- Papal Diplomacy, I Rzeczpospolita, Papal Legates, Habsburg Studies, Papal History, Counter-Reformation, and 46 moreEarly Modern Catholicism, Ducato di Milano, History of Diplomacy, Diplomatic History, Transnational History, Papal Legats, History, European History, Early Modern History, Early Modern Europe, Early Modern Italy, Catholic Reform, Papacy (Early Modern and Modern Church History), History of Political Thought, Early Modern Political Thought, History of Vatican Diplomacy, Polska Rzeczpospolita Ludowa, Church History, History of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Polish History, Thirty Years' War, Apostolic Nunciatures, Religion and Politics, Religious History, Oral history, History of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Polonia, Poland, Ecclesiastical History, Transnational and World History, History of the Papal State (early modern age), Francesco Buonvisi, History of the Apostolic Nunciature, Papal Diplomatics, History of Apostolic Nunciature of Vienna, History of the Holy See, History of the Roman Curia, Vatican Archives, Vatican Diplomacy, Theory of History, History of Historiography, Methodology of History, queen Christina of Sweden, History of the Papacy, Protocol and etiquette, and Etiquetteedit
- Dorota Gregorowicz is an Assistant Professor of Early Modern History in the Faculty of Humanities, Institute of Histo... moreDorota Gregorowicz is an Assistant Professor of Early Modern History in the Faculty of Humanities, Institute of History at the University of Silesia in Katowice (Poland). She completed her PhD at the University of Eastern Piedmont (Italy) in 2017, with the research entitled The Holy See towards the interregna in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the second half of the 16th century (1572-1589). Her research interests lie in the area of the history of diplomacy and political communication, especially regarding the papal diplomatic service. Her current research project The geopolitical character of the post-Tridentine apostolic nunciatures (1562-1605) - a prosopographical and comparative study (project no. 2020/39/D/HS3/00742, financed by the National Science Centre, Poland) is to be realised in the years 2021-2025.edit
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The particular geopolitical situation of the early modern Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth entailed that the lack of continuity of the royal power and the electivity of the throne aroused the concerns of the Holy See. The growing popularity... more
The particular geopolitical situation of the early modern Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth entailed that the lack of continuity of the royal power and the electivity of the throne aroused the concerns of the Holy See. The growing popularity of Protestantism, the mistrust of the local clergy towards Tridentine decrees, the projects for the creation of a national church, as well as political issues made it necessary to ameliorate the relationship between the papacy and Rzeczpospolita. For this reason, the election of a Catholic monarch to the Polish-Lithuanian throne resulted was of exceptional importance to the Holy See.
The purpose of this study is to examine the religious and political interests that the Holy See sought to pursue in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth during the interregna and the royal elections of the second half of the sixteenth century, as well as the methods for their implementation. It evaluates the effectiveness of pontifical politics in the matter, the quality of the papal diplomacy’s preparation as well as the Roman perception of the institution of the free royal election. Particular attention is dedicated to the problem of the neutrality of the Holy See in the relations among the early modern States, in particular considering the policy conducted towards Polish-Lithuanian interregna. Subsequently, the role of the papal diplomats in the parliamentary life during the interregna is analysed, including its ceremonial aspect. A further deepening of the study concerns the political communication and its role for the functioning of the nunciature during the Cracow Krakow throne vacancy. Finally, the last part of the book deals with the European dimension of the Holy See's policy, analysing the diplomatic commitment of the papacy at the courts of Catholic Europe with regard to the political game that took place for the crown in Rzeczpospolita.
The purpose of this study is to examine the religious and political interests that the Holy See sought to pursue in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth during the interregna and the royal elections of the second half of the sixteenth century, as well as the methods for their implementation. It evaluates the effectiveness of pontifical politics in the matter, the quality of the papal diplomacy’s preparation as well as the Roman perception of the institution of the free royal election. Particular attention is dedicated to the problem of the neutrality of the Holy See in the relations among the early modern States, in particular considering the policy conducted towards Polish-Lithuanian interregna. Subsequently, the role of the papal diplomats in the parliamentary life during the interregna is analysed, including its ceremonial aspect. A further deepening of the study concerns the political communication and its role for the functioning of the nunciature during the Cracow Krakow throne vacancy. Finally, the last part of the book deals with the European dimension of the Holy See's policy, analysing the diplomatic commitment of the papacy at the courts of Catholic Europe with regard to the political game that took place for the crown in Rzeczpospolita.
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The Warsaw Confederation represented one of the most significant issues raised in the correspondence of papal diplomats residing in Poland-Lithuania in the second half of the sixteenth century and of their Roman superiors. This article... more
The Warsaw Confederation represented one of the most significant issues raised in the correspondence of papal diplomats residing in Poland-Lithuania in the second half of the sixteenth century and of their Roman superiors. This article presents the role of the Holy See’s representatives in the interregna events accompanying the approval of the famous act and its subsequent inclusion in the oaths of consecutive elective monarchs. Moreover, the narrative of the papal envoys’ dispatches is analysed in the context of its coverage of the Confederation’s matter. The choice of words to describe the act in question, their contextual occurrence, and the emotional content of the discourse are considered. The study reveals papal diplomats’ difficulties in fighting the document – the lack of full support from the Polish-Lithuanian episcopate and the Catholic party or the nobility’s reluctance to be interfered with from abroad. The image of the Warsaw Confederation in the diplomatic discourse of the Holy See is shown as detrimental to the Catholic religion, the local ecclesiastical structures, and the Polish-Lithuanian state and monarch.
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The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth clearly stood out from the European institutional and legal systems of the early modern era. One of the elements of its “uniqueness” was the way of conducting foreign policy and, consequently, the... more
The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth clearly stood out from the European institutional and legal systems of the early modern era. One of the elements of its “uniqueness” was the way of conducting foreign policy and, consequently, the organisation of diplomatic service. The Western European historiography does not address the peculiar structure of the Polish-Lithuanian diplomacy against early modern interstate relations. The only commonly noted characteristic of the diplomatic practice of the Commonwealth seems to be the lack of official permanent representations at European courts, as well as the reluctance to accept foreign embassies within the borders of the state. The Polish historiography does undertake the topic, but the existing works are dated and often overcome, requiring to be complimented. The purpose of this article is to systematise and determine the specifics of the diplomatic activity of Poland-Lithuania from the institutional and juridical point of view, with particular attention paid to the nature of the ius legationis which operated in Rzeczpospolita state. Its two potential entities are confronted: the king and the Senate along with the sejm. The analysis is based primarily on the parliamentary constitutions, the supreme source of law for the Polish-Lithuanian state. Another goal of the presented study is to highlight the role of political practice in shaping foreign policy, which often stood in opposition to the formal legal structure of the Commonwealth. Finally, the article constitutes a discussion with the voices present in the historiography and an invitation for the scholars to fur
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The paper presents the historiographical considerations about if and why one could insert the early modern State of the Church into the concept of a “small state” and, at the same time, what were the reasons for the great diplomatic... more
The paper presents the historiographical considerations about if and why one could insert the early modern State of the Church into the concept of a “small state” and, at the same time, what were the reasons for the great diplomatic success of Rome during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The activity of papal diplomacy is shown as primarily focused on affirming the dualistic authority of the early modern Holy See (both as of a secular territorial state and a universal monarchy of religious character). The analysis also concerns the papal attitude of “active neutrality” as a political and diplomatic strategy focused on achieving the papacy’s “international” position. The profile of the paper is historiographical, as it takes from the legacies of Polish, French, German, English and Italian historical science. The enquiry aims to systematise and synthesise the former judgments of historians regarding the nature of the Papal State’s statehood in the context of the pope’s exercis...
The essay presents the origin and intellectual traditions of affirmation of the concept of mixed government in early modern Polish-Lithuanian state. Subsequently, it aims to analyze the baroque apology of monarchia mixta in the... more
The essay presents the origin and intellectual traditions of affirmation
of the concept of mixed government in early modern Polish-Lithuanian
state. Subsequently, it aims to analyze the baroque apology of monarchia mixta in the seventeenth-century Poland-Lithuania, in the context of the Commonwealth’s political crisis and decay, undoubtedly combined with its specific form of government. The basis for the considerations is the political thought of Andrzej Maksymilian Fredro, the castellan of Lviv, a Polish politician, statist, and historian. [k.w.: Mixed Government, Polish-Lithuanian State, Andrzej Maksymilian Fredro, XVIIth Century]
of the concept of mixed government in early modern Polish-Lithuanian
state. Subsequently, it aims to analyze the baroque apology of monarchia mixta in the seventeenth-century Poland-Lithuania, in the context of the Commonwealth’s political crisis and decay, undoubtedly combined with its specific form of government. The basis for the considerations is the political thought of Andrzej Maksymilian Fredro, the castellan of Lviv, a Polish politician, statist, and historian. [k.w.: Mixed Government, Polish-Lithuanian State, Andrzej Maksymilian Fredro, XVIIth Century]
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Paying attention to the ceremonial aspects of the early modern diplomatic practice is one of the main postulates of the historians of diplomacy. The presented article focuses on the political circumstances and ceremonial manifestations of... more
Paying attention to the ceremonial aspects of the early modern diplomatic practice is one of the main postulates of the historians of diplomacy. The presented article focuses on the political circumstances and ceremonial manifestations of the participation of the apostolic nuncio Galeazzo Marescotti in a public audience at the election sejm of 1669, as a result of which Michał Korybut Wiśniowiecki was elected king. The Holy See's informational policy regarding the political practice and ceremonial of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
during the interregnum and the election period is discussed, especially in the emergence of a new interregnum in 1668, as a result of the abdication of John II Casimir Vasa. The papacy’s diplomatic involvement towards the new election was at that time hampered by the cold
relations between the nuncio and the ambitious primate of the Kingdom Mikołaj Prażmowski. The article also deals with the preparations for the nuncio’s audience at the election sejm that took place from the beginning of May 1669, demonstrating the secondary nature of this event for the political life of the Commonwealth. Then, the diplomat’s entry into the election field is presented, as is the detailed course of the audience, which culminated in the consigning of papal letters and the nuncio’s oration. The noble reception of Marescotti’s audience is also
analysed. The article deals with the issues of political, diplomatic, and visual functions of the diplomatic audience. The hearing of the representative of the Holy See at the elective sejm is presented as an expression of the mutual belonging of the parties (the papacy and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth) to the seventeenth-century European political order.
during the interregnum and the election period is discussed, especially in the emergence of a new interregnum in 1668, as a result of the abdication of John II Casimir Vasa. The papacy’s diplomatic involvement towards the new election was at that time hampered by the cold
relations between the nuncio and the ambitious primate of the Kingdom Mikołaj Prażmowski. The article also deals with the preparations for the nuncio’s audience at the election sejm that took place from the beginning of May 1669, demonstrating the secondary nature of this event for the political life of the Commonwealth. Then, the diplomat’s entry into the election field is presented, as is the detailed course of the audience, which culminated in the consigning of papal letters and the nuncio’s oration. The noble reception of Marescotti’s audience is also
analysed. The article deals with the issues of political, diplomatic, and visual functions of the diplomatic audience. The hearing of the representative of the Holy See at the elective sejm is presented as an expression of the mutual belonging of the parties (the papacy and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth) to the seventeenth-century European political order.
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The paper aims to analyse the Roman perception of a particular political institution of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth of the second half of the 16th century: the free election of sovereign. Its object is to face the political... more
The paper aims to analyse the Roman perception of a particular political institution of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth of the second half of the 16th century: the free election of sovereign. Its object is to face the political concerns and possibilities opened up to the Holy See with the occurrence of an interregnum in a geopolitically important for the political and religious perspectives of Rome state as Poland-Lithuania (regarding, above all, the Catholic reform’s developments in Central and Eastern Europe, as well as the construction of a new Holy League). There are to be examined the papal reactions towards the political situation occured in the PolishLithuanian State after the throne’s vacation, the overall preparation of the Holy See, together with its diplomatic service, relative to the interregnums, as well as specific political strategies undertaken by the papacy in matter.
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A Digressive Biography: On a Certain Canon of Warmia and Research Methods In 2019, Wojciech Tygielski published a new book, the fruit of in-depth research on the relations between early modern Poland-Lithuania and Italy, and on the... more
A Digressive Biography: On a Certain Canon of Warmia and Research Methods
In 2019, Wojciech Tygielski published a new book, the fruit of in-depth research on the relations between early modern Poland-Lithuania and Italy, and on the Italian settlement within the borders of the Commonwealth. The purpose of this discussion article is to present the biography of Giovanni Battista Jacobelli as an original narrative resulting from an unconventional methodological approach, and more broadly, as a significant example of contemporary biographical writing. Particular attention is paid to the numerous digressions that appear in the narrative, here considered a deliberate methodological procedure aimed at filling the gaps created by the relatively poor primary sources which constitute the basis of the research. Moreover, the relevance of the reviewed study from the point of view of the present day is raised, as the reviewed book prompts making comparisons between historical reality and modernday experiences, and reflecting on the permanence of certain social phenomena. The discussion article also contains comments on the extensive source edition contained in the appendix to the reviewed book. The article challenges the author's approach to presenting the early modern Italian correspondence to the reader, and to the degree of required modernisation.
In 2019, Wojciech Tygielski published a new book, the fruit of in-depth research on the relations between early modern Poland-Lithuania and Italy, and on the Italian settlement within the borders of the Commonwealth. The purpose of this discussion article is to present the biography of Giovanni Battista Jacobelli as an original narrative resulting from an unconventional methodological approach, and more broadly, as a significant example of contemporary biographical writing. Particular attention is paid to the numerous digressions that appear in the narrative, here considered a deliberate methodological procedure aimed at filling the gaps created by the relatively poor primary sources which constitute the basis of the research. Moreover, the relevance of the reviewed study from the point of view of the present day is raised, as the reviewed book prompts making comparisons between historical reality and modernday experiences, and reflecting on the permanence of certain social phenomena. The discussion article also contains comments on the extensive source edition contained in the appendix to the reviewed book. The article challenges the author's approach to presenting the early modern Italian correspondence to the reader, and to the degree of required modernisation.
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The article deals with the practical application of the idea of the Holy See’s neutrality in the face of the rivalry for the throne in the elective monarchy, which was the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The analysis is based on the study... more
The article deals with the practical application of the idea of the Holy See’s neutrality in the face of the rivalry for the throne in the elective monarchy, which was the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The analysis is based on the study of the history of the interregnum, which followed the abdication of John II Casimir Vasa (1668-1669). The text describes the papal diplomatic commitment to the election of a new mon-arch, with particular emphasis on Rome’s attitude to the French-Habsburg rivalry for primacy in seventeenth-century Europe. It also presents the attitude of the Holy See towards the plans to conclude a new marriage by John ii Casimir Vasa after the death of Marie Luise Gonzaga, as well as the papal attitude towards the candidacies of Philip William of Neuburg and Charles v of Lorraine in the perspective of the abdication of the last Vasa and the election of 1669. In a broader context, the considerations are de-voted to the specific nature of the diplomatic presence of the Holy See in post-Westphalian Europe.
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The paper aims to analyse the Roman perception of a particular political institution of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth of the second half of the 16th century: the free election of sovereign. Its object is to face the political... more
The paper aims to analyse the Roman perception of a particular political institution of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth of the second half
of the 16th century: the free election of sovereign. Its object is to face the
political concerns and possibilities opened up to the Holy See with the occurrence of an interregnum in a geopolitically important for the political and
religious perspectives of Rome state as Poland-Lithuania (regarding, above
all, the Catholic reform’s developments in Central and Eastern Europe, as
well as the construction of a new Holy League). There are to be examined
the papal reactions towards the political situation occured in the PolishLithuanian State after the throne’s vacation, the overall preparation of the
Holy See, together with its diplomatic service, relative to the interregnums,
as well as specific political strategies undertaken by the papacy in matter.
of the 16th century: the free election of sovereign. Its object is to face the
political concerns and possibilities opened up to the Holy See with the occurrence of an interregnum in a geopolitically important for the political and
religious perspectives of Rome state as Poland-Lithuania (regarding, above
all, the Catholic reform’s developments in Central and Eastern Europe, as
well as the construction of a new Holy League). There are to be examined
the papal reactions towards the political situation occured in the PolishLithuanian State after the throne’s vacation, the overall preparation of the
Holy See, together with its diplomatic service, relative to the interregnums,
as well as specific political strategies undertaken by the papacy in matter.
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The attempt of the paper is to illustrate the reasons of fiasco of papal legation of Clement IX in matter of John Casimir Vasa’s abdication (1668) and of the subsequent royal election (1669). The paper examines the origins of the whole... more
The attempt of the paper is to illustrate the reasons of fiasco of papal legation of Clement IX in matter of John Casimir Vasa’s abdication (1668) and of the subsequent royal election (1669).
The paper examines the origins of the whole diplomatic project of papal legation to Poland-Lithuania, the Primate’s attitude and political games towards to it, the ceremonial problematics regarding the papal diplomatic presence during the events of royal abdication and of the election, as well as the circumstances of the final resignation from the papal legation project.
The idea of a papal intervention, by sending a legate a latere to a shaken by internal conflicts and threat of royal abdication and new interregnum Poland-Lithuania, was born in the early spring of 1668. It was John Casimir Vasa to suggest that it would be beneficial if a high-ranked papal representative came to the Commonwealth as a neutral mediator. After the arrival of the official information regarding the decision of royal abdication to Rome, cardinal Virginio Orsini, repurposed the idea of sending a legate to Poland-Lithuania. This project was then seriously considered by Clement IX and consulted with apostolic nuncios in Warsaw (Galeazzo Marescotti) and in Wien (Antonio Pignatelli).
The ceremonial aspect of the papal diplomats’ participation in the above-mentioned events seems to be crucial for the position of Primate Mikołaj Prażmowski, refusing to comply with the precedence rules traditionally granted to the representatives of the Holy See. Instead, Prażmowski emphasized the qualification of the Archbishops of Gniezno as papal legati nati.
Basing on the diplomatic dispatches of the apostolic nuncios and on their instructions, I would like to show the problematic relations of the Primate with papal diplomats in Poland-Lithuania, as well as to explain the origins of his negative attitude towards the unrealised papal legation.
The paper examines the origins of the whole diplomatic project of papal legation to Poland-Lithuania, the Primate’s attitude and political games towards to it, the ceremonial problematics regarding the papal diplomatic presence during the events of royal abdication and of the election, as well as the circumstances of the final resignation from the papal legation project.
The idea of a papal intervention, by sending a legate a latere to a shaken by internal conflicts and threat of royal abdication and new interregnum Poland-Lithuania, was born in the early spring of 1668. It was John Casimir Vasa to suggest that it would be beneficial if a high-ranked papal representative came to the Commonwealth as a neutral mediator. After the arrival of the official information regarding the decision of royal abdication to Rome, cardinal Virginio Orsini, repurposed the idea of sending a legate to Poland-Lithuania. This project was then seriously considered by Clement IX and consulted with apostolic nuncios in Warsaw (Galeazzo Marescotti) and in Wien (Antonio Pignatelli).
The ceremonial aspect of the papal diplomats’ participation in the above-mentioned events seems to be crucial for the position of Primate Mikołaj Prażmowski, refusing to comply with the precedence rules traditionally granted to the representatives of the Holy See. Instead, Prażmowski emphasized the qualification of the Archbishops of Gniezno as papal legati nati.
Basing on the diplomatic dispatches of the apostolic nuncios and on their instructions, I would like to show the problematic relations of the Primate with papal diplomats in Poland-Lithuania, as well as to explain the origins of his negative attitude towards the unrealised papal legation.
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Przedmiotem artykułu jest przeanalizowanie aspektów komunikacyjnych w działalności służby dyplomatycznej Stolicy Apostolskiej w Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów, w okresie drugiej poł. XVI w., a także w wieku XVII, bazując na... more
Przedmiotem artykułu jest przeanalizowanie aspektów komunikacyjnych w działalności służby dyplomatycznej Stolicy Apostolskiej w Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów, w okresie drugiej poł. XVI w., a także w wieku XVII, bazując na korespondencji nuncjuszy apostolskich i urzędników papieskiego Sekretariatu Stanu.
O zapotrzebowaniu Stolicy Apostolskiej na informację, przypominano nuncjuszom przy każdej możliwej okazji, szczególnie w obliczu najważniejszych wydarzeń politycznych i kościelnych. W raportach nie dominowały kwestie religijne. Listy dyplomatów papieskich informowały o sprawach polityki wewnętrznej i zewnętrznej najwyższej wagi. Oprócz tego często pojawiały się w nich zagadnienia administracyjno-kościelne.
Pośród ważnych aspektów poruszonych w artykule należy wymienić rekonstrukcję dróg komunikacji nuncjuszy apostolskich, zarówno in loco, jak i na linii Rzeczpospolita - Rzym. Podjęta została ponadto kwestia trudności, jakie napotykali nuncjusze apostolscy dla swojej działalności informacyjnej: obłożenie pracą, szlachecka niedyskrecja, duże odległości geograficzne. Omówiona została także rola kancelarii nuncjatury, odpowiedzialnej za prowadzenie korespondencji papieskich dyplomatów.
Podjęto problem papieskiej mediacji, jako komunikacyjnego instrumentu, wykorzystywanego w celu wywierania wpływu na najważniejsze wydarzenia polityki europejskiej. Rozważaniom podjęte zostały również inne specyficzne formy komunikacji dyplomatów papieskich, takie jak audiencje, brewia i mowy. Poruszono ponadto problem kontaktów nuncjuszy apostolskich z niekatolikami.
Komunikacja polityczno-dyplomatyczna była podstawowym zadaniem nuncjusza apostolskiego. Przekazywanie informacji, nawiązywanie bezpośrednich relacji ze szlachtą, senatorami czy królem było dla dyplomatów Stolicy Apostolskiej codzienną potrzebą, a z drugiej strony praktyką obliczoną na osiąganie celów natury politycznej, kościelnej i prywatnej.
O zapotrzebowaniu Stolicy Apostolskiej na informację, przypominano nuncjuszom przy każdej możliwej okazji, szczególnie w obliczu najważniejszych wydarzeń politycznych i kościelnych. W raportach nie dominowały kwestie religijne. Listy dyplomatów papieskich informowały o sprawach polityki wewnętrznej i zewnętrznej najwyższej wagi. Oprócz tego często pojawiały się w nich zagadnienia administracyjno-kościelne.
Pośród ważnych aspektów poruszonych w artykule należy wymienić rekonstrukcję dróg komunikacji nuncjuszy apostolskich, zarówno in loco, jak i na linii Rzeczpospolita - Rzym. Podjęta została ponadto kwestia trudności, jakie napotykali nuncjusze apostolscy dla swojej działalności informacyjnej: obłożenie pracą, szlachecka niedyskrecja, duże odległości geograficzne. Omówiona została także rola kancelarii nuncjatury, odpowiedzialnej za prowadzenie korespondencji papieskich dyplomatów.
Podjęto problem papieskiej mediacji, jako komunikacyjnego instrumentu, wykorzystywanego w celu wywierania wpływu na najważniejsze wydarzenia polityki europejskiej. Rozważaniom podjęte zostały również inne specyficzne formy komunikacji dyplomatów papieskich, takie jak audiencje, brewia i mowy. Poruszono ponadto problem kontaktów nuncjuszy apostolskich z niekatolikami.
Komunikacja polityczno-dyplomatyczna była podstawowym zadaniem nuncjusza apostolskiego. Przekazywanie informacji, nawiązywanie bezpośrednich relacji ze szlachtą, senatorami czy królem było dla dyplomatów Stolicy Apostolskiej codzienną potrzebą, a z drugiej strony praktyką obliczoną na osiąganie celów natury politycznej, kościelnej i prywatnej.
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This paper focuses on the cultural and political importance of papal nuncios' final reports (relazioni finali) as one of the basic sources of knowledge about the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the Roman Curia. The final report was a... more
This paper focuses on the cultural and political importance of papal nuncios' final reports (relazioni finali) as one of the basic sources of knowledge about the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the Roman Curia. The final report was a document, in essence a summary, which a diplomat was required to complete at the end of his mission (or immediately after). During the creation of the office of permanent nuncio to the major European courts, the preparation and delivery of the final report often took place orally. Gradually, the relazione evolved into a written version. Throughout the sixteenth century, when knowledge about Poland-Lithuania in Rome was rather poor, the relazioni finali consisted of colourful descriptions of the geography, the history, and the social and political relations of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. During the seventeenth century, this document became more political in character. It related directly to the activities of the papal diplomats, rituals and ceremonials, and any particular problems regarding the missions, rather than extensive descriptions of relatively banal curiosities. Throughout the seventeenth century in particular, when a permanent papal diplomatic presence had just been established in Poland-Lithuania, the final reports were an important contribution to future missions. Newly-appointed nuncios therefore willingly used the extremely important information contained therein. The practice of writing relazioni finali made it easier for the Holy See to consolidate its diplomatic influence and presence in Central and Eastern Europe in the early modern period. It also fostered papal interest in the social and political features of the enormous 'noble' republic.
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Abdykacja Jana Kazimierza to wydarzenie, które historiografia umiejscawia w szerokim kontekście stosunków międzypaństwowych Europy drugiej poł. XVII w. Obok dyplomacji francuskiej, neuburskiej, brandenburskiej i habsburskiej, ogromne... more
Abdykacja Jana Kazimierza to wydarzenie, które historiografia umiejscawia w szerokim kontekście stosunków międzypaństwowych Europy drugiej poł. XVII w. Obok dyplomacji francuskiej, neuburskiej, brandenburskiej i habsburskiej, ogromne zaangażowanie w sprawę wykazała również służba dyplomatyczna Stolicy Apostolskiej.
Popierany przez papiestwo program reform w Rzeczypospolitej i elekcji vivente rege okazał się niemożliwym do zrealizowania, dlatego też po śmierci Ludwiki Marii priorytetem Stolicy Apostolskiej stało się nakłonienie króla do kolejnego małżeństwa, mogącego zagwarantować bezpieczeństwo sukcesji w państwie polsko-litewskim. Jan Kazimierz, podjąwszy zobowiązania polityczne wobec Francji, nie był jednak zainteresowany nowym mariażem i w maju 1668 r. poinformował papieża o swoich planach abdykacyjnych. Klemens IX opierał się tym projektom, osobiście apelując do króla o rezygnację z abdykacji. Działania podjęte przez dyplomację papieską celem jej zapobieżenia spoczęły na barkach nuncjuszy w Rzeczypospolitej: Antonia Pignatellego i Galeazza Marescottiego. W Rzymie obawiano się dalszej destabilizacji politycznej Rzeczypospolitej oraz zagrażającej pozycji Kościoła katolickiego elekcji carewicza.
Stolica Apostolska wyraźnie opowiedziała się przeciw abdykacji Jana Kazimierza, nie mogła jednak pozostać obojętną na toczące się zabiegi dyplomatyczne w sprawie polsko-litewskiej sukcesji. Rzym musiał zaangażować się w europejską grę polityczną, podejmując negocjacje w sprawie przyszłej elekcji z Filipem Wilhelmem Neuburgiem, Karolem Lotaryńskim i Fryderykiem VI Baden-Durlach.
Wbrew papieskim apelom i zabiegom, w dniu 16 września 1668 r., w obecności nuncjusza apostolskiego, Jan Kazimierz zdał koronę na ręce stanów Rzeczypospolitej. Autorytet Stolicy Apostolskiej okazał się niewystarczający, by odciągnąć króla od przygotowywanego od wielu lat projektu, determinowanego zdominowaną przez Francję europejską grą polityczną oraz wewnętrznymi podziałami wśród szlachty.
Popierany przez papiestwo program reform w Rzeczypospolitej i elekcji vivente rege okazał się niemożliwym do zrealizowania, dlatego też po śmierci Ludwiki Marii priorytetem Stolicy Apostolskiej stało się nakłonienie króla do kolejnego małżeństwa, mogącego zagwarantować bezpieczeństwo sukcesji w państwie polsko-litewskim. Jan Kazimierz, podjąwszy zobowiązania polityczne wobec Francji, nie był jednak zainteresowany nowym mariażem i w maju 1668 r. poinformował papieża o swoich planach abdykacyjnych. Klemens IX opierał się tym projektom, osobiście apelując do króla o rezygnację z abdykacji. Działania podjęte przez dyplomację papieską celem jej zapobieżenia spoczęły na barkach nuncjuszy w Rzeczypospolitej: Antonia Pignatellego i Galeazza Marescottiego. W Rzymie obawiano się dalszej destabilizacji politycznej Rzeczypospolitej oraz zagrażającej pozycji Kościoła katolickiego elekcji carewicza.
Stolica Apostolska wyraźnie opowiedziała się przeciw abdykacji Jana Kazimierza, nie mogła jednak pozostać obojętną na toczące się zabiegi dyplomatyczne w sprawie polsko-litewskiej sukcesji. Rzym musiał zaangażować się w europejską grę polityczną, podejmując negocjacje w sprawie przyszłej elekcji z Filipem Wilhelmem Neuburgiem, Karolem Lotaryńskim i Fryderykiem VI Baden-Durlach.
Wbrew papieskim apelom i zabiegom, w dniu 16 września 1668 r., w obecności nuncjusza apostolskiego, Jan Kazimierz zdał koronę na ręce stanów Rzeczypospolitej. Autorytet Stolicy Apostolskiej okazał się niewystarczający, by odciągnąć króla od przygotowywanego od wielu lat projektu, determinowanego zdominowaną przez Francję europejską grą polityczną oraz wewnętrznymi podziałami wśród szlachty.
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Early modern Poland-Lithuania was particularly important for Holy See’s political and the religious projects in that it was seen to constitute a “bulwark of Christianity” and the West’s cultural external boundary. For this reason, the... more
Early modern Poland-Lithuania was particularly important for Holy See’s political and the religious projects in that it was seen to constitute a “bulwark of Christianity” and the West’s cultural external boundary. For this reason, the problems of discontinuity of the royal dignity and free elections became important for the papacy. This article illustrates the role of papal diplomacy in the parliamentary practice of Polish-Lithuanian interregnums from 1572 to 1676, in particular during key moments like the Convocation Sejm, the Election Sejm and the coronation ceremony. Its aim is not only to describe the political activity of apostolic nuncios, but also to focus on their ceremonial role. The topic is also closely connected to the question of papal neutrality and the image of a padre comune, ideas that were constantly evolving during the early modern period. Keywords: Early Modern Poland-Lithuania, Royal Dignity, Papal Diplomacy, Ceremonial Role.
Research Interests: History of Diplomacy, History of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Papal Diplomacy, Papacy (Early Modern and Modern Church History), History of Elections, and 4 moreApostolic Nunciatures, Interregnum, Ceremonial and Symbolic Representations of Sovereignty In Early Modern Europe, and History of the Apostolic Nunciature
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È un dato che il consolidarsi delle nunziature apostoliche permanenti, si inserisca nel contesto dello sviluppo strutturale della Curia romana e della ripresa politica del papato dopo la crisi avignonese. Tuttavia, la loro affermazione... more
È un dato che il consolidarsi delle nunziature apostoliche permanenti, si inserisca nel contesto dello sviluppo strutturale della Curia romana e della ripresa politica del papato dopo la crisi avignonese. Tuttavia, la loro affermazione presso le maggiori corti europee, può essere compresa solo se osservata nel quadro più ampio della riorganizzazione delle relazioni interstatali, così come si configurano alle soglie dell’età moderna. In tal senso, come è stato ricordato, essa rappresenta «l’evolversi dell’autocoscienza del papato in rapporto allo sviluppo del mondo moderno». La nuova dimensione geopolitica dell’Europa richiedeva, infatti, l’istituzione di un’efficace rete di contatti reciproci e controllo tra i diversi paesi. Questa rete diplomatica, cui era legato il perseguimento di un equilibrio internazionale, assunse sempre più un carattere permanente, per far fronte alla progressiva rapidità e intensificazione dei rapporti tra stati. Le nunziature della Santa Sede furono, senza dubbio, al centro di questi processi e la loro introduzione, tra il XV e il XVI secolo, rivoluzionò il sistema delle relazioni tra le diverse corti e «l’osservatorio romano», così come l’intero impianto della comunicazione politica in ambito ecclesiastico.
Research Interests: Religion, History, European History, Modern History, Cultural History, and 32 moreDiplomatic History, European Studies, Comparative Politics, International Relations, Political Philosophy, International Relations Theory, Political Theory, Early Modern History, International Studies, History of Religion, Political Science, International History, Politics, Diplomatic Studies, Early Modern Europe, Political communication, Political History, Diplomacy, History of Roman Catholicism, History of Political Thought, History of International Relations, Social History, Early Modern Intellectual History, Early Modern Italy, Institutions (Political Science), Poland, Early Modern Catholicism, Historia, Catholic Church History, Ambassadors, Diplomacy and international relations, and Diplomatic Relations
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Review of From Ireland to Poland: Northern Europe, Spain and the Early Modern World, ed. by E. García Hernán, R. Skowron, Albatros Ediciones, Valencia 2015.
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This paper will illustrate the reasons of refusing the papal legation of Clement IX in the matter of John Casimir Vasa’s abdication (1668) and Michael Korybut Wiśniowiecki’s election, by the primate of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth,... more
This paper will illustrate the reasons of refusing the papal legation of
Clement IX in the matter of John Casimir Vasa’s abdication (1668)
and Michael Korybut Wiśniowiecki’s election, by the primate of the
Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Mikołaj Prażmowski, together with
the political practice he had undertaken in order to achieve it.
After the arrival of the official information regarding the decision of
the royal abdication of John Casimir Vasa to Rome, the cardinal
protector of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Virginio Orsini
presented to the Pope the idea of sending a legate, a latere, to PolandLithuania, in order to guarantee peace and advantage for Catholic
progresses in the upcoming interregnum and of the new king’s
election. This project was then very seriously considered by Clement
IX, who consulted with Apostolic Nuncios in Poland-Lithuania
(Galeazzo Marescotti) and in Wien (Antonio Pignatelli). The whole
issue of the prospective legation, boycotted by the primate, Mikołaj
Prażmowski, has not been mentioned in the existing literature yet.
The ceremonial aspect of the papal diplomat’s participation in the
abdication of John Casimir Vasa (1668) and election of Michael
Korybut Wiśniowiecki (1669), seems to be crucial for the position of
the primate, Mikołaj Prażmowski, refusing to comply with the
precedence rules traditionally granted to the representatives of the
Holy See during similar ceremonies, based on a generally accepted
‘international ordum. Prażmowski emphasised the traditional
qualification of the Gniezno archbishops as papal legati nati, standing
above the Nuncios in the hierarchy of Apostolic diplomacy. It seems
that the primate considered it superior also to the legate a latere
authority.
Based on the diplomatic dispatches of the Apostolic Nuncios and their
instructions, this paper will show the problematic relations of Mikołaj
Prażmowski with papal diplomats in Poland-Lithuania, as well explain
the origins of his attitude towards the unrealised papal legacy.
Clement IX in the matter of John Casimir Vasa’s abdication (1668)
and Michael Korybut Wiśniowiecki’s election, by the primate of the
Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Mikołaj Prażmowski, together with
the political practice he had undertaken in order to achieve it.
After the arrival of the official information regarding the decision of
the royal abdication of John Casimir Vasa to Rome, the cardinal
protector of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Virginio Orsini
presented to the Pope the idea of sending a legate, a latere, to PolandLithuania, in order to guarantee peace and advantage for Catholic
progresses in the upcoming interregnum and of the new king’s
election. This project was then very seriously considered by Clement
IX, who consulted with Apostolic Nuncios in Poland-Lithuania
(Galeazzo Marescotti) and in Wien (Antonio Pignatelli). The whole
issue of the prospective legation, boycotted by the primate, Mikołaj
Prażmowski, has not been mentioned in the existing literature yet.
The ceremonial aspect of the papal diplomat’s participation in the
abdication of John Casimir Vasa (1668) and election of Michael
Korybut Wiśniowiecki (1669), seems to be crucial for the position of
the primate, Mikołaj Prażmowski, refusing to comply with the
precedence rules traditionally granted to the representatives of the
Holy See during similar ceremonies, based on a generally accepted
‘international ordum. Prażmowski emphasised the traditional
qualification of the Gniezno archbishops as papal legati nati, standing
above the Nuncios in the hierarchy of Apostolic diplomacy. It seems
that the primate considered it superior also to the legate a latere
authority.
Based on the diplomatic dispatches of the Apostolic Nuncios and their
instructions, this paper will show the problematic relations of Mikołaj
Prażmowski with papal diplomats in Poland-Lithuania, as well explain
the origins of his attitude towards the unrealised papal legacy.
Research Interests:
The attempt of the paper is to illustrate the confessional politics of papal diplomats in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth during the periods of interregna in the 17th century. The confessional factors were crucial for the policy of... more
The attempt of the paper is to illustrate the confessional politics of papal diplomats in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth during the periods of interregna in the 17th century.
The confessional factors were crucial for the policy of the Holy See towards the Polish-Lithuanian kings’ elections. They probably overtook the political aspects. From the papal point of view, a new monarch in Poland-Lithuania should have been a real Counter-Reformation warrior, ready to undertake a struggle with the protestant and orthodox neighbours of the Commonwealth, as well as with the Ottoman power. The priority was to preserve the Polish-Lithuanian state under the Holy See’s influence and to maintain it as a bastion of Catholicism in Central and Eastern Europe.
As a result, the problem of conversion of protestant and orthodox candidates to the crown recurs over the 17th century, even if the Apostolic Nuncios were generally sceptical towards any projects of conversion, calculated for obtaining requirements necessary to compete for the Polish-Lithuanian throne.
The other aspects of papal confessional policy and its diplomacy’s activity towards the elections in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth were the tutelage of Counter-Reformation progresses and the battle against the local tendencies to support the religious tolerance. Nevertheless, those elements got gradually marginalized throughout the 17th century, as the position of Catholicism got stabilized, while the idea of the religious expansion slightly lost its importance. Yet, new confessional problems emerged, regarding, in particular, the coexistence of the eastern Churches: orthodox and ruthenian Catholic.
The confessional factors were crucial for the policy of the Holy See towards the Polish-Lithuanian kings’ elections. They probably overtook the political aspects. From the papal point of view, a new monarch in Poland-Lithuania should have been a real Counter-Reformation warrior, ready to undertake a struggle with the protestant and orthodox neighbours of the Commonwealth, as well as with the Ottoman power. The priority was to preserve the Polish-Lithuanian state under the Holy See’s influence and to maintain it as a bastion of Catholicism in Central and Eastern Europe.
As a result, the problem of conversion of protestant and orthodox candidates to the crown recurs over the 17th century, even if the Apostolic Nuncios were generally sceptical towards any projects of conversion, calculated for obtaining requirements necessary to compete for the Polish-Lithuanian throne.
The other aspects of papal confessional policy and its diplomacy’s activity towards the elections in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth were the tutelage of Counter-Reformation progresses and the battle against the local tendencies to support the religious tolerance. Nevertheless, those elements got gradually marginalized throughout the 17th century, as the position of Catholicism got stabilized, while the idea of the religious expansion slightly lost its importance. Yet, new confessional problems emerged, regarding, in particular, the coexistence of the eastern Churches: orthodox and ruthenian Catholic.
Research Interests:
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The attempt of the paper and of the presentation would be to illustrate the papal nuncios’ role in the interregnum’s parliamentary practice of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (XVIth -XVIIth centuries), in particular during the key... more
The attempt of the paper and of the presentation would be to illustrate the papal nuncios’ role in the interregnum’s parliamentary practice of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (XVIth -XVIIth centuries), in particular during the key moments like convocation diet, election diet and coronation diet. The basic sources analysed for this presentation would be the nuncios’ correspondence, the Polish and Lithuanian politicians’ diaries and the official direct relations from the parliamentary practice.
During the convocation diet, which was deciding about interregnum’s organisation problems, it was usually forbidden to the nuncio to participate directly in it, even though he was always trying to have an impact. In the course of the election diet, the nuncio was given an important role of presenting papal preferences and organising the ecclesiastical coalition on a favour of the supported candidate. For the duration of the coronation diet the papal ambassadors played an important ceremonial role. I would like to analyse the significance of those interesting functions and their evolution throughout the XVIth and XVIIth centuries.
The topic is also strictly connected with the papal dominance’s ideology and his wish of influencing every important international event. I would like to refer also to the pointed question of papal neutrality and padre comune image during the early modern period. The intention is not only to describe the political role of papal ambassadors, but also to focus on the phenomenon their ceremonial precedency.
It would be important to conclude with underlining the effective role and the impact of the papal diplomacy in the practice of choosing the Polish free-elected kings.
During the convocation diet, which was deciding about interregnum’s organisation problems, it was usually forbidden to the nuncio to participate directly in it, even though he was always trying to have an impact. In the course of the election diet, the nuncio was given an important role of presenting papal preferences and organising the ecclesiastical coalition on a favour of the supported candidate. For the duration of the coronation diet the papal ambassadors played an important ceremonial role. I would like to analyse the significance of those interesting functions and their evolution throughout the XVIth and XVIIth centuries.
The topic is also strictly connected with the papal dominance’s ideology and his wish of influencing every important international event. I would like to refer also to the pointed question of papal neutrality and padre comune image during the early modern period. The intention is not only to describe the political role of papal ambassadors, but also to focus on the phenomenon their ceremonial precedency.
It would be important to conclude with underlining the effective role and the impact of the papal diplomacy in the practice of choosing the Polish free-elected kings.
Research Interests:
In my paper I would like to focus on cultural and political importance of papal nuncios’ final reports (relazioni finali), as one of the basic sources of knowledge about the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in Roman curia. The final... more
In my paper I would like to focus on cultural and political importance of papal nuncios’ final reports (relazioni finali), as one of the basic sources of knowledge about the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in Roman curia.
The final report was a document, a summary, stipulated by a diplomat at the end of his mission (or immediately after). During the creation of the permanent nunciature office, the practice of preparing the final report often took place orally. Gradually, it evolved into a written version. Throughout the XVIth century, when knowledge about Poland-Lithuania in Rome was rather poor, the relazioni finali used to consist on colourful descriptions of geography, history, as well as social and political relations of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. During the XVIIth century, this kind of document received more political character. It related directly to activities of the papal diplomats, ceremonials and any particular problems regarding the missions, rather than in curiosities.
Especially during the XVIth century, when the papal permanent diplomatic service had just been stabilised in Poland-Lithuania, the final reports were an important contribution to future missions. Newly designated nuncios have willingly used this extremely important piece of information then. The practice of writing relazioni finali made easier for the Holy See to conduct a longer-term diplomacy in the Early Modern Central and Eastern Europe. It also permitted an approach to social and political features of the enormous “noble” republic. Poland-Lithuania was in this epoch a crucial territory to the papacy, because of the plans of the creation of a new catholic league against the Ottoman Empire.
Additionally, the final reports were willingly transcribed by members of noble Italian families. The presence of relazioni finali is testified in the archives of Strozzi, Chigi, Borghese, Corsini and Ottoboni. Their diffusion permitted to spread the lore about Poland-Lithuania across Italy and the whole Western Europe.
The aim of the paper is in fact to prove social and political importance of relazioni finali as a form of cultural message. I would like to present this typology of document as a rich source of information, a kind of future instruction for the following nuncios and a cultural contribution, created to fulfil the knowledge gap in Roman curia.
The final report was a document, a summary, stipulated by a diplomat at the end of his mission (or immediately after). During the creation of the permanent nunciature office, the practice of preparing the final report often took place orally. Gradually, it evolved into a written version. Throughout the XVIth century, when knowledge about Poland-Lithuania in Rome was rather poor, the relazioni finali used to consist on colourful descriptions of geography, history, as well as social and political relations of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. During the XVIIth century, this kind of document received more political character. It related directly to activities of the papal diplomats, ceremonials and any particular problems regarding the missions, rather than in curiosities.
Especially during the XVIth century, when the papal permanent diplomatic service had just been stabilised in Poland-Lithuania, the final reports were an important contribution to future missions. Newly designated nuncios have willingly used this extremely important piece of information then. The practice of writing relazioni finali made easier for the Holy See to conduct a longer-term diplomacy in the Early Modern Central and Eastern Europe. It also permitted an approach to social and political features of the enormous “noble” republic. Poland-Lithuania was in this epoch a crucial territory to the papacy, because of the plans of the creation of a new catholic league against the Ottoman Empire.
Additionally, the final reports were willingly transcribed by members of noble Italian families. The presence of relazioni finali is testified in the archives of Strozzi, Chigi, Borghese, Corsini and Ottoboni. Their diffusion permitted to spread the lore about Poland-Lithuania across Italy and the whole Western Europe.
The aim of the paper is in fact to prove social and political importance of relazioni finali as a form of cultural message. I would like to present this typology of document as a rich source of information, a kind of future instruction for the following nuncios and a cultural contribution, created to fulfil the knowledge gap in Roman curia.
Research Interests:
Jak napisał G. Mattingly, „stali ambasadorzy byli czymś więcej niż jedynie pionkami na dyplomatycznej szachownicy. Oni byli graczami”. Nuncjusze apostolscy musieli umiejętnie rozpoznawać nastroje panujące na dworze, sprawnie identyfikować... more
Jak napisał G. Mattingly, „stali ambasadorzy byli czymś więcej niż jedynie pionkami na dyplomatycznej szachownicy. Oni byli graczami”. Nuncjusze apostolscy musieli umiejętnie rozpoznawać nastroje panujące na dworze, sprawnie identyfikować fakcje, mediować w konfliktach, broniąc jednocześnie interesów swego przełożonego. Komunikacja i wynikające z niej zdobywanie informacji odgrywało centralną rolę w działalności dyplomatów papieskich. Koniecznym było mieć w swoim bezpośrednim otoczeniu osoby biegle znające języki: łacinę, polski, włoski i niemiecki. Nuncjusze czerpali bieżące wiadomości z rozmaitych źródeł, począwszy od urzędników przebywających na dworze, dworzan królewskich, poprzez opozycjonistów, kler, rodzinę królewską, a także autopsję. Świadczą o tym występujące w korespondencji czasowniki, takie jak: ho visto – widziałem, ho inteso – dowiedziałem się. Drugim, docelowym etapem komunikacji nuncjuszy, była wymiana informacji z kurią, która determinowała politykę papiestwa wobec Rzeczpospolitej. Oba te aspekty wymagają analizy mechanizmów komunikacji, jej języka i okoliczności.
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Dylematy papieskiej dyplomacji. Stanowisko polityczne Stolicy Apostolskiej, a działalność nuncjusza Annibale di Capua wobec elekcji 1587 roku
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Bachelor thesis, Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach, tutor: Ryszard Skowron
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This Special Issue of EEHR will deal with the history of diplomacy and of its executors-diplomats (ambassadors, legates, nuntios, internuntios, agents and others) in a geographically covering a wide territorial area situated between the... more
This Special Issue of EEHR will deal with the history of diplomacy and of its executors-diplomats (ambassadors, legates, nuntios, internuntios, agents and others) in a geographically covering a wide territorial area situated between the Baltic and the Black Sea. The seventeenth century's Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, a state conglomerate culturally and politically closely connected to Western Europe, has created, in the field of diplomatic practice, institutions, principles and ceremonies unique in the European context, strongly related to the specific political form of a 'noble republic'. It is in the intentions of the authors to focus on how, the sovereignty of the 'noble nation', as well as a relatively weak position of the Polish-Lithuanian monarch, had such a considerable impact on the issue of foreign policy prerogatives and practices development in this part of Europe.