Last week’s decision to devalue the yuan against the dollar sent turbulence through international markets, but Washington should be aware that Beijing knows how to match Trump’s brinkmanship, writes Wang Xiangwei.

This is no Tiananmen moment – despite delusional radicals on both left and right itching for a military intervention, Beijing is likely to wait these protests out.

Xi Jinping reportedly agreed to allow a compliance department chosen by the US to be embedded into the firm, but the move has only emboldened Washington.

Beijing has become increasingly alarmed by the way radicals have hijacked the previously peaceful demonstrations, while the city’s police have become the most hated in the eyes of many Hongkongers.

Examples abound of the country’s opaque and corruption-ridden law enforcement and judiciary system. Moves are being made to build public confidence, but will they be enough?

Chinese urging concessions for Washington have been attacked by the media, businesses are being forced to change foreign-sounding names, and a war film called The Eight Hundred has been cancelled.

In Hong Kong, residents are worried about Beijing’s attempts to tighten its grip on the city, while central government officials are more concerned with losing control, says Wang Xiangwei.

The chief executive could have avoided much of this quagmire had she not bypassed proper procedures and, instead, consulted the public. In underestimating the pushback, she has shown a lack of political antennae.

American casino licences could be brought into play as trade tensions worsen – not least because bosses like Sheldon Adelson and Steve Wynn have influence with US President Donald Trump.

Former Chinese official Huang Qifan argues that the elimination of tariffs, barriers and subsidies is key for any country that wants to dominate world trade. But will the powers-that-be sit up and take notice?

Blacklisting the tech giant from buying American-made software and parts points to a sinister effort by Washington to halt China’s technological growth. But Beijing would be wise not to follow suit.

Defiant statements by the US and China as the latest set of trade talks unravel look suspiciously like psychological negotiating tactics.

When the Obama-era vice-president said China was ‘not competition’ for the US, the backlash was enough to make him walk back his comments, but the challenges facing President Xi Jinping, from the economy to wrangling the country’s bureaucrats, are vast

China on Saturday marks 100 years since the May Fourth Movement. Love for the nation was also at the core of 1989’s student protests, but officials have been trying their best to obscure that legacy.

An increasingly hawkish US has been closing its doors to Chinese investors, students and academics. But such disengagement reeks of paranoia that could worsen already strained ties between the world’s two largest economies.

In the past, inadequate punishments often meant committing crimes made more financial sense than compliance. But now the Chinese leadership looks to be getting serious about punitive damages.

A pact could help Beijing transform its economy and take the reins on the world stage. And then? Reforming the WTO, joining the new TPP, negotiating free-trade with Japan, Korea and schmoozing Europe should be priorities

The release of a six-year-old speech by the Chinese president, in which he warns of the struggle ahead between socialism and capitalism, comes as the People’s Republic reaches its 70th anniversary – a mark the USSR never passed.

China is spending billions in an effort to tell its stories to the world. But the official media’s poor coverage of an explosion at a chemical plant in Jiangsu exposes just how clueless its propaganda officials really are

The country has had an appalling food safety record over the past decade, with an abundance of public health scandals affecting children. But as long as the ruling class and elites enjoy special privileges, their vows will mean little

Going by official media, the intensity of pledges of allegiance to the president were reminiscent of the 1960s heyday of Mao Zedong. But the Chinese people have grown more mature about political indoctrination.

Li Keqiang’s 100-minute report to the NPC included US$298 billion in tax and fee cuts to shore up the economy, a promise to leave more to market forces – and plenty of acknowledgement of US pressure.

As Trump teases us with a breakthrough in his US-China trade war talks with Xi Jinping, markets breathe a sigh of relief. But any deal looks unlikely to break down that biggest barrier to China’s digital economy: the Great Firewall

The US and Australia have slapped China in the face by hounding these Chinese business figures, but Beijing’s response – and its clumsy public relations skills – have served only to make matters worse

Though there might not be a deal by the time Trump meets Xi, China can address US concerns by improving credibility over everything from IP protection to subsidies for its favoured industries

What do the departures of China’s national soccer coach Marcello Lippi and its securities watchdog chief Liu Shiyu have in common? More than you might think

Cui Yongyuan, one of China’s most renowned TV chat show hosts from the 1990s has shown he’s not afraid to take on the big guns, whether it’s tax-evading celebrities or judges at China’s highest court

As the Shaanxi scandal over illegal villas shows, even China’s most powerful leader since Mao struggles with a bureaucracy that has spent centuries ignoring central government. After all, “the sky is high and the emperor is far away”.

Forget Apple CEO Tim Cook’s claims, Chinese consumer power is not as depressed as widely assumed – as can be seen whenever Chinese travel abroad

In 1998, China paved the way to economic lift off with World Trade Organisation talks. In 2008, it beat the Global Financial Crisis. So in 2018, on its 40th anniversary of reform and opening up, it’s at a familiar juncture