Katalin Prajda
I am a historian of medieval and early Renaissance Italy, based in Trieste. I have received Italian scientific habilitation as associate professor in Medieval Studies and in economic history. My studies concern the coevolution of trade, political, kinship, and artistic networks in Italy between the eleventh and the fifteenth centuries, with a focus on migration and cultural exchange.
Supervisors: Anthony Molho, John F. Padgett, and Giulia Calvi
Supervisors: Anthony Molho, John F. Padgett, and Giulia Calvi
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The success of the network can be seen in the various ways in which its members were connected to each other and especially to the centre of the network. Some of these individuals developed weak ties among each other, characterized by a single type relation to one of the key figures of the Scolari family; meanwhile others established strong ties with them by multiple links of kinship, marriage, politics, neighbourhood, and business partnerships. I shall refer to members of this network as ‘friends’, defining in this way the existing personal connections set among them by their common political interests, neighbourhood proximities, marriage alliances, kinship ties, patronages, and company partnerships.
In the literature, there has been much research dedicated to simple historical networks and how they affect various public and private spheres. More rare are those historical case studies, which allow us to trace back the impact of a multiple set of relations. In this book, I shall look both descriptively at patterns of connectivity and causally at the impacts of this complex network on cultural exchanges of various types, among these migration, commerce, diplomacy, and artistic exchange. In the setting of a case study, this book should best be thought of as an attempt to cross the boundaries that divide political, economic, social, and art history so that they simultaneously figure into a single integrated story of Florentine history and development.
mercenaries in Italy, focusing on the period between the late 1370s and early 1380s.
The cultural and social impact of foreign mercenaries in Italy was likely the strongest in this earliest phase of their appearance when complete mercenary troops of
foreign origins were hired by the corresponding polities. Soldiers’ migration from
the Kingdom to various Italian cities followed a migratory pattern exhibited also
by other migrants belonging to a wide spectrum of occupational categories. Unlike
their Western European colleagues, they also showed the same linguistic and ethnic
diversity which characterized the Kingdom. Their mercenary captains kept a close
relation to their king. Louis I commanded them remotely and upon their return
he raised many of them to high secular offices in Hungary. They were also functioning in diplomatic capacities for the king so to shape Italian domestic politics.
means of diplomacy. These connections only intensified during the early Renaissance
which encompasses the period between the beginnings of Louis I of Anjou’s reign
(1342) and the Ottoman occupation (1526). Social networks built between the two
territories can be divided into four main categories: diplomatic networks, merchant
networks, migration networks and artistic networks or cultural exchange. These
networks were dependent on each other and influenced to a great extent the spread of
early Renaissance Italian culture. Amicable diplomatic relations represented a key
element in the operation of Italian merchant networks in Hungary. Similarly, in- and
outbound migration patterns were conditioned by these previous two networks.
Consequently, the cooperation of networks of diplomacy, commerce and migration
resulted in the circulation of artists and learned men between the two territories. These
two groups included the humanists Pier Paolo Vergerio, Galeotto Marzio, and the painter
Masolino. Thanks to their mediation, the Kingdom
of Hungary gradually embraced several innovations of the Renaissance Italian culture.
Our main finding is this: The runup to the Ciompi Revolt was crystalization of “unity of citizens” in the room of the Consulte e Pratiche and, among the same actors, crystallization of “unity of Guelfs” in the room of the Parte Guelfa, with a lack of recognition in the multivocal speeches in the former of the obvious contradiction with actions in the latter. In our opinion, the tragedy of “the valiant failure of republicanism” in Florence was that intense wishful yearning for unity in speech induced, under background conditions of deep social-class contestation about “Who is Florence?,” an intensification in action of the very revolutionary forces that it most desperately wanted to suppress.
filled with trading colonies founded by Florentine merchants. A few of them settled down
for life in their host country, developing economic and social ties with local families. During
Sigismund of Luxemburg’s reign (r. 1387-1437) as King of Hungary only a handful of
these merchants achieved political positions. Undoubtedly the most fortunate among these
Florentine citizens was Filippo di Stefano Scolari, known as Pippo Spano (c. 1369-1426),
who was granted the significant honor of becoming a member of a small inner circle in the
royal court. This article argues that the special status attained by Florentines in Hungarian
politics and economy during the first three decades of the fifteenth century can be attributed
largely to Pippo Spano’s influence. As cultural mediators, Pippo Spano and his family
helped to facilitate relations between their native Florence and their adopted home. This
case study focuses on the Scolari family’s migration to the Hungarian Kingdom in order to
explore on a small scale the possible push-pull factors of migration flow and its impact on
the relationship between the Florentine Republic and the Hungarian Kingdom.
at The Metropolitan Museum of Art, proposed that
the two sitters depicted in the Museum’s landmark
portrait by Filippo Lippi could be identified as the Florentine born
Agnola di Bernardo Sapiti and her husband, Lorenzo
di Rinieri Scolari. Breck’s identification was based
on his reading of the coat of arms under the male sitter’s
hands as that of the Scolari family. Remarkably, aside from
Dieter Jansen’s counterproposal in 1987 that the coat of
arms is that of the Ferrero family of Piedmont, the premise
of Breck’s hypothesis has never been put to the test. The
present article aims to do just that, reading details of the picture
in light of emerging archival information about the
Scolari family.
The success of the network can be seen in the various ways in which its members were connected to each other and especially to the centre of the network. Some of these individuals developed weak ties among each other, characterized by a single type relation to one of the key figures of the Scolari family; meanwhile others established strong ties with them by multiple links of kinship, marriage, politics, neighbourhood, and business partnerships. I shall refer to members of this network as ‘friends’, defining in this way the existing personal connections set among them by their common political interests, neighbourhood proximities, marriage alliances, kinship ties, patronages, and company partnerships.
In the literature, there has been much research dedicated to simple historical networks and how they affect various public and private spheres. More rare are those historical case studies, which allow us to trace back the impact of a multiple set of relations. In this book, I shall look both descriptively at patterns of connectivity and causally at the impacts of this complex network on cultural exchanges of various types, among these migration, commerce, diplomacy, and artistic exchange. In the setting of a case study, this book should best be thought of as an attempt to cross the boundaries that divide political, economic, social, and art history so that they simultaneously figure into a single integrated story of Florentine history and development.
mercenaries in Italy, focusing on the period between the late 1370s and early 1380s.
The cultural and social impact of foreign mercenaries in Italy was likely the strongest in this earliest phase of their appearance when complete mercenary troops of
foreign origins were hired by the corresponding polities. Soldiers’ migration from
the Kingdom to various Italian cities followed a migratory pattern exhibited also
by other migrants belonging to a wide spectrum of occupational categories. Unlike
their Western European colleagues, they also showed the same linguistic and ethnic
diversity which characterized the Kingdom. Their mercenary captains kept a close
relation to their king. Louis I commanded them remotely and upon their return
he raised many of them to high secular offices in Hungary. They were also functioning in diplomatic capacities for the king so to shape Italian domestic politics.
means of diplomacy. These connections only intensified during the early Renaissance
which encompasses the period between the beginnings of Louis I of Anjou’s reign
(1342) and the Ottoman occupation (1526). Social networks built between the two
territories can be divided into four main categories: diplomatic networks, merchant
networks, migration networks and artistic networks or cultural exchange. These
networks were dependent on each other and influenced to a great extent the spread of
early Renaissance Italian culture. Amicable diplomatic relations represented a key
element in the operation of Italian merchant networks in Hungary. Similarly, in- and
outbound migration patterns were conditioned by these previous two networks.
Consequently, the cooperation of networks of diplomacy, commerce and migration
resulted in the circulation of artists and learned men between the two territories. These
two groups included the humanists Pier Paolo Vergerio, Galeotto Marzio, and the painter
Masolino. Thanks to their mediation, the Kingdom
of Hungary gradually embraced several innovations of the Renaissance Italian culture.
Our main finding is this: The runup to the Ciompi Revolt was crystalization of “unity of citizens” in the room of the Consulte e Pratiche and, among the same actors, crystallization of “unity of Guelfs” in the room of the Parte Guelfa, with a lack of recognition in the multivocal speeches in the former of the obvious contradiction with actions in the latter. In our opinion, the tragedy of “the valiant failure of republicanism” in Florence was that intense wishful yearning for unity in speech induced, under background conditions of deep social-class contestation about “Who is Florence?,” an intensification in action of the very revolutionary forces that it most desperately wanted to suppress.
filled with trading colonies founded by Florentine merchants. A few of them settled down
for life in their host country, developing economic and social ties with local families. During
Sigismund of Luxemburg’s reign (r. 1387-1437) as King of Hungary only a handful of
these merchants achieved political positions. Undoubtedly the most fortunate among these
Florentine citizens was Filippo di Stefano Scolari, known as Pippo Spano (c. 1369-1426),
who was granted the significant honor of becoming a member of a small inner circle in the
royal court. This article argues that the special status attained by Florentines in Hungarian
politics and economy during the first three decades of the fifteenth century can be attributed
largely to Pippo Spano’s influence. As cultural mediators, Pippo Spano and his family
helped to facilitate relations between their native Florence and their adopted home. This
case study focuses on the Scolari family’s migration to the Hungarian Kingdom in order to
explore on a small scale the possible push-pull factors of migration flow and its impact on
the relationship between the Florentine Republic and the Hungarian Kingdom.
at The Metropolitan Museum of Art, proposed that
the two sitters depicted in the Museum’s landmark
portrait by Filippo Lippi could be identified as the Florentine born
Agnola di Bernardo Sapiti and her husband, Lorenzo
di Rinieri Scolari. Breck’s identification was based
on his reading of the coat of arms under the male sitter’s
hands as that of the Scolari family. Remarkably, aside from
Dieter Jansen’s counterproposal in 1987 that the coat of
arms is that of the Ferrero family of Piedmont, the premise
of Breck’s hypothesis has never been put to the test. The
present article aims to do just that, reading details of the picture
in light of emerging archival information about the
Scolari family.
Errata
p. 5. nel novembre del 1403
p. 6, 29, 34, 122. la liberazione di Sigismondo viene citata solo da P. Bracciolini
p.15. nomi delle località appartenenti al Regno d’Ungheria, che vengono citati nel testo
p. 35, 49, 51, il sospetto di spionaggio coltivato da Sigismondo è solo un’ipotesi
p. 39. il contratto di matrimonio viene firmato da Pippo
p. 50. Con la scomparsa di Andrea Scolari, avvenuta il 18 gennaio
p.51. n.155. “Firenzei kereskedők” invece di „Firenzei üzletemberek”
p. 54. non si fidava molto dei fratelli
p. 57. La moglie Tommasa morì qualche anno dopo il matrimonio e la loro figlia venne accolta dalla zia materna, Piera di Catellino Infangati, moglie di Matteo. (cancellare)
p .68. a partire dal 1399
p. 79. Giovanni Tosinghi
p.121. Sei anni più tardi nel 1399
p.124. n. 462. ZSO.III.2650 (09/09/1412)
p.144. ricevette nel 1399.
p.160. castel d’Osola
p.161 aquistò alcuni terreni dai Gherardini
p. 183. Dote di 3000 fiorini d’oro
The advancement of the Ottomans naturally frightened merchant networks operating in the Adriatic and in the Ottoman border zones. Thus, they were ready to support the corresponding authorities in the anti-Ottoman campaigns which saw the involvement of many Florentines, and Ragusan businessmen as financiers and military captains. It was in their interest to keep their trade networks in the region, which included salt, precious metals, and slaves, and many other items of high commercial value. By the first decade of the fifteenth century, the Florentine Pippo Scolari had become the chief anti-Ottoman captain. Florentines dominance in Hungarian warfare lasted only until 1426, when Scolari died. Following 1426, Ragusan business networks, led by Matko Talovac and his brothers, started replacing the Florentine ones in financing Sigismund’s wars. Another reason was that the Ottomans’ expansion had a clear effect on the redistribution of Italian economic spheres in the region. Because of the amicable relations between Lorenzo de’ Medici and the Porta, Florentines had no more interest in being directly involved in the crusades. Similarly, when in 1442 Ragusa placed itself under the Ottoman protectorate, which gave them an excellent opportunity to expand their trade networks, they likely withdraw their financing from the crown. These were the times, when starting with Eugene IV, popes developed into leaders of the crusades, wherein they invested a considerable amount of money, deriving from the revenues of the Apostolic Chamber and mediated to the Kingdom by the Medici Bank. Besides these issues, the paper aims to analyze the hitherto unknown activity of the Florentine intelligence in the royal court and in territories controlled by the royal army.
and foresaw their arrest and the seizure of their goods in the entire Christendom. Following
its publication, the Florentine government decided to dispatch an embassy to Louis I.
Thanks to the mediation of Florentine and Paduan business networks, Florentines were
granted collective privileges in the Kingdom. This came with the right to elect their own
consul, a businessman of Paduan origins, named Giovanni di Piero Saraceno. His brother,Jacopo was among the first Italians entering the royal administration in Louis I’s service.
The financial and military support of Francesco I da Carrara in the conquest of Zara,
coinciding with Jacopo’s activity in the royal administration, explains how this Paduan
family emerged in Hungary. The article proposes to reconstruct the main dynamics of the
diplomatic and commercial triangle formed between Padua, Florence and the Kingdom of
Hungary on the basis of unpublished Florentine archival material. It does so by analyzing
bilateral loans as instruments of contemporary diplomacy, the role played by Paduan and
Florentine businessmen as diplomatic mediators and the institution of a joint commercial
consulate which included, among others, Florentine and Paduan merchants.
There is no record of Andrea Scolari (†1426) prior to 1407, when he was nominated for Bishop of Zágráb (Zagreb, Croatia). After a short period of time, in 1409, he had already been appointed to Bishop of Várad (Oradea, Romania), thanks to his cousin, Pippo di Stefano Scolari, called lo Spano (1368/69-1426). The vescovo di Varadino as he was mentioned by his fellow-citizens, surrounded himself with a small court, composed mainly by Florentine clergymen, jurists, doctors, merchants and a number of servants of Bolognese origins. Even though sources do not refer to the function of the court, they shed light on the activity of its members. Among them the Florentine-born provost, Currado di Piero Cardini and the bishop set up a business company specialized in import-export trade of luxury goods and precious metals. Besides Florence and Hungary they had also business interests in Arezzo, in Venice and in the papal court in Rome. While their business partners and agents in Florence were important local bankers, in Transylvania the royal officers of Florentine origins also became important members of their business network. This network and its actors contributed to a great extent to the circulation of Florentine luxury goods – such as textiles and probably also examples of decorative metalwork – in early-15th-century Transylvania and in the Kingdom of Hungary in general.
Written testimonials, housed by the Florentine, Hungarian and Vatican Archives, show three distinct patterns in the ways in which the three Scolari expressed their desire of supporting religious institutions as well as of exercising mercy. Among them, Matteo seem to have been consciously donating only to Florentine religious institutions, meanwhile Pippo supported rather those located in the Kingdom of Hungary. Andrea’s case is best thought of as a combination of the two models. Pippo’s attitude in religious practices shows conformity with similar tendencies of the ruling elite in Hungary, meanwhile Matteo’s case exemplifies the role prestigious merchants played in the patronage of religious institutions in Florence.
As members of the ruling elite, they developed close ties, both in their home and in their host lands, to the most important religious orders, monasteries, convents and churches. We find among the institutions patronized by the Scolari: the predecessor of the San Salvatore Al Monte Convent and Church, the Santa Maria degli Angeli Monastery, the Cathedral of Fehérvár (Székesfehérvár) and the Cathderal of Várad. They also founded monasteries and chapels at both places and contributed significantly to the growing popularity of the Observant friars.
Thanks to Pippo’s influence, three Scolari relatives and two of their trusted men occupied church offices in the Kingdom of Hungary between the 1410s and the 1430s. These examples well illustrate that members of the family expressed their religiosity in conformity with local costumes both in Florence and in Hungary; as manifestation of wealth and social status and as means of gaining further political influence and obtaining indulgence.
of the pioneer businessmen who started to produce silk textiles decorated with metallic threads in Florence. Furthermore the Scolari commissioned several precious metal objects by leading Florentine goldsmiths, which also exemplifies the role, members of the family played as mediators between Florence and the Kingdom of Hungary.
A Kettős portré kutatásában a napjainkig tartó legfontosabb megállapításokat Joseph Breck 1913-as tanulmányában olvashatjuk. Ebben a szerző nemcsak elsőként attribuálta az alkotást a firenzei fra Filippo Lippi festőnek, hanem a képen szereplő heraldikai jelvényt is azonosította a firenzei Scolari család címerével. A 19. századi genealógus, Luigi Passerini által összeállított Scolari- Buondelmonte családfát alapul véve Breck feltételezte, hogy a Kettős portrén szereplő alakok Lorenzo di Rinieri Scolarival és feleségével, Agnola di Bernardo Sapitivel azonosíthatók. Ezt azzal támasztotta alá, hogy a portré technikai jellemzői és a női alak ruházata az 1430–40-es évekre datálja az alkotást. A portré a kutató feltételezése szerint a rajta ábrázolt házaspár esküvőjére készült. Passerini szerint ebből a korszakból csupán egyetlen házasság ismert a Scolari családban, amely Lorenzo di Rinieri Scolari és Agnola di Bernardo Sapiti között köttetett 1436-ben. Ez alapján a művészetörténeti kutatás egészen napjainkig az ő nevükhöz köti a Kettős portrén megjelenő női és férfi alakokat. Breck ugyanakkor arra is kitért röviden tanulmányában, hogy feltevése erősen spekulatív jeleggű és mindaddig nem tekinthető elfogadhatónak, amíg a történeti kutatás nem tisztázza a Scolari család a korszakra vonatkoztatható történetét. A Scolarik firenzei történetének kutatása Passerini óta nem került a kutatók érdeklődésének homlokterébe. Ennek okán a jelen tanulmányban a család történetét felvázolva arra teszek kísérletet, hogy alternatívákat kínáljak Breck hipotézisére vonatkozóan és javaslatokat tegyek a kutatás lehetséges új irányaira. Éppen a téma újszerűsége és a terjedelmi korlátok miatt nem vállalkozom a kép komplex művészettörténeti-történeti elemzésére, csupán a firenzei levéltári forrásokra támaszkodva szeretnék reflektálni a stíluskritikai megfigyelések eddigi megállapításaira.