- Es Profesora del Departamento Académico de Ciencias Sociales y Políticas de la Universidad del Pacífico. Es Master en... moreEs Profesora del Departamento Académico de Ciencias Sociales y Políticas de la Universidad del Pacífico. Es Master en Derecho (LLM) por la University of Pennsylvania, Master en Estudios Latinoamericanos (MA), y Master en Ciencia Política (MA) con una concentración en Etnicidad en Países Andinos por la University of South Florida. Ha sido parte del equipo técnico de la Dirección General de Igualdad de Género y no Discriminación del Ministerio de la Mujer y Poblaciones Vulnerables, de la Dirección de Políticas para Población Afroperuana del Ministerio de Cultura, coordinadora de todos los temas de diversidad e inclusión en la Gerencia de la Mujer e Igualdad de la Municipalidad Metropolitana de Lima, así como consultora de diversas agencias gubernamentales en temas de igualdad de género y enfoque intercultural.edit
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This conversation is the result of an event that took place on 18 April 2023, as a collaboration with the Humanities Institute of the University of California, Santa Cruz, that aimed to create a space for collective reflection on the... more
This conversation is the result of an event that took place on 18 April 2023, as a collaboration with the Humanities Institute of the University of California, Santa Cruz, that aimed to create a space for collective reflection on the multidimensional crises Peru had been facing since early December 2022 when protests erupted in the wake of former President Pedro Castillo’s unsuccessful attempt to shut down Congress to avert an impeachment and in response to the extreme violence exerted by the Peruvian state under Dina Boluarte’s presidency. For this conversation we take as our starting point the lens of Aldair Mejía, a young Peruvian photojournalist who covered the protests in the country with a perspective focused on justice and intent on challenging the dehumanising representation of the protesters in traditional media. Furthermore, to understand this structural crisis from multidisciplinary perspectives, the event also brought together Peruvian academics from the humanities and the social sciences, who contemplated the historical, social, cultural, economic, and political implications of the current crisis for the future of Peru.
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The formulation of legislation aimed at promoting and protecting the rights of racial and ethnic minorities in Latin America is a phenomenon that only became prevalent in the late 20th century. In fact, it was not until the end of the... more
The formulation of legislation aimed at promoting and protecting the rights of racial and ethnic minorities in Latin America is a phenomenon that only became prevalent in the late 20th century. In fact, it was not until the end of the 1980s that a number of countries in the region began the process of constructing Black citizenship and providing Black people citizenship rights. During this period, deemed “multicultural constitutionalism,” some Latin American countries began to identify as multicultural states and/or included Black and Afro-descendant populations in their constitutional texts. The second stage of this process continued between 1990 and 2000, wherein some countries adopted a number of policies to address and eradicate racial inequality. Through these political choices, the adopting countries moved away from a structure of color-blind legalism and toward the official recognition of Indigenous and Black peoples’ collective rights. In Peru, although the political constit...
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Making a comparison between the Constitution of the United States and the Constitution of Peru might seem an unfair task at first because the regulative nature of both Constitutions makes their differences, fundamental. The Peruvian... more
Making a comparison between the Constitution of the United States and the Constitution of Peru might seem an unfair task at first because the regulative nature of both Constitutions makes their differences, fundamental. The Peruvian Constitution regulates a State with a unitary government while the United States Constitution regulates a series of independent States with their own independent laws and Constitutions. Constitutional interpretation in the American case, then, is done at two different levels: On the one hand, the Constitution that rules the Union, the US Constitution and, on the other hand, the sovereign Constitutions of each State. In the evaluation of both interpretative systems, we will start by a brief description of the nature of the Constitution as a legal document and by explaining its background. We will also explain what the Courts’ role is in the interpretative process, explaining if there are other relevant actors in the process. We will focus on the evaluation of the interpretive power of the non-judicial actors in the US Constitution, if they have any, as well as the same model regarding the Peruvian Constitution. We will see that, in both cases, even if it was not previously established explicitly, people have an interpretative role of the Constitution, in ways as cleared as by representation – through the Congress – as in a more personal way, through legitimized social actors.
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The State Action Doctrine includes the notion that every person have constitutional rights and that only the state or the federal government may violate them. This means that constitutional rights can only be violated by state actors, or... more
The State Action Doctrine includes the notion that every person have constitutional rights and that only the state or the federal government may violate them. This means that constitutional rights can only be violated by state actors, or government officials, and most importantly for our analysis, not by private citizens. The reason behind this premise seems to be the notion of constitutional rights as negative rights and of course, the power of the government over the one of the privates as much more gravest for the citizen.In Peru, the Government does not have a different or special status when violating constitutional rights of the citizens. Mainly due to the lack of a State Action Doctrine that enables privates or individual actors to violate the Constitution as if they were breaching any other legal regulation. Here we present an explanation of how the Peruvian system works without the notion of this American doctrine, as well as some examples.
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The behavior of Peru regarding the implementation of some of the articles of the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) has been less than ideal in the last years. Peru ratified this treaty in... more
The behavior of Peru regarding the implementation of some of the articles of the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) has been less than ideal in the last years. Peru ratified this treaty in 1982 and its Optional Protocol in 2001, and despite the regular recommendations of the Committee, has managed to avoid the implementation of several provisions within the text of the treaty. This paper focuses on Article 12 of the main text, and some of the reasons why the country of Peru may be delaying and/or refusing to comply with it. It also discusses some of the consequences of this lack of compliance with the international standard, and the particulars of the Karen Llantoy v. Peru case, on therapeutic abortion as an evidence of this political decision.
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... que llaman la atención en el dictamen de la Corte, es aquel recogido a partir de la posición de la actora (Karen Llantoy), y ... Explicando esto con un ejemplo, una asociación de damas que realiza donaciones periódicas se encuentra,... more
... que llaman la atención en el dictamen de la Corte, es aquel recogido a partir de la posición de la actora (Karen Llantoy), y ... Explicando esto con un ejemplo, una asociación de damas que realiza donaciones periódicas se encuentra, frente a la cercanía de la navidad, con la ...
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As with feminist theories, the analysis of masculinities does not include a unique vision on the experience of being a man. From the dynamics of fraternal relationships between men to the one among non-collegial masculinities, the study... more
As with feminist theories, the analysis of masculinities does not include a unique vision on the experience of being a man. From the dynamics of fraternal relationships between men to the one among non-collegial masculinities, the study of men’s lives have a supreme importance in the understanding of social dynamics in general and gender dynamics in particular. Moreover, the study of masculinities is pivotal to the complete understanding of the dynamics of gender relationships, subordination and gender-based violence. As well as to realize that while focusing in the predator, the “bad guy” role of men, we have neglected to even consider the possibility of men being victims of sexual abuse, as well.The phenomenon of male rape is not just a matter of male-on-male rape or prison rape, but a matter of sexual violence against a person. This study is not solely a paper on rape but an assessment of rape regulation from the point of view of its adult heterosexual male victims. We start with a theoretical layout of gendered socialization and the construction of manhood to introduce the notion of masculinities. After that we examine three state rape statutes in order to asses if they are protective enough of men. Later, we analyze some of the reasons why the protection for men is not being achieved and if the law is the sole factor to blame for it.
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The World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and related intolerance celebrated in the city of Durban in 2001 was not the first international forum addressing the topic of racism in different countries of the... more
The World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and related intolerance celebrated in the city of Durban in 2001 was not the first international forum addressing the topic of racism in different countries of the world. However, it marked a pivotal before and after in the arena of racial politics in some countries of Latin America. With a special focus on indigenous communities and peoples of African descent, this international platform brought together governments, civil society organizations, and stakeholders alike urging them to recognize the pervasiveness of racism and racial discrimination in their countries. In the specific case of Peru, the Conference was followed by the creation of a number of national institutions for the advancement of Afrodescendants and other ethnic minorities, and the integration of the existing legislation on racism and discrimination. This work seeks to analyze the political shift experienced by Afrodescendants in Peru that took them from an unrecognized demographic group to a racial minority protected by the law and with an affirmed political subjectivity
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Phenomena such as globalization and the increasingly transnational adoption of neoliberal economic policies are deepening the inequality gap across all nations. Consequently, more and more human groups are finding themselves disadvantaged... more
Phenomena such as globalization and the increasingly transnational adoption of neoliberal economic policies are deepening the inequality gap across all nations. Consequently, more and more human groups are finding themselves disadvantaged and vulnerable. The scenario that this presents for the human groups that are already at the margins is extremely delicate as they are being pushed further out to the point of actual disposability. The disadvantage black communities experience across the globe have often being considered a default from social and economic inequality; and very seldom characterized as an intentional plan of precarization by the hand of national States. In this essay, I argue that as a result of neoliberal economic policies, anti-black racism has become a generalized phenomenon more often than not, intentionally upheld and reproduced by governments. Indeed there is literature that makes these claims when it comes to Brazil or the United States as isolated cases. We argue that Brazil and the US are not such, but evidence of a world-wide trend of State-enforced plans. At the same time, as I plan to showcase academia and civil society contributions to the eradication of anti-black racism, I intend to present a possible road map for academics and activists alike to get involved and participate in the process of ending anti-black racism.
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The World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and related intolerance celebrated in the city of Durban in 2001 was not the first international forum addressing the topic of racism in different countries of the... more
The World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and related intolerance celebrated in the city of Durban in 2001 was not the first international forum addressing the topic of racism in different countries of the world. However, it marked a pivotal before and after in the arena of racial politics in some countries of Latin America. With a special
focus on indigenous communities and peoples of African descent, this international platform brought together governments, civil society organizations, and stakeholders alike urging them to recognize the pervasiveness of racism and racial discrimination in their countries. In the specific
case of Peru, the Conference was followed by the creation of a number of national institutions for the advancement of Afrodescendants and other ethnic minorities, and the integration of the existing legislation on racism and discrimination. This work seeks to analyze the political shift experienced by Afrodescendants in Peru that took them from an unrecognized demographic group to a racial minority protected by the law and with an affirmed political subjectivity.
focus on indigenous communities and peoples of African descent, this international platform brought together governments, civil society organizations, and stakeholders alike urging them to recognize the pervasiveness of racism and racial discrimination in their countries. In the specific
case of Peru, the Conference was followed by the creation of a number of national institutions for the advancement of Afrodescendants and other ethnic minorities, and the integration of the existing legislation on racism and discrimination. This work seeks to analyze the political shift experienced by Afrodescendants in Peru that took them from an unrecognized demographic group to a racial minority protected by the law and with an affirmed political subjectivity.
Research Interests:
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The formulation of legislation aimed at promoting and protecting the rights of racial and ethnic minorities in Latin America is a phenomenon that only became prevalent in the late 20th century. In fact, it was not until the end of the... more
The formulation of legislation aimed at promoting and protecting the rights of racial and ethnic minorities in Latin America is a phenomenon that only became prevalent in the late 20th century. In fact, it was not until the end of the 1980s that a number of countries in the region began the process of constructing Black citizenship and providing Black people citizenship rights. During this period, deemed "multicultural constitutionalism," some Latin American countries began to identify as multicultural states and/or included Black and Afro-descendant populations in their constitutional texts. The second stage of this process continued between 1990 and 2000, wherein some countries adopted a num ber of policies to address and eradicate racial inequality. Through these political choices, the adopting countries moved away from a structure of color-blind legalism and toward the official recognition of Indigenous and Black peoples' collective rights. In Peru, although the political constitution was not amended, a robust body of ethnoracial legislation was introduced after the year 2000, demarking a structural shift in the country's racial politics. This normative integration included the development of a num ber of national institutions and the promulgation of political measures promoting the ad vancement of Afro-descendants and other ethnic minorities. This integration process also led to the revision of existing legislation on racism and racial discrimination. By enacting this process, Peru committed to developing a process that would recognize Black citizen ship in the country-one that began with the recognition of the political subjectivity of Black Peruvians and the creation of institutions for their social and political advancement.
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A medida que la infección del SARS-CoV-2 se expandía hasta convertirse en una pandemia mundial, se popularizó la calificación de este virus como “el gran igualador”, debido a su posibilidad irrestricta de transmisión. Sin embargo, esta... more
A medida que la infección del SARS-CoV-2 se expandía hasta convertirse
en una pandemia mundial, se popularizó la calificación de este virus como “el gran
igualador”, debido a su posibilidad irrestricta de transmisión. Sin embargo, esta noción
fue rápidamente abandonada. Si bien el virus puede afectar a cualquier persona,
aquellas en situación de vulnerabilidad están particularmente indefensas. Por un lado,
debido a todas las formas en que las desigualdades sociales y económicas preexistentes
en nuestra sociedad agravan los efectos devastadores de esta pandemia, y por el otro,
debido al estado de vulnerabilización a que nuestro propio ordenamiento jurídico les ha
expuesto. De estos, un grupo importante son las personas en situación de discapacidad.
Ese grupo que bordea el 10% de la población no han sido beneficiarias de políticas
diferenciadas suficientemente efectivas como para asegurar su plena inclusión y
disfrute de derechos; situación que además se ha visto agravada a raíz de la última
emergencia sanitaria. En este artículo exploramos las características socio-políticas
de las personas en situación de discapacidad física severa en el país y cómo algunas
de las normas dictadas en el contexto de la pandemia han sobrevulnerabilizado su
situación. Así también, nos permitimos repensar la nueva normalidad post-pandemia
desde la perspectiva de la discapacidad.
en una pandemia mundial, se popularizó la calificación de este virus como “el gran
igualador”, debido a su posibilidad irrestricta de transmisión. Sin embargo, esta noción
fue rápidamente abandonada. Si bien el virus puede afectar a cualquier persona,
aquellas en situación de vulnerabilidad están particularmente indefensas. Por un lado,
debido a todas las formas en que las desigualdades sociales y económicas preexistentes
en nuestra sociedad agravan los efectos devastadores de esta pandemia, y por el otro,
debido al estado de vulnerabilización a que nuestro propio ordenamiento jurídico les ha
expuesto. De estos, un grupo importante son las personas en situación de discapacidad.
Ese grupo que bordea el 10% de la población no han sido beneficiarias de políticas
diferenciadas suficientemente efectivas como para asegurar su plena inclusión y
disfrute de derechos; situación que además se ha visto agravada a raíz de la última
emergencia sanitaria. En este artículo exploramos las características socio-políticas
de las personas en situación de discapacidad física severa en el país y cómo algunas
de las normas dictadas en el contexto de la pandemia han sobrevulnerabilizado su
situación. Así también, nos permitimos repensar la nueva normalidad post-pandemia
desde la perspectiva de la discapacidad.
Research Interests:
The formulation of legislation aimed at promoting and protecting the rights of racial and ethnic minorities in Latin America is a phenomenon that only became prevalent in the late 20th century. In fact, it was not until the end of the... more
The formulation of legislation aimed at promoting and protecting the rights of racial and ethnic minorities in Latin America is a phenomenon that only became prevalent in the late 20th century. In fact, it was not until the end of the 1980s that a number of countries in the region began the process of constructing Black citizenship and providing Black people citizenship rights. During this period, deemed "multicultural constitutionalism," some Latin American countries began to identify as multicultural states and/or included Black and Afro-descendant populations in their constitutional texts. The second stage of this process continued between 1990 and 2000, wherein some countries adopted a num ber of policies to address and eradicate racial inequality. Through these political choices, the adopting countries moved away from a structure of color-blind legalism and toward the official recognition of Indigenous and Black peoples' collective rights. In Peru, although the political constitution was not amended, a robust body of ethnoracial legislation was introduced after the year 2000, demarking a structural shift in the country's racial politics. This normative integration included the development of a num ber of national institutions and the promulgation of political measures promoting the ad vancement of Afro-descendants and other ethnic minorities. This integration process also led to the revision of existing legislation on racism and racial discrimination. By enacting this process, Peru committed to developing a process that would recognize Black citizen ship in the country-one that began with the recognition of the political subjectivity of Black Peruvians and the creation of institutions for their social and political advancement.