National Assembly Assemblée nationale | |
---|---|
17th legislature of the Fifth French Republic | |
Type | |
Type | of the French Parliament |
History | |
Founded | 4 October 1958 |
Preceded by | National Assembly (French Fourth Republic) |
Leadership | |
Structure | |
Seats | 577 |
Political groups | Government (caretaker) (166)
Opposition (411) |
Elections | |
Two-round system | |
Last election | 30 June and 7 July 2024 |
Meeting place | |
Palais Bourbon, Paris | |
Website | |
www | |
Rules | |
Règlement de l'Assemblée nationale |
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The National Assembly (French: Assemblée nationale [asɑ̃ble nɑsjɔnal]) is the lower house of the bicameral French Parliament under the Fifth Republic, the upper house being the Senate (Sénat). The National Assembly's legislators are known as députés (French pronunciation: [depyte]), meaning "delegate" or "envoy" in English; etymologically, it is a cognate of the English word deputy, the standard term for legislators in many parliamentary systems.
There are 577 députés, each elected by a single-member constituency (at least one per department) through a two-round system; thus, 289 seats are required for a majority. The president of the National Assembly, currently Yaël Braun-Pivet, presides over the body. The officeholder is usually a member of the largest party represented, assisted by vice presidents from across the represented political spectrum. The National Assembly's term is five years; however, the president of France may dissolve the assembly, thereby calling for early elections, unless it has been dissolved in the preceding twelve months. This measure has become rarer since the 2000 French constitutional referendum reduced the presidential term from seven to five years; in the four elections between 2002 and 2017, the president of the Republic has always had a coattail effect delivering a majority in the assembly election two months after the presidential election, and it was accordingly of little benefit to dissolve it. In 2024, it was dissolved following the announcement of the results of the European Parliament election. Due to the separation of powers, the president of the Republic may not take part in parliamentary debates. They can address the Congress of the French Parliament, which meets at the Palace of Versailles, or have the address read by the presidents of both chambers of Parliament, with no subsequent debate.
Following a tradition started by the first National Assembly during the French Revolution, the left-wing parties sit to the left as seen from the president's seat and the right-wing parties to the right; the seating arrangement thus directly indicates the left–right political spectrum as represented in the assembly. The official seat of the National Assembly is the Palais Bourbon on the Rive Gauche of the Seine in the 7th arrondissement of Paris. The Assembly also uses other neighbouring buildings, including the Immeuble Chaban-Delmas on the Rue de l'Université, Paris. Like most institutions of importance in Paris, it is guarded by Republican Guards.
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The French Revolution: Crash Course World History #29
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National Assembly (French Revolution)
Transcription
Hi, my name is John Green, this is Crash Course World History and today we’re going to talk about The French Revolution. Admittedly, this wasn’t the French flag until 1794, but we just felt like he looked good in stripes. [vertical = slimming] As does this guy. Huh? So, while the American Revolution is considered a pretty good thing, the French Revolution is often seen as a bloody, anarchic mess—which— Mr. Green, Mr. Green! I bet, like always, it’s way more complicated than that. Actually no. It was pretty terrible. Also, like a lot of revolutions, in the end it exchanged an authoritarian regime for an authoritarian regime. But even if the revolution was a mess, its ideas changed human history— far more, I will argue, than the American Revolution. [Intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] Right, so France in the 18th century was a rich and populous country, but it had a systemic problem collecting taxes because of the way its society was structured. They had a system with kings and nobles we now call the ancien regime. Thank you, three years of high school French. [and Meredith the Interness] And for most French people, it sucked, [historical term] because the people with the money— the nobles and the clergy— never paid taxes. So by 1789, France was deeply in debt thanks to their funding the American Revolution— thank you, France, [also for Goddard and The Coneheads] we will get you back in World Wars I and II. And King Louis XVI was spending half of his national budget to service the federal debt. Louis tried to reform this system under various finance ministers. He even called for democracy on a local level, but all attempts to fix it failed and soon France basically declared bankruptcy. This nicely coincided with hailstorms that ruined a year’s harvest, [ah, hail] thereby raising food prices and causing widespread hunger, which really made the people of France angry, because they love to eat. Meanwhile, the King certainly did not look broke, as evidenced by his well-fed physique and fancy footwear. He and his wife Marie Antoinette also got to live in the very nice Palace at Versailles thanks to God’s mandate, but Enlightenment thinkers like Kant were challenging the whole idea of religion, writing things like: “The main point of enlightenment is of man’s release from his self-caused immaturity, primarily in matters of religion.” [while smacking folks in face w/ glove] So basically the peasants were hungry, the intellectuals were beginning to wonder whether God could or should save the King, and the nobility were dithering about, eating fois gras and songbirds, [I'd rather eat cake, personally] failing to make meaningful financial reform. In response to the crisis, Louis XVI called a meeting of the Estates General, the closest thing that France had to a national parliament, which hadn’t met since 1614. The Estates General was like a super parliament made up of representatives from the First Estate, the nobles, the Second Estate, the clergy, and the Third Estate, everyone else. The Third Estate showed up with about 600 representatives, the First and Second Estates both had about 300, and after several votes, everything was deadlocked, and then the Third Estate was like, “You know what? Forget you guys. [expletive deleted] We’re gonna leave and we’re gonna become our own National Assembly.” This did not please King Louis XVI. [everything can't be an eclair, Lou] So when the new National Assembly left the room for a break, he locked the doors, and he was like, "Sorry, guys, you can't go in there. And if you can't assemble, how you gonna be a national assembly?" […and with that, mischief managed!] Shockingly, the Third Estate representatives were able to find a different room in France, [D'oh!] this time an indoor tennis court where they swore the famous Tennis Court Oath. [Like McEnroe? You can't be serious..] And they agreed not to give up until a French constitution was established. So then Louis XVI responded by sending troops to Paris primarily to quell uprisings over food shortages, but the revolutionaries saw this as a provocation, so they responded by seizing the Bastille Prison on July 14th, which, coincidentally, is also Bastille Day. The Bastille was stormed ostensibly to free prisoners— although there were only seven in jail at the time— but mostly to get guns. But the really radical move in the National Assembly came on August 4, when they abolished most of the ancien regime. -- feudal rights, tithes, privileges for nobles, unequal taxation, they were all abolished -- in the name of writing a new constitution. And then, on August 26th, the National Assembly proclaimed the Declaration of Rights of Man and Citizen, which laid out a system of rights that applied to every person, and made those rights integral to the new constitution. That’s quite different from the American bill of rights, which was, like, begrudgingly tacked on at the end and only applied to non-slaves. The DoRoMaC, as I called it in high school, declared that everyone had the right to liberty, property, and security— rights that the French Revolution would do an exceptionally poor job of protecting, but as noted last week, the same can be argued for many other supposedly more successful revolutions. Okay, let’s go to the Thought Bubble. Meanwhile, back at Versailles, Louis XVI was still King of France, and it was looking like France might be a constitutional monarchy. Which might've meant that the royal family could hang on to their awesome house, but then, in October of 1789, a rumor started that Marie Antoinette was hoarding grain somewhere inside the palace. And in what became known as the Women's March, a bunch of armed peasant women stormed the palace and demanded that Louis and Marie Antoinette move from Versailles to Paris. Which they did, because everyone is afraid of armed peasant women. ["hell hath no rath" and all] And this is a nice reminder that to many people at the time, the French Revolution was not primarily about fancy Enlightenment ideas; it was mostly about lack of food and a political system that made economic contractions hardest on the poor. Now, a good argument can be made that this first phase of the revolution wasn’t all that revolutionary. The National Assembly wanted to create a constitutional monarchy; they believed that the king was necessary for a functioning state and they were mainly concerned that the voters and office holders be men of property. Only the most radical wing, the Jacobins, called for the creation of a republic. But things were about to get much more revolutionary— and also worse for France. First, the Jacobins had a huge petition drive that got a bit unruly, which led troops controlled not by the King but by the national assembly to fire on the crowd, killing 50 people. And that meant that the National Assembly, which had been the revolutionary voice of the people, had killed people in an attempt to reign in revolutionary fervor. You see this a lot throughout history during revolutions. What looked like radical hope and change suddenly becomes "The Man" as increasingly radical ideas are embraced. Thanks, Thought Bubble. Meanwhile, France’s monarchical neighbors were getting a little nervous about all this republic business, especially Leopold II, who in addition to being the not holy not roman and not imperial holy roman emperor, was Marie Antoinette’s brother. I should note, by the way, that at this point, the Holy Roman Empire was basically just Austria. Also, like a lot of monarchs, Leopold II liked the idea of monarchies, and he wanted to keep his job as a person who gets to stand around wearing a dress, pointing at nothing, owning winged lion-monkeys made out of gold. [must've been a real partier, that one] And who can blame him? So he and King William Frederick II of Prussia together issued the Declaration of Pilnitz, which promised to restore the French monarchy. At this point, Louis and the National Assembly developed a plan: Let’s invade Austria. [always a solid plan?] The idea was to plunder Austria’s wealth and maybe steal some Austrian grain to shore up French food supplies, and also, you know, spread revolutionary zeal. But what actually happened is that Prussia joined Austria in fighting the French. And then Louis encouraged the Prussians, which made him look like an enemy of the revolution, which, of course, he was. And as a result, the Assembly voted to suspend the monarchy, have new elections in which everyone could vote (as long as they were men), and create a new republican constitution. Soon, this Convention decided to have a trial for Louis XVI, who was found guilty and, by one vote, sentenced to die via guillotine. Which made it difficult for Austria and Prussia to restore him to the throne. Oh, it’s time for the open letter? [musical chairs undefeated champ rolls] An Open Letter to the Guillotine. But first, let’s see what’s in the secret compartment today. Oh, there’s nothing. Oh my gosh, Stan! Jeez. That’s not funny! [That's what Anne Boleyn said…] Dear Guillotine, I can think of no better example of Enlightenment thinking run amok. Dr. Joseph Guillotine, the inventor of the guillotine, envisioned it as an egalitarian way of dying. They said the guillotine was humane and it also made no distinction between rich or poor, noble or peasant. It killed equally. You were also celebrated for taking the torture out of execution. But I will remind you, you did not take the dying out of execution. [or have a self-cleaning function] Unfortunately for you, France hasn’t executed anyone since 1977. But you’ll be happy to know that the last legal execution in France was via guillotine. Plus, you’ve always got a future in horror movies. Best wishes, John Green The death of Louis XVI marks the beginning of The Terror, the best known or at least the most sensational phase of the revolution. I mean, if you can kill the king, you can kill pretty much anyone, which is what the government did under the leadership of the Committee of Public Safety (Motto: We suck at protecting public safety) led by Maximilien Robespierre. The terror saw the guillotining of 16,000 enemies of the revolution including Marie “I never actually said Let them eat cake” Antoinette and Maximilien Robespierre himself, who was guillotined in the month of Thermidor in the year Two. Oh, right. So while France was broke and fighting in like nine wars, the Committee of Public Safety changed the measurements of time because, you know, the traditional measurements are so irrational and religion-y. So they renamed all the months and decided that every day would have 10 hours and each hour 100 minutes. And then, after the Terror, the revolution pulled back a bit and another new constitution was put into place, this one giving a lot more power to wealthy people. At this point, France was still at war with Austria and Britain, wars that France ended up winning, largely [lol] thanks to a little corporal named Napoleon Bonaparte. The war was backdrop to a bunch of coups and counter coups that I won’t get into right now because they were very complicated, but the last coup that we’ll talk about, in 1799, established Napoleon Bonaparte as the First Consul of France. And it granted him almost unlimited executive power under yet another constitution. By which he presumably meant that France’s government had gone all the way from here to here to here. As with the American revolution, it’s easy to conclude that France’s revolution wasn’t all that revolutionary. I mean, Napoleon was basically an emperor and, in some ways, he was even more of an absolute monarch than Louis XVI had been. Gradually the nobles came back to France, although they had mostly lost their special privileges. The Catholic Church returned, too, although much weaker because it had lost land and the ability to collect tithes. And when Napoleon himself fell, France restored the monarchy, and except for a four-year period, between 1815 and 1870, France had a king who was either a Bourbon or a Bonaparte. Now, these were no longer absolute monarchs who claimed that their right to rule came from God; they were constitutional monarchs of the kind that the revolutionaries of 1789 had originally envisioned. But the fact remains that France had a king again, and a nobility, and an established religion and it was definitely not a democracy or a republic. And perhaps this is why the French Revolution is so controversial and open to interpretation. Some argue the revolution succeeded in spreading enlightenment ideals even if it didn’t bring democracy to France. Others argue that the real legacy of the Revolution wasn’t the enhancement of liberty, but of state power. Regardless, I’d argue that the French Revolution was ultimately far more revolutionary than its American counterpart. I mean, in some ways, America never had an aristocracy, but in other ways it continued to have one— the French enlightenment thinker, Diderot, felt that Americans should “fear a too unequal division of wealth resulting in a small number of opulent citizens and a multitude of citizens living in misery.” And the American Revolution did nothing to change that polarization of wealth. What made the French Revolution so radical was its insistence on the universality of its ideals. I mean, look at Article 6 of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen: “Law is the expression of the general will. Every citizen has a right to participate personally, or through his representative, in its foundation. It must be the same for all, whether it protects or punishes.” Those are radical ideas, that the laws come from citizens, not from kings or gods, and that those laws should apply to everyone equally. That’s a long way from Hammurabi— and in truth, it’s a long way from the slaveholding Thomas Jefferson. In the 1970s, Chinese President Zhou Enlai was asked what the affects of the French Revolution had been. And he said, “It’s too soon to say.” And in a way, it still is. The French Revolution asked new questions about the nature of people’s rights and the derivation of those rights. And we’re still answering those questions and sorting through how our answers should shape society today. —must government be of the people to be for the people? Do our rights derive from nature or from God or from neither? And what are those rights? As William Faulkner said, “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.” Thanks for watching. I’ll see you next week. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller, our script supervisor is Danica Johnson, the show is written by my high school history teacher Raoul Meyer and myself, our graphics team is Thought Bubble, [If you <3 our graphics, Blame Canada!] and we are ably interned by Meredith Danko. [dba: The Interness or MTVCS] Last week’s phrase of the week was "Giant Tea Bag" [seriously, it totally was] If you want to suggest future phrases of the week, or guess at this week's you can do so in comments, where you can also ask questions about today’s video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thanks for watching Crash Course, and as we say in my hometown, don’t forget, Metal Ball, I Can Hear You. [slides out like an ace photobomber] [music outro] [music outro]
Relations with the executive
The Constitution of France in the Fifth Republic greatly increased the power of the executive at the expense of Parliament, compared to previous constitutions (Third and Fourth Republics), following the May 1958 crisis.[1]
The president of the Republic can decide to dissolve the National Assembly and call for new legislative elections. This is meant as a way to resolve stalemates where the Assembly cannot decide on a clear political direction. This possibility is seldom exercised. In 1997, President Jacques Chirac dissolved the National Assembly due to the lack of popularity of Prime Minister Alain Juppé. However, the plan backfired, as the newly elected majority was opposed to Chirac.
The National Assembly can dismiss the executive government (that is, the prime minister and other ministers) by a motion of no confidence (motion de censure). For this reason, prime ministers and their government are necessarily from the dominant party or coalition in the assembly. In the case of a president of the Republic and National Assembly from opposing parties, this leads to the situation known as cohabitation; this situation, which has occurred three times (twice under François Mitterrand, once under Jacques Chirac), is likely to be rarer now that terms of the president and Assembly are the same length (5 years since the 2000 referendum) and are elected in the same year.
While motions de censure are periodically proposed by the opposition following government actions that it deems highly inappropriate, they are purely rhetorical; party discipline ensures that, throughout a parliamentary term, the Government is never dismissed by the Assembly, at least when the governing party/coalition holds a working majority in the Chamber (which was no longer the case following the 2022 election).[2] Since the beginning of the Fifth Republic, there has only been one single successful motion de censure, in 1962 in hostility to the referendum on the method of election of the President of the Republic;[3] President Charles de Gaulle dissolved the Assembly within a few days.[4]
The Government (the prime minister and the minister in charge of relations with Parliament) used to set the priorities of the agenda for the Assembly's sessions, except for a single day each month. In practice, given the number of priority items, it meant that the schedule of the assembly was almost entirely set by the executive; bills generally only have a chance to be examined if proposed or supported by the executive. This, however, was amended on 23 July 2008. Under the amended Constitution, the Government sets the priorities for two weeks in a month. Another week is designated for the Assembly's "control" prerogatives (consisting mainly of oral questions addressed to the Government). The fourth one is also set by the Assembly. Furthermore, one day per month is set by a "minority" (group supporting the Government but which is not the largest group) or "opposition" group (having officially declared it did not support the Government).
Legislators of the assembly can ask written or oral questions to ministers. The Wednesday afternoon 3 p.m. session of "questions to the government" is broadcast live on television. Like Prime Minister's Questions in the United Kingdom, it is largely a show for the viewers, with members of the majority asking flattering questions, while the opposition tries to embarrass the government.[5]
Elections
Since 1988, the 577 deputies are elected by direct universal suffrage with a two-round system by constituency, for a five-year mandate, subject to dissolution. The constituencies each have about 100,000 inhabitants. The electoral law of 1986 specifies their variance of population within a department should not exceed 20%, when conducting any redistribution.[6] However, none were redrawn between 1982 and 2009. As a result of population movements, births and deaths inequalities between the less populous rural districts and the urban districts arose. The deputy for the most populous (within Val-d'Oise), represented 188,000 voters, while that for the other extreme (for Lozère at-large), represented 34,000. That for Saint Pierre and Miquelon serves fewer than 6,000. Most were redrawn in 2009 (boundaries officially adopted in 2010, effective in 2012),[7] but this redistribution was controversial,[8] such as the creation of eleven constituencies for French residents overseas without increasing the number of seats.[9][10] The electoral map is drawn by an independent commission.
To be elected in the first round of voting, a candidate must obtain at least 50% of the votes cast, with a turnout of at least 25% of the registered voters on the electoral rolls. If no candidate is elected in the first round, those who account for in excess of 12.5% (1⁄8) of the registered voters are entered in the second round of voting. If no three or more meet such conditions, the two highest-placing candidates automatically advance to the second round of voting – at which, the candidate who receives the most votes is elected. Each candidate is enrolled along with a substitute, who takes the candidate's place if during tenure incapacitated or barred – if the deputy becomes a government member, most notably.
The organic law of 10 July 1985 established a system of party-list proportional representation within the framework of the département. It was necessary within this framework to obtain at least 5% of the vote to elect an official. However, the legislative election of 1986, carried out under this system, gave France a new majority which returned the National Assembly to the aforementioned two-round system.
Of the 577 elected deputies, 539 represent metropolitan France, 27 represent the overseas departments and overseas collectivities; 11 represent French residents overseas.[11]
Procedure
The agenda of the National Assembly is mostly decided by the Government, although the Assembly can also enforce its own agenda. Indeed, article 48 of the Constitution guarantees at least a monthly session decided by the Assembly.[12]
Law proposal
A law proposal is a document divided into three distinct parts: a title, an exposé des motifs and a dispositif. The exposé des motifs describes the arguments in favour of a modification of a given law or new measurements that are proposed. The dispositif is the normative part, which is developed within articles.[12]
A proposal for a law can originate from the Government (projet de loi) or a member of Parliament (proposition de loi). Certain laws must come from the Government, including financial regulations.[13] The law proposals may pass through the National Assembly and Senate in an indifferent order, except for financial laws which must go through the Assembly first, or territorial organisational laws or laws for French citizens living in foreign countries, which must first pass through the Senate.[14]
Deposit of a law
For an ordinary proposition of law, texts must be first reviewed by a permanent parliamentary commission, or a special commission designated for this purpose. During the discussion in the commission, or in plenary sessions in the assembly, the Government and Parliament can add, modify or delete articles of the proposal. The text is thus amended. Amendments proposed by a parliamentarian cannot mobilise further public funding. The Government has to right to ask the Assembly to pronounce itself in one vote only with the amendments proposed or accepted by the Government itself.[12]
Projects of propositions of laws will be examined succinctly by the two chambers of Parliament (National Assembly and Senate) until the text is identical. After two lectures by the two chambers (or just one if the Government chooses to engage an acceleration of the text adoption, which can happen only in certain conditions) and without any accord, the Prime Minister or the two presidents of the chambers, conjointly with first, can convoke a special commission composed by an equal number of members of Assembly and Senators to reach a compromise and propose a new text. The new proposition has to be approved by the Government before being re-proposed to the two chambers. No new amendments can be added except on the Government's approval. If the new proposal of law fails to be approved by the two chambers, the Government can, after a new lecture by the National Assembly and the Senate, ask the National Assembly to rule a final judgement. In that case, the National Assembly can either take back the text elaborated by the special commission or the last one that they voted for – possibly modified by several amendments by the Senate.[12]
The president of the Republic, on the Government or the two chambers' proposal, can submit every law proposal as a referendum if it concerns the organisation of public powers, reforms on the economy, social and environmental measures, or every proposition that would have an impact on the functioning of the institutions. A referendum on the previous conditions can also be initiated by a fifth of the membership of Parliament, supported by a tenth of the voters inscribed on the electoral lists.[15] Finally, the laws are promulgated by the president of the Republic's signature. The officeholder may call for a new legislative deliberation of the law or one of its articles in front of the National Assembly, which cannot be denied.[12]
Conditions and benefits of deputies
Remuneration
Assembly legislators receive a salary of €7,043.69 per month. There is also the "compensation representing official expenses" (indemnité représentative de frais de mandat, IRFM) of €5,867.39 per month to pay costs related to the office, as well as a total of €8,949 per month to pay up to five employees. They also have an office in the assembly, various perquisites in terms of transport and communications, social security, a pension fund and unemployment insurance. Under article 26 of the Constitution, deputies, like Senators, are protected by parliamentary immunity. In the case of an accumulation of mandates, a deputy cannot receive a wage of more than €9,779.11. Deputies' expenses can be scrutinised by a commission; sanctions can be pronounced if expenses were undue.
Accumulation of mandates and minimum age
The position of deputy of the National Assembly is incompatible with that of any other elected legislative position (Senator or since 2000, Member of European Parliament) or with some administrative functions (members of the Constitutional Council and senior officials such as prefects, magistrates, or officers who are ineligible for department where they are stationed).
Deputies may not have more than one local mandate (in a municipal, intercommunal, general, or regional council) in addition to their incumbent mandate. Since the 2017 legislative election, deputies cannot hold an executive position in any local government (municipality, department, region). However, they can hold a part-time councillor mandate. In July 2017, 58% of deputies held such a seat. Since 1958, the mandate is also incompatible with a ministerial function. Upon appointment to the Government, the elected deputy has one month to choose between the mandate and the office. If they choose the second option, then they are replaced by their substitute. Since a change validated by the National Assembly in 2008, deputies can return to their seat in the assembly one month after the end of their cabinet position. Previously, a special election had to be held.
To be eligible to be elected to the National Assembly, one must be at least 18 years old,[16] of French citizenship, as well as not subject to a sentence of deprivation of civil rights or to personal bankruptcy.
Eligibility conditions
1. Eligibility due to personal requirements
The essential conditions to run for elections are the following. First, a candidate must have French citizenship. Secondly, the minimum age required to run for a seat at the National Assembly is set at 18 years old.[17] The candidate must also have fulfilled his National Civic Day, a special day created to replace the military service.[18] Finally, a candidate under guardianship and curatorship cannot be elected to the assembly.[19]
Furthermore, a person cannot be elected if they were declared ineligible following fraudulent funding of a previous electoral campaign. Indeed, the voter could be considered as highly influenced and their decision making could be impacted. The sincerity of the results could thus not be regarded as viable and legitimate.[20]
2. Eligibility due to positions that a person may occupy
The deputy mandate cannot be cumulated with a mandate of Senator, MEP, member of the Government or of the Constitutional Council.[17]
The deputy mandate is also incompatible with being a member of the military corps on duty, as well as with the exercise of one of the following mandates: regional council executive, Corsican Assembly executive, departmental council executive or municipal council executive in a municipality of a least or more than 3,500 inhabitants.[21] Prefects are also unable to be elected in France in every district they are exercising power or exercised power for less than three years before the date of the election.[22]
Since 31 March 2017, being elected deputy is incompatible with most executive local mandates such as mayors, president of a regional council or member of the departmental council.[23]
Historical composition
Election | Metropolitan France |
Overseas France | Total seats | Changes | ||
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Overseas departments (DOM) |
Overseas territories (TOM) |
Territorial collectivities | ||||
1958 | 465 | 10[l] + 71[m] | 33[n] | − | 579 | − |
1962 | 465 | 10 | 7 | − | 482 |
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1967 | 470 | 10 | 7 | − | 487 |
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1968 | 470 | 10 | 7 | − | 487 | − |
1973 | 473 | 10 | 7 | − | 490 |
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1978 | 474 | 11 | 5 | 1 | 491 |
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1981 | 474 | 11 | 5 | 1 | 491 | − |
1986 | 555 (95 departments) |
15 (5 DOM) |
5 (3 TOM) |
2 (2 Territorial collectivities) |
577 |
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1988 | 555 | 15 | 5 | 2 | 577 |
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French Revolution (1789–1799)
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17th legislature
Parliamentary groups
Parliamentary group | Members | Related | Total | President | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
RN | National Rally | 123 | 3 | 126 | Marine Le Pen | |
EPR | Together for the Republic | 87 | 12 | 99 | Gabriel Attal | |
LFI-NFP | La France Insoumise-New Popular Front | 71 | 1 | 72 | Mathilde Panot | |
SOC | Socialists and Affiliated | 62 | 4 | 66 | Boris Vallaud | |
DR | The Republicans | 41 | 6 | 47 | Laurent Wauquiez | |
ECO | Ecologists | 38 | 0 | 38 | Cyrielle Chatelain | |
DEM | The Democrats | 35 | 1 | 36 | Marc Fesneau | |
HOR | Horizons and Affiliated | 26 | 5 | 31 | Laurent Marcangeli | |
LIOT | Liberties, Independents, Overseas and Territories | 21 | 0 | 21 | Stéphane Lenormand | |
GDR | Democratic and Republican Left | 17 | 0 | 17 | André Chassaigne | |
ÀD | On the Right | 16 | 0 | 16 | Éric Ciotti | |
NI | Non-Attached Members | – | – | 8 | – |
Bureau of the National Assembly
Presidencies of committees
Standing committees | President | Group | |
---|---|---|---|
Cultural and Education Affairs Committee | Fatiha Keloua Hachi | SOC | |
Economic Affairs Committee | Antoine Armand | EPR | |
Foreign Affairs Committee | Jean-Noël Barrot | DEM | |
Social Affairs Committee | Paul Christophe | HOR | |
National Defence and Armed Forces Committee | Jean-Michel Jacques | RE | |
Sustainable Development, Spatial and Regional Planning Committee | Sandrine Le Feur | RE | |
Finance, General Economy and Budgetary Monitoring Committee | Éric Coquerel | LFI-NFP | |
Constitutional Acts, Legislation and General Administration Committee | Florent Boudié | RE | |
Other committee | President | Group | |
European Affairs Committee | TBD |
Deputies
- List of deputies of the 11th National Assembly of France
- List of deputies of the 12th National Assembly of France
- List of deputies of the 13th National Assembly of France
- List of deputies of the 14th National Assembly of France
- List of deputies of the 15th National Assembly of France
- List of deputies of the 16th National Assembly of France
- List of deputies of the 17th National Assembly of France
See also
Notes
- ^
- ^
- MoDem (33)
- Renaissance (2)
- RSM (1)
- ^
- ^
- ^
- ^
- ^
- ^
- ^
- ^
- LR (16)
- ^
- Renaissance (2)
- LR (2)
- DVD (2)
- RN (1)
- PS (1)
- ^ 3 seats for Martinique, 3 for Guadeloupe, 3 for Réunion and 1 for French Guiana
- ^ 67 seats for French Algeria and 4 seats for French departments of Sahara.
- ^ They were not elected in 1958 and remained provisionally in office to represent the territories of French Community: Mauritania (1), Senegal (2), Sudan (4), Ivory Coast (1), Upper Volta (4), Dahomey (2) and Niger (2), previously included in French West Africa; Chad (2), Ubangi-Shari (1), Ubangi-Shari-Chad (1), Gabon (1), French Congo (1), Gabon-French Congo (1), previously included in French Equatorial Africa; Madagascar (5); Comoros, French Somali Coast, French Polynesia, Saint Pierre and Miquelon and New Caledonia (with one seat each). In 1959, these last five entities decided to assume the status of Overseas territory (TOM) and new elections were held (in particular, 1959 Comoros by-election and 1959 French Somaliland by-election), while the other territories became independent and lost their representation. An additional seat was attributed to Comoros (multi-member costituency).
References
- ^ William G. Andrews (August 1978). Legislative Studies Quarterly (ed.). "The Constitutional Prescription of Parliamentary Procedures in Gaullist France". Legislative Studies Quarterly. 3 (3): 465–506. JSTOR 439454.
- ^ "La motion de censure : véritable moyen de contrôle?" [Motion of no confidence: a real mean of control?]. vie-publique.fr (in French). 30 June 2018. Archived from the original on 1 July 2019. Retrieved 10 July 2019.
- ^ "ASSEMBLÉE NATIONALE, CONSTITUTION DU 4 . OCTOBRE 1958" [NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, CONSTITUTION OF 4. OCTOBER 1958] (PDF) (in French). 4 October 1962. p. 3268. Archived (PDF) from the original on 16 July 2011. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ "Fac-similé JO du 10/10/1962". legifrance.gouv.fr (in French). p. 9818. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ Anne-Laure Nicot (January 2007). E.N.S. Editions (ed.). "La démocratie en questions: L'usage stratégique de démocratie et de ses dérivés dans les questions au gouvernement de la 11e Législature" [Democracy in question. The strategic use of democracy and its derivatives in questions to the government of the 11th Legislature] (in French). pp. 9–21. doi:10.4000/mots.856. Archived from the original on 5 July 2017. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ Stéphane Mandard (7 June 2007). "En 2005, un rapport préconisait le remodelage des circonscriptions avant les législatives de 2007" [In 2005, a report recommended the redesign of the constituencies before the 2007 legislative elections]. Le Monde.
- ^ "Ordonnance n° 2009-935 du 29 juillet 2009 portant répartition des sièges et délimitation des circonscriptions pour l'élection des députés" [Order n° 2009-935 of 29 July 2009 relating to the distribution of seats and the delimitation of constituencies for the election of deputies] (in French). Archived from the original on 6 April 2012. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ Pierre Salvere. "La révision des circonscriptions électorales: Un échec démocratique annoncé" [Electoral districts review: an announced democratic failure]. Fondation Terra Nova (in French). Archived from the original on 21 July 2011. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ "Elections 2012 – Votez à l'étranger" [Elections 2012 – Vote abroad]. legifrance.gouv.fr (in French). Archived from the original on 7 July 2011. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ "Redécoupage électoral – 11 députés pour les Français de l'étranger" [Electoral cutting – 11 deputies for French citizens abroad]. Le Petit Journal. Archived from the original on 30 September 2011. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ "Code électoral – Article LO119" [Electoral code – Article LO119]. legifrance.gouv.fr (in French). Archived from the original on 31 July 2020. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ a b c d e "Les Propositions De Loi, Du DEPOT à La Promulgation" [Bills of law, from filing to promulgation]. Assemblee-nationale.fr. (in French). Archived from the original on 31 July 2020. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ "Comment crée-t-on une loi?" [How do you make a law?]. Libération (in French). 9 June 2017. Archived from the original on 31 July 2020. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ "The Senate votes the law – Taking the initiative". Senat.fr. Archived from the original on 30 December 2019. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ Durand, A (7 December 2018). "Qu'est-ce que le référendum d'initiative citoyenne (RIC) demandé par des " gilets jaunes " ?" [What is the citizens' initiative referendum (RIC) requested by "yellow vests"?]. Le Monde (in French). Archived from the original on 16 July 2020. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ "Quelles sont les conditions nécessaires pour devenir député ou sénateur ?" [What are the conditions for becoming a deputy or senator?]. vie-publique.fr (in French). 30 June 2018. Archived from the original on 26 March 2019. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ a b "Code électoral – Article LO137" [Electoral code – Article LO137]. legifrance.gouv.fr (in French). Archived from the original on 31 July 2020. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ "Code électoral – Article L45" [Electoral code – Article L45]. legifrance.gouv.fr (in French). Archived from the original on 31 July 2020. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ "Code électoral – Article LO129" [Electoral code – Article LO129]. legifrance.gouv.fr (in French). Archived from the original on 31 July 2020. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ Nationale, A. "Fiche de synthèse n°14 : L'élection des députés" [Summary sheet n° 14: Election of deputies]. Assemblee-nationale.fr. Archived from the original on 22 June 2020. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ "Code électoral – Article LO141" [Electoral code – Article LO141]. legifrance.gouv.fr (in French). Archived from the original on 31 July 2020. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ "Code électoral – Article LO132" [Electoral code – Article LO132]. legifrance.gouv.fr (in French). Archived from the original on 31 July 2020. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ "LOI Organique N° 2014-125 Du 14 Février 2014 Interdisant Le Cumul De Fonctions Exécutives Locales Avec Le Mandat De Député Ou De Sénateur" [Organic LAW n° 2014-125 of 14 February 2014 prohibiting the combination of local executive functions with the mandate of deputy or senator]. Legifrance.gouv.fr. (in French). Archived from the original on 31 July 2020. Retrieved 18 June 2020.
- ^ "Effectif des groupes politiques - Assemblée nationale". www2.assemblee-nationale.fr. Retrieved 20 July 2024.
- ^ "Le Bureau de l'Assemblée nationale – Assemblée nationale". Archived from the original on 30 May 2023. Retrieved 12 June 2023.
- ^ Kagni, Maxence. "Assemblée nationale : découvrez les noms des présidents des huit commissions | LCP - Assemblée nationale". lcp.fr (in French). Retrieved 22 July 2024.
External links
- Official website (English)