [6-9]. Many variants of these models focus largely on Asia and Australasia, neglecting human dispersal into Europe, thus explaining only a subset of the entire colonization process outside of Africa [3-5, 8, 9]. The genetic diversity of the first modern humans who spread into Europe during the Late Pleistocene and the impact of subsequent climatic events on their demography are largely unknown. Here we analyze 55 complete human mitochondrial genomes (mtDNAs) of hunter-gatherers spanning ∼35,000 years of European prehistory. We unexpectedly find mtDNA lineage M in individuals prior to the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM). This lineage is absent in contemporary Europeans, although it is found at high frequency in modern Asians, Australasians, and Native Americans. Dating the most recent common ancestor of each of the modern non-African mtDNA clades reveals their single, late, and rapid dispersal less than 55,000 years ago. Demographic modeling not only indicates an LGM genetic bottleneck, but also provides surprising evidence of a major population turnover in Europe around 14,500 years ago during the Late Glacial, a period of climatic instability at the end of the Pleistocene.

Saiga antelope (Saiga tatarica) is one of the typical late Pleistocene species of the cold and arid mammoth steppe that covered a large area of northern hemisphere. The species is currently endangered and persists only in small areas of Central Asian steppe and desert ecosystems. The investigation of the ecology of the Pleistocene saiga using stable isotope ratios (d13C, d15N) aimed to decipher how different their diet and habitat were from those observed nowadays in relict populations. Up to 76 samples of bone collagen of ancient saiga from Western Europe, Siberia and Eastern Beringia were analysed and compared with 52 samples of hair and bone collagen of modern specimens from Kazahkstan, Russia and Mongolia. The d13C values of the ancient saiga do not exhibit a clear trend over time. They cover the same range of values as the modern ones, from a C3-dominated to a C3-C4-dominated mixed diet (including probably Chenopodiaceae). In contrast, the d 15 N values of fossil saigas are more variable and lower on average than the extant ones. The lowest d15N values of ancient saiga are found around the Last Glacial Maximum, reflecting the influence of the cold conditions at that time. On the other hand, fossil saiga occupying the same regions as the historical and modern populations exhibit high d15N values similar to the modern ones, confirming ecological continuity over time. Modern saiga is thus occupying just one of its potential diverse habitats they used in the past. Therefore, the extant saiga is not a refugee species confined to a suboptimal habitat. During the late Pleistocene, the saiga occupied a separate niche compared with the other ungulates of the mammoth steppe. However, this species could also adapt to a lichen-dominated diet normally seen in reindeer, leading to an isotopic overlap between the two species in southwestern France and Alaska around the Last Glacial Maximum. This adaptation allowed a geographical expansion that does not correspond to a habitat-tracking episode. Hence, the realized niche currently observed for the saiga is reduced compared with their potential capacity for adaptation, a crucially important factor for the conservation of this endangered species.

Tübingen, den 28.07.2017. Senckenberg-Wissenschaftler
haben die Ernährung des anatomisch modernen Menschen
untersucht. Sie konnten in ihrer heute im Fachjournal
„Scientific Reports“ erschienenen Studie widerlegen, dass
sich der frühe Homo sapiens-Vertreter flexibler ernährte, als
die Neandertaler. Auf den Tellern unserer Vorfahren landeten,
wie bei den Neandertalern, überwiegend Mammutfleisch und
Pflanzen – eine Ernährung mit Fisch konnte nicht
nachgewiesen werden. Das internationale Team vermutet
daher, dass die Verdrängung der Neandertaler durch eine
direkte Konkurrenzsituation erfolgte.

Senckenberg scientists have discovered that the Saiga Antelope, which is currently threatened with extinction, used to be much more flexible in its habitat and food choices in the past than previously assumed. Based on carbon and nitrogen isotopes in the collagen from the
antelopes’ bones, the scientists compared the diets of fossil versus modern-day Saiga. In their study, recently published in the scientific journal “Quaternary Science Reviews,” they reached the conclusion that today’s populations are not obligatorily bound to their current habitat. This insight offers new hope for this endangered species.

Saiga-Antilopen waren deutlich flexibler als gedacht. Senckenberg-Wissenschaftler haben herausgefunden, dass die heute vom Aussterben bedrohte Saiga-Antilope in der Vergangenheit sehr viel flexibler bei der Wahl ihres Lebensraumes und ihrer Nahrung war als bisher vermutet wurde. Die Wissenschaftler verglichen anhand von Kohlenstoff-und Stickstoffisotopen im Kollagen der Antilopenknochen die Ernährung fossiler und heutiger Saigas. In der kürzlich im Fachjournal " Quaternary Science Reviews " erschienenen Studie kommen sie zu dem Schluss, dass aktuelle Populationen nicht zwingend an ihren derzeitigen Lebensraum gebunden sind. Diese Erkenntnis macht neue Hoffnung für die bedrohte Tierart.

Phylogeny and biogeographic history of early Crocodylia: The aim of this PhD scholarship is to The aim is to improve phylogenetic resolution and divergence timing through increased sampling of Asian fossils, collecting of new material from the field, review of stratigraphy, CT-scanning, revision of key European and North American taxa, assessment of intraspecific variation and character correlation, and utilization of molecular data using various evolutionary models.

Etu-Sihvola, H., Bocherens, H., Karme, A., Mannermaa, K., Moilanen, U., Naito, Y.I., Oinonen, M., Salo, K., Suhonen, H., Taavitsainen, J-P., Arppe, L.


The Luistari cemetery in Eura is the most extensively researched Late Iron Age / Early Medieval cemetery in Finland, with over 1300 inhumation graves. The furnished burials date from c. 6th century to 12th century AD and unfurnished presumably even later. Our project called Life Histories in Teeth was launched in 2015 with the aim to develop isotope sampling methods and to produce new multidisciplinary information on the cemetery and the buried individuals. The best preserved human and animal dental and bone remains from 89 graves were selected and were sampled for this study. The human samples will undergo bulk stable isotope analysis (δ13C, δ15N, δ18O, δ34S) and a smaller sample set is further selected for compound specific isotope analysis, and later on, aDNA studies and new AMS-datings will be performed in a related project. In addition to this, µCT scanning, age at death modeling and paleopathological analysis will allow us to have a better understanding of the Luistari people and their diets, origins and life histories in the Late Iron Age Finland. Revised typologies and comparisons of the acquired data to contemporary populations around the Baltic Sea will also contribute to a comprehensive understanding on the contacts between different areas during this time. Archaeothanatological analysis based on the excavation documents and preserved find material will shed light to the burial customs, which include double and multiple burials, and even some deviant cases.

We present the data generated in the context of the latest research projects on the Bronze Age settlement of El Acequión (Albacete). These have been oriented to refine its chronological sequence through new radiocarbon dates and the reconstruction of mobility patterns and nutritional models of individuals buried at the site through stable isotope analyses (13C, δ15N and 87Sr/86Sr, δ18O). They aim at providing a better knowledge on the lifestyles of the inhabitants of La Mancha during the Bronze Age.

In north-eastern France, red deer (Cervus elaphus L.) populations were rebuilt from a few hundred individuals, which have subsisted in remote valleys of the Vosges mountains, and to a lesser extent from individuals escaped from private enclosures; at present times, this species occupies large areas, mainly in the Vosges Mountains. In this study, we examined the population dynamics of red deer in the Vosges Mountains using ancient and contemporary mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) from 140 samples (23 ancient + 117 modern) spanning the last 7'000 years. In addition, we reconstructed the feeding habits and the habitat of red deer since the beginning of agriculture applying isotopic analyses in order to establish a basis for current environmental management strategies. We show that past and present red deer in the Vosges Mountains belong to mtDNA haplogroup A, suggesting that they originated from the Iberian refugium after the last glacial maximum (LGM). Palaeogenetic analysis
of ancient bone material revealed the presence of two distinct haplotypes with different temporal distributions. Individuals belonging to the two haplotype groups apparently occupied two different habitats over at least 7'000 years. AM6 correlates with an ecological type that feeds in densely forested mountain landscapes, while AM235 correlates with feeding in lowland landscapes, composed of a mixture of meadows and riverine, herb-rich woodlands. Our results suggest that red deer of north-eastern France was able to adapt, over the long term, to these different habitat types, possibly due to efficient ethological barriers. Modern haplotype patterns support the historical record that red deer has been exposed to strong anthropogenic influences as a major game species.

"The mega-site of Valencina is currently a major focus of interest for the study of Copper Age Iberia. Remarkable megalithic monuments such as La Pastora, Montelirio or Structure 10.042-10.049 at PP4-Montelirio are found alongside hundreds of other features, including pits and large-sized ditches, some of which have yielded evidence of exotic material craftsmanship without parallels in Iberian Late Prehistory which also suggests long-distance contacts. Part of the flourishing experienced by Valencina in the 3rd millennium BC can be explained by its specific geographic location at the mouth of the Guadalquivir river, facing a marine gulf surrounded by lands of high agricultural potential. Other reasons, however, must have accounted for Valencina's growth as a mega-site, including particularly demographic and economic ones. In order to better understand the demographic and subsistence patterns of the communities that lived and/or frequented Valencina, we analysed 29 human and 7 faunal samples for δ 18 O and δ 13 C isotope analyses. The sampling strategy followed is based on a combination of bone and dental tissues. In addition an intra-tooth study was also carried out to observe intra-individual seasonal changes. Overall, this evidence contributes to the study of diet and mobility patterns, which can in turn provide insights of the demography and economy of the communities that used this mega-site. "

The dog is the oldest domesticated species and the only animal that was domesticated during the Pleistocene - before the emergence of agriculture - when human populations were living as hunter-gatherers. Today, owned dogs can assist their owners in various ways. They can function as watchdog, facilitate transport as beasts of burden, aid in hunting, play a ritual role or provide company. In some cultures, they are consumed and their skin or hair can be used for the tailoring of cloths. We have shown previously that in several Upper Palaeolithic sites two morphotypes of fossil large canids can be distinguished: Palaeolithic dogs and Pleistocene wolves. The remains of Palaeolithic dogs occur in certain early and mid Upper Palaeolithic sites located above 45° latitude; their geographic distribution in post-Last Glacial Maximum sites is more widespread. We adapt here a table proposed by Sigaut (1980) and compare canid products and roles, from living and dead animals, that could have been of possible use in Upper Palaeolithic societies. These roles and products are based on data from the ethnographic literature and confronted with the possible registration of uses in the archaeological record. It is in a framework of an animated worldview of Upper Palaeolithic peoples drawn upon a range of archaeozoological, archaeological, and ethnographic data that we review whether some of these uses and products could have led to differential access to resources and could possibly have enhanced inequality among Upper Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers.

Grey wolves (Canis lupus) are one of the few large terrestrial carnivores that maintained a wide geographic distribution across the Northern Hemisphere throughout the Pleistocene and Holocene. Recent genetic studies have suggested that, despite this continuous presence, major demographic changes occurred in wolf populations between the late Pleistocene and early Holocene, and that extant wolves trace their ancestry to a single late Pleistocene population. Both the geographic origin of this ancestral population and how it became widespread remain a mystery. Here we analyzed a large dataset of novel modern and ancient mitochondrial wolf genomes, spanning the last 50,000 years, using a spatially and temporally explicit modeling framework to show that contemporary wolf populations across the globe trace their ancestry to an expansion from Beringia at the end of the Last Glacial Maximum - a process most likely driven by the significant ecological changes that occurred across the Northern Hemisphere during this period. This study provides direct ancient genetic evidence that long-range migration has played an important role in the population history of a large carnivore and provides an insight into how wolves survived the wave of megafaunal extinctions at the end of the last glaciation. Moreover, because late Pleistocene grey wolves were the likely source from which all modern dogs trace their origins, the demographic history described in this study has fundamental implications for understanding the geographical origin of the dog.

The dog is the only species that was domesticated before the origin of agriculture, when human populations were living as hunter-gatherers. Two main scenarios explain the early domestication of the wolf. They can be summarized as follows.The self-domestication model considers that fossil wolves were attracted to prehistoric garbage dumps at human settlements. Some wolves adapted to the human niche, resulting in a commensal relationship. Gradually, the first primitive dogs emerged from this group. The human-initiative model proposes that Upper Palaeolithic peoples adopted wolf pups and let the most docile ones mate. After several generations of selection for docile behaviour, primitive dogs ensued. We offer critique on the self-domestication model and are supportive for the human-initiative model. We think that Upper Palaeolithic humans brought wolves to their campsites in many regions of northern Eurasia. The selection for friendly behaviour among the captive canids that led to the development of a reciprocal relationship could have been repeated several times. We propose that the adoption of wolf pups to obtain access to their products (e.g. company, fur, meat/brain for ritual consumption) could have been a first stepping stone on the path to the domestication of the wolf. The early beginnings of this process can be situated in the framework of an animated worldview of some Upper Palaeolithic societies.