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Party of Revolutionary Communism

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Party of Revolutionary Communism
Партия революционного коммунизма
FoundedSeptember 25, 1918 (1918-09-25)
DissolvedSeptember 22, 1920 (1920-09-22)
Split fromLeft Socialist-Revolutionaries
Merged intoRussian Communist Party (Bolshevik)
NewspaperVolya Truda
Membership (1918)2,800
IdeologyPopulism

Party of Revolutionary Communism (in Russian: Партия революционного коммунизма) was a political party in Russia 1918-1920. It was formed by a Narodnik group which broke away from the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries after the latter's mutiny in July 1918.[1] The party favoured co-operation with the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), and pledged support for soviet power.[1] During its two-year existence the Party of Revolutionary Communism the struggled with divisions, as the party sought to assert an independent pole in the midst of war communism.[2][3]

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Transcription

Hi, I’m John Green, and this is Crash Course World History and today we’re going to return— sadly for the last time on Crash Course— to China. By the way, Stan brought cupcakes. That’s good. I wish I could draw some parallel between this and China, but I got nothing. It’s just delicious. I’ll sure miss you, piece of felt Danica cut out in the shape of China using blue because we felt red would be cliché. Mr. Green, Mr. Green, Mr Green! You don’t get to talk until you shave the mustache, Me From The Past. So the 20th century was pretty big for China because it saw not one but two revolutions. China’s 1911 revolution might be a bigger deal from a world historical perspective than the more famous communist revolution of 1949, but you wouldn’t know it because 1. china’s communism became a really big deal during the cold war, and 2. Mao Zedong, the father of communist China, was really good at self-promotion. Like, you know his famous book of sayings? Pretty much everyone in China just had to own it. And I mean, HAD TO. [makes sense; staff only allowed to read John Green books] [best] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [ever] So as you know doubt recall from past episodes of Crash Course, China lost the Opium wars in the 19th century, resulting in European domination, spheres of influence, et cetera, all of which was deeply embarrassing to the Qing dynasty and led to calls for reform. One strand of reform that called for China to adopt European military technology and education systems was called self strengthening, and it was probably would have been a great idea, considering how well that worked for Japan. But it never happened in China-- well, at least not until recently. Instead, China experienced the disastrous anti-Western Boxer Rebellion of 1900, which helped spur some young liberals, including one named Sun Yat Sen, to plot the overthrow of the dynasty. Oh, it’s already time for the Open Letter... [unscoffingly skids across unscoured set] An open letter to Sun Yat Sen. Oh, but first, let’s see what’s in the secret compartment today. Oh, more champagne poppers? [seriously, more champagne poppers?] Stan, at this point aren’t we sort of belaboring the fact that China invented fireworks? Wow! That is innovation at work right there. We used to not be able to fire off one of these, and now we can fire off six at a time if you count the two secret ones from behind me. [strangest. job. ever.] Dear Sun Yat Sen, you were amazing! I mean the Republic of China calls you the father of the nation, the People’s Republic of China calls you the forerunner of the democratic revolution. You’re the only thing they can agree on. You lived in China, Japan, the United States, you converted to Christianity, you were a doctor, you were the godfather of an important science fiction writer. [not important enough to help "Cordwainer" catch on as a popular baby name, however] But the infuriating thing is that you never actually got much of a chance to rule China, and you would have been great at it. I mean, your three principles of the people, Nationalism, Democracy, and the People’s Livelihood, are three really great principles. I mean the problem, aside from you not living long enough is that you just didn’t have a face for Warhol portraits. [Warhol thought anyone who had $25k had a face for his portraits, but point taken] Huh, it’s too bad. Best wishes, John Green. So the 1911 revolution that led to the end of the Qing started when a bomb accidentally exploded, at which point the revolutionaries were like, “we’re probably going to be outed, so we should just start the uprising now.” The uprising probably would’ve been quelled like many before it except this time the army joined the rebellion, because they wanted to become more modern. The Qing emperor abdicated, and the rebels chose a general, Yuan Shikai, as leader, while Sun Yat Sen was declared president of a provisional republic on Jan 1, 1912. A new government was created with a Senate and a Lower House, and it was supposed to write a new constitution. And after the first elections, Sun Yat Sen’s party, the Guomindang were the largest, but they weren’t the majority. So Sun Yat Sen deferred to Yuan, which turned out to be a huge mistake because he then outlawed the Guomindang party and ruled as dictator. But when Yuan Shikai died in 1916, China’s first non-dynastic government in over 3000 years completely fell apart. Localism reasserted itself with large-scale landlords with small-scale armies ruling all the parts of China that weren’t controlled by foreigners. You might remember this phenomenon from earlier in Chinese history, first during the Warring States period and then again for three hundred years between the end of the Han and the rise of the Sui. So the period in Chinese history between 1912 and 1949 is sometimes called the Chinese Republic, although that gives the government a bit too much credit. The leading group trying to re-form China into a nation state was the Guomindang, but after 1920 the Chinese Communist Party was also in the mix. And for the Guomindang to regain power from those big landlords and reunify China, they needed some help from the CCP. Now if an alliance between Communists and Nationalists sounds like a match made in hell, well, yes. It was. That said, the two did manage to patch things up for a while in the early 1920s, you know, for the sake of the kids. But then Sun Yat Sen died in 1925 and the alliance fell apart in 1927 when Guomindang leader Chaing Kai Shek got mad at the communists for trying to foment socialist revolution, to which the communists were like, “But that’s what we do, man. We’re communists.” Anyway, this turned out to be a bad break up for a bunch of reasons, but mainly because it started a civil war between the Communists and the Nationalists. We’re not going to get into exhausting detail on the civil war but Spoiler alert: the Communists won. But there are a few things to point out: First, even though Mao [pronounced like Maori] emerged victorious, he and the communists were almost wiped out in 1934 except that they made a miraculous and harrowing escape, trekking from southern China to the mountains in the north in what has become famously known as the Long March, a great example of historians missing an opportunity since it could easily have been called the Long Ass March, as it featured donkeys. Second, for much of the time the Gomindang was trying to crush the CCP, significant portions of China were being occupied and/or invaded by Japan. Thirdly, the Communists were just better at fighting the Japanese than the Nationalists were. In spite of the fact that Chiang Kai Shek had extensive support from the U.S. And each time the Nationalists failed against the Japanese, their prestige among their fellow Chinese diminished. It wasn’t helped by Nationalist corruption, or their collecting onerous taxes from Chinese peasants, or stories about Nationalist troops putting on civilian clothes and abandoning the city of Nanking during its awful destruction by the Japanese army in 1937. Meanwhile, the Communists were winning over the peasants in their northwestern enclave by making sure that troops didn’t pillage local land and by giving peasants a greater say in local government. Now, that isn’t to say everything was rosy under Mao’s communist leadership, even at its earliest stages. By the way, That is an actual chalk illustration. Very impressed. [thanks, boss.] In a preview of things to come, in 1942 Mao initiated a “rectification” program. Which basically meant students and intellectuals were sent down into the countryside to give them a taste of what “real China” was like in an effort to re-educate them. We try to be politically neutral here on Crash Course, but we are always opposed to intellectuals doing hard labor. [lolzer] But anyway, within four years of the end of World War II the Communists routed Chiang Kai Shek’s armies and sent them off to Taiwan. and these military victories paved the way for Mao to declare the People’s Republic of China on October 1, 1949. so once in power, Mao and the PRC were faced with the task of creating a new, socialist state. And Mao declared early on that the working class in China would be the leaders of a “people’s democratic dictatorship.” Oh democratic dictatorships. You’re the BEST. It’s all the best parts of democracy, and all the best parts of dictatorship. You get to vote, but there’s only one choice. It takes all the pesky thinking out it. The PRC promised equal rights for women, rent reduction, land redistribution, new heavy industry and lots of freedoms. Including freedoms of “thought, speech, publication, assembly, association, correspondence, person, domicile, moving from one place to another, religious belief, and the freedom to hold processions and demonstrations.” Yeah, NO. Even putting aside the PRC’s failure to protect any of those rights, Mao’s China wasn’t much fun if you were a landlord or even if you were a peasant who’d done well. Land redistribution and reform meant destroying the power of landlords, often violently. But centralizing power and checking individual ambition proved difficult for the government, and it was made harder by China’s involvement in the Korean War, which helped spur the first mass campaign of Mao’s democratic dictatorship. Designed to encourage support for the War, the campaign was called the “Resist America and Aid Korea campaign,” [name's a bit clunky, innit?] and it resulted in almost all foreigners leaving China. A second campaign, against “counterrevolutionaries” was much worse. People suspected of sympathizing with the Guomindang, or anyone insufficiently communist, was subject to humiliation and violence. Between October 1950 and August 1951 28,332 people accused of being spies or counterrevolutionaries were executed in Guandong city alone. A third mass campaign, the “Three Anti Campaign” w as aimed at reforming the Communist party itself. And the final mass campaign, the Five Anti Campaign was an assault on all bourgeois capitalism, which effectively killed private business in China. Very few of the victims of this last campaign actually died, but capitalism was weakened and state control bolstered. OK, let’s go to the Thought Bubble. Mao and the CCP set out to turn China into an industrial powerhouse by following the Soviet model. We haven’t really talked about this, but under the Soviet system, Russia was able to accomplish massive industrialization-- not to mention tens of millions of deaths from starvation-- through centralized planning and collectivization of agriculture, following what were known as Five Year Plans. The Chinese adopted the model of Five Year Plans beginning in 1953 and the first one worked, at least as far as industrialization was concerned. In fact, the plan worked even better than expected, with industry increasing 121% more than projected. In order for this to work though, the peasants had to grow lots of grain and sell it at extremely low prices. This kept inflation in check, and saving was encouraged by the fact that... ...the Five Year Plan didn’t have many consumer goods, so there was nothing to buy. For urban workers, living standards improved and China’s population grew to 646 million. So far, Mao’s plan seemed to be working, but there was no way that China could keep up that growth, especially without some backsliding into capitalism. So Mao came up with a terrible idea called the Great Leap Forward. Mao essentially decided that the nation could be psyched up into more industrial productivity. Among many other bad ideas, he famously ordered that individuals build small steel furnaces in their backyard to increase steel production. This was not a good idea. First off, it didn’t actually increase steel production much. Secondly, it turns out that people making steel in their backyard who know nothing about making steel… Make Bad Steel. But the worst idea was to pay for heavy machinery from the USSR with exported grain. This meant there was less for peasants to eat— and as a result, between 1959 and 1962, 20 million people died, probably half of whom were under the age of 10. Jeez,Thought Bubble, that was sad. And then in happier news came the Cultural Revolution! Just kidding, it sucked. By the middle of the sixties, Mao was afraid that China’s revolution was running out of steam, and he didn’t want China to end up just a bureaucratized police state like, you know, most of the Soviet bloc. and The Cultural Revolution was an attempt to capture the glory days of the revolution and fire up the masses, and what better way to do that than to empower the kids. Frustrated students who were unable find decent, fulfilling jobs jumped at the chance to denounce their teachers, employers, and sometimes even their parents and to tear down tradition, which often meant demolishing buildings and art. The ranks of these “Red Guards” swelled and anyone representing the so-called “four olds” —old culture, old habits, old ideas, and old customs— was subject to humiliation and violence. Intellectuals were again sent to the countryside as they were in 1942; millions were persecuted; and countless historical and religious artifacts were destroyed. But the real aim of the Cultural Revolution was to consolidate Mao’s revolution, and while his image still looms large, it’s hard to say that China these days is a socialist state. Many would argue that Mao’s revolution was extremely short-lived, and that the real change in China happened in 1911. That’s when the Chinese Republic ended 3,000 years of dynastic history and forever broke the cyclical pattern the Chinese had used to understand their past. I mean at least in some senses, those Nationalist revolutionaries literally put an end to history. That sense of living in a truly New World has made many great and terrible things possible for China but the legacy of China’s two revolutions is mixed at best. China, for instance, made most of the camera we use to film this video. And China made most of the computers we use to edit. [i see what you did there, Stanny] But no one in the People’s Republic of China will legally be able to watch this video, because the government blocks YouTube. Thanks for watching. I’ll see you next week. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. Our script supervisor is Meredith Danko. Our associate producer is Danica Johnson. The show is written by my high school history teacher Raoul Meyer and myself, and our graphics team is [not Secretly Canadian] Thought Bubble. Last week’s phrase of the week was "Disco Golf Ball." If you want to guess at this week’s phrase of the week or suggest future ones, you can do so in comments, where you can also ask questions about today's videos that will be answered by our team of historians. If you like Crash Course, make sure you’ve subscribed. Thanks for watching, and as we say in my hometown, Don’tForget The easiest time to add insult to injury is when signing somebody's cast.

History

Split after the July 6-7, 1918 uprising

Along with another Left Socialist-Revolutionary splinter-group, the Party of Narodnik Communists, the group that would form the Party of Revolutionary Communism opposed the actions and decisions taken by the Central Committee of the Party of Left Socialist-Revolutionaries (internationalists) in carrying out the failed July 6-7 uprising. The split originated with the decision of the Saratov Party Organization of PLSR(i) on July 9, 1918 to denounce the July 6-7 uprising and called for convening of an All-Russia Conference of Left Socialist-Revolutionaries to held in Saratov on July 20, 1918.[4] The Saratov Party Organization of PLSR(i) supported united front with the Bolsheviks.[4] In its call for an All-Russian Congress of Party Organization Representatives, the Saratov group listed three caveats that participants - the rejection of disruption of the Brest-Litovsk peace, the rejection of terrorism and the rejection of trying to seize power from the Bolsheviks through violence.[5] The dissidence in Saratov had an echo among some leading figures in the party such as Andrei Kolegayev, Mark Natanson and Novitsky. On September 14, 1918 a publication named Volya Truda began publishing as a joint organ of the Saratov-based group and the group around Kolegaev, Natanson and Novitsky.[4] Volya Truda denounced the attempt of the PLSR(i) Central Committee to try to seize power and disrupt the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk through the murder of Count Wilhelm von Mirbach on July 6, 1918.[4] The first issue of Volya Truda called for the holding of congress of Left Socialist-Revolutionaries.[4]

First Party Congress

The Volya Truda tendency organized a party congress in Moscow September 25-30, 1918.[1][6][7][4] The preparatory bureau for the congress had consisted of Kolegaev, Aleksei Ustinov [fi] (leader of the Saratov group), Anastasia Bitsenko, M. N. Dobrokhotov, Vladimir Bezel and A. N. Alexandrov.[8] The congress was held at the premises of the former Moscow Theological Seminary [ru].[5]

Kolegaev, Ustinov, Bitsenko and Evgenia Semenovskaya formed the party congress presidium.[6][5] Yegoshin, Lukov and Korev formed the Credentials Commission. Sixty delegates with a decisive vote from 15 governorates participated in this congress.[6][5] Out of the sixty voting delegates there were 15 erstwhile members of the PLSR(i) faction in the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, 5 representatives of governorate-level PLSR(i) party organizations and 40 representatives from uyezd-level PLSR(i) party organizations.[6] In addition to the delegates with decisive vote there were also 29 delegates from with consultative vote, including 8 members of the Party of Narodnik Communists and 3 members of the Union of Socialists Revolutionaries Maximalists present.[8]

At the congress there was a proposal to participate in the upcoming Fourth All-Russian Congress of the Party of Left Socialist-Revolutionaries (internationalists).[8] The proposal was voted down, and 15 people (out of whom 8 were delegates with decisive votes) left the venue in protest.[8]

Instead, the congress majority voted to declare their separation from the PLSR(i) and the formation of the Party of Revolutionary Communism as an independent party.[5] The congress affirmed that whilst they were breaking organizationally with the PLSR(i) over tactics, they remained committed to the Left Socialist-Revolutionary programme.[5] The party congress listened to reports from the different governorate-level and uyezd-level party organizations present.[5] Political, social and economic issues were debated.[5] The congress adopted the slogan 'All to the Soviets and through the Soviets' (Все в Советах и Советы).[5] Dobrokhotov presented the economic programme of the party, which included calls for abolishing of money relations, nationalization of trade, naturalization of wages and universal labour conscription.[5]

The congress declared the Party of Revolutionary Communism as the party for the 'broad revolutionary masses of town and country'.[5] The congress voted to give significant autonomy for local party organizations, but with party congress decisions being binding for all party organizations.[5] The congress instructed party organizations to form factions in soviets.[5]

The Central Committee of the Party of Revolutionary Communism consisted of Kolegaev, Bitsenko, Ustinov, A. N. Alexandrov, M. A. Dobrokhotov, G. N. Maksimov and V. N. Cherny as members and Evgenia Semenovskaya as candidate member.[4][7][9]

Between the First and Second Party Congresses

By mid-November 1918 the first split in the new party had occurred as Central Committee members Kolegayev, Bitsenko, Alexandrov, Dobrokhotov and Cherny who joined the RCP(B) in mid-November 1918.[10][5] They argued that the RCP(B) and the Party of Revolutionary Communism shared common goals and that thus the existence of two separate parties was not justified.[10]

In the wake of the split the Volga-Urals Conference of Revolutionary Communists was held on November 15, 1918 was held in Saratov.[10] The conference announced support for the socialization of land.[10] It reaffirmed the opposition to Bolshevik food policy and the Committees of Poor Peasants.[10] As of December 1918 the party committees in Volga-Urals were located in Saratov, Simbirsk, Samara, Kazan, Penza, Kerensk and Pugachyov.[10]

Second Party Congress

The party held a Second Party Congress, beginning on December 2, 1918.[6][5] At the party congress there were 28 delegates with decisive vote and 3 delegates with advisory vote representing some 2,800 party members and 1,500 sympathizers.[6][10] The delegates represented from 15 governorate-level and 50 uyezd-level party organizations.[6][10] The congress discussed economic issues and the relationship with the Bolsheviks. At the Second Party Congress Semenovskaya, as the main theoretician of the party, presented the political line of the party - calling for rapproachment with the Bolsheviks not on Orthodox Marxist platform but based on 'integral socialism'.[5] Arguing for 'integral socialism' Semenovskaya denounced the 'one-sided dictatorship of the proletariat' and called instead for the 'dictatorship of the entire toiling class' (диктатурой всего класса трудящихся).[5]

Vladimir Zitta was elected to the Central Committee at the party congress, and was made the Secretary of the Central Committee.[11]

Third Party Congress

A Third Party Congress was held in April 1919. At the time the party was estimated to have some 3,300 members and sympathizers.[6] There were 30 delegates with decisive vote and 7 delegates with advisory vote, representing six governorates and ten uyezds.[10][5] But there were clear discrepancies on the size of the party organizations represented, the Petrograd delegate at the party congress represented only five party members whilst the Moscow delegate represented a hundred party members.[10] The Third Party Congress called for support to soviet power and the Red Army.[5]

Key leaders of the party at this point included Ustinov and Pavel Sapozhnikov [ru].[12]

On April 26, 1919 the Saratov Governorate Committee of the RCP(B) decided to include members of the Party of Revolutionary Communism in the Executive Committees of the governorate and city soviets.[5]

Fourth Party Congress

A group within the party leadership sought unity with other populist sectors. In August 1919 a conference took place in Moscow with the participation of the Party of Revolutionary Communism, the Borbists and the Maximalists. This conference adopted a resolution calling for unity of socialist-revolutionary forces and formed a Unification Organizing Committee with Zitta and Semenovskayas as its members.[13][14] On September 8, 1918 Zitta and Semenovskaya signed the joint declaration 'To all revolutionary populists'.[13] But these moves towards unity with other populist sectors were opposed within the party by Ustinov, Andreev, Shnurovsky and others.[15]

The Fourth Party Congress, meeting in October 1919, recognized that the party had 'difficulties in working with the masses', gaps in communication between the Central Committee and Party Organizations and a decline in party membership.[5] By October 1919 the party had 2,297 members and sympathizers.[5] In the debates at the congress the opponents to unification with other populists (led by Ustinov) prevailed.[13] Subsequently the Central Committee majority decided to expel Zitta, Maksimov, Semenovskaya and Bezel from the party for 'violation of party discipline' and for seeking unity with populist sectors (including groups such as the PLSR(i) or the Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries).[9]

As the political situation became increasingly harsh in the midst of the Russian Civil War, the Party of Revolutionary Communism moved increasingly closer to the RCP(B).[16] After the Fourth Party Congress the party moved closer to Bolshevism. In January 1920 the Central Committee issued a directive to party members to join the war at the Western Front, that 5% of party funds would be assigned to the Red Army and that party organizations cooperate with RCP(B) locally for building agricultural cooperatives.[5]

Fifth Party Congress

A Fifth Party Congress was held in from April 28 to May 2, 1920.[6] Around this time the party had organizations in 16 governorates, with 126 party cells and 1,151 members.[17][5] The Fifth Party Congress abandoned the categorical rejection of the dictatorship of the proletariat, thus removing the major barrier for unity with the Bolsheviks.[18] The Fifth Party Congress affirmed support for economic measures of soviet power, such as the militarization of labour and the formation of labour armies, as necessary to deal with the current extraordinary conditions.[16] The Fifth Party Congress declared that it was an obligation of all party members to support soviet power.[5]

Disintegration

Two representatives of the Party of Revolutionary Communism (Ustinov and Sapozhnikov) were allowed to attend the July 1920 Second Congress of the Comintern in a deliberative capacity, with consultative vote.[1][18][19] Ustinov and Sapozhnikov handed over a declaration from the Central Committee of the Party of Revolutionary Communism to the Congress Presidium, which expressed that the party was ready to adhere to the decisions of the Comintern Congress and raised the question of joining the RCP(B).[18] Local party organizations did not oppose this move by the Central Committee.[18]

At the Sixth Party Congress of the Party of Revolutionary Communism held in Moscow on September 21-22, 1920 decided, in line with the 2nd Comintern Congress decision that there must only exist one single Communist Party in each country, to self-dissolve and appealed to its followers to join the RCP(B).[1][6][20][5] Only one resolution was adopted by the Sixth Party Congress, titled 'On the Unified Communist Party'.[18] There were 39 delegates with decisive votes and 12 delegates with advisory vote taking part in the congress.[5] At the time of its dissolution the party had 1,625 members and sympathizers.[6] There were negotiations between the erstwhile leadership of the Party of Revolutionary Communism and the [[Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union|RCP(B) Central Committee.[18] In October 1918, the RCP(B) Central Committee permitted Party organizations to enroll members of the former Party of Revolutionary Communism into the RCP(B), and issued a circular instructing the party organizations not to discriminate against former members of the Party of Revolutionary Communism when appointing cadres for roles in the party or soviets.[1][18]

Ideological line and political positions

The Party of Revolutionary Communism retained the Left Socialist-Revolutionary programme, but differed with the PLSR(i) on tactics.[6] It upheld the theoretical legacy of Nikolay Mikhaylovsky and Pyotr Lavrov.[6] Vladimir Lenin perceived the programme of the Party of Revolutionary Communism as remaining on the platform of Narodnik utopianism and muddled and eclectic.[1] While recognising that Soviet rule created preconditions for the establishment of a socialist system, the party denied the necessity of the proletarian dictatorship during the transitional period from capitalism to socialism.[1] The party spoke of a single class of 'toiling people' (трудящихся) that would encompass both urban industrial and rural agricultural workers.[3]

The Party of Revolutionary Communism aligned with the Bolsheviks calling for the victory of world revolution and supported universal labour conscription, red terror and abolishing of commodity-money relations.[6] But they differed with the Bolsheviks on agrarian issues, and opposed the Committees of Poor Peasants.[6] Whilst the party supported the campaign against kulaks, it opposed perceived excesses committed in the name of fighting kulaks.[5] The party called for socialization of land, as a voluntary and gradual process.[5]

Social base

Whilst the Party of Revolutionary Communism defined itself as a party for toiling masses the party membership became largely limited to intellectuals, sectors that retained ambitions for a 'third way'.[12] For example, the delegate from Kazan at the Third Party Congress stated that among 40 members there were 36 intellectuals, 3 workers and a single peasants.[12]

Those that remained in the Party of Revolutionary Communism after the different splits often suffered repression linked to their opposition towards the Bolshevik food policy.[6]

Party organ

The central party organ was Volya Truda (Воля Труда, 'Will of Labour'), which was published as a daily newspaper from September 14 to December 4, 1918. From December 29, 1918, the daily newspaper was replaced by a periodical with the same title.[1] Initially the editorial contents of Volya Truda was meagre, but after the First Party Congress the editorial board initiated a cultural and literary section, which published texts from writers like Sergei Yesenin, Andrei Bely, Velimir Khlebnikov, Osip Mandelstam, Vadim Shershenevich and Boris Pasternak.[2]

External links

References

  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i Lenin. No Compromises?. 1920
  2. ^ a b Lazarʹ Fleĭshman. Boris Pasternak: The Poet and His Politics. Harvard University Press, 1990. p. 100
  3. ^ a b Партия и массы. Akademii︠a︡ obshchestvennykh nauk. Мысль, 1966. p. 48
  4. ^ a b c d e f g Непролетарские партии России: урок истории. Myslʹ, 1984. pp. 389-390
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac Политические партии России: конец XIX - первая треть XX века : энциклопедия. РОССПЭН, 1996. pp. 430-431
  6. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p V. M. L avrov. Партия Спиридоновой: (Мария Спиридонова на левоэсеровских съездах). Российская Акад. Наук, Инст. Российской Истории, 2001. pp. 94-95
  7. ^ a b Vladimir Il'ich Lenin. Избранные произведения в трех томах, Vol. 3. Изд-во полит. лит-ры, 1974. p. 749
  8. ^ a b c d Е. Е. Фунтов. РАСКОЛ В РЯДАХ ЛЕВЫХ ЭСЕРОВ: ОБРАЗОВАНИЕ НЕОНАРОДНИЧЕСКИХ КОММУНИСТИЧЕСКИХ ПАРТИЙ ВО 2-й ПОЛОВИНЕ 1918 ГОДА
  9. ^ a b Память, Issue 3. Khronika Press, 1980. p. 384
  10. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Alter L. Litvin. Крестьянство Среднего Поволжья в годы гражданской войны: учебное пособие к спецкурсу. Материалы. Kazanskiĭ gosudarstvennyĭ pedagogicheskiĭ institut, 1972. p. 163
  11. ^ Я. В Леонтьев. "Скифы" русской революции: партия левых эсеров и её литературные попутчики. АИРО-XXI, 2007. p. 125
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