Svoboda | Graniru | BBC Russia | Golosameriki | Facebook

To install click the Add extension button. That's it.

The source code for the WIKI 2 extension is being checked by specialists of the Mozilla Foundation, Google, and Apple. You could also do it yourself at any point in time.

4,5
Kelly Slayton
Congratulations on this excellent venture… what a great idea!
Alexander Grigorievskiy
I use WIKI 2 every day and almost forgot how the original Wikipedia looks like.
Live Statistics
English Articles
Improved in 24 Hours
Added in 24 Hours
What we do. Every page goes through several hundred of perfecting techniques; in live mode. Quite the same Wikipedia. Just better.
.
Leo
Newton
Brights
Milds

Green gross domestic product

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The green gross domestic product (green GDP or GGDP) is an index of economic growth with the environmental consequences of that growth factored into a country's conventional GDP. Green GDP monetizes the loss of biodiversity, and accounts for costs caused by climate change. Some environmental experts prefer physical indicators (such as "waste per capita" or "carbon dioxide emissions per year"), which may be aggregated to indices such as the "Sustainable Development Index".

YouTube Encyclopedic

  • 1/5
    Views:
    2 328 711
    5 253 096
    4 576 369
    1 238
    1 317 059
  • Globalization I - The Upside: Crash Course World History #41
  • ATP & Respiration: Crash Course Biology #7
  • Indus Valley Civilization: Crash Course World History #2
  • Planeta azul salvaje 3- Gigantes de Palau,GRANDES DOCUMENTALES,DOCUMENTALES 2018,ANIMALES MARINOS
  • India's Geography Problem

Transcription

Hi, I'm John Green. This is Crash Course World History. And today is the penultimate episode of Crash Course. We're gonna talk about globalization. This was going to be the last episode, but I just can't quit you, World Historians. So, today we're going to talk about globalization, and in doing so, we're going to talk about why we study history at all. [Jobs program for the Harris Tweed set?] Ooh ooh, Mr. Green! Yes, Me from the Past? We study history to get a good grade to go to a good college to get a good job-- --so you can make more money than you would otherwise make and be a slightly larger cog among the seven billion gears that turn the planet's economic engine. Right? And that's fine, but if that's why you really study history, then you need to understand all the ways that the t-shirt you're wearing is both the cause and result of your ambition. This t-shirt contains the global economy: Its efficiency; its massive surplus; its hyperconnectedness; and its unsustainability. This t-shirt tells one story of globalization. So let's follow it. [BEST] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [EVAR] So, globalization is a cultural phenomenon. It's reflected in contemporary artwork and population migration and linguistic changes, but we're going to focus, as we so often have during Crash Course, on trade. So the world today, as symbolized by our international felt melange, [how's your SAT vocab retention doing?] experiences widespread global economic interdependence. Now, of course economic interdependence and the accompanying cultural borrowing are nothing new, you'll remember that we found trade documents from the Indus Valley civilization all the way in Mesopotamia. [home of the Mesopotamians] But for a few reasons, the scale of this trade has increased dramatically. 1. Multinational corporations have global reach and increasing power. 2. Travel and shipping are cheap and safe. It took about two months to cross the Atlantic in 1800. Today it takes about five hours by plane, and less than a week by ship. [nothing beats a TARDIS, however. TARDISes (TARDI?) are cool.] 3. Governments have decreased tariffs and regulations on international trade, leading to what is sometimes called euphemistically "free trade." To which I say, if this trade is so free, how come BBC America is in the premium tier of my cable package? To understand the role that governments play in international trade, let's look again at this t-shirt. [which is exceptional, you'll agree] This t-shirt, like most t-shirts made in the world, contains 100% American cotton. And that's not because the U.S. makes the best cotton or the most efficient cotton, it's because the U.S. government subsidizes cotton production. And that's what makes this cotton cheaper than cotton of similar quality from Brazil or India. But in the last 30 years, the US's share of cotton exports has gone down as Brazil, India, and Africa's cotton exports go up. And that trend will likely continue as the US moves away from its expensive cotton subsidies. In fact, these days it's already possible to find t-shirts with Brazilian, Indian, or Ugandan cotton, or a mixture of cottons from all around the world. But because the American government doesn't subsidize industry in the way it does agricultural production, the actual spinning and weaving of the cotton takes place in lower wage countries: Mexico, Guatemala, Vietnam, China, India, China, China, sometimes even China. And then the finished shirts, called blanks, are usually sent to Europe or the United States for screenprinting, and then sold. You would think the most expensive part of this process is the part where we ship this across the Pacific Ocean, turn it into this, and then ship it back across the Pacific Ocean, but you'd be wrong. Wholesale t-shirt blanks can cost as little as $3; the expense is in the printing, the retail side of things, and paying the designer at Thought Bubble who was tasked with the difficult job of creating a Mongol who is at once cute and terrifying. So contemporary global trade is pretty anarchic and unregulated, at least by international institutions and national governments. Much of this has to do with academic economists, mostly in the U.S. and Europe who have argued with great success that governmental regulation diminishes prosperity by limiting growth. Now, some nations-- in Latin America, the Caribbean, and Africa-- haven't been particularly keen to pursue free trade but they've been bullied into it by larger economies with whom they desperately need to trade. So in the past 30 years, we've seen all these emerging markets lowering their tariffs, getting rid of regulation, and privatizing formerly state run businesses. And they often do that to appease the International Monetary Fund, which offers low interest loans to developing world economies with the motto: Many Strings Attached. Now, whether these decreased regulations have been a net positive for these developing world economies is a subject of much debate, we we will wade into it. But not until next week. First, we need to understand more about the nature of this trade. So you'll remember from the Industrial Revolution episode that industrial western powers produced most of the manufactured goods, which were then sold in international markets, but you'll also remember that domestic consumption was extremely important. I mean, almost all early Model T's were built by Americans, and bought by Americans. But since the 1960s, and especially today, former non-industrialized parts of the world had been manufacturing consumer goods-- for domestic markets, yes, but primarily for foreign ones. This t-shirt, made in China and the Dominican Republic before being imported to Mexico and then to the United States, is a primary example of what I'm talking about, but so is the computer that you're watching me on. Your computer was probably manufactured in China, but with parts from all over the world, especially Taiwan, Japan and South Korea. And this international manufacturing is always finding, like, new markets too. Like, Brazil, for instance, has a huge technology sector. They make iPads there, actually. Sorry, I'm trying to play Angry Birds. [way to set an example for the kids, John] But, what all these countries have in common is that while there is a domestic market for things like iPads and t-shirts, the foreign markets are much, much bigger. Oh, it's time for the Open Letter? An Open Letter to Cookie Monster. [from Sesame St. or death metal vocalists?] But first, let's see what's in the secret compartment today. Oh, it's a cookie dough flavored Balance Bar. For people who love cookies AND pretending to be healthy. Dear Cookie Monster, Here's the thing, man. You don't have a stomach. That's why when you put a cookie in your mouth, it crumbles up and then it just falls out of your mouth. But here's what fascinates me, Cookie Monster. I believe you when you say you love cookies. It doesn't matter that you can't actually eat cookies because where you would have a stomach, you instead have someone's arm. [awesome. John Green just ruined Cookie Monster for me. like, forever.] And that, Cookie Monster, is what makes you a beautiful symbol for contemporary consumption. You just keep eating. Even though you can't eat. [profundity FTW] Cookie Monster, you are the best and the worst of us. Best Wishes, John Green So, although die-hard Marxists might still resist this, by 2012 it's become pretty obvious that global capitalism has been good for a lot of people. It certainly increased worldwide economic output. And while American autoworkers may suffer job loss, moving manufacturing jobs from high wage to lower wage countries allows a greater number of people to live better than they did when the First and Second Worlds monopolized manufacturing. And while I don't want to conflate correlation and causation, some 600 million people have emerged from poverty in the last 30 years, at least according to the World Bank's definition of poverty, which is living on less than $1.25 a day. [roughly the cost of a Clif Bar] Americans can argue about whether absurdly inexpensive clothes, shoes and televisions are worth the domestic economic and social dislocation, but for the Vietnamese worker stitching a pair of sneakers, that job represents an opportunity for a longer, healthier and more secure life than she would have had if those shoes were made in the U.S.A. But, before we jump on the celebratory globalization bandwagon, let's acknowledge that this brave new world has some side effects. For instance, it maybe hasn't been so good for families, it definitely has not been good for the environment, and also there's a chance that globalization will spark, like, the end of the human species. [thanks for the doomy reminder, Sandy] But, we're gonna talk about all that next week. For today, let's bring on the bandwagon and ride straight for the Thought Bubble. So these days, people move more than they ever have. 21% of people living in Canada were born somewhere else, as was an astonishing 69% of Kuwait's current population. Migration has become easier because 1. air travel is pretty cheap, especially if you only take a few plane trips in your life, and 2. it's relatively easy and inexpensive to stay in touch with relatives living far away thanks to Skype, mobile phones, and inexpensive calling cards, also 3. even with increased industrialization in the developing world, economic opportunities are often much better in wealthy countries. Remittances-- money sent home by people working abroad-- are now a huge driver of economic growth in the developing world. Like, in Tajikistan, for instance, remittances are 35% of the country's total gross domestic product. With all these people moving around the world, it's not surprising that globalization also means cultural blending. When people move, they don't just give up their literary, culinary, artistic, and musical traditions. Globalized culture is a bit of a paradox, though, because some people see culture today as increasingly Americanized, right? Like, FRIENDS is currently broadcast in over 100 countries; you can find Diet Coke for sale deep in the jungles of Madagascar; the NBA is huge in China. There are fewer languages spoken today, and probably less cultural diversity. But on the other hand, an individual's access to diverse cultural experience has never been greater. Bollywood movies, Swedish hip hop, [oh you, Petey Van Houten!] Brazilian soap operas, highlights from Congolese football matches. These are all available to us. Culinary cultural fusion is all the rage; more novels are translated from languages than ever before, although few are actually read; and in the surest sign of cultural globalization, futbol, the world's game, has finally reached America, where broadcasts of the greatest collective enterprise humanity has ever known, Liverpool Football Club, got record ratings in 2012. [oh you, John Green] Thanks, Thought Bubble. Hey, one last request: Could you put me in a Liverpool jersey? On the pitch at Anfield? Raising the premier league trophy? WITH STEVEN GERRARD HUGGING ME? YES, JUST LIKE THAT. OH, THOUGHT BUBBLE I LOVE YOU SO MUCH. [who knew ThoughtBubblers were streakers?] Okay, so this all brings us to how globalization has changed us, and whether it's for the better. Assuming you make the minimum wage here in the United States, this t-shirt, purchased at your friendly neighborhood e-tailer dftba.com, [way to Lastufka a plug in there] will cost you about three hours worth of work-- and yes, that does include shipping. [zing] By the time it arrives at your door, the cotton within that t-shirt will have traveled by truck, train, ship, possibly even airplane if you opt for priority shipping. And it will probably have travelled further than Magellan did during his famous circumnavigation of the globe. You get all of that for THREE HOURS of work; by contrast, a far less comfortable garment several hundred years ago would have cost you ten times as much work. But these improvements have been accompanied by change so radical that we struggle to contextualize it. Like, the human population of our planet over time looks like this. Dang. Like, in 1800, there were a billion human beings on this planet. And that was more than had ever been seen before. And we live more than twice as long on average as humans did just two centuries ago, largely due to improved health care for women in childbirth and their infants, but also thanks to antibiotics and the second agricultural revolution that began in the 1950s, the so-called "green revolution" that saw increased use of chemical fertilizers lead to dramatically higher crop yields. Of course, these gains haven't been evenly distributed around the world, but chances are if you're watching this, you A. survived childbirth and B. feel reasonably confident that your children will as well. That's a new feeling for humans. And as a parent, I can assure you, it's a miracle, and one to be celebrated. We study history so that we can understand these changes, and so that we can remember both what we've gained and lost in getting to where we are. Next week, our last week, [i know, right? tear.] we'll look at the many facets of globalization that aren't causes for celebration. But for today, let's just pause to consider how we got from here to here, how the relentless and unquenchable ambition of humans led to a world where the entire contents of the Library of Alexandria would fit on my iPhone along with recordings of everything Mozart ever composed. In such a world, it's easy to feel that we are big and powerful, maybe even invincible. It's easy to feel that... and also dangerous. Thanks for watching I'll see you next week. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. Our script supervisor is Meredith Danko. Associate producer, Danica Johnson. And the show is written by my high school history teacher, Raoul Meyer, and myself. Our graphics team is Thought Bubble. Last week's phrase of the week was "Crush Those Rebels." If you want to suggest future phrases of the week or guess at this week's, you can do so in comments where you can also ask questions about today's video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thanks for watching Crash Course and as we say in my hometown, Don't Forget To VOTE. SRSLY. Participating in your democracy is important + awesome. [outro]

Calculation

Formula

The environmental and related social costs to develop the economy are taken into consideration when calculating the green GDP, which can be expressed as:

Green GDP = GDP − Environmental Costs − Social Costs[1]

where the environmental cost typically qualifies:[2]

  • Depletion value of natural resources, e.g. oil, coal, natural gas, wood, and metals;
  • Degradation cost of ecological environment, e.g. underground water pollution, topsoil erosion, and extinction of wildlife;
  • Restoration cost of natural resources, e.g. waste recycling, wetland restoration, and afforestation;

and the social costs typically include:

  • Poverty caused by degradation of environment, e.g. shortage of natural resources after exploitation;
  • Extra healthcare expenditure coming with the degradation of ecological environment;

Above calculations can also be applied to net domestic product (NDP), which deducts the depreciation of produced capital from GDP.

Valuation methodology

Since the indicators of environment are generally expressed in national accounts, the conversion of the resource activity into a monetary value is necessary. A common procedure to evaluate, proposed by United Nations in its System of Integrated Environmental and Economic Accounting handbook, applies following steps:[3]

No. SEEA Steps
1 Compilation of the supply and use accounts (GDP accounting)
2 Identification and compilation of environmental protection expenditures
3 Compilation of produced resource asset accounts
4 Compilation of physical resource accounts
5 Valuation of the resource: compiling the monetary accounts
6 Compilation of physical environmental accounts (non-economic assets)
7 Compilation of emissions by economic sector
8 Maintenance costing of environmental degradation

If current values of resources are non-existent or non-explicit, the next option is to value the resource based upon the present value of expected net returns from future commercial use. That is, the sum of present values for future expected income minus expected future expenditures (the cash flow CF), for each future time point (t), is termed the net present value (NPV).

Rationale

The motivation for creating a green GDP originates from the inherent limitations of GDP as an indicator of economic performance and social progress. GDP assesses gross output alone, without identifying the wealth and assets that underlie output.[4] GDP does not account for significant or permanent depletion, or replenishment, of these assets. Ultimately, GDP has no capacity to identify whether the level of income generated in a country is sustainable. Richard Stone, one of the creators of the original GDP index, suggested that, while "the three pillars on which an analysis of society ought to rest are studies of economic, socio-demographic, and environmental phenomenon", he had done little work in the area of environmental issues.[5]

Natural capital is poorly represented in GDP. Resources are not adequately considered as economic assets.[6] Relative to their costs, companies and policymakers also do not give sufficient weight to the future benefits generated by restorative or protective environmental projects. As well, the important positive externalities that arise from forests, wetlands, and agriculture are unaccounted for, or otherwise hidden, because of practical difficulties around measuring and pricing these assets.[4] Similarly, the impact that the depletion of natural resources or increases in pollution can and do have on the future productive capacity of a nation are unaccounted for in traditional GDP estimates.[4]

The need for a more comprehensive macroeconomic indicator is consistent with the conception of sustainable development as a desirable phenomenon.[7] GDP is mistakenly appropriated as a primary indicator of well-being, and as a result, it is used heavily in the analysis of political and economic policy. Green GDP would arguably be a more accurate indicator or measure of societal well-being. Therefore, the integration of environmental statistics into national accounts, and by extension, the generation of a green GDP figure, would improve countries' abilities to manage their economies and resources.

History

Many economists, scientists, and other scholars have theorized about adjusting macroeconomic indicators to account for environmental change. The idea was developed early on through the work of Nordhaus and Tobin (1972), Ahmad et al. (1989), Repetto et al. (1989), and Hartwick (1990).[8]

In 1972, William Nordhaus and James Tobin introduced the first model to measure the annual real consumption of households, called the Measure of Economic Welfare (MEW).[9] MEW adjusts GDP to include the value of leisure time, unpaid work, and environmental damages.[9] They also defined a sustainable MEW (MEW-S) value, and their work was the precursor to more sophisticated measures of sustainable development.

Repetto further explored the impact that the failure of resource-based economies to account for the depreciation of their natural capital could have, especially by distorting evaluations of macroeconomic relationships and performance.[10] He and his colleagues developed the concept of depreciation accounting, which factors environmental depreciation into "aggregate measures of economic performance".[10]

In their seminal report, "Economic Accounting for Sustainable Development", Yusuf Ahmad, Salah El Serafy, and Ernst Lutz compiled papers from several UNEP-World Bank sponsored workshops, convened after 1983, on how to develop environmental accounting as a public policy tool.[11] The central theme of all of the authors' arguments is that the system of national accounts (SNA), as it traditionally calculates income, omits important aspects of economic development that ought to be included.[11] One important disagreement on environmentally adjusted indicators is presented by Anne Harrison and Salah El Serafy, in their respective chapters.[11] Harrison argues that appropriate adjustments ought to be made within the existing SNA framework, while El Serafy suggests a redefinition of what constitutes intermediate and final demand.[11] In his view, the SNA should not consider the sale of natural capital as generating value added, while at least part of the income generated from this sale should be excluded from GDP and net product.[11] This would effectively allow GDP to continue to be used extensively.[11]

In "Natural Resources, National Accounting and Economic Depreciation", John Hartwick presents an accounting methodology to find NNP, inclusive of the depletion of natural resource stock, by representing the use of natural resources as "economic depreciation magnitudes".[12]

This method of accounting, which makes adjustments to the existing national account indicators, found traction in the System of Integrated Environmental and Economic Accounting (SEEA), published by the United Nations as an appendix to the 1993 SNA.[13] The report offered five approaches, or versions, to developing environmental accounts.[13] Over the years, the SEEA has been expanded and revised in view of the increased sophistication of accounting methodologies and technology. This revision will be explored in greater detail in the "Global Initiatives" section. Ultimately, the importance of the SEEA with respect to the green GDP is that it is possible to create full-sequence accounts from which aggregates, such as green GDP, can be derived and compared internationally, and many countries have begun this process.[14]

Several reports and initiatives after the SEEA-1993 have explored the possibility of expanding or changing the scope of environmentally-adjusted macroeconomic indicators. As the popularity of green GDP and other environmentally adjusted macroeconomic indicators grows, their construction will increasingly draw on this continuously developing body of research, especially with respect to the methodology associated with valuing non-market capital (e.g., services from natural capital which exist outside of traditional market settings).

In 1993, the Bureau of Economic Analysis, the official bookkeeper of the U.S. economy, began responding to concerns that the GDP needed retooling. The agency began working on a green accounting system called Integrated Environmental and Economic Accounts. These initial results, released in 1994, showed that GDP numbers were overstating the impact of mining companies to the nation's economic wealth. Mining companies did not like those results, and in 1995, Alan B. Mollohan, a Democratic House Representative from West Virginia's coal country, sponsored an amendment to the 1995 Appropriations Bill that stopped the Bureau of Economic Analysis from working on revising the GDP.[15][16]

Costanza et al. (1997) estimated the current economic value of 17 ecosystem services for 16 biomes.[17] The value of the entire biosphere, most of which exists outside of the market, is estimated conservatively to be between $16–54 trillion per year.[17] By comparison, global GNP is approximately $18 trillion per year.[17] The size of this figure demonstrates the significance of ecosystem services on human welfare and income generation, and the importance of identifying and recognizing this value. The valuation techniques used by the authors were often based on estimations of individuals' "willingness-to-pay" for ecosystem services.[17]

Kunte et al. (1998) use their paper "Estimating National Wealth: Methodology and Results" to demonstrate that expanding the national accounts to include natural capital is a "practical [and necessary] exercise".[18] They estimate the total wealth of nations by including different components of wealth in their calculations, including natural capital. They place values on natural capital by using the concept of economic rent. "Economic rent is the return on a commodity in excess of the minimum required to bring forth its services. Rental value is therefore the difference between the market price and cost of production / extraction."[18] Following this, and by adjusting calculations for (un)sustainable use patterns, they are able to determine the stock of natural capital in a country that more accurately reflects its wealth.[18]

"Nature's Numbers: Expanding the National Economic Accounts to Include the Environment," written by William Nordhaus and Edward Kokkelenberg and published in 1999, examined whether or not to broaden the U.S. National Income and Product Accounts (NIPA) to include natural resources and the environment.[19] The panel, which addressed this question, concluded that extending the NIPA and developing supplemental environmental accounts should be a high-priority goal for the U.S., because these would provide useful data on a variety of economic issues and government trends, which entailed both replenishing and extractive activities.[19] One of the major findings of the report is that it is fundamentally necessary for green adjustments to account for instances when natural capital is discovered or replenished, along with general depletive activities.

Green GDP in China

As one of the fastest-growing countries in the world, China noticed the green GDP as early as 1997.[20] City authorities had conducted a survey based on Beijing's GDP, and the result showed that around 75% of the total GDP was constituted by Green GDP, and the rest of the 25% flowed away as pollution.[20] Other cities also started the same calculation. For example, green GDP in Yaan reported 80% of the total GDP, while Datong reported only 60%.[20]

Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao[21]

In 2004, Wen Jiabao, the Chinese premier, announced that the green GDP index would replace the Chinese GDP index itself as a performance measure for government and party officials at the highest levels. China’s State Environmental Protection Agency (SEPA), together with the National Bureau of Statistics(NBS), the Chinese Academy for Environmental Planning(CAEP), and units from Renmin University, investigated the nationwide Green GDP. The major environmental impacts in China were from air, water, and solid waste pollution.[20] The first green GDP accounting report, for 2004, was published in September 2006. It showed that the financial loss caused by pollution was 511.8 billion yuan ($66.3 billion), or 3.05 percent of the nation's economy.[22]

As an experiment in national accounting, the Green GDP effort collapsed in failure in 2007, when it became clear that the adjustment for environmental damage had reduced the growth rate to politically unacceptable levels, nearly zero in some provinces. In the face of mounting evidence that environmental damage and resource depletion was far more costly than anticipated, the government withdrew its support for the Green GDP methodology and suppressed the 2005 report, which had been due out in March, 2007.[23] The failure of Green GDP in China is connected to the incongruity between central authorities and local government.[1] Beijing was aware of the environmental costs of fast-growing GDP, and encouraged for cleaner or more efficient production. However, many local officials had direct connections with local businesses, and focused more on economic growth than damage by pollution.[1] Another reason for the failure was due to the cost of data collection. It took both money and time to collect data and set them into databases. The Chinese government had a hard time collecting comprehensive environmental cost data.[1] Only pollution and emission costs (air emissions, surface water pollution discards to land, and environmental accidents) were counted in, while social costs and natural resources depletion were missing.[1]

Lang and Li (2009) use their paper "China's 'Green GDP' Experiment and the Struggle for Ecological Modernisation" to conclude that the attempt to implement green GDP was a signal that the Chinese government paid attention to environmental impacts. However, the fast-growing economy was more prioritized than environmental accounting, and the failure of the experiment was inevitable.[20]

Independent estimates of the cost to China of environmental degradation and resource depletion have, for the last decade, ranged from 8 to 12 percentage points of GDP growth.[24] These estimates support the idea that, by this measure at least, the growth of the Chinese economy is close to zero.

The most promising national activity on the green GDP has been from India. The country's environmental minister, Jairam Ramesh, stated in 2009 that "It is possible for scientists to estimate green GDP. An exercise has started under the country's chief statistician Pronab Sen and by 2015, India's GDP numbers will be adjusted with economic costs of environmental degradation."[25]

Organizations

The Global Reporting Initiative's (GRI) core goals include the mainstreaming of disclosure on environmental, social, and governance performance. Although the GRI is independent, it remains a collaborating centre of UNEP and works in cooperation with the United Nations Global Compact. It produces one of the world's most prevalent standards for sustainability reporting—also known as ecological footprint reporting, environmental social governance (ESG) reporting, triple bottom line (TBL) reporting, and corporate social responsibility (CSR) reporting. It is working on a green GDP to be implemented worldwide.

Current debate

Some critics of environmentally adjusted aggregates, including GDP, point out that it may be difficult to assign values to some of the outputs that are quantified. This is a particular difficulty in cases where the environmental asset does not exist in a traditional market and is therefore non-tradable. Ecosystem services are one example of this type of resource. In the case that valuation is undertaken indirectly, there is a possibility that calculations may rely on speculation or hypothetical assumptions.

Supporters of adjusted aggregates may reply to this objection in one of two ways. First, that as our technological capabilities increase, more accurate methods of valuation have been and will continue to develop. Second, that while measurements may not be perfect in the cases of non-market natural assets, the adjustments they entail are still a preferable alternative to traditional GDP.

A second objection may be found in the Report by the Commission on the Measurement of Economic Performance and Social Progress, when Stiglitz, Sen, and Fitoussi remark that:

"there is a more fundamental problem with green GDP, which also applies to Nordhaus and Tobin's SMEW and to the ISEW/GNI indices. None of these measures characterize sustainability per se. Green GDP just charges GDP for the depletion of or damage to environmental resources. This is only one part of the answer to the question of sustainability."[26]

See also

References

  1. ^ a b c d e Chi, Ying F.; Rauch, Jason N. (2010). "The Plight of Green GDP in China". Consilience: The Journal of Sustainable Development. doi:10.7916/D8FX794J. ISSN 1948-3074.
  2. ^ Zhang, Xuanjian; Gui, Ya (2020). Weerasinghe, R.; Wu, J.; Weng, C.-H. (eds.). "An Empirical Study on Green Investment and Economic Growth in China". E3S Web of Conferences. 194: 05058. doi:10.1051/e3sconf/202019405058. ISSN 2267-1242.
  3. ^ System of Environmental Economic Accounting 2012. 2014-12-31. doi:10.1787/9789210562850-en. ISBN 9789210562850.
  4. ^ a b c "Natural Capital Accounting", "Wealth Accounting and the Valuation of Ecosystem Services", 2013
  5. ^ Richard Stone, "The Accounts of Society", "The Sveriges Riksbank Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel 1984", 8 December 1984
  6. ^ "Policy Recommendations" Archived 2013-04-20 at the Wayback Machine, "International Human Dimensions Programme on Global Environmental Change", 2012
  7. ^ "Environmental Accounting for Sustainable Growth and Development with Special Reference to a System of Integrated Environmental and Economic Accounting (SEEA): The Indonesian Experience", "Statistical, Economic and Social Research and Training Centre for Islamic Countries"
  8. ^ John Asafu-Adjaye, "Green National Accounting and the Measurement of Genuine (Extended) Saving" Archived 2007-08-11 at the Wayback Machine, United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, 2004
  9. ^ a b William Nordhaus and James Tobin, "Is Growth Obsolete?", National Bureau of Economic Research, 1972
  10. ^ a b Jeroen van den Bergh, "Ecological Economics and Sustainable Development", 1996
  11. ^ a b c d e f Edited by Yusuf J. Ahmad, Salah El Serafy and Ernst Lutz, "Environmental Accounting for Sustainable Development", The World Bank, 1989
  12. ^ John Hartwick, "Natural Resources, National Accounting and Economic Depreciation", Queen's University, 1990
  13. ^ a b Joy Hecht, "The Evolving System of Integrated Economic and Environmental Accounts", Encyclopedia of Life Support Systems, 2004
  14. ^ London Group on Environmental Accounting, "Why We Need the SEEA", Beyond GDP, 25 October 2007
  15. ^ "Fixing GDP: Green Accounting in the United States". April 9, 2004. Archived from the original on 2007-06-02.
  16. ^ Stiglitz, Joseph (2008), presentation in New York, 5 Feb 2008, "video from 3:18"
  17. ^ a b c d Costanza et al., "The Value of the World's Ecosystem Services and Natural Capital", Nature, 1997
  18. ^ a b c Kunte et al., "Estimating National Wealth", The World Bank, 1998
  19. ^ a b William Nordhaus and Edward Kokkelenberg, "Nature's Numbers: Expanding the National Economic Accounts to Include the Environment", National Academy Press, 1999
  20. ^ a b c d e Li, Vic; Lang, Graeme (2010-02-01). "China's "Green GDP" Experiment and the Struggle for Ecological Modernisation". Journal of Contemporary Asia. 40 (1): 44–62. doi:10.1080/00472330903270346. ISSN 0047-2336.
  21. ^ Office, Presidential Press and Information (2010-09-27), Русский: С Премьером Государственного Совета КНР Вэнь Цзябао.English: With Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China Wen Jiabao., retrieved 2023-05-04
  22. ^ Sun Xiaohua (2007) "Call for return to green accounting", China Daily, 19 April 2007.
  23. ^ Kahn, J. and Yardley, J. (2007) "Choking on Growth: As China Roars, Pollution Reaches Deadly Extremes", The New York Times, 26 Aug 2007.
  24. ^ Economy, Elizabeth (2007) "Green GDP: Accounting for the Environment in China", China from the Inside, U.S. Public Broadcasting System.
  25. ^ "India to release green GDP data from 2015".
  26. ^ Joseph Stiglitz, Amartya Sen and Jean-Paul Fitoussi, "Report by the Commission on the Measurement of Economic Performance and Social Progress", "Commission on the Measurement of Economic Performance and Social Progress", 2008

Further reading

This page was last edited on 26 April 2024, at 17:31
Basis of this page is in Wikipedia. Text is available under the CC BY-SA 3.0 Unported License. Non-text media are available under their specified licenses. Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc. WIKI 2 is an independent company and has no affiliation with Wikimedia Foundation.