- College of Tourism and Archaeology, King Saud University, P.O. Box 2627, Riyadh, 12372, Saudi Arabia
- +966553243352
Azhari M . Sadig
University of Khartoum, Archaeology, Faculty Member
- Ceramic Traditions and Cultural Territories: The Nubian Group in Prehistory, Neolithic & Chalcolithic Archaeology, Neolithic, Sudanese Archaeology, Archaeology, Economy, and 19 moreSettlement Patterns, Pottery, Sudan, Nubia, Mesolithic, Middle Nile, Sadig, Shahienab, Early Khartoum, Central Sudan, Region, Adaptations, Early Neolithic, Late Neolithic, Sahara, esSour, Subsitence, Neolithic Adaptations and Subsistence Economy In the Middle, and Prehistoric Archaeologyedit
- http://fac.ksu.edu.sa/asadig/homeedit
تتميز المملكة العربية السعودية بإرث ثقافي كبير في فهمنا للعصر الحجري القديم (مليون-10 الف سنة مضت) في الجزيرة العربية بالرغم من التأخر النسبي في البحث الأثري الجاد فيما يتعلق بفترات ما قبل التاريخ مقارنة بالفترات الحضارية الأخرى. وبالرغم... more
تتميز المملكة العربية السعودية بإرث ثقافي كبير في فهمنا للعصر الحجري القديم (مليون-10 الف سنة مضت) في الجزيرة العربية بالرغم من التأخر النسبي في البحث الأثري الجاد فيما يتعلق بفترات ما قبل التاريخ مقارنة بالفترات الحضارية الأخرى. وبالرغم من قيام العديد من المسوحات الأثرية، إلا أنها لم تكن منتظمة حتى عهد قريب. وتأتي معرفتنا للمملكة العربية السعودية في العصر الحجري القديم في كثير من الأحيان من مواقع تمثل مراحل متعددة من الاستقرار البشري، وتفتقر إلى التواريخ المطلقة ومعلومات البيئة القديمة. وعادة ما يكون إسناد هذه المواقع المتفرقة إلى مراحل ثقافية انعكاساً للتحليلات التصنيفية المقارنة لمجموعات مختارة من المواد لا يستند جمعها الى منهجية واضحة. ومع ذلك، يشكل السجل الأثري للمملكة العربية السعودية مجموعة بيانات ذات أهمية كبرى، حيث دللت الاكتشافات الحديثة للمواقع الأثرية الطبقية في المملكة العربية السعودية على أهمية المنطقة للبحث في فترات ما قبل التاريخ المبكر في الجانبين الثقافي والبيئي. وسيتم تناول ذلك بشيء من التفصيل في هذه الورقة.
كلمات مفتاحية: المملكة العربية السعودية. العصر الحجري القديم. الأشولي. الألدواني. الأحفورات. الهجرات البشرية
Saudi Arabia has a great cultural heritage in our understanding of the Paleolithic age (1 million years-10.000 BC) in the Arabian Peninsula despite the relative delay in serious archaeological research compared to other periods. Although many archaeological surveys were conducted, they were not even regular until recently. Our knowledge of Saudi Arabia during the Stone Age often comes from sites representing multiple stages of human sediments, lacking absolute dates and palaeoenvironmental information. The attribution of these dispersed sites to cultural stages is usually a reflection of the analyzes of selected collections of materials that are not based on a clear methodology. However, the archaeological record of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia composed of data collection of great importance. Recent discoveries of archaeological sites in Saudi Arabia have shown the importance of the region to early prehistoric research on the cultural and environmental aspects. This will be discussed in detail in this paper.
Keywords: Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Old Stone Age. Acheulean. Oldowan, Fossils. Human Migrations
كلمات مفتاحية: المملكة العربية السعودية. العصر الحجري القديم. الأشولي. الألدواني. الأحفورات. الهجرات البشرية
Saudi Arabia has a great cultural heritage in our understanding of the Paleolithic age (1 million years-10.000 BC) in the Arabian Peninsula despite the relative delay in serious archaeological research compared to other periods. Although many archaeological surveys were conducted, they were not even regular until recently. Our knowledge of Saudi Arabia during the Stone Age often comes from sites representing multiple stages of human sediments, lacking absolute dates and palaeoenvironmental information. The attribution of these dispersed sites to cultural stages is usually a reflection of the analyzes of selected collections of materials that are not based on a clear methodology. However, the archaeological record of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia composed of data collection of great importance. Recent discoveries of archaeological sites in Saudi Arabia have shown the importance of the region to early prehistoric research on the cultural and environmental aspects. This will be discussed in detail in this paper.
Keywords: Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Old Stone Age. Acheulean. Oldowan, Fossils. Human Migrations
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يقدم هذا البحث قراءة شاملة لفترة ما قبل التاريخ في السودان، بالتركيز على عرض السمات العامة لفترات العصور الحجرية الثلاثة: العصر الحجري القديم والعصر الحجري الوسيط والعصر الحجري الحديث. كما يتناول الثقافات اللاحقة للعصور الحجرية خاصة في... more
يقدم هذا البحث قراءة شاملة لفترة ما قبل التاريخ في السودان، بالتركيز على عرض السمات العامة لفترات العصور الحجرية الثلاثة: العصر الحجري القديم والعصر الحجري الوسيط والعصر الحجري الحديث. كما يتناول الثقافات اللاحقة للعصور الحجرية خاصة في الجزء الشمالي من السودان. ويتضح من خلال البحث تميز فترة العصور الحجرية في السودان بتنوع فريد في المواقع الأثرية ومخلفاتها المادية خاصة خلال الفترات المتأخرة من العصر الحجري. وبالرغم من محدودية المعلومات المتعلقة بفترة العصر الحجري القديم إلا ان هناك دلائل متزايدة من الفترات اللاحقة على أشكال التنظيم الاجتماعي والاقتصادي. ففي خلال العصرين الحجري الوسيط والحديث تطورت اساليب العيش واستغلال المناطق البيئية من قبل مجموعات بشرية متنوعة التنظيم اقرب ما تكون إلى الجماعات الأسرية (Family Groups/Bands)، أكثر من كونها مشيخات، مهدت إلى ظهور القرى والمشيخات ومن ثم الدولة خلال فترة العصر البرونزي والتي تغطى زمنياً الفترة الممتدة من الالف الرابع ق.م الى منتصف الألف الثاني ق.م (حوالي 3800 ق.م-1500 ق.م) والتي شهدت ظهور الثقافات / أو المجموعات النوبية في أقصى الشمال (3800-1500 ق.م) وحضارة كرمة جنوبي الشلال الثالث (2500-1500 ق.م) والتي نشأت منذ وقت مبكرة خلال ما يعرف بما قبل كرمة (Pre-Kerma) (3500-2500 ق.م والتي تمثل بداية الاستيطان بكرمة وآثارها في الجزء الشرقي بعيداً عن الموقع الأساسي. ومباني هذه الفترة أكواخ دائرية الشكل عثر فيها على فخار مماثل لفخار المجموعة (أ).
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The 'Mahas Survey Project' has worked for many years in the Third Cataract region of northern Sudan, linking research and student training by the Department of Archaeology of the University of Khartoum, working with a number of expatriate... more
The 'Mahas Survey Project' has worked for many years in the Third Cataract region of northern Sudan, linking research and student training by the Department of Archaeology of the University of Khartoum, working with a number of expatriate researchers. This volume relates mainly to field research carried out 1999-2005 supported by the University of Khartoum as well as a grant from the Haycock Fund of the British Institute in Eastern Africa. In addition to archaeological survey, research was extended into Nubian language-use, linguistics and toponymy and palaeoenvironment. Earlier studies had explored aspects of its ‘traditional’ farming regimes and local folklore. Notwithstanding a range of research interests, by the later 1990s a further imperative was emerging with the development of plans for a dam at Kajbar at the downstream end of the Third Cataract. Its construction would inundate large parts the southern Mahas region, and in 2012 the prospects for the construction of the Kajbar Dam seem high. This volume reports on the results of several seasons of field survey, presenting basic data relating to more than 690 registered ‘sites’ or other features, many of considerable archaeological interest and some unique within Nubia. While largely limited to the results of surface survey the data provides a basis for more synthetic discussions of the long-term development of the region’s settlement landscapes, presented as period-based discussions in the first seven chapters, ranging from the early Holocene to the early 20th century.
The survey area has a number of features which enhance its interest as a focus for a regional survey. Set astride c.60km of rapids and rocky islands of the Third Cataract, the southern Mahas represents the southern end of a much larger Middle Nubian landscape dominated by a distinctive and rugged geology. In many periods this has clearly marked a zone of transition; at times both political and cultural frontiers coalescing around the physical barrier of the cataract. This marked the southern boundary of both the (New Kingdom) Egyptian colonial presence in Nubia in the 2nd millennium BC, and the Ottoman presence from the 16th century AD. The physical landscape has also changed markedly over time. With the ongoing desiccation of northern Nubia during later prehistory, the region became increasingly inhospitable, thinly populated by the first millennium BC. It underwent a significant recolonisation during the first millennium AD, based on irrigated agriculture. This region lay at the southern end of the medieval kingdom of Nobadia. Herein may be sought the origins of the familiar 'Nubian' lifeways encountered in recent centuries.
The survey area has a number of features which enhance its interest as a focus for a regional survey. Set astride c.60km of rapids and rocky islands of the Third Cataract, the southern Mahas represents the southern end of a much larger Middle Nubian landscape dominated by a distinctive and rugged geology. In many periods this has clearly marked a zone of transition; at times both political and cultural frontiers coalescing around the physical barrier of the cataract. This marked the southern boundary of both the (New Kingdom) Egyptian colonial presence in Nubia in the 2nd millennium BC, and the Ottoman presence from the 16th century AD. The physical landscape has also changed markedly over time. With the ongoing desiccation of northern Nubia during later prehistory, the region became increasingly inhospitable, thinly populated by the first millennium BC. It underwent a significant recolonisation during the first millennium AD, based on irrigated agriculture. This region lay at the southern end of the medieval kingdom of Nobadia. Herein may be sought the origins of the familiar 'Nubian' lifeways encountered in recent centuries.
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This study aims to present theoretical and methodological models and interpretive data applied to the study of burial sites in Sudan dates to the prehistoric and historical periods (specifically between 13,000 BC and 580 AD). The study... more
This study aims to present theoretical and methodological models and interpretive data applied to the study of burial sites in Sudan dates to the prehistoric and historical periods (specifically between 13,000 BC and 580 AD). The study indicates the limitations of the archaeological methods and theories used as research foundations for studying these burial sites, despite their fundamental importance in exploring ancient social practices. Moreover, the study discusses the views of some early researchers who relied on the principle of the theory of cultural change, diffusion and migration in interpreting early burial sites in Sudan.
تهدف هذه الدراسة إلى تقديم النماذج النظرية والمنهجية والبيانات التفسيرية المطبّقة على دراسة مواقع المدافن في السودان خلال فترات ما قبل التاريخ، والفترة التاريخية (تحديدا ما بين ۱۳۰۰۰ قبل الميلاد و٥٨٠ م). تشير الدراسة إلى محدودية المناهج والنظريات الأثرية المستخدمة بوصفها أسسا بحثية لدراسة هذه المدافن، على الرغم من أهميتها الجوهرية في استكشاف الممارسات الاجتماعية القديمة. علاوة على ذلك، تناقش الدراسة وجهات نظر بعض الباحثين الأوائل الذين اعتمدوا على مبدأ نظرية التغير الثقافي، والانتشار والهجرة في تفسير مواقع المدافن المبكرة في السودان.
تهدف هذه الدراسة إلى تقديم النماذج النظرية والمنهجية والبيانات التفسيرية المطبّقة على دراسة مواقع المدافن في السودان خلال فترات ما قبل التاريخ، والفترة التاريخية (تحديدا ما بين ۱۳۰۰۰ قبل الميلاد و٥٨٠ م). تشير الدراسة إلى محدودية المناهج والنظريات الأثرية المستخدمة بوصفها أسسا بحثية لدراسة هذه المدافن، على الرغم من أهميتها الجوهرية في استكشاف الممارسات الاجتماعية القديمة. علاوة على ذلك، تناقش الدراسة وجهات نظر بعض الباحثين الأوائل الذين اعتمدوا على مبدأ نظرية التغير الثقافي، والانتشار والهجرة في تفسير مواقع المدافن المبكرة في السودان.
Research Interests:
The cultural sequence of ancient Sudan has been formulated according to many aspects, depending mainly on the work of pioneer archaeologists on the first decades of the 20th century. The cultural and chronological orders known today are... more
The cultural sequence of ancient Sudan has been formulated according to many aspects, depending mainly on the work of pioneer archaeologists on the first decades of the 20th century. The cultural and chronological orders known today are not far different from what has been structured by Reisner, Arkell and other early archaeologists, despite the attempts to fill the gaps here and there .This chronological order is always control the nature of the archaeological studies in Sudan archaeology, especially for the new generation, regardless the region or approaches used to analyze the cultural evidences. This is true also when new sites discovered, and attributed basically according to that cultural and chronological orders. Sites with new unknown cultural aspects may occur in many situations, but they finally dated to the same order. The island of Meroe is one of those regions, which are known with its Meroitic legacy, pyramids, temples and towns. The chronological order is well known o...
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The Neolithic begins at widely differing dates in different regions of the world. In Sudan, one of the most serious problems in studying the changes over the millennia is to define the chronological relationships between sites and... more
The Neolithic begins at widely differing dates in different regions of the world. In Sudan, one of the most serious problems in studying the changes over the millennia is to define the chronological relationships between sites and regions. A number of terms have been used to describe these phases, some of which are more confusing than enlightening. The material culture of the Neolithic sites suggests that they belong to different chronological periods. The absolute dates from different sites definitely prove this with certainty. The paper discusses in brief the chronology and the social aspects of the Neolithic of the region.
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ABSTRACT Through the twentieth century much of the Nubian Nile Valley has seen archaeological survey and excavation, largely in response to its destruction by successive dams built at Aswan. The Mahas Survey Project of the University of... more
ABSTRACT Through the twentieth century much of the Nubian Nile Valley has seen archaeological survey and excavation, largely in response to its destruction by successive dams built at Aswan. The Mahas Survey Project of the University of Khartoum has continued this work on the Third Cataract approximately 700 km upriver of the First Cataract, within a survey concession extending over some 80 km of the Nile and its immediate hinterlands, an area now under threat by the construction of a dam at Kajbaar. We present here an outline of the long-term development of the region’s settlement landscapes, broadly conceptualised, and their relation to those encountered in adjoining regions. It is possible to draw out some aspects of its cultural distinctiveness at a regional or larger scale, as well as the varying roˆ le of the Third Cataract as a cultural and political frontier in different periods. A contextual approach to its rock art suggests some fresh insights into the latter’s likely significance. A complex and varied settlement history is beginning to emerge which both challenges representations of a uniquely timeless and ancient occupation of the land by autochthonous ‘Nubians’, while raising many new questions concerning the history of this frontier land.
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Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Many radiocarbon dates were obtained from the Neolithic sites in the Sudan. Central Sudan dates are shown in Table I (see also Fig. 1, Map 1a, 1b). They indicate that the Neolithic in the Central Sudan ranges between 4985±142 (cal. B.C.)... more
Many radiocarbon dates were obtained from the Neolithic sites in the Sudan. Central Sudan dates are shown in Table I (see also Fig. 1, Map 1a, 1b). They indicate that the Neolithic in the Central Sudan ranges between 4985±142 (cal. B.C.) and 1988±126 (cal. B.C.) covering a period of at least 3000 years. Most of the sites flourished during the fifth millennium B.C., others extended till the fourth and third millennia B.C., while the sites of Shaqadud, Islang 2 and Jebel Tomat extended till the first decades of the third millennium B.C. and the end of the second millennium B.C.; in the case of Jebel Moya, until the end of the first millennium B.C.1
From this list of the available dates it appears that:
1. The Neolithic sites of Um Direiwa I, el Ghaba, Islang, Rabak, Shaheinab, Kadero I and II, Zakiab, Nofalab, Shaqadud Midden, Geili, Es-Sour, Islang 2, Tamanyang Sharq, El Kanger Middle, El Kanger East, Sheikh Mustafa, Sheikh El Amin, El-Ushara and Guli, and the earliest pottery from Jebel Moya date their first occupation to the fifth millennium B.C.
2. There are few sites from Central Sudan, such as Um Direiwa I, Um Direiwa II, el Ghaba, Islang, Rabak, Shaheinab and Kadero I, whose culture debris extends from the fifth millennium B.C. to the end of the fourth millennium B.C.
3. The sites of Sheikh Mustafa (6295±215 bp cal. 5210±230 B.C.) and Rabak (6020± 130 bp cal. 4950±170 B.C.) provide the earliest dates of the Neolithic. The latter includes typical Shaheinab material and therefore could be the earliest site known to date that shares similar material with the Khartoum sites.
4. The date obtained from Geili is 5570±100 bp (cal. 4430±90 B.C.), but the sedimentological analysis of the site shows that this stratum corresponds to the gradual retreat of the river’s waters due to the effects of increasing aridity, seeing the Nile moving westward from its original bed (Caneva 1988). Over the course of 3000 years, during which the river rose to the height of the levee, and while the Epipalaeolithic was flourishing some 7 kilometers to the south at Saggai, the site of Geili was still not occupied yet. It was not until the end of the fifth millennium B.C. that pastoralists brought their herds of animals to graze a short distance away from the bank, in the heart of pasture-land.
5. The cemeteries of el Ghaba, Kadero I and el Kadada provide a continuous Neolithic sequence from the beginning of the fifth to the very end of the fourth millennium B.C.
From this list of the available dates it appears that:
1. The Neolithic sites of Um Direiwa I, el Ghaba, Islang, Rabak, Shaheinab, Kadero I and II, Zakiab, Nofalab, Shaqadud Midden, Geili, Es-Sour, Islang 2, Tamanyang Sharq, El Kanger Middle, El Kanger East, Sheikh Mustafa, Sheikh El Amin, El-Ushara and Guli, and the earliest pottery from Jebel Moya date their first occupation to the fifth millennium B.C.
2. There are few sites from Central Sudan, such as Um Direiwa I, Um Direiwa II, el Ghaba, Islang, Rabak, Shaheinab and Kadero I, whose culture debris extends from the fifth millennium B.C. to the end of the fourth millennium B.C.
3. The sites of Sheikh Mustafa (6295±215 bp cal. 5210±230 B.C.) and Rabak (6020± 130 bp cal. 4950±170 B.C.) provide the earliest dates of the Neolithic. The latter includes typical Shaheinab material and therefore could be the earliest site known to date that shares similar material with the Khartoum sites.
4. The date obtained from Geili is 5570±100 bp (cal. 4430±90 B.C.), but the sedimentological analysis of the site shows that this stratum corresponds to the gradual retreat of the river’s waters due to the effects of increasing aridity, seeing the Nile moving westward from its original bed (Caneva 1988). Over the course of 3000 years, during which the river rose to the height of the levee, and while the Epipalaeolithic was flourishing some 7 kilometers to the south at Saggai, the site of Geili was still not occupied yet. It was not until the end of the fifth millennium B.C. that pastoralists brought their herds of animals to graze a short distance away from the bank, in the heart of pasture-land.
5. The cemeteries of el Ghaba, Kadero I and el Kadada provide a continuous Neolithic sequence from the beginning of the fifth to the very end of the fourth millennium B.C.
Research Interests:
The cultural sequence of ancient Sudan has been formulated according to many aspects, depending mainly on the work of pioneer archaeologists on the first decades of the 20th century. The cultural and chronological orders known today are... more
The cultural sequence of ancient Sudan has been formulated according to many aspects, depending mainly on the work of pioneer archaeologists on the first decades of the 20th century. The cultural and chronological orders known today are not far different from what has been structured by Reisner, Arkell and other early archaeologists, despite the attempts to fill the gaps here and there .This chronological order is always control the nature of the archaeological studies in Sudan archaeology, especially for the new generation, regardless the region or approaches used to analyze the cultural evidences. This is true also when new sites discovered, and attributed basically according to that cultural and chronological orders. Sites with new unknown cultural aspects may occur in many situations, but they finally dated to the same order. The island of Meroe is one of those regions, which are known with its Meroitic legacy, pyramids, temples and towns. The chronological order is well known only when taking to the account the Meroitic one, as well as very rare late Neolithic evidences from Kadada and es-Sour. The current study is a chronological and cultural survey of the east part of the Island of Meroe north of the Royal City. New sites have been discovered which will help a lot on our understanding of prehistoric as well as historic and medieval evidences on this part of the Island. The work is a part
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يتناول هذا البحث السيرة العلمية لأنتوني جون آركل (Anthony John Arkell 1898 – 1980) الذي يعد واحداً من أهم رواد علم الآثار السوداني الذين لا تزال أبحاثهم من أهم الاعمال الأدبية عن الآثار السودانية. وقد وضع آركل الإطار الذي دارت فيه وحوله... more
يتناول هذا البحث السيرة العلمية لأنتوني جون آركل (Anthony John Arkell 1898 – 1980) الذي يعد واحداً من أهم رواد علم الآثار السوداني الذين لا تزال أبحاثهم من أهم الاعمال الأدبية عن الآثار السودانية. وقد وضع آركل الإطار الذي دارت فيه وحوله جميع الاكتشافات والدراسات اللاحقة لفترة ما قبل التاريخ في السودان. ويعتبر من أوائل باحثي ما قبل التاريخ في أفريقيا جنوب الصحراء الذين استخدموا التوريخ بالكربون المشع (C14). ونأمل في هذه الورقة تقديم نظرة موجزة عن باحث لا تزال أعماله تُشكّل الجزء الرئيسي من البيانات المتاحة عن فترة ما قبل التاريخ السوداني والذي ساهم في مناقشات مهمة حول عصور ما قبل التاريخ في أفريقيا ككل.
Research Interests:
يتناول هذا البحث باختصار التطورات الثقافية التي شهدها السودان خلال فترة العصر الحجري القديم، من خلال الاكتشافات الأثرية، خاصة تلك التي جرت خلال الخمسين سنة الأولى من القرن العشرين. وقد تبين من خلال الوقوف على نتائج هذه القراءة، عن طريق... more
يتناول هذا البحث باختصار التطورات الثقافية التي شهدها السودان خلال فترة العصر
الحجري القديم، من خلال الاكتشافات الأثرية، خاصة تلك التي جرت خلال الخمسين سنة الأولى
من القرن العشرين. وقد تبين من خلال الوقوف على نتائج هذه القراءة، عن طريق تسليط الضوء على
أهم المعطيات الأثرية التي كشفتها المسوحات والحفريات، أنه لا تزال هناك العديد من القضايا
العالقة التى تتأرجح بين التنظير والتطبيق، خاصة مع محدودية الحفريات التي تتناول هذه الفترة.
ولا يزال الوقت مبكراً لاعطاء صورة تفصيلية لهذه الفترة خاصة المتعلقة بالاصول الأولى للعصر
الحجري القديم في السودان ومراحل انتقاله التطوري المعروفة عالميا.
الحجري القديم، من خلال الاكتشافات الأثرية، خاصة تلك التي جرت خلال الخمسين سنة الأولى
من القرن العشرين. وقد تبين من خلال الوقوف على نتائج هذه القراءة، عن طريق تسليط الضوء على
أهم المعطيات الأثرية التي كشفتها المسوحات والحفريات، أنه لا تزال هناك العديد من القضايا
العالقة التى تتأرجح بين التنظير والتطبيق، خاصة مع محدودية الحفريات التي تتناول هذه الفترة.
ولا يزال الوقت مبكراً لاعطاء صورة تفصيلية لهذه الفترة خاصة المتعلقة بالاصول الأولى للعصر
الحجري القديم في السودان ومراحل انتقاله التطوري المعروفة عالميا.
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DESCRIPTION ترجمة للحفريات الأثرية في السودان خلال القرن العشرين
تشير الدلائل إلى أن انسان ما قبل التاريخ كان قادراً على البقاء على قيد الحياة خلال فترات التغيرات المناخية شديدة الجفاف وذلك بلجوئه إلى الشواطئ الساحلية من شبه الجزيرة. تستعرض هذه الورقة دلائل جديدة حول البيئة القديمة والآثار والوراثة في... more
تشير الدلائل إلى أن انسان ما قبل التاريخ كان قادراً على البقاء على قيد الحياة خلال فترات التغيرات المناخية شديدة الجفاف وذلك بلجوئه إلى الشواطئ الساحلية من شبه الجزيرة. تستعرض هذه الورقة دلائل جديدة حول البيئة القديمة والآثار والوراثة في شبه الجزيرة العربية وجنوب إيران لاستكشاف إمكانية وجود ملاجئ بشرية فيما أطلق عليه اسم "واحة الخليج" (Gulf Oasis)، والتي افترض أنها كانت منطقة اقامة حيوية كبيرة للسكان في جنوب غرب آسيا خلال عصر البلايستوسين المتأخر (Late Pleistocene)• وعصر الهولوسين المبكر (Early Holocene)•. استخدمت هذه البيانات لتقييم دور هذه الواحة الكبيرة، والتي كانت قبل أن تغمرها مياه المحيط الهندي، تتغذى من مياه انهار دجلة والفرات، وكارون•، ووادي الباطن وكذلك من طبقات المياه الجوفية التي تتدفق تحت شبه القارة العربية. وكانعكاس لتراجع كمية الأمطار السنوية التي تهطل في جميع الأنحاء الداخلية، فإن انخفاض منسوب مياه البحر أدى إلى كشف أجزاء كبيرة من الخليج العربي، كانت بحجم بريطانيا في بعض الأحيان. لذلك، فعندما تجف المناطق النائية، يلجأ السكان إلى "واحة الخليج" لاستغ...
Based on C14 dates, two horizons can be recognized in the Late Neolithic context of Central Sudan: 1. Late Neolithic Horizon Type A: found at sites like el Kadada, where the site is partly contemporary with the late period of other two... more
Based on C14 dates, two horizons can be recognized in the Late Neolithic context of Central Sudan: 1. Late Neolithic Horizon Type A: found at sites like el Kadada, where the site is partly contemporary with the late period of other two assemblages but reflects more sophisticated material culture than them (Es-Sour). Some similar material has also come from a small cemetery at Geili, partly overlying the Early Neolithic settlement (Caneva 1988). 2. Late Neolithic Horizon Type B: this horizon contains different sites with archaeological materials that differ partially from riverine sites (Shaqadud (A), Jebel Moya (Phase II) and Jebel Tomat). These two proceeded which I termed Classic “Early Neolithic” Horizon: sites contain typical Shaheinab material, especially the gouges (Geili, Nofalab and Kadero I), and Terminal “Early Neolithic” Horizon: sites share some traits with Shaheinab but lacks the gouges (Rabak, Jebel Tomat, and Nofalab2). These two early horizons cover the ‘Early Neolithic’ of the Middle Nile, broadly spans the fifth millennium BC, while the Late Neolithic Horizons related to ‘Late Neolithic’, runs through the fourth into the early third millennium BC. The late Neolithic clearly continues much later in some parts of the Middle Nile, even if we still know relatively little about the later prehistory of many regions.
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The Neolithic cultures of the Sudan were distributed through the Central, Eastern, Western and Northern regions in the fifth millennium BC. In Sudan, one of the most serious problems in studying the changes over the millennia is to define... more
The Neolithic cultures of the Sudan were distributed through the Central, Eastern, Western and Northern regions in the fifth millennium BC. In Sudan, one of the most serious problems in studying the changes over the millennia is to define the chronological relationships between sites and regions. A number of terms have been used to describe these phases, some of which are more confusing than enlightening. The material culture of the Neolithic sites suggests they belong to different chronological periods. The wide excavations on the Neolithic sites have greatly increased our knowledge of the cultural development of the Neolithic period, together with the results of the previous work in the North, West Plains, East and Central Sudan. This has led to a better understanding of the definition of the Neolithic culture in this region. In this paper, we will discuss in brief this definition and the current state of research in the field of the Neolithic in these regions
One of most prominent archaeological features of the Third Nile Cataract Region is the presence of a large number of long and low stonewalls structures called Wadi Walls or “Dry-stones”. Some authors assume that these walls were as game... more
One of most prominent archaeological features of the Third Nile Cataract Region is the presence of a large number of long and low stonewalls structures called Wadi Walls or “Dry-stones”. Some authors assume that these walls were as game traps and drive during seventh to second millennium B.C. In the Third
Nile Cataract Region, the wall designs and landscape situations are not enthusing thinking about such functions. The first new provision of this paper suggests the use of the walls for water harvest and silt accumulation. The practice was for agriculture and drink during dry periods prevailing pots-Holocene, mainly during Pre-Kerma (3000–2500 BC) and Kerma (2500–1500
BC) or even during Christian period (300-1500 AD). The second suggests that wadi walls might have been used as protective enclosures. The walls keep settlers, herds and crops against attacks of enemies. This type of practice in the third cataract region was adopted probably during Neolithic (5000-3000 BC)
with stronger possibility during Pre-Kerma and Kerma.
Nile Cataract Region, the wall designs and landscape situations are not enthusing thinking about such functions. The first new provision of this paper suggests the use of the walls for water harvest and silt accumulation. The practice was for agriculture and drink during dry periods prevailing pots-Holocene, mainly during Pre-Kerma (3000–2500 BC) and Kerma (2500–1500
BC) or even during Christian period (300-1500 AD). The second suggests that wadi walls might have been used as protective enclosures. The walls keep settlers, herds and crops against attacks of enemies. This type of practice in the third cataract region was adopted probably during Neolithic (5000-3000 BC)
with stronger possibility during Pre-Kerma and Kerma.
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تشير الدلائل إلى أن انسان ما قبل التاريخ كان قادراً على البقاء على قيد الحياة خلال فترات التغيرات المناخية شديدة الجفاف وذلك بلجوئه إلى الشواطئ الساحلية من شبه الجزيرة. تستعرض هذه الورقة دلائل جديدة حول البيئة القديمة والآثار والوراثة... more
تشير الدلائل إلى أن انسان ما قبل التاريخ كان قادراً على البقاء على قيد الحياة خلال فترات التغيرات المناخية شديدة الجفاف وذلك بلجوئه إلى الشواطئ الساحلية من شبه الجزيرة. تستعرض هذه الورقة دلائل جديدة حول البيئة القديمة والآثار والوراثة في شبه الجزيرة العربية وجنوب إيران لاستكشاف إمكانية وجود ملاجئ بشرية فيما أطلق عليه اسم "واحة الخليج" (Gulf Oasis)، والتي افترض أنها كانت منطقة اقامة حيوية كبيرة للسكان في جنوب غرب آسيا خلال عصر البلايستوسين المتأخر (Late Pleistocene)• وعصر الهولوسين المبكر (Early Holocene)•. استخدمت هذه البيانات لتقييم دور هذه الواحة الكبيرة، والتي كانت قبل أن تغمرها مياه المحيط الهندي، تتغذى من مياه انهار دجلة والفرات، وكارون•، ووادي الباطن وكذلك من طبقات المياه الجوفية التي تتدفق تحت شبه القارة العربية. وكانعكاس لتراجع كمية الأمطار السنوية التي تهطل في جميع الأنحاء الداخلية، فإن انخفاض منسوب مياه البحر أدى إلى كشف أجزاء كبيرة من الخليج العربي، كانت بحجم بريطانيا في بعض الأحيان. لذلك، فعندما تجف المناطق النائية، يلجأ السكان إلى "واحة الخليج" لاستغلال ينابيع المياه العذبة والأنهار. ويعتقد أن هذه العلاقة الديناميكية بين تحسن البيئة/وجفافها من ناحية واستغلال البيئة/وهجرانها من ناحية أخرى دفعت بالتبادل السكاني من داخل وإلى خارج هذه المنطقة على مدار عصر البلايستوسين المتأخر وعصر الهولوسين المبكر، فضلاً عن أنها لعبت دوراً مهماً في تشكيل التطور الثقافي للسكان المحليين خلال تلك الفترة."
This paper investigates the changes in settlement patterns characteristic of Neolithic societies in Nubia from the 6th to the late 4th millennium BC. The available information on the distribution of the Neolithic sites from this region is... more
This paper investigates the changes in
settlement patterns characteristic of
Neolithic societies in Nubia from the
6th to the late 4th millennium BC. The
available information on the distribution
of the Neolithic sites from this region
is used to present the structure of
settlement. The paper also discusses in
brief the chronology and the social aspects
of the Neolithic in the region. The
paper concludes that the 6th millennium
witnessed major changes in settlement
patterns. Early 6th millennium
sites throughout Lower Nubia ranged
from ca. 20 to 4,200 sq. m in size, and
many of these small sites ended by
3000 B.C. The second change in settlement
patterns happened at the end of
the 6th millennium. By 5000 B.C., the
number of sites in Dongola region in
Upper Nubia reflects a quite intensive
occupation throughout the area.
settlement patterns characteristic of
Neolithic societies in Nubia from the
6th to the late 4th millennium BC. The
available information on the distribution
of the Neolithic sites from this region
is used to present the structure of
settlement. The paper also discusses in
brief the chronology and the social aspects
of the Neolithic in the region. The
paper concludes that the 6th millennium
witnessed major changes in settlement
patterns. Early 6th millennium
sites throughout Lower Nubia ranged
from ca. 20 to 4,200 sq. m in size, and
many of these small sites ended by
3000 B.C. The second change in settlement
patterns happened at the end of
the 6th millennium. By 5000 B.C., the
number of sites in Dongola region in
Upper Nubia reflects a quite intensive
occupation throughout the area.
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Traditions of Burials in the Sudanese Neolithic 5000-3000BC
Traditions of Burials in the Sudanese Neolithic 5000-3000BC
يعتبر وجود عدد كبير من الجدران الحجرية المنخفضة الارتفاع على طول الأودية الجافة احد أهم المعالم الأثرية في منطقة الشلال الثالث بشمال السودان. سميت هذه الجدران في العديد من الأدبيات الآثارية العاملة في السودان باسم جدران الأودية (Wadi... more
يعتبر وجود عدد كبير من الجدران الحجرية المنخفضة الارتفاع على طول الأودية الجافة احد أهم المعالم الأثرية في منطقة الشلال الثالث بشمال السودان. سميت هذه الجدران في العديد من الأدبيات الآثارية العاملة في السودان باسم جدران الأودية (Wadi Walls) أو منشئات الحجارة الخشنة (Dry-stones). وقد فسرت اغلب هذه الدراسات وجود مثل هذه المنشئات باعتبارها شراك للحيوانات البرية خلال الفترة الممتدة من الألف السابع إلى الألف الثاني قبل الميلاد. مع ذلك فبحكم عملنا في منطقة الشلال الثالث فقد تبين لنا أن تصميم وهندسة مثل هذه الجدران وكذلك وجودها في المحيط الطبيعي قد يعكس وظائف أخرى متعددة أكثر مما هو متعارف عليه في تلك الأدبيات. فعلي سبيل المثال قد تكون هذه المنشئات ذات علاقة وثيقة بالتقنيات الزراعية كاستخدامها كسدود لتخزين المياه والطمي ، ولسد حاجة السكان من الماء خلال فترة الجفاف التي تلت فترة الهولوسين الماطرة ولا سيما خلال مرحلة ما قبل كرمة (٣٠٠٠- ٢٥٠٠ قبل الميلاد) وكرمة (٢٥٠٠-١٥٠٠ قبل الميلاد)، أو حتى خلال الفترة المسيحية (٥٠٠-١٥٠٠ م). الافتراض الثاني لوظيفة هذه المنشئات يشير إلى أنه ربما تكون قد استخدمت كمسيجات لحماية المستوطنين، والقطعان ومحاصيلهم ضد هجمات الأعداء ، لاسيما خلال العصر الحجري الحديث (٥٠٠٠-٣٠٠٠ قبل الميلاد) مع إمكانية أقوى خلال مرحلة ما قبل كرمة وكرمة.
One of most prominent archaeological features of the Third Nile Cataract Region is the presence of a large number of long and low stone walls structures called Wadi Walls or “Dry-stones”. Some authors assume that these walls were as game traps and drive during seventh to second millennium B.C. In the Third Nile Cataract Region the wall designs and landscape situations are not enthusing thinking about such functions. The first new provision of this paper suggests the use of the walls for water harvest and silt accumulation. The practice was for agriculture and drink during dry periods prevailing pots-Holocene, mainly during Pre-Kerma (3000–2500 BC) and Kerma (2500–1500 BC) or even during Christian period (300-1500 AD). The second suggests that wadi walls might have been used as protective enclosures. The walls keep settlers, herds and crops against attacks of enemies. This type of practice in the third cataract region was adopted probably during Neolithic (5000-3000 BC) with stronger possibility during Pre-Kerma and Kerma.
One of most prominent archaeological features of the Third Nile Cataract Region is the presence of a large number of long and low stone walls structures called Wadi Walls or “Dry-stones”. Some authors assume that these walls were as game traps and drive during seventh to second millennium B.C. In the Third Nile Cataract Region the wall designs and landscape situations are not enthusing thinking about such functions. The first new provision of this paper suggests the use of the walls for water harvest and silt accumulation. The practice was for agriculture and drink during dry periods prevailing pots-Holocene, mainly during Pre-Kerma (3000–2500 BC) and Kerma (2500–1500 BC) or even during Christian period (300-1500 AD). The second suggests that wadi walls might have been used as protective enclosures. The walls keep settlers, herds and crops against attacks of enemies. This type of practice in the third cataract region was adopted probably during Neolithic (5000-3000 BC) with stronger possibility during Pre-Kerma and Kerma.
يحكي هذا المقال قصة أحد أعظم الاكتشافات الآثارية في تاريخ العمل الآثاري في السودان، وهو الجبانة الملكية لملوك الأسرة الخامسة والعشرين في الكرو الى جانب أنه كشف عن التطور المعماري والعادات الجنائزية لمدافن أسلاف وملوك الاسرة الخامسة... more
يحكي هذا المقال قصة أحد أعظم الاكتشافات الآثارية في تاريخ العمل الآثاري في السودان، وهو الجبانة الملكية لملوك الأسرة الخامسة والعشرين في الكرو الى جانب أنه كشف عن التطور المعماري والعادات الجنائزية لمدافن أسلاف وملوك الاسرة الخامسة والعشرين وهو الامر الذي لم يتوفر في اية جبانة ملكية اخرى مما سلط الضوء في وقت لاحق على الاصل المحلي في تلك الاسرة. والمقال نشره رايزنر بعنوان The Royal Family of Ethiopia – أسرة أثيوبيا الملكية(1)، ضمن مقالات أخرى لذا رأينا ضرورة نشر ترجمة عربية لكونه يحكي قصة مثيرة تتطلب الإلمام بها.
The site of es-Sour (16° 57.045' N / 33° 43.133' E) is located c. 35km from Shendi, 1.5km from the right bank of the modern Nile channel (Figures 1 and 2). It occupies an area of c. 176 x 90m, and while generally flat, forms two low... more
The site of es-Sour (16° 57.045' N / 33° 43.133' E) is located c. 35km from Shendi, 1.5km from the right bank of the modern Nile channel (Figures 1 and 2). It occupies an area of c. 176 x 90m, and while generally flat, forms two low mounds on its eastern side. The site has been the subject of excavations by the Department of Archaeology of the University of Khartoum since 2004.
During three seasons from 2005-2007, we excavated 15 test- pits across the site. The results of these excavations were extremely positive, demonstrating the existence of Neolithic occupation deposits up to 80cm deep in some places, although affected by water and wind erosion, and by some later graves (Meroitic and medieval) cut into the site. Material from the site is similar to that recovered from al-Kadada, which lies about 30km upriver, but no associated cemetery has yet been identified at Es-Sour. However, as at Kadada, two burials of infants, contained in large pots, were found within the settlement site.
During three seasons from 2005-2007, we excavated 15 test- pits across the site. The results of these excavations were extremely positive, demonstrating the existence of Neolithic occupation deposits up to 80cm deep in some places, although affected by water and wind erosion, and by some later graves (Meroitic and medieval) cut into the site. Material from the site is similar to that recovered from al-Kadada, which lies about 30km upriver, but no associated cemetery has yet been identified at Es-Sour. However, as at Kadada, two burials of infants, contained in large pots, were found within the settlement site.
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The Neolithic begins at widely differing dates in different regions of the world. In Sudan, one of the most serious problems in studying the changes over the millennia is to define the chronological relationships between sites and... more
The Neolithic begins at widely differing dates in different regions of the world. In Sudan, one of the most serious problems in studying the changes over the millennia is to define the chronological relationships between sites and regions. A number of terms have been used to describe these phases, some of which are more confusing than enlightening. The material culture of the Neolithic sites suggests that they belong to different chronological periods. The absolute dates from different sites definitely prove this with certainty. The paper discusses in brief the chronology and the social aspects of the Neolithic of the region.
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http://www.spicey.demon.co.uk/Nubianpage/The%20Archaeology%20of%20a%20Nubian%20Frontier.html"
http://www.spicey.demon.co.uk/Nubianpage/The%20Archaeology%20of%20a%20Nubian%20Frontier.html"
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Abstract Through the twentieth century much of the Nubian Nile Valley has seen archaeological survey and excavation, largely in response to its destruction by successive dams built at Aswan. The Mahas Survey Project of the University... more
Abstract
Through the twentieth century much of the Nubian Nile Valley has seen archaeological survey and excavation, largely in response to its destruction by successive dams built at Aswan. The Mahas Survey Project of the University of Khartoum has continued this work on the Third Cataract approximately 700 km upriver of the First Cataract, within a survey concession extending over some 80 km of the Nile and its immediate hinterlands, an area now under threat by the construction of a dam at Kajbaar. We present here an outline of the long-term development of the region's settlement landscapes, broadly conceptualised, and their relation to those encountered in adjoining regions. It is possible to draw out some aspects of its cultural distinctiveness at a regional or larger scale, as well as the varying rôle of the Third Cataract as a cultural and political frontier in different periods. A contextual approach to its rock art suggests some fresh insights into the latter's likely significance. A complex and varied settlement history is beginning to emerge which both challenges representations of a uniquely timeless and ancient occupation of the land by autochthonous ‘Nubians’, while raising many new questions concerning the history of this frontier land.La majorité de la vallée du Nil nubienne a, au cours du vingtième siècle, fait l'objet de prospections et de fouilles, largement en raison de sa destruction par les barrages successifs bâtis à Assouan. Le Mahas Survey Project de l'Université de Khartoum a poursuivi ce travail sur la Troisième Cataracte, à environ 700 kilomètres en amont de la Première Cataracte, au sein d'une concession de prospection qui s’étend de part et d'autre du fleuve sur environ 80 kilomètres, zone à présent menacée par la construction d'un barrage à Kajbaar. Nous présentons ici un aperçu du développement à long terme des dynamiques d'occupation de la région, conçues largement, et leur relation avec celles que l'on trouve dans les zones voisines. Il est possible d'isoler certains aspects de spécificité culturelle à l’échelle régionale ou à une échelle plus vaste, et de révéler le rôle variable que prit à différentes périodes la Troisième Cataracte en tant que frontière culturelle ou politique. Une approche contextuelle de l'art rupestre fournit de nouveaux éléments sur la probable signification de cette dernière. Une séquence d'occupation complexe et variée commence à émerger, qui remet en question l'idée d'une occupation par des populations ‘nubiennes’ autochtones depuis les temps immémoriaux, et qui soulève bien des nouvelles questions quant à l'histoire de cette zone-frontière.
Through the twentieth century much of the Nubian Nile Valley has seen archaeological survey and excavation, largely in response to its destruction by successive dams built at Aswan. The Mahas Survey Project of the University of Khartoum has continued this work on the Third Cataract approximately 700 km upriver of the First Cataract, within a survey concession extending over some 80 km of the Nile and its immediate hinterlands, an area now under threat by the construction of a dam at Kajbaar. We present here an outline of the long-term development of the region's settlement landscapes, broadly conceptualised, and their relation to those encountered in adjoining regions. It is possible to draw out some aspects of its cultural distinctiveness at a regional or larger scale, as well as the varying rôle of the Third Cataract as a cultural and political frontier in different periods. A contextual approach to its rock art suggests some fresh insights into the latter's likely significance. A complex and varied settlement history is beginning to emerge which both challenges representations of a uniquely timeless and ancient occupation of the land by autochthonous ‘Nubians’, while raising many new questions concerning the history of this frontier land.La majorité de la vallée du Nil nubienne a, au cours du vingtième siècle, fait l'objet de prospections et de fouilles, largement en raison de sa destruction par les barrages successifs bâtis à Assouan. Le Mahas Survey Project de l'Université de Khartoum a poursuivi ce travail sur la Troisième Cataracte, à environ 700 kilomètres en amont de la Première Cataracte, au sein d'une concession de prospection qui s’étend de part et d'autre du fleuve sur environ 80 kilomètres, zone à présent menacée par la construction d'un barrage à Kajbaar. Nous présentons ici un aperçu du développement à long terme des dynamiques d'occupation de la région, conçues largement, et leur relation avec celles que l'on trouve dans les zones voisines. Il est possible d'isoler certains aspects de spécificité culturelle à l’échelle régionale ou à une échelle plus vaste, et de révéler le rôle variable que prit à différentes périodes la Troisième Cataracte en tant que frontière culturelle ou politique. Une approche contextuelle de l'art rupestre fournit de nouveaux éléments sur la probable signification de cette dernière. Une séquence d'occupation complexe et variée commence à émerger, qui remet en question l'idée d'une occupation par des populations ‘nubiennes’ autochtones depuis les temps immémoriaux, et qui soulève bien des nouvelles questions quant à l'histoire de cette zone-frontière.
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The Neolithic culture of the Middle Nile Rasin was distributed through the Central and Northern regions in the fifth millennium BC. Several cultural traits mark the social and economical development in the Neolithic period. Burial... more
The Neolithic culture of the Middle Nile Rasin was distributed through the Central and Northern regions in the fifth millennium BC. Several cultural
traits mark the social and economical development in the Neolithic period. Burial practices indicate the presence of social hierarchies. Regional
cultures became more extensively distributed, and finally, the Late Neolithic cultures of this region became increasingly complex, forming the foundation for the development of the Bronze Age societies (A-Group, C-Groups and Kerma civilization).
The wide excavations on the Neolithic sites have greatly increased our knowledge of the cultural development of the Neolithic period, together with the results of the previous work in Nubia and Central Sudan. However,
many more questions concerning the Neolithic development remain unanswered. We know little about agricultural activities, land use, and community organization. We lack information on the origins of the Neolithic
of Central Sudan. Caneva argued that “the chronological gap which seemed to separate the Khartoum Mesolithic from the Shaheinab Neolithic
is now consistently filled by the dotted wavy line cultures” (1993: 89-90). Focusing the research on this problem ought to bring us closer to explaining to what degree the older, local cultural base contributed to the development of the Neolithic culture of Central Sudan and what the main factors were that contributed to the development of the Neolithic societies in this whole area.
Social differentiation appeared among Sudanese herders by the 6th millennium BP. Clusters of especially rich graves of men, women, and children at Kadero I argue for differences in wealth, but there is no evidence
for social stratification. Pastoral intensification and a decrease in wild animal use are also evident at some sites in the Middle Nile after 5300 BP. Despite these developments, the spread of herding was patchy: at Shaqadud, east of the Nile, subsistence focused on wild resources as late as 4000 BP.
However, whatever this social organization might have been, it should have left some material manifestations of its structure. The increasing importance
of domesticated animals, for example, would be associated with the emergence of more individualized rights and responsibilities in economic
management and this would have led to increased differentiation within such communities.
It seems that, in spite of many excavated sites, evidence for the social organization of the people of the Neolithic in Central Sudan will be limited
to that derived from burial information. Although the hypothetical social classes reflected in the graves were not observed in the settlements, currently available evidence seems to indicate that the burial grounds at el Kadada and Kadero I clearly illustrate the process of increasing concentration
of goods and power by a social “elite” toward the end of the Neolithic.
It is clear that the social structure in the Central Sudan during the Neolithic period exhibited more or less inseparable economic and settlement
patterns which are in turn witness to developmental stages extending
from the Early Neolithic to the complex picture of the Late Neolithic.
The archaeological and morphological evidences of Neolithic subsistence
show that the people practiced multi-resources during that period. There is evidence for food production based on animal husbandry around 6000 BP.
traits mark the social and economical development in the Neolithic period. Burial practices indicate the presence of social hierarchies. Regional
cultures became more extensively distributed, and finally, the Late Neolithic cultures of this region became increasingly complex, forming the foundation for the development of the Bronze Age societies (A-Group, C-Groups and Kerma civilization).
The wide excavations on the Neolithic sites have greatly increased our knowledge of the cultural development of the Neolithic period, together with the results of the previous work in Nubia and Central Sudan. However,
many more questions concerning the Neolithic development remain unanswered. We know little about agricultural activities, land use, and community organization. We lack information on the origins of the Neolithic
of Central Sudan. Caneva argued that “the chronological gap which seemed to separate the Khartoum Mesolithic from the Shaheinab Neolithic
is now consistently filled by the dotted wavy line cultures” (1993: 89-90). Focusing the research on this problem ought to bring us closer to explaining to what degree the older, local cultural base contributed to the development of the Neolithic culture of Central Sudan and what the main factors were that contributed to the development of the Neolithic societies in this whole area.
Social differentiation appeared among Sudanese herders by the 6th millennium BP. Clusters of especially rich graves of men, women, and children at Kadero I argue for differences in wealth, but there is no evidence
for social stratification. Pastoral intensification and a decrease in wild animal use are also evident at some sites in the Middle Nile after 5300 BP. Despite these developments, the spread of herding was patchy: at Shaqadud, east of the Nile, subsistence focused on wild resources as late as 4000 BP.
However, whatever this social organization might have been, it should have left some material manifestations of its structure. The increasing importance
of domesticated animals, for example, would be associated with the emergence of more individualized rights and responsibilities in economic
management and this would have led to increased differentiation within such communities.
It seems that, in spite of many excavated sites, evidence for the social organization of the people of the Neolithic in Central Sudan will be limited
to that derived from burial information. Although the hypothetical social classes reflected in the graves were not observed in the settlements, currently available evidence seems to indicate that the burial grounds at el Kadada and Kadero I clearly illustrate the process of increasing concentration
of goods and power by a social “elite” toward the end of the Neolithic.
It is clear that the social structure in the Central Sudan during the Neolithic period exhibited more or less inseparable economic and settlement
patterns which are in turn witness to developmental stages extending
from the Early Neolithic to the complex picture of the Late Neolithic.
The archaeological and morphological evidences of Neolithic subsistence
show that the people practiced multi-resources during that period. There is evidence for food production based on animal husbandry around 6000 BP.
Research Interests:
This paper investigates the change sin settlement patterns characteristic of Neolithic societies in Central Sudan from the Sixth to the late Fourth millennium BC. It uses the available information on the distribution of the Neolithic... more
This paper investigates the change sin settlement patterns characteristic of Neolithic societies in Central Sudan from the Sixth to the late Fourth millennium BC. It uses the available information on the distribution of the Neolithic sites from this region to present the structure of settlement. It also discusses in brief the chronology and the social aspects of the Neolithic in the region.
The paper concludes that the study of “settlement patterns” is a difficult one since we are using so few sites to understand the culture in a wider area. Accordingly, it is not clear whether the settlement patterns we see reflect the real situations that existed during the Neolithic Period.
The paper concludes that the study of “settlement patterns” is a difficult one since we are using so few sites to understand the culture in a wider area. Accordingly, it is not clear whether the settlement patterns we see reflect the real situations that existed during the Neolithic Period.
Research Interests:
The total excavated ceramic collection recovered comprised 8407 sherds, of which 4299 (51.1%) were decorated. Two complete pots were found. The first season’s collection consists of 3272 body sherds, 446 rim sherds, with only one... more
The total excavated ceramic collection recovered comprised 8407 sherds, of which 4299 (51.1%) were decorated. Two complete pots were found. The first season’s collection consists of 3272 body sherds, 446 rim sherds, with only one identifiable base. The second season’s collection consists of 4279 body sherds, 686 rim sherds and 15 bases. The small size and poor condition of some of the sherds meant that we could not analyse all of them and a sample of 657 sherds from the first
season and 1683 from the second season, are classified here, all of which are decorated.
season and 1683 from the second season, are classified here, all of which are decorated.
Research Interests:
The site of Meroe has seen much archaeological interest since the beginning of the 20th century, mainly focused on its Kushite (Napatan and Meroitic) and Post-Meroitic remains. However, relatively little systematic survey has been... more
The site of Meroe has seen much archaeological interest
since the beginning of the 20th century, mainly focused on
its Kushite (Napatan and Meroitic) and Post-Meroitic remains.
However, relatively little systematic survey has been
carried out in the surrounding region. For this reason, beside
others, the Department of Archaeology, University of
Khartoum began a new survey project, concerned with sites
of all periods in the region to the north of Meroe, extending
as far as Mutmir. Survey and test excavations were begun
within a concession held by the Department directed
by Prof. Ali Osman during 2004 and by the author during
Jan-Feb 2005.
One site discovered during this survey was located east
of the village of es-Sour, north of the Royal City of Meroe. This large Neolithic site does not appear to have
been previously recorded although it is located no more
than c.750m from the last archaeological unit labelled by
Garstang in the city of Meroe area (i.e. M622). This is the
first substantial Neolithic site discovered in the neighbourhood
of Meroe, and bears many similarities to the large
Neolithic site at al-Kadada, which lies about 30km upriver
from Meroe.
since the beginning of the 20th century, mainly focused on
its Kushite (Napatan and Meroitic) and Post-Meroitic remains.
However, relatively little systematic survey has been
carried out in the surrounding region. For this reason, beside
others, the Department of Archaeology, University of
Khartoum began a new survey project, concerned with sites
of all periods in the region to the north of Meroe, extending
as far as Mutmir. Survey and test excavations were begun
within a concession held by the Department directed
by Prof. Ali Osman during 2004 and by the author during
Jan-Feb 2005.
One site discovered during this survey was located east
of the village of es-Sour, north of the Royal City of Meroe. This large Neolithic site does not appear to have
been previously recorded although it is located no more
than c.750m from the last archaeological unit labelled by
Garstang in the city of Meroe area (i.e. M622). This is the
first substantial Neolithic site discovered in the neighbourhood
of Meroe, and bears many similarities to the large
Neolithic site at al-Kadada, which lies about 30km upriver
from Meroe.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
It seems that, in spite of many excavated sites, evidence for the social organization of the people of the Neolithic in Central Sudan will be limited to that derived from burial information. Although the hypothetical social classes... more
It seems that, in spite of many excavated sites, evidence for the social organization of the people of the Neolithic in Central Sudan will be limited to that derived from burial information. Although the hypothetical social classes reflected in the graves were not observed in the settlements, currently available evidence seems to indicate that the burial grounds at el Kadada and Kadero I illustrate well the process of the increasing concentration of goods and power by a social "elite"- toward the end of the Neolithic. It is clear that the social structure in the Central Sudan during the Neolithic period exhibited more or less inseparable economic and settlement patterns which are in turn witness to developmental stages extending from the Early Neolithic to the complex picture of the Late Neolithic.
Research Interests:
العصر الحجري القديم في السودان. أنطوني جون آركل (1949). (ترجمة) ترجمة: أ.د/ أزهري مصطفى صادق قسم الآثار. كلية السياحة والآثار. جامعة الملك سعود تقدم هذه الترجمة لأحد أهم الأعمال الآثارية المبكرة في السودان والتي تلخص ملاحظات أنطوني جون... more
العصر الحجري القديم في السودان. أنطوني جون آركل (1949). (ترجمة)
ترجمة: أ.د/ أزهري مصطفى صادق
قسم الآثار. كلية السياحة والآثار. جامعة الملك سعود
تقدم هذه الترجمة لأحد أهم الأعمال الآثارية المبكرة في السودان والتي تلخص ملاحظات أنطوني جون آركل حول العصر الحجري القديم. نشر هذا العمل في كتيب عرضي بعنوان (The old stone age in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan) في العام 1949م، بواسطة مصلحة الآثار السودانية وتم إعادة طباعته في العام 1963م. كان لدى آركل، بصفته المفوض الأول للآثار والأنثروبولوجيا في السودان، مناطق واسعة في أنحاء السودان مهيئة للدراسة، ولكن مع إشارات بحثية قليلة أو معدومة تمكنه من البدء في مثل هذه المناطق. ولكن كان لآركل حافزا متمثلا في وجود سجلات دراسية وفيرة عن العصر الحجري القديم في الأقاليم المجاورة للسودان. إن السجل البحثي الذي أظهره هذا المنشور الأول عن السودان في العصر الحجري القديم، يبدو مثيرا للإعجاب، خاصة أنه كان نتيجة لعمل تمَّ إنجازه في زمن الحرب. إن منشورات آركل هي نموذج رائد في البحث الأثري، ومثال أيضاً لما يمكن تحقيقه بالحماس والمثابرة رغم الصعوبات. لأول مرة يتم إعطاء صورة واضحة لتوزيع مواقع العصر الحجري القديم الأسفل على طول اثنين من الأنهار الرئيسية الحالية: عطبرة والنيل الرئيسي، وحتى النيل الأبيض إلى الجنوب قليلا من سد جبل أولياء. يتضمن المنشور أيضًا إشارات قليلة لحفرياته في الخرطوم والشهيناب والتي قدم فيهما آركل مساهمات حديثة في وقتها جديرة بالملاحظة. يتضمن المنشور الحالي لدراسات العصر الحجري القديم في السودان الملاحظات الميدانية لموقع خور أبو عنجة، بالإضافة الى إشارات من مواقع أخرى في أنحاء السودان. تم إضافة العديد من الملاحظات على الهامش، إما من خلالي أو من الدكتور أحمد حامد نصر الذي نشر العديد من المنشورات حول العصر الحجري القديم في السودان.
يتقدم المترجم للدكتور عبد الرحمن علي المدير السابق للهيئة العامة للآثار والمتاحف ـ السودان على منحه ترخيص لترجمة هذا الكتيب. لي منه ولجميع موظفي الهيئة كل الشكر والتقدير.
ترجمة: أ.د/ أزهري مصطفى صادق
قسم الآثار. كلية السياحة والآثار. جامعة الملك سعود
تقدم هذه الترجمة لأحد أهم الأعمال الآثارية المبكرة في السودان والتي تلخص ملاحظات أنطوني جون آركل حول العصر الحجري القديم. نشر هذا العمل في كتيب عرضي بعنوان (The old stone age in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan) في العام 1949م، بواسطة مصلحة الآثار السودانية وتم إعادة طباعته في العام 1963م. كان لدى آركل، بصفته المفوض الأول للآثار والأنثروبولوجيا في السودان، مناطق واسعة في أنحاء السودان مهيئة للدراسة، ولكن مع إشارات بحثية قليلة أو معدومة تمكنه من البدء في مثل هذه المناطق. ولكن كان لآركل حافزا متمثلا في وجود سجلات دراسية وفيرة عن العصر الحجري القديم في الأقاليم المجاورة للسودان. إن السجل البحثي الذي أظهره هذا المنشور الأول عن السودان في العصر الحجري القديم، يبدو مثيرا للإعجاب، خاصة أنه كان نتيجة لعمل تمَّ إنجازه في زمن الحرب. إن منشورات آركل هي نموذج رائد في البحث الأثري، ومثال أيضاً لما يمكن تحقيقه بالحماس والمثابرة رغم الصعوبات. لأول مرة يتم إعطاء صورة واضحة لتوزيع مواقع العصر الحجري القديم الأسفل على طول اثنين من الأنهار الرئيسية الحالية: عطبرة والنيل الرئيسي، وحتى النيل الأبيض إلى الجنوب قليلا من سد جبل أولياء. يتضمن المنشور أيضًا إشارات قليلة لحفرياته في الخرطوم والشهيناب والتي قدم فيهما آركل مساهمات حديثة في وقتها جديرة بالملاحظة. يتضمن المنشور الحالي لدراسات العصر الحجري القديم في السودان الملاحظات الميدانية لموقع خور أبو عنجة، بالإضافة الى إشارات من مواقع أخرى في أنحاء السودان. تم إضافة العديد من الملاحظات على الهامش، إما من خلالي أو من الدكتور أحمد حامد نصر الذي نشر العديد من المنشورات حول العصر الحجري القديم في السودان.
يتقدم المترجم للدكتور عبد الرحمن علي المدير السابق للهيئة العامة للآثار والمتاحف ـ السودان على منحه ترخيص لترجمة هذا الكتيب. لي منه ولجميع موظفي الهيئة كل الشكر والتقدير.
Research Interests:
Translation of: The prehistory of the Arabian peninsula: Deserts, dispersals, and demography. Huw S. Groucutt, Michael D. Petraglia Abstract As a geographic connection between Africa and the rest of Eurasia, the Arabian Peninsula... more
Translation of: The prehistory of the Arabian peninsula: Deserts, dispersals, and demography. Huw S. Groucutt,
Michael D. Petraglia
Abstract
As a geographic connection between Africa and the rest of Eurasia, the Arabian Peninsula occupies a central position in elucidating hominin evolution and dispersals. Arabia has been characterized by extreme environmental fluctuation in the Quaternary, with profound evolutionary and demographic consequences. Despite the importance of the region, Arabia remains understudied. Recent years, however, have seen major developments in environmental studies and archeology, revealing that the region contains important records that should play a significant role in future paleoanthropological narratives.1–3 The emerging picture of Arabia suggests that numerous dispersals of hominin populations into the region occurred. Populations subsequently followed autochthonous trajectories, creating a distinctive regional archaeological record. Debates continue on the respective roles of regional hominin extinctions and population continuity, with the latter suggesting adaptation to arid conditions.
Translation Licence © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Dear Mr. Sadig:
Re: The Prehistory of the Arabian Peninsula: Deserts, Dispersals, and Demography published in Evolutionary Anthropology
Permission is hereby granted for the use requested subject to the usual acknowledgements (author, title of material, title of journal, ourselves as publisher). You should also duplicate the copyright notice that appears in the Wiley publication; this can be found on the copyright page in the journal.
Any third party material is expressly excluded from this permission. If any of the material you wish to use appears within our work with credit to another source, authorization from that source must be obtained.
This permission does not include the right to grant others permission to photocopy or otherwise reproduce this material except for accessible versions made by non-profit organizations serving the blind, visually impaired and other persons with print disabilities (VIPs).
Sincerely,
Sheik Safdar
Permissions Coordinator II/Sr.
Copyright & Permissions
Wiley
Michael D. Petraglia
Abstract
As a geographic connection between Africa and the rest of Eurasia, the Arabian Peninsula occupies a central position in elucidating hominin evolution and dispersals. Arabia has been characterized by extreme environmental fluctuation in the Quaternary, with profound evolutionary and demographic consequences. Despite the importance of the region, Arabia remains understudied. Recent years, however, have seen major developments in environmental studies and archeology, revealing that the region contains important records that should play a significant role in future paleoanthropological narratives.1–3 The emerging picture of Arabia suggests that numerous dispersals of hominin populations into the region occurred. Populations subsequently followed autochthonous trajectories, creating a distinctive regional archaeological record. Debates continue on the respective roles of regional hominin extinctions and population continuity, with the latter suggesting adaptation to arid conditions.
Translation Licence © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Dear Mr. Sadig:
Re: The Prehistory of the Arabian Peninsula: Deserts, Dispersals, and Demography published in Evolutionary Anthropology
Permission is hereby granted for the use requested subject to the usual acknowledgements (author, title of material, title of journal, ourselves as publisher). You should also duplicate the copyright notice that appears in the Wiley publication; this can be found on the copyright page in the journal.
Any third party material is expressly excluded from this permission. If any of the material you wish to use appears within our work with credit to another source, authorization from that source must be obtained.
This permission does not include the right to grant others permission to photocopy or otherwise reproduce this material except for accessible versions made by non-profit organizations serving the blind, visually impaired and other persons with print disabilities (VIPs).
Sincerely,
Sheik Safdar
Permissions Coordinator II/Sr.
Copyright & Permissions
Wiley
Research Interests:
English Abstract: This paper investgaes the aspects of pastoral economy and the development of the social structures during the Neolithic and beyond. Social differentiation appeared among Sudanese herders by the 6th millennium BP.... more
English Abstract:
This paper investgaes the aspects of pastoral economy and the development of the social structures during the Neolithic and beyond. Social differentiation appeared among Sudanese herders by the 6th millennium BP. Clusters of especially rich graves of men, women, and children at many Neolithic sites argue for differences in wealth, but there is no evi¬dence for social stratification. Pastoral intensification and a decrease in wild animal use are also evident at some sites in the Middle Nile after 5300 BP. However, whatever this social organization might have been, it should have left some material manifestations of its structure. The increasing im¬portance of domesticated animals, for example, would be associated with the emergence of more individualized rights and responsibilities in eco¬nomic management and this would have led to increased differentiation within such communities. It is clear that the social structure in the Sudan during the Neolithic period exhibited more or less inseparable economic and settle¬ment patterns which are in turn witness to developmental stages extend¬ing from the Early Neolithic to the complex picture of the Bronze Age.
This paper investgaes the aspects of pastoral economy and the development of the social structures during the Neolithic and beyond. Social differentiation appeared among Sudanese herders by the 6th millennium BP. Clusters of especially rich graves of men, women, and children at many Neolithic sites argue for differences in wealth, but there is no evi¬dence for social stratification. Pastoral intensification and a decrease in wild animal use are also evident at some sites in the Middle Nile after 5300 BP. However, whatever this social organization might have been, it should have left some material manifestations of its structure. The increasing im¬portance of domesticated animals, for example, would be associated with the emergence of more individualized rights and responsibilities in eco¬nomic management and this would have led to increased differentiation within such communities. It is clear that the social structure in the Sudan during the Neolithic period exhibited more or less inseparable economic and settle¬ment patterns which are in turn witness to developmental stages extend¬ing from the Early Neolithic to the complex picture of the Bronze Age.
Research Interests:
Abstract. The geological, biological and archaeological data indicate that great changes had affected environmental conditions of the Sudan’s Middle Nile region during the past 10000 years. Data have shed light on the ecological and... more
Abstract. The geological, biological and archaeological data indicate that great changes had affected environmental conditions of the Sudan’s Middle Nile region during the past 10000 years. Data have shed light on the ecological and
cultural changes during the Holocene, proved that there were two main climate changes during that time. The earliest
(the Early to Middle Holocene 10500-6000 B.P) witnessed a wet period and high levels of the Nile’s water. During
this period, new populations of pottery-using hunter-fisher-gatherers appeared, who invented pottery which appeared
for the first time in Africa along the Middle Nile and neighboring areas. The second (after 6000 B.P) witnessed a
drier climate and a gradual movement of people towards the south where the conditions of rain, vegetation and
animal life were better. During this second period, the first pastoral communities appeared south of the Sahara. As
dry environmental conditions in the North persisted, many desert communities moved south. This paper outlines the
main climate changes during the Holocene as these changes are archaeologically, geologically, and biologically
presented. Particular attention will be paid to the influence of river environment during the Neolithic (5000-3000 B C)
on settlement patterns, economy, and social structure.
==================================================
ملخص: تشير البيانات الجيولوجية والأثرية والبيولوجية، إلى أن تغيراً كبيراً قد حدث في الأحوال البيئية في منطقة نهر النيل الأوسط - السودان خلال السنوات ال 10000 الماضية. وقد ألقت هذه البيانات الضوء على التغيرات البيئية والثقافية التي حدثت خلال عصر الهولوسين، وأثبتت أن التغيرات المناخية الرئيسية خلال تلك الفترة تتلخص في مرحلتين رئيسيتين شهدت أقدمهما ) 10500 - 6000 سنة مضت( فترة رطبة ومستويات مرتفعة لمياه النيل، أما في المرحلة الثانية )بعد 6000سنة مضت( فقد أصبح المناخ أكثر جفافاً وكان هناك تحول تدريجي للأمطار والغطائين النباتي والحيواني نحو الجنوب. خلال المرحلة الأولى من التغير المناخي ظهرت جماعة من الصيادين الذين اخترعوا الفخار لأول مرة في إفريقيا على طول نهر النيل الأوسط والمناطق المجاورة. في المرحلة المناخية الثانية )بعد 6000 سنة مضت( ظهرت أولى مجتمعات العصر الحجري الحديث الرعوية في إفريقيا جنوبي الصحراء. ومع تزايد الظروف البيئية الجافة في الشمال، انتقلت العديد من المجتمعات الصحراوية.
تقدم هذه الدراسة صورة للتغيرات المناخية الرئيسية خلال فترة الهولوسين في كافة مستويات البحث الآثاري والجيولوجي والبيولوجي، وتخرج بمقاييس عامة للبيئة في منطقة نهر النيل الأوسط –السودان. وستركز الورقة على تأثيرات البيئة النهرية خلال العصر الحجري الحديث ) 5000 - 3000 ق.م( على أنماط الاستقرار والاقتصاد المعيشي والبنية الاجتماعية.
cultural changes during the Holocene, proved that there were two main climate changes during that time. The earliest
(the Early to Middle Holocene 10500-6000 B.P) witnessed a wet period and high levels of the Nile’s water. During
this period, new populations of pottery-using hunter-fisher-gatherers appeared, who invented pottery which appeared
for the first time in Africa along the Middle Nile and neighboring areas. The second (after 6000 B.P) witnessed a
drier climate and a gradual movement of people towards the south where the conditions of rain, vegetation and
animal life were better. During this second period, the first pastoral communities appeared south of the Sahara. As
dry environmental conditions in the North persisted, many desert communities moved south. This paper outlines the
main climate changes during the Holocene as these changes are archaeologically, geologically, and biologically
presented. Particular attention will be paid to the influence of river environment during the Neolithic (5000-3000 B C)
on settlement patterns, economy, and social structure.
==================================================
ملخص: تشير البيانات الجيولوجية والأثرية والبيولوجية، إلى أن تغيراً كبيراً قد حدث في الأحوال البيئية في منطقة نهر النيل الأوسط - السودان خلال السنوات ال 10000 الماضية. وقد ألقت هذه البيانات الضوء على التغيرات البيئية والثقافية التي حدثت خلال عصر الهولوسين، وأثبتت أن التغيرات المناخية الرئيسية خلال تلك الفترة تتلخص في مرحلتين رئيسيتين شهدت أقدمهما ) 10500 - 6000 سنة مضت( فترة رطبة ومستويات مرتفعة لمياه النيل، أما في المرحلة الثانية )بعد 6000سنة مضت( فقد أصبح المناخ أكثر جفافاً وكان هناك تحول تدريجي للأمطار والغطائين النباتي والحيواني نحو الجنوب. خلال المرحلة الأولى من التغير المناخي ظهرت جماعة من الصيادين الذين اخترعوا الفخار لأول مرة في إفريقيا على طول نهر النيل الأوسط والمناطق المجاورة. في المرحلة المناخية الثانية )بعد 6000 سنة مضت( ظهرت أولى مجتمعات العصر الحجري الحديث الرعوية في إفريقيا جنوبي الصحراء. ومع تزايد الظروف البيئية الجافة في الشمال، انتقلت العديد من المجتمعات الصحراوية.
تقدم هذه الدراسة صورة للتغيرات المناخية الرئيسية خلال فترة الهولوسين في كافة مستويات البحث الآثاري والجيولوجي والبيولوجي، وتخرج بمقاييس عامة للبيئة في منطقة نهر النيل الأوسط –السودان. وستركز الورقة على تأثيرات البيئة النهرية خلال العصر الحجري الحديث ) 5000 - 3000 ق.م( على أنماط الاستقرار والاقتصاد المعيشي والبنية الاجتماعية.
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Early pot-burial development in the Middle Nile Region displays two distinct chronological levels: A Late Neolithic core area in el-Kadada and es-Sour (new evidences has been recovered from nearby site at Qalalt Shanan) Later... more
Early pot-burial development in the Middle Nile Region displays two distinct chronological levels:
A Late Neolithic core area in el-Kadada and es-Sour (new evidences has been recovered from nearby site at Qalalt Shanan)
Later post-Neolithic manifestations scattered in Lower Nubia. The practice is known to have continued into the C-Group, where pot burials were made outside the family tomb, and beyond, Firth suggests that this was merely a matter of convenience. He writes: "Burials of newly born infants appear to have been often made in household bowls, filled with sand, charcoal and earth, and these bowls were then buried just outside the superstructure wall of the family tomb. No doubt it was not thought worthwhile to unseal the doors to the funerary chambers for the sake of an infant." (Firth 1927, 49). Other examples were recorded in the fortress of Askut (c. 1850-1070BC, New Kingdom/Third Intermediate Period), located a little upstream of the Second Nile Cataract in Sudan (Britton 2009). Seven fetal skeletons (dated c. 1260- 770 BC) were examined for their biocultural significance. These individuals, all interred in ceramic pots, were excavated from the pomoerium (the religious/sacred boundary or symbolic wall) of Askut’s fortress. The interment style and burial location indicate that these individuals were treated differently in comparison to the children and adults of Askut, who were most likely buried in the cemeteries along the banks of the Nile.
Both the age and location of the pot burials from Askut hold suggestions for social treatment of fetuses. It may have been beneficial to populations in the past to bury fetuses or infants in pots as ceramic vessels were less costly and labour intensive to produce than coffins. This suggests that such skeletons would not receive the same funerary rituals as people who had been more integrated into society, especially when considering implications of cultural views on fetuses - that they were not fully integrated into society or viewed as nonpersons as described by Reinold (2007).
It is obvious, on the current evidence, that the sites of es-Sour and el-Kadada represent the oldest attestation of pot-burials along the Nile Valley known so far. The es-Sour dates are younger than those of el-Kadada, though this does not prove that the origin of this practice is to be sought in the latter site.
A Late Neolithic core area in el-Kadada and es-Sour (new evidences has been recovered from nearby site at Qalalt Shanan)
Later post-Neolithic manifestations scattered in Lower Nubia. The practice is known to have continued into the C-Group, where pot burials were made outside the family tomb, and beyond, Firth suggests that this was merely a matter of convenience. He writes: "Burials of newly born infants appear to have been often made in household bowls, filled with sand, charcoal and earth, and these bowls were then buried just outside the superstructure wall of the family tomb. No doubt it was not thought worthwhile to unseal the doors to the funerary chambers for the sake of an infant." (Firth 1927, 49). Other examples were recorded in the fortress of Askut (c. 1850-1070BC, New Kingdom/Third Intermediate Period), located a little upstream of the Second Nile Cataract in Sudan (Britton 2009). Seven fetal skeletons (dated c. 1260- 770 BC) were examined for their biocultural significance. These individuals, all interred in ceramic pots, were excavated from the pomoerium (the religious/sacred boundary or symbolic wall) of Askut’s fortress. The interment style and burial location indicate that these individuals were treated differently in comparison to the children and adults of Askut, who were most likely buried in the cemeteries along the banks of the Nile.
Both the age and location of the pot burials from Askut hold suggestions for social treatment of fetuses. It may have been beneficial to populations in the past to bury fetuses or infants in pots as ceramic vessels were less costly and labour intensive to produce than coffins. This suggests that such skeletons would not receive the same funerary rituals as people who had been more integrated into society, especially when considering implications of cultural views on fetuses - that they were not fully integrated into society or viewed as nonpersons as described by Reinold (2007).
It is obvious, on the current evidence, that the sites of es-Sour and el-Kadada represent the oldest attestation of pot-burials along the Nile Valley known so far. The es-Sour dates are younger than those of el-Kadada, though this does not prove that the origin of this practice is to be sought in the latter site.
تشير الدلائل الى أن انسان ما قبل التاريخ كان قادراً على البقاء على قيد الحياة خلال فترات التغيرات المناخية شديدة الجفاف وذلك بلجوئه الى الشواطئ الساحلية من شبه الجزيرة. تستعرض هذه الورقة دلائل جديدة حول البيئة القديمة والآثار والوراثة في... more
تشير الدلائل الى أن انسان ما قبل التاريخ كان قادراً على البقاء على قيد الحياة خلال فترات التغيرات المناخية شديدة الجفاف وذلك بلجوئه الى الشواطئ الساحلية من شبه الجزيرة. تستعرض هذه الورقة دلائل جديدة حول البيئة القديمة والآثار والوراثة في شبه الجزيرة العربية وجنوب إيران لاستكشاف إمكانية وجود ملاجئ بشرية فيما أطلق عليه اسم "واحة الخليج" (Gulf Oasis)، والتي افترض أنها كانت منطقة اقامة حيوية كبيرة للسكان في جنوب غرب آسيا خلال عصر البلايستوسين المتأخر (Late Pleistocene)• وعصر الهولوسين المبكر (Early Holocene)•. استخدمت هذه البيانات لتقييم دور هذه الواحة الكبيرة، والتي كانت قبل أن تغمرها مياه المحيط الهندي ، تتغذى من مياه انهار دجلة والفرات، وكارون• ، ووادي الباطن وكذلك من طبقات المياه الجوفية التي تتدفق تحت شبه القارة العربية. وكانعكاس لتراجع كمية الأمطار السنوية التي تهطل في جميع الأنحاء الداخلية، فان انخفاض منسوب مياه البحر ادى الى كشف أجزاء كبيرة من الخليج العربي ، كانت بحجم بريطانيا في بعض الاحيان. لذلك ، فعندما تجف المناطق النائية، يلجأ السكان الى "واحة الخليج" لاستغلال ينابيع المياه العذبة والأنهار. ويعتقد أن هذه العلاقة الديناميكية بين تحسن البيئة / وجفافها من ناحية واستغلال البيئة/وهجرانها من ناحية أخرى دفعت بالتبادل السكاني من داخل والى خارج هذه المنطقة على مدار عصر البلايستوسين المتأخر وعصر الهولوسين المبكر ، فضلا عن أنها لعبت دورا مهما في تشكيل التطور الثقافي للسكان المحليين خلال تلك الفترة.
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محاضرة عامة للصالون العلمي بجامعة الملك سعود
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محاضرة عامة في الصالون العلمي بكلية السياحة والآثار عن
مجالات تطبيق قوقل أيرث في المسح الآثاري
مجالات تطبيق قوقل أيرث في المسح الآثاري