The densely occupied Bronze Age settlement on Koukonisi (an elliptical islet located in the innermost part of Moudros bay on Lemnos) was excavated under the direction of Chr. Boulotis and the auspices of the Academy of Athens from 1994... more
The densely occupied Bronze Age settlement on Koukonisi (an elliptical
islet located in the innermost part of Moudros bay on Lemnos) was excavated under the direction of Chr. Boulotis and the auspices of the Academy of Athens from 1994 to 2016, with intermissions. Located in the north part of the islet, it provides an undisturbed sequence from the Early Bronze Age to the early Late Bronze Age, with sporadic fnds of the early Mycenaean period (LH II–LH III A1) and a substantial phase of occupation corresponding to the developed Late Bronze Age (LH III A2–LH III B periods). Given the equation ‘presence of loom weights = use of the warp-weighted loom’, this paper discusses the introduction of the vertical (warp-weighted) loom in Koukonisi in the advanced or at the close of the Middle Bronze Age, when the earliest loom weights are detected in the settlement. Nearly 40 loom weights, discoid in their vast majority, either with a grooved or fattened top, can be assigned to the prominent South Aegean, and particularly Cretan type of loom weights, which indicates the adoption of Cretan weaving technology and probably refects increased specialization in the textile industry. In any case, the suggested technological transmission presupposes a degree of human mobility within the Aegean during the Bronze Age. In search of a predecessor type of loom in Koukonisi, I argue that the most probable option would have been the horizontal (ground-) loom, although no direct evidence for its existence has so far been found in the settlement. Nevertheless, finds from the Middle Bronze Age Greek mainland and the wider Bronze Age Eastern Mediterranean makes this suggestion reasonable, while the practice of other weaving techniques cannot be excluded.
islet located in the innermost part of Moudros bay on Lemnos) was excavated under the direction of Chr. Boulotis and the auspices of the Academy of Athens from 1994 to 2016, with intermissions. Located in the north part of the islet, it provides an undisturbed sequence from the Early Bronze Age to the early Late Bronze Age, with sporadic fnds of the early Mycenaean period (LH II–LH III A1) and a substantial phase of occupation corresponding to the developed Late Bronze Age (LH III A2–LH III B periods). Given the equation ‘presence of loom weights = use of the warp-weighted loom’, this paper discusses the introduction of the vertical (warp-weighted) loom in Koukonisi in the advanced or at the close of the Middle Bronze Age, when the earliest loom weights are detected in the settlement. Nearly 40 loom weights, discoid in their vast majority, either with a grooved or fattened top, can be assigned to the prominent South Aegean, and particularly Cretan type of loom weights, which indicates the adoption of Cretan weaving technology and probably refects increased specialization in the textile industry. In any case, the suggested technological transmission presupposes a degree of human mobility within the Aegean during the Bronze Age. In search of a predecessor type of loom in Koukonisi, I argue that the most probable option would have been the horizontal (ground-) loom, although no direct evidence for its existence has so far been found in the settlement. Nevertheless, finds from the Middle Bronze Age Greek mainland and the wider Bronze Age Eastern Mediterranean makes this suggestion reasonable, while the practice of other weaving techniques cannot be excluded.
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This paper investigates the way women were involved in the ancient Greek textile manufacture, especially during the Mycenaean period. Using as a starting point the myth of Arachne, referred to Metamorphoses, the magnum poem of the Roman... more
This paper investigates the way women were involved in the ancient Greek textile manufacture, especially during the Mycenaean period. Using as a starting point the myth of Arachne, referred to Metamorphoses, the magnum poem of the Roman poet Ovid, I discuss mainly the written sources from the late 2nd and early 1st millenium BCE, and more precisely the evidence provided by the Linear B tablets in conjuction with the Homeric epics. Without being a thorough study, since a variety of contemporary documents related to this issue are omitted (e.g. textile tools, glyptic, frescoes and relief iconography, or scanty remains of archaeological textiles), it offers a glimpse in the everyday life of women in antiquity. Despite the changes in Mycenaean society after the collapse of the mycenaean palatial system, the importance of textile production for the economy of oikos (household), to which contributed from high-ranking women (e.g. Helen, Andromache, Penelope, Arete) to servants or slaves, remained unaltered during the Greek antiquity and, in some cases, until the early modern era and the Industrial Revolution.
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Ποιο ένδυμα χαρακτηρίζεται ως «ιερό» ή «ιερατικό»; Διακρίνουμε «ιερατική» ένδυση στον αιγαιακό χώρο της 2ης χιλιετίας π.Χ. και ποιες είναι οι πηγές πληροφόρησης; Στο παρόν άρθρο συζητούνται ακροθιγώς τα ανωτέρω ζητήματα σε μια απόπειρα να... more
Ποιο ένδυμα χαρακτηρίζεται ως «ιερό» ή «ιερατικό»; Διακρίνουμε «ιερατική» ένδυση στον αιγαιακό χώρο της 2ης χιλιετίας π.Χ. και ποιες είναι οι πηγές πληροφόρησης; Στο παρόν άρθρο συζητούνται ακροθιγώς τα ανωτέρω ζητήματα σε μια απόπειρα να προσεγγίσουμε πτυχές των ενδυματολογικών πρακτικών της αιγαιακής 2ης χιλιετίας π.Χ.
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Αντικείμενο του παρόντος άρθρου αποτελούν οι καταγραφές υφασμάτων/ενδυμάτων (αλλά και μαλλιού) σε πινακίδες της Γραμμικής Β (αρχεία Κνωσού και Πύλου) σε άμεση ή έμμεση συσχέτιση με γυναικείες όσο και αντρικές θεότητες. Επιβεβαιώνοντας την... more
Αντικείμενο του παρόντος άρθρου αποτελούν οι καταγραφές υφασμάτων/ενδυμάτων (αλλά και μαλλιού) σε πινακίδες της Γραμμικής Β (αρχεία Κνωσού και Πύλου) σε άμεση ή έμμεση συσχέτιση με γυναικείες όσο και αντρικές θεότητες. Επιβεβαιώνοντας την τεκμηριωμένη πληθωρικά, από την αιγαιακή Υστεροχαλκή εικονογραφία και πηγές των ιστορικών χρόνων, τελετουργική ανάθεση των εν λόγω αγαθών (κυμαινόμενων αριθμητικά κατά περίπτωση), συζητούνται ζητήματα διαχείρισης των σχετικών προσφορών που θα συσσωρεύονταν στα ιερά χάρη στην περιοδική επανάληψη της διαδικασίας βάσει του καθιερωμένου εορταστικού ημερολογίου. Εκτός από την προφανή λατρευτική τους λειτουργία (ως «προσωπικά» αντικείμενα των θεοτήτων), υποθέτουμε εύλογα ότι τα υπό εξέταση αναθήματα δεν θα αποτελούσαν ένα ιερό “νεκρό” κεφάλαιο αλλά θα αξιοποιούνταν είτε για εμπορική εκμετάλλευση είτε για την κάλυψη αναγκών του ιερατικού προσωπικού. Ιδιαίτερη αναφορά γίνεται εδώ στην πυλιακή σειρά πινακίδων Un με μικτούς καταλόγους προσφορών, οι οποίες έχουν σχετιστεί με τη θέσπιση θυσιαστήριων τελετών και συναφών συμποσίων προς τιμήν θεοτήτων, καθώς μεταξύ των προσφερόμενων αγαθών περιλαμβάνονται ενίοτε υφάσματα, μαλλί και αρωματικό λάδι – το τελευταίο θα μπορούσε εν προκειμένω να χρησιμοποιηθεί στην επεξεργασία των υφασμάτων, μια πρακτική καλά μαρτυρημένη στους ελληνικούς ιστορικούς χρόνους αλλά και σε πολιτισμούς της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου κατά τη 2η και 1η χιλιετία π.Χ.
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Λίγα είναι τα γνωστά παραδείγματα εσθήτων και ζωνών στην αιγαιακή τέχνη της ύστερης Χαλκοκρατίας που, υπερβαίνοντας τη συνήθη γραμμική διακόσμηση, απλή ή σύνθετη, κοσμούνται με εικονιστικά μοτίβα εμπνευσμένα από το φυτικό και ζωικό... more
Λίγα είναι τα γνωστά παραδείγματα εσθήτων και ζωνών στην αιγαιακή τέχνη της ύστερης Χαλκοκρατίας που, υπερβαίνοντας τη συνήθη γραμμική διακόσμηση, απλή ή σύνθετη, κοσμούνται με εικονιστικά μοτίβα εμπνευσμένα από το φυτικό και ζωικό βασίλειο. Αρχής γενομένης με τα περίφημα ΜΜ ΙΙΙ ομοιώματα από φαγεντιανή που βρέθηκαν στα κνωσιακά Temple Repositories και κοσμούνται με άνθη κρόκων, όλα τα υπόλοιπα συναντώνται σε τοιχογραφίες προερχόμενες από την Κρήτη και τις Κυκλάδες. Αυτό που χαρακτηρίζει τα πρώιμα αυτά παραδείγματα (ΜΜ ΙΙΙΒ – ΥΜ ΙΑ /ΥΚ ΙΑ) είναι η φυσιοκρατική απόδοση και η στενή συνάρτησή τους με αφηγηματικά τοιχογραφικά θέματα. Ανάλογα διακοσμημένα ενδύματα είναι γνωστά και από τις τοιχογραφίες της μυκηναϊκής εποχής, όπου όμως τα μοτίβα χάνουν την αφηγηματική τους δροσιά και παίρνουν ένα στεγνά διακοσμητικό χαρακτήρα, ενώ περιορίζονται συνήθως στις παρυφές εσθήτων και περικορμίων.
Πλάι στο θεματολόγιο και την εικονογραφία των πλουμιστών αυτών ενδυμάτων ιδιαίτερη έμφαση θα δοθεί στο κατά πόσον αυτά παρέχουν ενδείξεις συσχετισμού με συγκεκριμένα τελετουργικά δρώμενα στα οποία συμμετέχουν γυναίκες. Επιπλέον, κατά πόσον προσδίδουν συγκεκριμένες ιδιότητες στις γυναικείες μορφές που τα φορούν, πέραν της προφανούς εκλέπτυνσης και πολυτέλειας που αποπνέουν, με όρους σημειολογικούς και ανθρωπολογικούς.
Πλάι στο θεματολόγιο και την εικονογραφία των πλουμιστών αυτών ενδυμάτων ιδιαίτερη έμφαση θα δοθεί στο κατά πόσον αυτά παρέχουν ενδείξεις συσχετισμού με συγκεκριμένα τελετουργικά δρώμενα στα οποία συμμετέχουν γυναίκες. Επιπλέον, κατά πόσον προσδίδουν συγκεκριμένες ιδιότητες στις γυναικείες μορφές που τα φορούν, πέραν της προφανούς εκλέπτυνσης και πολυτέλειας που αποπνέουν, με όρους σημειολογικούς και ανθρωπολογικούς.
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The Minoan and the Mycenaean Greek contribution to “that product of fusion which is the historical Greek religion” , emphasized already in 1927 by Martin Nilsson (in the first edition of his reference work The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion... more
The Minoan and the Mycenaean Greek contribution to “that product of fusion which is the historical Greek religion” , emphasized already in 1927 by Martin Nilsson (in the first edition of his reference work The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek religion) still remains a crucial problem for the scholars.
Ritual offering of cloth and/ or clothing to the gods, encountered in many parts of the ancient Greek world should be included among the cults which “may have blended to a large extent” in the Aegean, since it is attested already in the 2nd millennium BCE. Thanks to several representations focused on the “sacred dress” in various artistic media (seals, frescoes etc.), and despite their uneven distribution, this religious practice can be detected unceasingly from the late Middle until the end of the Late Bronze Age, with the earliest certain attestation coming from MM III Knossos palace (the famous pair of miniature faience robes from the Temple Repositories). Following the Minoans, the Mycenaeans adopted, and in all probability adapted, the aforementioned ritual; Linear B tablets from Knossos and Pylos provide evidence for textile offering to both male (Enosidaon, Poseidon) and female deities (da-pu2-ri-to-jo po-ti-ni-ja, po-ti-ni-ja, pe-re-*82).
The lack of pertinent evidence for about four centuries, after the collapse of the Mycenaean world until the late 8th century BCE, could be spanned by the well-known Homeric passage (Iliad, 6.288-304), referring to Hecuba’s offering of an elaborated peplos to the goddess Athena? And if so, are we entitled to support the continuity of this particular ritual from the 2nd to the 1st millennium BCE?
Ritual offering of cloth and/ or clothing to the gods, encountered in many parts of the ancient Greek world should be included among the cults which “may have blended to a large extent” in the Aegean, since it is attested already in the 2nd millennium BCE. Thanks to several representations focused on the “sacred dress” in various artistic media (seals, frescoes etc.), and despite their uneven distribution, this religious practice can be detected unceasingly from the late Middle until the end of the Late Bronze Age, with the earliest certain attestation coming from MM III Knossos palace (the famous pair of miniature faience robes from the Temple Repositories). Following the Minoans, the Mycenaeans adopted, and in all probability adapted, the aforementioned ritual; Linear B tablets from Knossos and Pylos provide evidence for textile offering to both male (Enosidaon, Poseidon) and female deities (da-pu2-ri-to-jo po-ti-ni-ja, po-ti-ni-ja, pe-re-*82).
The lack of pertinent evidence for about four centuries, after the collapse of the Mycenaean world until the late 8th century BCE, could be spanned by the well-known Homeric passage (Iliad, 6.288-304), referring to Hecuba’s offering of an elaborated peplos to the goddess Athena? And if so, are we entitled to support the continuity of this particular ritual from the 2nd to the 1st millennium BCE?
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The fresco fragment 40 H ne from Pylos, ascribed by M. Lang to “a woman standing left” , it was soon after its publication attributed by M. Gill to a “Minoan Genius” . Despite their disagreement, they argued unanimously that the figure... more
The fresco fragment 40 H ne from Pylos, ascribed by M. Lang to “a woman standing left” , it was soon after its publication attributed by M. Gill to a “Minoan Genius” . Despite their disagreement, they argued unanimously that the figure carries a piece of cloth/clothing, a “yellow skirt” according to Lang and a “knot- or cuirass” according to Gill; both interpretations were adopted by S. Immerwahr, who referred to it as “a sacral knot, or a flounced skirt” . The motif of a “knot or skirt”-bearing Genius, although not inconsistent with the latter’s nature, as a divine attendant carrying animals, ewers or poles, it has so far no iconographic parallel. In this paper, we focus anew on the fresco fragment of the Genius from Pylos, by proposing, for the first time, a reconstruction of it, as it actually amplifies the iconographic range of scenes related to the ritual offering of cloth/clothing in the Aegean Late Bronze Age. In conjunction with this ritual practice, attested both by Linear B and iconographical evidence, we aim at discussing the ambiguity connected with the “knot” and “skirt” depictions in the Aegean art and the relevant problems of interpretation.
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The so-called ‘hide-skirt’ is considered a typical Minoan garment, of generally accepted ritual character. Its presence in Crete is iconographically attested possibly from MM II to LM IIIA, with the vast majority of evidence dating to LM... more
The so-called ‘hide-skirt’ is considered a typical Minoan garment, of generally accepted ritual character. Its presence in Crete is iconographically attested possibly from MM II to LM IIIA, with the vast majority of evidence dating to LM I. Being unattested in the Cyclades, it is documented, so far, in two cases from the Greek mainland: in a golden signet ring, of knossian origin, from the Mycenaean necropolis in Elateia-Alonaki (CMS V. Suppl. 2, no. 106) and in a lentoid sealstone from Mycenae (CMS I, no. 132). Bearing all the aforementioned evidence in mind, we aim at discussing the possibility of its adoption in the Mycenaean Mainland during a period of intensive cultural interaction between the two regions of the Aegean, in the early Late Bronze Age.
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«Λίγο μετά τον 1450 π.Χ. μια αχαϊκή δυναστεία έχει εγκατασταθεί στην Κνωσό», σημείωνε πριν από μισό περίπου αιώνα ο Γιάννης Σακελλαράκης. Η καταστροφή που έπληξε την Κρήτη κατά το β΄ μισό του 15ου αι. π.Χ. και είχε ως αποτέλεσμα την... more
«Λίγο μετά τον 1450 π.Χ. μια αχαϊκή δυναστεία έχει εγκατασταθεί στην Κνωσό», σημείωνε πριν από μισό περίπου αιώνα ο Γιάννης Σακελλαράκης. Η καταστροφή που έπληξε την Κρήτη κατά το β΄ μισό του 15ου αι. π.Χ. και είχε ως αποτέλεσμα την ερείπωση των ανακτορικών κέντρων του νησιού έδωσε, καθώς φαίνεται, την ευκαιρία στους Μυκηναίους να εγκατασταθούν στην Κνωσό, η οποία ξανακτίζεται για να αποτελέσει, πρώτη φορά τώρα, το μοναδικό κέντρο εξουσίας. Η παρουσία των Μυκηναίων στην Κρήτη, τεκμηριωμένη αναμφισβήτητα χάρη στις πινακίδες Γραμμικής Β, η αποκρυπτογράφηση της οποίας το 1952 αποκάλυψε μια προδρομική μορφή της ελληνικής -, συνιστά σαφή ρήξη με την προγενέστερη μινωική εξουσία. Ωστόσο, μπορούμε απλώς να εικάσουμε ότι επήλθε ανατροπή (και σε ποιο βαθμό;) στη ζωή της μινωικής κοινωνίας, καθώς απομένει «ακέραιο το πρόβλημα της μυκηναϊκής προωθήσεως στη μεγαλόνησο» . Έτσι, «δε θα γνωρίσουμε […] ποτέ αν η εγκατάσταση αυτή ήταν αποτέλεσμα κατακτήσεως, ενός δυναστικού γάμου ή ενός πραξικοπήματος κάποιου Μυκηναίου στρατηγού, που υπηρετούσε στον μινωικό στόλο», για να αναφέρουμε ορισμένες από τις προταθείσες υποθέσεις. Στην πραγματικότητα, με εξαίρεση τα ανακτορικά αρχεία, οι πηγές της περιόδου αυτής, της ΥΜ ΙΙ δηλαδή, είναι κυρίως αρχαιολογικές (η αίθουσα του θρόνου της Κνωσού, οι τοιχογραφίες, η κεραμική του λεγόμενου ανακτορικού ρυθμού, μεγάλοι αμφορείς και εφυραϊκές κύλικες), ήτοι αμφίβολες μάλλον για έναν ιστορικό, και μόνο συνεκτιμώντας τες είμαστε σε θέση να προσεγγίσουμε σφαιρικότερα το γεγονός.
Στόχος της παρούσας ανακοίνωσης είναι η εξέταση της σχετικής εικονογραφίας, και πιο συγκεκριμένα των ενδυματικών τύπων που συναντώνται σε παραστάσεις της υπό εξέταση περιόδου, τόσο μνημειακές όσο και μικρογραφικές. Με δεδομένη τη μακροχρόνια ώσμωση των Μυκηναίων με τον μινωικό πολιτισμό από τον 17ο αι. π.Χ. και εξής, πώς μπορούν τα ενδύματα, ως κατεξοχήν πολιτισμικά σήματα, να τεκμηριώσουν την παρουσία των Μυκηναίων στην Κρήτη; Ποια η συνεισφορά τους στη διερεύνηση της ανατροπής (ή του βαθμού αυτής) στις σχέσεις μεταξύ των γηγενών και των επήλυδων Μυκηναίων μετά τον 15ο αι. π.Χ.;
Στόχος της παρούσας ανακοίνωσης είναι η εξέταση της σχετικής εικονογραφίας, και πιο συγκεκριμένα των ενδυματικών τύπων που συναντώνται σε παραστάσεις της υπό εξέταση περιόδου, τόσο μνημειακές όσο και μικρογραφικές. Με δεδομένη τη μακροχρόνια ώσμωση των Μυκηναίων με τον μινωικό πολιτισμό από τον 17ο αι. π.Χ. και εξής, πώς μπορούν τα ενδύματα, ως κατεξοχήν πολιτισμικά σήματα, να τεκμηριώσουν την παρουσία των Μυκηναίων στην Κρήτη; Ποια η συνεισφορά τους στη διερεύνηση της ανατροπής (ή του βαθμού αυτής) στις σχέσεις μεταξύ των γηγενών και των επήλυδων Μυκηναίων μετά τον 15ο αι. π.Χ.;
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Aegean 2nd millennium BC iconography offers a variety of figures dressed in a wide range of garment types: the typical male (formed by loin-cloths, kilts, robes of different lengths) and female costume (formed by bodices, skirts and long... more
Aegean 2nd millennium BC iconography offers a variety of figures dressed in a wide range of garment types: the typical male (formed by loin-cloths, kilts, robes of different lengths) and female costume (formed by bodices, skirts and long robes), as well as some rare types of cloaks, loose robes and hides, which refer to the identity of the wearer (age, social rank or activity). Nevertheless, next to the elaborately attired figures of the Aegean Bronze Age societies, depicted in a variety of artistic media (mainly on frescoes), appear some nude or semi-nude figures. What their complete nudity or semi-nudity means? What message conveys the absence of garments to the viewers of these pictures? In this presentation I aim at discussing the nudity as social and ritual attitude in the Aegean civilizations of the 2nd millennium BC and the dialogue between this and its antithetical, and at the same time supplementary, practice of dressing which condition and signify the human thought and behavior in different cultures in history.
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The wearing of an item of clothing is fundamentally an act of meaning that goes beyond modesty, ornamentation and protection. It is an act of signification and therefore a profoundly social act right at the very heart of the dialectic of... more
The wearing of an item of clothing is fundamentally an act of meaning that goes beyond modesty, ornamentation and protection. It is an act of signification and therefore a profoundly social act right at the very heart of the dialectic of society. (Roland Barthes, The Language of Fashion, Berg 2004, 97)
Although the ritual exaltation of women constitutes a long-standing tradition in the Aegean Bronze Age archaeology (from the late 19th/early 20th century onwards), it was only after the 1980s that scholars started to refocus attention on the religious roles of men as well, since the latter had been assumed as the prime motivating forces and agents of cultural process -whether in politics or production- during that era.
Considering Barthes’ statement, this paper examines two unisex types of
clothing, intimately connected with cult activities in the Aegean 2nd millennium BC: the so called “hide skirt” and the long robe with vertical band. The “hide skirt”, a garment with deliberately primitive appearance (as indicates the characteristic “pointed tail” on the bottom of its lateral side) has long tradition in Minoan Crete from Middle Bronze Age onwards and doubtful presence in the Greek Mainland; on the other hand, the long robe with vertical band, has a Mycenaean origin in all probability, and it seems to be widespread in Crete from the 15th century BC onwards, during the Mycenaean occupation of the island.
Aiming at “reweaving the fabric of ancient societies”, I will attempt to challengethe misconceptions caused by a long tradition of androcentric paradigms, as well as to re-appreciate the varied manifestations of ancient gender, beyond modern stereotypes of “femininity” and “masculinity,” and the roles of both sexes in the prehistoric Aegean.
Although the ritual exaltation of women constitutes a long-standing tradition in the Aegean Bronze Age archaeology (from the late 19th/early 20th century onwards), it was only after the 1980s that scholars started to refocus attention on the religious roles of men as well, since the latter had been assumed as the prime motivating forces and agents of cultural process -whether in politics or production- during that era.
Considering Barthes’ statement, this paper examines two unisex types of
clothing, intimately connected with cult activities in the Aegean 2nd millennium BC: the so called “hide skirt” and the long robe with vertical band. The “hide skirt”, a garment with deliberately primitive appearance (as indicates the characteristic “pointed tail” on the bottom of its lateral side) has long tradition in Minoan Crete from Middle Bronze Age onwards and doubtful presence in the Greek Mainland; on the other hand, the long robe with vertical band, has a Mycenaean origin in all probability, and it seems to be widespread in Crete from the 15th century BC onwards, during the Mycenaean occupation of the island.
Aiming at “reweaving the fabric of ancient societies”, I will attempt to challengethe misconceptions caused by a long tradition of androcentric paradigms, as well as to re-appreciate the varied manifestations of ancient gender, beyond modern stereotypes of “femininity” and “masculinity,” and the roles of both sexes in the prehistoric Aegean.
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One of the most important practices (apart from libations and communal feasting, animal sacrifice included) of the official cult in the Aegean during the 2nd millennium B.C. is ritual processions. Since the rulers expressed their... more
One of the most important practices (apart from libations and communal feasting, animal sacrifice included) of the official cult in the Aegean during the 2nd millennium B.C. is ritual processions. Since the rulers expressed their authority not through political or warrior imagery, but through the manipulation and control of ritual, Aegean Late Bronze Age two-dimensional iconography, especially wall paintings, provides rich documentation while additional evidence is offered by related representations on other media such as on golden signet rings, sealstones and clay sealings, painted sarcophagi, stone and clay vessels.
My oral presentation will aim at focusing on the bodies and the gestures of participants in ritual processions and the pictorial formula that enables the viewers to identify them. What messages convey the bodies of the worshippers in line (female, male, or even fantastic creatures, as the so-called Minoan Genii) carrying on their stretched out hands cult equipment and objects of various kinds intended as gifts for a deity or her impersonator? What is the role of clothing which covers their bodies? Are there formalities (or informalities) in the Aegean 2nd millennium B.C. ritual processions or they just comply with a universal norm of ritual processions?
My oral presentation will aim at focusing on the bodies and the gestures of participants in ritual processions and the pictorial formula that enables the viewers to identify them. What messages convey the bodies of the worshippers in line (female, male, or even fantastic creatures, as the so-called Minoan Genii) carrying on their stretched out hands cult equipment and objects of various kinds intended as gifts for a deity or her impersonator? What is the role of clothing which covers their bodies? Are there formalities (or informalities) in the Aegean 2nd millennium B.C. ritual processions or they just comply with a universal norm of ritual processions?
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Given that the equation ‘presence of loom weights = use of warp-weighted loom’ is widely accepted, we relate the adoption of the warp-weighted loom at a number of North-Eastern Aegean sites to the occurrence of loom-weights during the... more
Given that the equation ‘presence of loom weights = use of warp-weighted loom’ is widely accepted, we relate the adoption of the warp-weighted loom at a number of North-Eastern Aegean sites to the occurrence of loom-weights during the Middle and early Late Bronze Age (e.g. Mikro Vouni Samothrace, Koukonisi Lemnos, Troy). Since these objects belong to a distinctive Minoan discoid type, they have been considered as signs of strong Cretan influence, among a wider range of Cretan and Cretan-style material culture features, during the process of Minoanisation.
Nevertheless, it seems that we disregard the fact that the warp-weighted loom is present in the North-Eastern Aegean already from the Early Bronze Age, as indicated by the loom-weights found in a number of settlements such as Thermi on Lesbos, Emporio on Chios, Heraion on Samos as well as at Troy. May these belong to an earlier, Anatolian tradition of warp-weighted loom technology? Can we discern a diffusion pattern? What succeeded the initial phase of use of the warp-weighted loom in the area: abandonment and readoption?
This paper aims at discussing the introduction of weaving technologies in the North-Eastern Aegean during the Bronze Age, either from the East (Western Anatolia) or from the ‘West’ (Southern Aegean, Crete), with emphasis on Lemnos, and more specifically on the three main excavated sites of the island, Myrina, Poliochni and Koukonisi.
Nevertheless, it seems that we disregard the fact that the warp-weighted loom is present in the North-Eastern Aegean already from the Early Bronze Age, as indicated by the loom-weights found in a number of settlements such as Thermi on Lesbos, Emporio on Chios, Heraion on Samos as well as at Troy. May these belong to an earlier, Anatolian tradition of warp-weighted loom technology? Can we discern a diffusion pattern? What succeeded the initial phase of use of the warp-weighted loom in the area: abandonment and readoption?
This paper aims at discussing the introduction of weaving technologies in the North-Eastern Aegean during the Bronze Age, either from the East (Western Anatolia) or from the ‘West’ (Southern Aegean, Crete), with emphasis on Lemnos, and more specifically on the three main excavated sites of the island, Myrina, Poliochni and Koukonisi.
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In this paper I aim at examining aspects of domestic furniture in the Aegean Late Bronze Age. Starting with pertinent iconography, which provides relatively little evidence, I will focus on more or less contemporary texts, and especially... more
In this paper I aim at examining aspects of domestic furniture in the Aegean Late Bronze Age. Starting with pertinent iconography, which provides relatively little evidence, I will focus on more or less contemporary texts, and especially on the 12 Linear B tablets of the series Ta from Pylos. This series, which offers the most interesting information on furniture of that era, specifically in a palatial context, constitutes a kind of inventory. It resulted from Phygegwris’ inspection of this kind of equipment on the occasion of the designation of Augeia (au-ke-wa) as da-mo-ko-ro (see PY Ta 711.1: o-wi-de pu2-ke-qi-ri o-te wa-na-ka te-ke au-ke-wa), and for which au-ke-wa would have been henceforth responsible. Apart from tripods and some other metal vessels, the main types of furniture recorded are tables (to-pe-za - cf. classical Greek τράπεζα), seats or thrones (to-no - θόρνος / θρόνος) and stools (ta-ra-nu-we - θράνυες cf. Homeric θρήνυες). Since all these objects belong to the treasure of the palace, the scribe is interested in describing their decoration in details, revealing, as a consequence, a major need for display and luxury. These pieces of evidence will be juxtaposed with archaeological finds, which not only certify the information of Linear B but also confirm the two decoration techniques used at Pylos, i.e. engraving and inlay.
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The implication of cloth and/or clothing in ritual actions is amply testified in Aegean Late Bronze Age iconography. Nevertheless, their identification involves problems related to both our main iconographical sources, i.e. wall paintings... more
The implication of cloth and/or clothing in ritual actions is amply testified in Aegean Late Bronze Age iconography. Nevertheless, their identification involves problems related to both our main iconographical sources, i.e. wall paintings and various sphragistic media (signet rings, seals and seal impressions/sealings). Pictorial wall paintings, which appear in Crete from late MM III and spread afterwards to Cyclades, Rhodes, Miletus and Mainland Greece, are in their vast majority poorly preserved, with the exception of Akrotiri (Thera) frescoes. So, we deal with partial (often) or dubious (occasionally) restorations, let alone the stylistic conventions. Drawing upon a common iconographical tradition, the much richer seal imagery, from the 16th century B.C. onwards, often fills the gaps of the fragmentary wall paintings. Usually however, features related to the limited sphragistic surface (miniature scale, lack of details, schematization), as well as the occasional poor preservation of the scenes, make their interpretation difficult. Data offered by miscellaneous media (figurines, vases, sarcophagi, faience models etc.) remain valuable though disparate.
Despite the problems of ambiguity arisen, I aim at discussing the types of cloth and clothing detected in Aegean Late Bronze Age religious iconography and their role in specific rituals, with reference to their possible correlation with terms testified on Linear B tablets.
Despite the problems of ambiguity arisen, I aim at discussing the types of cloth and clothing detected in Aegean Late Bronze Age religious iconography and their role in specific rituals, with reference to their possible correlation with terms testified on Linear B tablets.
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Flanked by two antithetical groups of men in procession, the prominent standing female figure in the LM II/III A1 Procession fresco from the palace of Knossos was identified by Arthur Evans as the “Minoan Goddess”. Thus, he restored her,... more
Flanked by two antithetical groups of men in procession, the prominent standing female figure in the LM II/III A1 Procession fresco from the palace of Knossos was identified by Arthur Evans as the “Minoan Goddess”. Thus, he restored her, despite her very fragmentary state, as dressed in a flounced skirt in combination with tight bodice and polos headdress, and with double axes in her upraised hands. A first modification of her attire was first proposed in 1987 by Christos Boulotis: instead of long wavy bands descending free from her head and shoulders, as Evans believed, he recognized the end of a long fringed piece of cloth offered to her by the men approaching at her left. In the present contribution I focus on the reexamination of her garment, of which only the three richly decorated lower border zones have been preserved. The light shed on this by recent cleaning of the fresco raised simultaneously some enigmatic sartorial issues. In view of its close affinities in particular with the LH IIIB “priestess” (Lang 1969, 50 H nws) from the palace of Pylos, the fragmentary long robe of which attests the combination of decorative lower border zones with a vertical frontal band, I propose here a similar garment for the Knossian “Goddess” too. My proposal is essentially based on (a) contemporary Cretan fresco evidence (the Procession fresco itself, the Hagia Triada sarcophagus and related compositions) as well as on the LH II signet ring CMS I, no. 179 from Tiryns and LH IIIB fresco parallels from the Mycenaean palatial centers –which clearly document this specific type of robe, as appropriate to deities, members of the priesthood (females and males) and to elite individuals in general; and (b) the fact that richly decorated lower border zones are not compatible with the flounced skirt in Aegean iconography. Given the appearance and diffusion of the long robe with vertical frontal band and lower border zones in Crete during the Mycenaean dominance of the island, its origin on the Greek Mainland, regardless of the degree to which that might have been due to Minoan influence, seems very plausible. In this respect, the fact that the Tiryns signet ring predates the related Cretan fresco evidence might be decisive in giving the Mainland priority.
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Αντικείμενο της παρούσας μελέτης είναι η θεώρηση ζητημάτων που αφορούν τη συμβολική διάσταση της αμφίεσης στους κοινωνικούς/επικοινωνιακούς κώδικες της αιγαιακής 2ης χιλιετίας π.Χ., όπως αυτοί διαφαίνονται μέσα κυρίως από το σωζόμενο... more
Αντικείμενο της παρούσας μελέτης είναι η θεώρηση ζητημάτων που αφορούν τη συμβολική διάσταση της αμφίεσης στους κοινωνικούς/επικοινωνιακούς κώδικες της αιγαιακής 2ης χιλιετίας π.Χ., όπως αυτοί διαφαίνονται μέσα κυρίως από το σωζόμενο εικονιστικό υλικό και τις μαρτυρίες των πινακίδων της Γραμμικής Β γραφής. Το ερευνητικό ενδιαφέρον εστιάζεται ειδικότερα σε εκείνα, αφενός, τα στοιχεία της εμφάνισης που υποδηλώνουν μια διαφοροποιημένη ιερατική ή θεϊκή εικόνα και, αφετέρου, σε τελετουργίες, στο πλαίσιο των οποίων μεταφερόμενα ενδύματα και/ή υφάσματα, αλλά και συναφή εξαρτήματα (όπως κοσμήματα, διάσημα αξιώματος) διαδραματίζουν καθοριστικό ρόλο, προσδίδοντας συχνά, ως φαίνεται, και αποχρώντα χαρακτήρα στο εκάστοτε εικονιζόμενο δρώμενο. Τα κείμενα της Γραμμικής Β, από την άλλη, παρά τον έκδηλα οικονομικό/λογιστικό τους χαρακτήρα και την ελλειπτικότητά τους, έρχονται επί του προκειμένου υποστηρικτικά καθώς δίνουν ρητή υπόσταση σε τέτοιου είδους θρησκευτικές δοξασίες και πρακτικές του 14ου και 13ου αιώνα π.Χ., ονοματίζοντας τύπους ενδυμάτων και υφασμάτων που είτε αποδίδονται ή ανατίθενται σε ιερά και θεότητες στο πλαίσιο ειδικών γιορτών, είτε αποστέλλονται σε αξιωματούχους του ιερατείου.
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T. Boloti, F. Scotti, C. Cumbo, P. Linscheid, "Clothing in Transition: Social, Symbolic, and Legal Aspects of Garments from Prehistory to the Early Byzantine Period", in Kerstin Droß-Krüpe, Louise Quillien, & Kalliope Sarri (eds.),... more
T. Boloti, F. Scotti, C. Cumbo, P. Linscheid, "Clothing in Transition: Social, Symbolic, and Legal Aspects of Garments from Prehistory to the Early Byzantine Period", in Kerstin Droß-Krüpe, Louise Quillien, & Kalliope Sarri (eds.), "Textile Crossroads: Exploring European Clothing, Identity, and Culture across Millennia", Centre for Textile Research, University of Nebraska 2024, pp. 243-265.
The complete volume is available on: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/texroads/
The complete volume is available on: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/texroads/