Folklore
and
Old Norse Mythology
Edited by
THE KALEVALA SOCIETY
FFC 323
Folklore and Old Norse Mythology
Ed. Frog and Joonas Ahola
Folklore Fellows’ Communications 323
Helsinki 2021, 696 pages
Available at the Tiedekirja bookstore, 58€
The present volume responds to the rising boom of interest in folklore and
folklore research in the study of Old Norse mythology. The twenty-two
authors of this volume reveal the dynamism of this lively dialogue, which
is characterized by a diversity of perspectives linking to different fields
and national scholarships. The chapters open with a general overview of
how the concepts of “folklore” and “mythology” have been understood
and related across the history of Old Norse studies, which is followed by a
group of chapters that discuss and present different approaches and types
of source materials, with methodological and theoretical concerns. The
interest in folklore is bound up with interests in practice and lived religion,
which are brought into focus in a series of chapters relating to magic and
ritual. Attention then turns to images that link to mythology and different
mythic agents in studies that explore a variety of usage in meaning-making
in different forms of cultural expression. The next group of studies spotlights motifs, with perspectives on synchronic
usage across genres and different media, cross-cultural exchange, and long-term continuities. The volume culminates
in discussions of complex stories, variously in oral traditions behind medieval sources and relationships between
accounts found in medieval sources and those recorded from more recent traditions. Individually, the chapters variously offer reflexive and historical research criticism, new research frameworks, illustrative studies, and exploratory
investigations. Collectively, they illustrate the rapidly evolving multidisciplinary discussion at the intersections of folklore and Old Norse mythology.
Contents
Preface
III Mythic Images and Agents
Joonas Ahola and Frog: From Theme to Book and Back Again
Introduction
Joonas Ahola: Divine Gear? “Odinic” Disguise and Its
Narrative Contexts in Medieval Icelandic Literature
Frog with Joonas Ahola: Opening Perspectives on Folklore and
Old Norse Mythology
Leszek Gardeła: Women and Axes in the North: Diversity and
Meaning in Viking Age Mortuary Practices
I Approaches
Rudolf Simek and Valerie Broustin: Wise Men and Half Trolls
John Lindow: Folklore, Folkloristics, and an “Old Norse
Mythology Method”?
Tommy Kuusela: The Giants and the Critics: A Brief History of
Old Norse “Gigantology”
Jens Peter Schjødt: Pre-Christian Religions of the North as
Folklore, with Special Reference to the Notion of “Pantheon”
IV Motifs and Narratives
Sophie Bønding: Conceptualising Continuity in the
Christianisation: Towards a Discursive Approach
Aðalheiður Guðmundsdóttir: Mythological Motifs and Other
Narrative Elements of Volsunga saga in Icelandic Folk- and
Fairytales
Olof Sundqvist: A “Turn to Interdisciplinary Methods” in the
Study of Old Norse Mythology and Religion: With a Case
Study on the Distribution of the Cult of Freyr
Laila Kitzler Åhfeldt: Gotland Picture Stones and Narration
Frog: Mythic Discourse Analysis
Karen Bek-Pedersen: Bolli Þorleiksson’s Celtic Horses
II Magic and Ritual
V Stories
Kendra Willson: Seiðr and (Sámi) Shamanism: Definitions,
Sources, and Identities
Else Mundal: Old Norse Myths, Heroic Legends, and Folklore:
Sources for Old Norse Religion on the Move
Stephen A. Mitchell: Notes on historiolas, Referentiality, and
Time in Nordic Magical Traditions
Joseph S. Hopkins: Phantoms of the Edda: Observations
Regarding Eddic Items of Unknown Provenance in the Prose
Edda
Bengt af Klintberg: The Dead Mother: An Exceptional Nordic
Binding Charm
Clive Tolley: Heimdallr’s Charm: The Lost Heimdallargaldr and
Symbolism and Allusion in the Myths of Heimdallr
Kirsi Kanerva: Genre Matters? Female Suicide in Mythic,
Mytho-Heroic, and Historical Contexts
Eldar Heide: Magical Fishing in Historia Norwegie:
Incomprehensible without Late Folklore
Terry Gunnell (with Tom Muir): George Marwick’s Account of
“The Muckle Tree or Igasill”: Folklore or Literature?
Folklore Fellows’ Communications 323
Folklore and
Old Norse Mythology
Edited by Frog and Joonas Ahola
The Kalevala Society
Helsinki 2021
Buy book at https://tiedekirja.fi/en/folklore-and-old-norse-mythology
ISBN 978-952-9534-02-9
ISSN-L 0014-5815
ISSN 0014-5815
Cover image Frog 2020
Tallinn Book Printers, Tallinn 2021
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FFC 323
Contents
Preface
From Theme to Book and Back Again ......................................................13
Joonas Ahola and Frog
Acknowledgements .................................................................................27
Introduction
Opening Perspectives on Folklore and Old Norse Mythology ..................31
Frog with Joonas Ahola
I Approaches
Folklore, Folkloristics, and an “Old Norse Mythology Method”? ..............63
John Lindow
Pre-Christian Religions of the North as Folklore, with Special Reference to
the Notion of “Pantheon” ........................................................................85
Jens Peter Schjødt
Conceptualising Continuity in the Christianisation.................................105
Towards a Discursive Approach
Sophie Bønding
A “Turn to Interdisciplinary Methods” in the Study of Old Norse Mythology
and Religion .........................................................................................133
With a Case Study on the Distribution of the Cult of Freyr
Olof Sundqvist
Mythic Discourse Analysis .....................................................................161
Frog
II Magic and Ritual
Seiðr and (Sámi) Shamanism ..................................................................215
Definitions, Sources, and Identities
Kendra Willson
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Contents
Notes on historiolas, Referentiality, and Time in Nordic Magical
Traditions ..............................................................................................247
Stephen A. Mitchell
The Dead Mother .................................................................................269
An Exceptional Nordic Binding Charm
Bengt af Klintberg
Heimdallr’s Charm
Clive Tolley
III Mythic Images and Agents
Divine Gear? ........................................................................................381
“Odinic” Disguise and Its Narrative Contexts in Medieval
Icelandic Literature
Joonas Ahola
Women and Axes in the North ..............................................................413
Diversity and Meaning in Viking Age Mortuary Practices
Leszek Gardeła
Wise Men and Half Trolls ......................................................................451
Rudolf Simek and Valerie Broustin
The Giants and the Critics......................................................................471
A Brief History of Old Norse “Gigantology”
Tommy Kuusela
IV Motifs and Narratives
Mythological Motifs and Other Narrative Elements of Vǫlsunga saga
in Icelandic Folk- and Fairytales.............................................................501
Aðalheiður Guðmundsdóttir
Gotland Picture Stones and Narration....................................................525
Laila Kitzler Åhfeldt
Genre Matters? .....................................................................................551
Female Suicide in Mythic, Mytho-Heroic, and Historical Contexts
Kirsi Kanerva
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Bolli Þorleiksson’s Celtic Horses ............................................................591
Karen Bek-Pedersen
V Stories
Old Norse Myths, Heroic Legends, and Folklore....................................613
Sources for Old Norse Religion on the Move
Else Mundal
Phantoms of the Edda ............................................................................633
Observations Regarding Eddic Items of Unknown Provenance in the
Prose Edda
Joseph S. Hopkins
Magical Fishing in Historia Norwegie ....................................................653
Incomprehensible without Late Folklore
Eldar Heide
George Marwick’s Account of “The Muckle Tree or Igasill” ....................665
Folklore or Literature?
Terry Gunnell (with Tom Muir)
Indices
Index of Persons ....................................................................................691
Index of Sources ....................................................................................693
General Index........................................................................................695
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From Theme to Book and Back Again
Joonas Ahola and Frog
A
cross especially the past decade, research on Old Norse mythology has
exhibited a boom of interest in both folklore collected under the aegis of
Romanticism and the perspectives and insights of current folklore research.
As seen from the chapters introduced here, the theme of Folklore and Old
Norse Mythology is broadly conceived in this book. It can be practically
viewed in terms of three broad domains that overlap and intersect:
•
•
•
Exploring genetic relations
Developing analogical insights
Approaching Old Norse mythology as folklore
Of course, the classic domain of interest is in historical relations between
Old Norse mythology and later folklore. Research on Old Norse mythology
emerged with a broad inclusion of evidence of more recent traditions. Across
especially the second half of the twentieth century, however, changes in
paradigms, theories, and source-critical standards made earlier work incorporating relatively recent traditions look more intuitive than analytical and
led to reimagining such comparisons as impossibly problematic. Today, comparisons are being cautiously reopened, building on current knowledge and
new methodologies, pioneering into a long-neglected area. The exploration
for potential long-term continuities can seem like an uncharted wilderness
until, abandoned, crumbled, and overgrown, a structure built by Jacob Grimm
or Axel Olrik emerges through the trees: others have indeed tread here before.
Analogical comparisons, in their turn, can operate as a type of chart that may
help to navigate the landscape and make sense of its contours through connections that are no longer readily apparent, perhaps offering insights into their
rationale. The most recent domain of interest is rooted in changing understandings of folklore in the field, which transform the landscape formed by
static texts and the objects and places unearthed by archaeology into windows
onto a living world of performance, praxis, and competing discourses. The
present book invites you to explore these landscapes, guided by authors with
a wide range of perspectives rooted in different disciplines and research backgrounds. Each chapter leads down a different path, with particular concerns
and points of focus. Some follow well-worn trails to shed light on how and
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Joonas Ahola and Frog
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why they formed in the landscape and bring familiar points of reference into a
new light; others take on more rugged terrain that is less well known or work
through dense growth, cutting a new path to share a scenic overlook. Whereas
most of us begin with difficulty seeing the forest for the trees, we hope that
the wide-ranging explorations gathered here will leave you with a perspective
on the forest, equipped for further investigations.
The present volume is a response to a general move in Old Norse
mythology research to advance beyond the philology of textual sources and
archaeology of material culture to oral traditions, performance practices,
and ways of understanding and engaging with the world behind them. This
move has by no means been abrupt. Comparative considerations have always
been present, if often implicit, but a crucial factor was a paradigm shift in
approaches to folklore that reached a watershed in European and North
American research especially in the 1970s. This turn involved a fundamental
reconceptualization of tradition from emphasis on abstracted and ideal texts or
traditions’ formal elements with continuity in inter-generational transmission
(analogous to Saussure’s langue) to focus on tradition as lived and interactive
practice or situated performance, with concern for variation (analogous to
Saussure’s parole). This turn in folklore research belonged to a much broader
paradigm shift that also gave rise to “new philology”, which made later manuscripts interesting as things people did with written texts in particular situations rather than only as source evidence for reconstructing the earliest form
of a written work. The many changes that took place during this period led to
challenging much earlier comparative research while shifts from diachronic
to synchronic interests augmented the formation of a gap between Old Norse
studies and research on later folklore. Nevertheless, many corpora collected
from the nineteenth century onwards are vast, and these were complemented
by fieldwork being done in cultures around the world. This research offered
perspectives on how traditions operate and vary in societies that were gradually taken up by individual Old Norse scholars as frames of reference to consider, for example, what might be happening behind the one or two variants
of an eddic poem. The tendency to view oral and ritual traditions as static and
transmitted with a text stability comparable to scribal copies was slow to give
way. Today, however, attention has largely moved to orality and performance
behind sources for Scandinavian mythology or religion and the processes that
led such knowledge and verbal art to be materialized as written texts, and also
to practices as traditions that have left material outcomes in the archaeological
record. Iron Age and medieval sources are increasingly recognized as not the
traditions per se, but as representing and reflecting what people knew and did
in society, thus providing fragmented glimpses into the respective traditions.
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From Theme to Book and Back Again
The chapters of the present volume reflect the breadth of these changes
through the diversity of their approaches and handling of the issues at hand.
The contributions gathered here are linked to one another in countless ways,
such as by subject matter, approach, or groupings according to the three broad
domains mentioned above. They are arranged in five sections, preceded by an
introductory chapter, which opens the concepts of folklore and mythology and
the many ways these have been understood through the history of Old Norse
research. The opening section then presents different Approaches to the relationship between folklore and Old Norse mythology and folklore research in
the study of Old Norse mythology. Although it remains common to presume
that myths are stories, central interests of current mythology research are in
variation, practice, and lived religion, with the result that perhaps the greater
part of attention goes to elements of mythology less complex than complete
plots. The following four sections present a variety of case studies that are
therefore organized on the arc of this trajectory of interests. This begins at
the level of practice with Magic and Ritual, followed by Mythic Images and
Agents, and then Motifs and Narration, advancing gradually to the level of
plots in the concluding section on Stories.
Approaches
Five chapters introduce and discuss general approaches to the connections
between mythology and folklore in Scandinavian Iron Age and medieval
sources. They explore research history, source criticism, analytical methodology, and conceptualizations in relevant disciplines. These contributions
address questions surrounding the common conception of myths as narrative
expressions of religious ideas and as folklore. They explore methodological
questions surrounding the transmission and variation of mythology and associated worldviews, as well as hybridization and syncretism. Even though local
and individual expressions found in the sources are often discussed within a
larger, collective cultural or religious framework, these chapters remind us
that each source is also a unique expression no less than is any particular
folklore performance.
John Lindow opens the section with an exploration of the history of the
study of mythology alongside the emergence and development of methodology
in folkloristics. In “Folklore, Folkloristics, and an ‘Old Norse Mythology
Method’?”, he provides a detailed picture of the “folkloristic method” that
took shape in the Nordic countries, also known as the Historical-Geographic
or “Finnish” Method. Lindow brings into sharp focus the problems that were
later seen as emblematic of such comparative approaches as well as their
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evolution in Old Norse mythology research. He advances to consider whether
the adaptations of these approaches gave rise to an “Old Norse mythology
method” across the beginning of the twentieth century, and discusses how
such comparativism was superseded by the rise of structuralism and the turn
to performance.
In “Pre-Christian Religions of the North as Folklore, with Special
Reference to the Notion of ‘Pantheon’”, Jens Peter Schjødt advances an
approach that juxtaposes the research of mythology and folklore in concrete
terms. Schjødt relates phenomena in folklore and mythology and the scientific concepts associated with them to create a framework for approaching
variation. He uses this framework to confront the currently debated topic of
whether or not Old Norse religion entailed a “pantheon” or had a fragmented
structure in which worshippers would rely on only a single god for more or
less all of their needs. Schjødt’s chapter may be seen as representative of a
current need for an encompassing methodology that abandons the ostensible
separateness of mythology, religion, and folklore.
Sophie Bønding leads discussion into the theme of religious change,
continuity, and discontinuity in “Conceptualising Continuity in the
Christianisation: Towards a Discursive Approach”. Her chapter offers an
accessible introduction into a discourse-based approach to religion and how
mythology operates in religious encounters. As an illustrative case study, she
scrutinizes the Viking Age Christianization process with focus on linguistic
discourses, examining its reflection in the source material. The approach and
its comparative dimensions offer a firm empirical foundation and reveals
that both the Christian and non-Christian religions and religiosity manifest
different forms of syncretism in contemporary linguistic expressions. By
bringing religious discourse into focus in this way, Bønding reveals that the
assimilation of Christianity was not simply something that happened to people
as a result of externally propelled conversion; instead, it was an activity of the
subjects themselves across a long period.
The adaptation of methods, theories, and perspectives from folklore
studies for research on Old Norse mythology is contextualized by Olof
Sundqvist within a broader interdisciplinary turn in the field. In “A ‘Turn to
Interdisciplinary Methods’ in the Study of Old Norse Mythology and Religion:
With a Case Study on the Distribution of the Cult of Freyr”, Sundqvist
explores indications of a cult of the god Freyr in Viking Age central Sweden
that have surfaced in connection with different disciplines. In so doing, he
underscores that the study of a religion without written religious texts necessarily requires a multidisciplinary approach. He shows that the development
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From Theme to Book and Back Again
of interdisciplinary approaches enables the posing of new questions that lead
to new insights and deeper understandings.
The final chapter of this section lays out a methodological approach to
“Mythic Discourse Analysis”. Frog argues that it is possible to compare and
combine different types of sources through the semiotic connections they share
in spite of representing diverse forms of expression. This approach involves
breaking down sources into the socially recognizable elements of mythology
as discreet “mythic signs”, distinguished according to formal types, and that
are combined and transposed in “equations” that produce different sorts of
meanings. This approach aims to offer solutions to some of the questions and
concerns that come forward in several other chapters.
Through their range and variety, these five chapters reflect the vitality
and dynamism of ways of linking folklore and Old Norse mythology in different disciplines. Individually, some of these chapters are programmatic in
their presentation and advocation of a particular approach, yet the approaches
themselves remain largely independent and complementary. Reading them as
in dialogue with one another rather than as isolated works makes the chapters
reciprocally informative. Despite not developing from any single definition of
folklore or mythology, they illustrate the current interest in unified approaches
to Old Norse mythology or religion that integrate folklore.
Magic and Ritual
A relationship between mythology and rituals is salient in many instances,
and each may help to understand the other within a given cultural environment. Of course, it has long been recognized that not all rituals are connected
to mythological narratives, nor are all such narratives connected to rituals.
Nevertheless, mythology and ritual were being conceived as representing the
theoretical and practical sides of a non-Christian religion (or “superstition”)
as early as in the eighteenth century. Although ritual may concern dimensions of cult, its most common manifestations in a society fall under the aegis
of what is commonly called magic, as a prescriptive procedure or flexible
framework of rite techniques used to affect change in the world, whether
for healing, harm, or to achieve some other aim. Such practices very often
involve a verbal dimension of performance, such as a static verbal charm
or potentially variable, situation-dependent incantation. These verbal components of ritual practices often engage with supernatural agents and forces
of the mythology and many refer to mythic events in so-called w – i.e. short
narratives of mythic content associated with charms’ magical efficacy. The
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four chapters of this section turn to the areas of practice that connect with
mythology.
Researchers’ interests and ideologies can easily shape their findings and
interpretations. Kendra Willson returns discussion to the history of scholarship to consider the discussion and interpretations of the Old Norse practice called seiðr in this light. In “Seiðr and (Sámi) Shamanism: Definitions,
Sources, and Identities”, she surveys the views and arguments on the relationship between seiðr and “shamanism”, usually as associated with the Sámi.
These discussions have long concerned questions of the practices being borrowed from one culture into another through comparisons of references and
descriptions in Old Norse with much later evidence of shamanic traditions.
Willson reveals that these discussions have conformed to general scholarly
trends concerning the exchange of cultural influences. She argues that the
ambiguity of the sources, on the one hand, and of the scholarly concepts of
both “seiðr” and “shamanism”, on the other, have enabled the continuous production of alternative interpretations that will probably not reach an enduring
consensus in the near future.
Stephen A. Mitchell carries discussion from ritual practice to historiolas
as a salient intersection between performed magic and mythology. In “Notes
on historiolas, Referentiality, and Time in Nordic Magical Traditions”, he
scrutinizes Scandinavian texts from the Viking Age to the nineteenth century
that have formal connections to this type of narrative constituent. Mitchell
raises interesting theoretical issues concerning the role of mythology in a
society where it no longer belongs to the dominant religion. He shows that
mythology and associated beliefs are able to survive under these circumstances as adaptations to forms of religion-related activity that maintain their
relevance, even when people do not necessarily have a clear picture of what
the mythic elements refer to.
Bengt af Klintberg brings forward a particular case in “The Dead
Mother: An Exceptional Nordic Binding Charm”, which presents an image
of nine sons who carry their dead mother. The case study leads the reader
through the world in which the charm’s variants were documented and its
applications at that time. He observes that this image seems to have been
no more clear to the people who used the charms than it is to a present-day
reader, and he explores its potential associations. af Klintberg argues that the
image embedded in the historiola likely has connections to certain elements
in Scandinavian mythology. This chapter is a valuable illustration of the challenges presented by verbal charms as source material, as well as their interest
for the potential perspectives that they may offer.
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From Theme to Book and Back Again
The section is brought to a close by Clive Tolley’s extensive study of
“Heimdallr’s Charm: The Lost Heimdallargaldr and Symbolism and Allusion
in the Myths of Heimdallr”. This case study situates the two brief references
to an otherwise unknown poem called the charm or incantation (galdr) of
Heimdallr at the nexus of a wide-ranging study. Little is known of Heimdallr,
who is referred to as the son of nine mothers in the preserved lines of the
poem. Tolley constructs an image of Heimdallr through the close reading of
a number of sources, also connecting back to the historiola addressed in af
Klintberg’s chapter. By comparing his observations with later Scandinavian
and Finnic oral traditions, he builds up a more nuanced understanding of the
scant medieval sources that builds into a general perspective on the Old Norse
charm tradition, from its Germanic roots to its manifestations in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Together, these chapters highlight that mythology becomes bound
up with practices and areas of social life. They illustrate how elements of
mythology can maintain relevance and survive in connection with such practices, even when their significance becomes obscure. Although the studies
bring out some potential pitfalls of comparativism and how the interests and
ideologies of scholars may impact on interpretations, they also elucidate the
potential of gaining insights into the practices behind the scattered and limited
evidence of particular traditions.
Mythic Images and Agents
The elucidation of the god Heimdallr at the conclusion of the preceding section anticipates the turn to the images of different types of mythic agents,
highlighting that their significance is not limited to their appearance in stories
about gods and their adventures in mythic time. Such agents hold a central
position in Scandinavian mythology. Those that are subject to veneration
become emblematic of religion, yet the variety of such agents extends far
beyond these, including those that interact with gods in cosmological time,
others encountered by heroes in the ancient past, and also those encountered
by the settlers of Iceland, Christian missionaries, and so on. The characteristics and qualities imagined for these agents are constructed through the narratives and motifs with which they are associated, and then may carry over
into additional contexts. They may also be metonymically identified through
their particular features or objects associated with them. Metonymic identification allows both particular agents or types of agent to be used referentially
in a number of ways, such as recognizing someone as a troll or simply as
“trollishness” through the character’s description, identifying a character as
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“Þórr-like” through motifs linked to the god, or Þórr’s hammer being sufficiently emblematic that it was used as a popular amulet in the Viking Age.
Mythic images and their usage are central to mythology and religion, and it is
often at this level of images that the dynamics of mythology in both society
and discourse can be most vibrant. The four chapters in this section explore
images of different types of mythic agents from a number of angles, from
their background in the Iron Age through their evolution across subsequent
centuries, including consideration of the sort of work they do in medieval
literature.
Joonas Ahola opens discussion by exploring networks of associations and meanings constructed through the patterns of use of what might
seem a rather mundane and commonplace image. In “Divine Gear? ‘Odinic’
Disguise and Its Narrative Contexts in Medieval Icelandic Literature”, he surveys different instances in which a cloak appears as a particularly mentioned
accessory in the corpus of medieval Icelandic literature. Ahola’s discussion
illustrates how a single attribute may be connected in narration both to a character’s appearance and to their activities, which enables the attribute to carry
connotative meanings through the associative connections between different
narrative characters and their actions. The cloak is a type of gear associated
in the mythology with Óðinn, and Ahola shows how an attribute emblematic
of a certain agent or type of situation in the mythology may referentially alter
the significance of that attribute in different narrative genres.
Leszek Gardeła advances discussion on how mythic images are linked
to characterizations, connecting back to the topic of ritual practices in an
investigation of certain gear and its contexts in the archaeological record.
In “Women and Axes in the North: Diversity and Meaning in Viking Age
Mortuary Practices”, he scrutinizes burial finds of females supplied with axes,
discussed through comparison with Old Icelandic sources and later folklore.
Gardeła’s source material is diverse and spread across centuries, building
a compelling, multifaceted argument that the axes as burial finds in female
graves refer to their ritual use. This chapter is an excellent illustration of how
interdisciplinary study of diverse sources may shed light on ritual practices
and underlying religious conceptions, in this case connected to a single type
of object.
The connection between mythic images and identities are approached
from a different perspective by Rudolf Simek and Valerie Broustin. In Old
Norse research, decent from gods has been discussed extensively for royal
genealogies and in contexts of euhemerism. In “Wise Men and Half Trolls”,
Simek and Broustin show that Icelandic sagas connect many Icelandic families prominent in the time of saga writing to ancestors that are genealogically
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linked to trolls. They discuss why trolls – quite counter-intuitively from the
perspective of modern research – seem to have provided a noble ancestry
in a way similar to euhemerized gods. Their chapter introduces the important topic of genealogical lore with a reassessment of common presumptions
about medieval attitudes towards trolls and giants as mythic beings.
The discussion of counter-intuitive roles of trolls leads to the section’s
final chapter, which turns to giants in the history of scholarship, and how
scholars have constructed and reconstructed images of giants in relation to
their contemporary contexts. In “The Giants and the Critics: A Brief History
of Old Norse ‘Gigantology’”, Tommy Kuusela provides an extensive survey
on the different scholarly approaches to the central counter-role to the gods
in the mythology. He discusses the evolution of discussion surrounding both
the agents called jǫtnar in medieval Icelandic sources and giants in later traditions. Linking across these categories leads to highlighting the problems connected to terms for different types of agents and how to translate them, as well
as how different types of agents become interpreted through researchers’ categories. Kuusela’s survey returns to the issues raised by Willson regarding how
researchers’ views have been shaped by contemporary thought and debates,
and then reciprocally impact the images of the mythology that they construct
and propagate.
These four chapters begin from how objects seen as attributes are socially
constructed as emblematic of certain identities, whether of a particular god
or of a ritual practitioner. Beginning with meaning-making in the narrative
world of sagas and followed by meaning-making in burials of living communities, they advance to the symbolic capital conferred by descent from mythic
agents. Challenging researchers’ assumptions about the evaluation of such
agents opens into an exploration of how the meaningfulness of these agents is
subject to ongoing construction and negotiation by scholars, impacted by the
worlds in which they live and work. Together, progression through this series
of case studies offers a multifaceted view of how mythic images and agents
operated in the mythology, life, literature, and later folklore of Scandinavia up
through scholarship in the present day.
Motifs and Narration
Motif (or motive) is a term that moved into the spotlight in folklore studies
in the first half of the twentieth century through the emergence of indexing
projects that produced infrastructures for comparative research. The concept
goes back to the mid-nineteenth century, when the analysis of folktale plots
broke these down into a chain of elements in sequence, which might also be
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used across different tales. These elements were eventually indexed in their
own right. Aðalheiður Guðmundsdóttir opens this section with a discussion
of various ways the term motif has been defined and used, highlighting that it
was initially heuristic rather than analytical. Nevertheless, approaching traditional narratives as constituted of motifs that might vary or be found across
different stories is fundamental to current thinking in research.
In “Mythological Motifs and Other Narrative Elements of Vǫlsunga
saga in Icelandic Folk and Fairytales”, Aðalheiður Guðmundsdóttir explores
how, like images, mythic motifs exhibit dynamic and varied use as well
as a longue durée of use. This exploration begins from the medieval forn
aldarsögur, the class of sagas that narrate the mytho-heroic milieu, where
Aðalheiður Guðmundsdóttir reveals the interconnections of these sagas with
both mythology and folktales. She then traces motifs from an influential saga
through their manifestations in later folklore, illustrating the interplay of continuity and evolution of mythic motifs across centuries.
Mythological and mytho-heroic narratives are preserved in iconographic
representations as well as written works. In her pioneering “Gotland Picture
Stones and Narration”, Laila Kitzler Åhlfeldt examined units of narration as
they appear on Gotlandic picture stones. She applies Oral-Formulaic Theory
to the study of these compositions, which employ a carving technique utilizing templates for both repeating the same pictorial motifs and also for the
production of distinct images by, for example, adding attributes to a male or
female figure. The article raises intriguing questions concerning the interpretation of different media and makes a new kind of contribution to the study of
picture stones as pictorial narration.
In “Genre Matters? Female Suicide in Mythic, Mytho-Heroic, and
Historical Contexts”, Kirsi Kanerva approaches the depictions of female suicides and death from grief in three different genres and the meaning-producing
dialogues between them as well as other material in the corpus. Her central
cases are the death of Baldr’s wife Nanna from grief, the suicide of Brynhildr
in Vǫlsunga saga and eddic poetry, and the grief of Guðrún Ósvífsdóttir in
Laxdœla saga. Kanerva explores how the genre affects the expression of attitudes towards suicide, highlighting the impact of a genre on what is represented. Her analysis situates the different representations in relation to social
values in the environment of readers and audiences as well as the contexts in
which they are narrated, offering a nuanced perspective on variation across
these discourses.
Discussion of Laxdœla saga continues in the final chapter of this section. In “Bolli Þorleiksson’s Celtic Horses”, Karen Bek-Pedersen turns to the
classic concern of comparative folklore in cross-cultural comparison. She
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From Theme to Book and Back Again
examines connections between horses as mythic agents in Icelandic and Irish
medieval sources and their roles in narration. In the past, comparative studies
often sought to unravel the relationships between traditions and their direction of spread as an end unto itself. Bek-Pedersen uses the identification of
historical influence as a tool for gaining a more nuanced understanding of
meanings. She shows that the referential connection to Irish tradition reveals
a greater depth to character development in the Icelandic saga, which juxtaposes Irish heroes with an Icelandic historical character, further illustrating
how the referential engagement of mythology may alter significance.
These four chapters highlight the position of motifs in the transmission and variation of mythology. Like images, motifs become instruments
of meaning-making, whether they shape the context into which they are
drawn, are subordinated to that context and its priorities, or some combination thereof. Within the history of comparative research, the distinction of
motifs is particularly important, because problems of many early comparative studies were linked to the presumption that mythology was constituted
of plots as wholes that were simply transplanted from cosmological to heroic
or fairytale contexts or from one culture into another. The chapters gathered
in this section emphasize that stories are constituted of pieces that people can
take up, recombine, and use in new ways, adapting and altering them to the
needs and interests of the new genre or context of use.
Stories
Stories are popularly imagined as at the core of a mythology, frequently conceived in terms of static and ideal plots. As the previous section highlights,
current research has become deeply aware that the reality of traditions proves
far messier. Of course, complex narratives can circulate widely and survive
through centuries of oral transmission, not to mention their potential movements between oral discourse, the aural discourse of public reading, and private reading as well. Nevertheless, when narratives are transmitted from one
cultural context to another, from one era to another, and from one narrative
genre to another, the whole frame of reference is altered and necessarily leads
to transformations of the subject matter – if not formally, then minimally by
the meanings given to the narrative in reception. The four chapters in this
final section explore mythological narratives as discourse in different genres
of expression, as well as their transformations and adaptations across time.
Else Mundal begins discussion by taking up issues of genre and highlighting the different types of primary evidence for Scandinavian nonChristian religion in “Old Norse Myths, Heroic legends, and Folklore”. She
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assesses the value of different categories of sources from the Middle Ages to
more recent times, bringing this classic question into connection with the current view that religious conceptions varied not only over time but also areally.
As a consequence, a source-critical approach to the dispersed and dissimilar
sources is all the more crucial. Mundal’s overview draws together numerous
threads from preceding chapters, weaving these together with a view toward
future directions of research.
Among the most vexing questions in Old Norse mythology concerns
the potentially lost stories behind references, quotations, and summaries or
allusions, as in the case of lines from a charm about Heimdallr discussed
by Tolley. Joseph S. Hopkins takes up this topic in “Phantoms of the Edda:
Observations Regarding Eddic Items of Unknown Provenance in the Prose
Edda”. He reviews passages of eddic poetry quoted in Snorri Sturluson’s
Edda where a poem or other source is possible in the background but no text
has survived. Hopkins argues that the quotations have not simply been composed for the sake of Edda’s narration, a view supported by parallels between
Snorri’s Edda and Saxo Grammaticus’s Gesta Danorum, although those parallels lead into the question of whether the common information is rooted in
an oral tradition or might reflect an early circulating written source.
The search for continuities from stories in medieval sources into folklore recorded in the nineteenth and twentieth century is often seen as emblematic of interest in later folklore, especially where the later folklore can fill gaps
in understandings of the early material. Eldar Heide takes on the challenge
of such a study in “Magical Fishing in Historia Norwegie: Incomprehensible
without Late Folklore”. Such comparative studies have a history of controversy, and Heide is careful to establish his methodological footing. Through
comparative evidence provided by later ethnographic descriptions and nineteenth-century folklore of Norway and Iceland, he illuminates an obscure
statement in the medieval Historia Norwegie connected to fishing by the
Sámi, demonstrating a background of the description in legend traditions that
must have a continuity of many centuries.
Of course, many cases of possible long-term continuities are much more
problematic to assess, resulting in open questions that beg further research.
The book is brought to a close by just such a riddlesome case presented by
Terry Gunnell with Tom Muir. In “George Marwick’s Account of ‘The Muckle
Tree or Igasill’: Folklore or Literature?”, they offer a source-critical examination of a purportedly oral tradition documented in the Orkney Islands at the
turn of the twentieth century. The story “The Muckle Tree” bears remarkable
similarities to Scandinavian mythology in both plot and the names it includes,
yet it also deviates from what is known from medieval sources in striking
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From Theme to Book and Back Again
ways. Gunnell and Muir raise the possibility that this account is rooted in
the circulation of an early translation Scandinavian mythology that may have
been available in the Orkney Islands, in which case the written work would
seem to have entered into oral lore. However, many traditions found in the
Orkney Islands seem to have roots in the Middle Ages or earlier, supporting
the possibility of a locally developed variant of the death of the god Baldr
with long-term continuity.
The chapters of this final section return to questions that were central to
discussions of folklore and Old Norse mythology a century ago, both in their
explorations of potential continuities from ancient times into post-medieval
folklore and also in opening relationships of accounts in medieval sources to
one another and to broader traditions. The present authors, however, approach
these questions with current theories and understandings of how traditions
operate as well as awareness of the methodological caveats that undermined
the sustainability of many interpretations in earlier scholarship. Although the
questions were being asked more than a century ago and such investigations
were subsequently marginalized in research, these chapters reveal their value,
relevance, and interest today, showing that they can be addressed in methodologically sound ways.
Full Circle
The five sections of this book form a cycle. Although the chapters are independent and focus on different cases, the cycle of the sections loosely follows that of a contemporary monographic study. The introduction outlines the
topic, the first section discusses theories and methodology, the second situates
the object of research interest in society, simpler units of the tradition are then
brought into focus, building up to those that are more complex. This organization in itself reflects significant differences from research in the first half of
the twentieth century, when comparative use of post-medieval folklore was
popular. First, methods and theory are not only foregrounded, but also plural
and dynamic, rather than exclusive, rigid, and mechanically implemented.
Second, society and practices are in focus rather than treating mythology as
something to be approached as an ideal object independent of them. Third,
attention is on forms of variation and meaning production rather than on a
unified and reified vision of which all sources are fragmentary and imperfect
reflections. Rather than leading to conclusions per se, the progression through
this book’s sections invites the reader to reflect on questions of larger scope
that were the focus of the opening section on theory and methods – questions
that have become central points of concern in the field.
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This book is more than the sum of its chapters: it points to a watershed in how scholars engage with folklore research and post-medieval folklore, which itself reflects a breakdown in the tendency in Old Norse Studies
to view “folklore” as something exclusive to post-medieval cultures. Using
post-medieval folklore and perspectives gained from it in research on Old
Norse mythology and religion is, in a sense, a return to what researchers were
doing a century ago, yet, it is also done with the benefit of a century of development in theories, methods, and knowledge of methodological caveats. In
several respects, this constitutes a reopening of scholarship to possibilities
that were an integrated part of research as it took shape across the nineteenth
century, returning to it with the insights and understanding that have accumulated while folklore and folklore research were kept at a distance. The diverse
contributions brought together in these pages shed new light on questions
in each of the three central domains of interest in folklore and Old Norse
mythology mentioned above, while the discussions they unfold bridge across
these domains and the various disciplines that engage them. Taken individually, each chapter offers new insights, perspectives, and potentially also new
tools that will be of value to future research. When considered together, they
illuminate a rising trend in research on Old Norse mythology and perhaps
also – at least to some extent – its course for the future. Through reading this
volume from different perspectives, the dialogues between the chapters gathered here, with the many works that they engage beyond the covers of this
book, offer a foundation for advancing these discussions in new and unforeseen directions.
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Opening Perspectives on Folklore
and Old Norse Mythology
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T
his volume is organized around an intersection of the slippery concepts
of folklore and mythology in combination with Old Norse. The term Old
Norse properly refers to a group of historical language forms characterizing
a phase in the history of North Germanic, although where this is delineated
on a chronology varies.1 The term is metonymically applied to the cultures of
speakers of the respective language forms. The transposed usage for culture
(often simplified to Norse) is well-established and untethered from discussions
of how the language phase should be defined and dated. It is instead a heuristic category for addressing Scandinavian-speaking cultures from roughly
the cultural changes that are linked with the beginning of the Viking Age (usually dated ca. 800–1050), which has long been a nexus of research interest,
through the majority of important medieval vernacular written sources with
which researchers are concerned. Thus Old Norse usually covers everything
from the eighth or ninth through at least the thirteenth, often the fourteenth,
and sometimes the fifteenth century. The terms folklore and mythology are
notoriously elusive. The words are so commonplace that they easily get taken
for granted as meaning one thing or another, yet the concepts are difficult to
pin down. Both as phenomena and in their definition as scientific concepts,
folklore and mythology have been approached in different and sometimes
incompatible ways throughout the history of scholarship and also in popular
discussion. Approaches up through the present day have followed a variety
of research interests, yet they normally build on previous scholarship and
discussions that have spanned across disciplines. These factors make the possible ways of linking these concepts manifold, varying sometimes considerably by a scholar’s research background, interests, and approach.
The chapters of the present book are united by current trajectories
of interest in connecting mythology and folklore in the field of Old Norse
studies. They also illustrate that these trajectories are not characterized by a
1
Accessibly illustrated in Schalin 2018: 38, Table 1; see also Wiegland 2002.
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programmatic agenda for how either mythology or folklore should be defined
in the field. The contributors have backgrounds in diverse disciplines and
national scholarships, which shape their respective interests and concerns,
how they conceive folklore and mythology, respectively, and how they relate
the two. The present introduction is intended to help the reader get to grips
with this diversity by generally introducing the concepts of folklore and
mythology and ways they have been defined, with emphasis on how they have
been related to one another, followed by a brief look at how they have been
conceived and related across the history of Old Norse studies.
What Is Folklore?
The concept of folklore emerged in the era of National Romanticism, with its
beginnings in the Enlightenment. In educated discussion, Classical Latin and
Greek ideas tyrannized views on poetics and aesthetic standards until they
were overthrown by Robert Lowth. Lowth (1753) argued that the Hebrew
Bible was poetry – but poetry based on the principles of the Ancient Hebrew
language and culture, which could not be recognized and appreciated if analyzed as though it were Greek or Latin. Moreover, since poetry was seen as
a product of divine inspiration, Biblical poetry had to be considered the best
poetry, because the Hebrews were the only ones who got religion right. Whatever we may think of Lowth’s arguments today, they became a springboard
for valorizing traditions of other cultures.
Johann Gottfried von Herder was considerably influenced by Lowth,
even if he argued hotly against some features of Lowth’s model of the origin
of Hebrew poetry (Baildam 1999: 57–58). Herder theorized that language
defines the way that we think and perceive the world and thus that there is a
fundamental difference between the worldviews of different language groups
and their respective cultures. Lowth’s work provided a platform for considering a culture’s traditions on their own terms, focusing on their aesthetics as
reflecting the spiritual world and thinking of the respective people. Herder
was also influenced by Giambattista Vico’s pioneering developments toward
a theory surrounding the history of mentalities (Hutton 1992; 1996: 539–
540). According to Herder, the language and character of an ethnos (= nation)
evolved in interaction with the people’s surroundings, and thus their original,
defining language and character was altered under external influence. In order
to understand the real character of a people (Volk), it was therefore necessary
to look back to its ancient history for evidence of its original state.
In search of the essence of a German national character, Herder found
the German language at its purest in contemporary folk songs, a number of
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Opening Perspectives
which he had published, along with those of other peoples (see Herder 1846).
He observed that both the language and the contents of the songs reflected circumstances of bygone eras from which they derived (Wilson 1973: 826–827;
see also Liamin 2018). Herder’s ideas and the discussions of which they were
a part enabled a new type of cultural capital: traditions were documented and
repackaged, reified into consumable texts, and commodified as objects that
could be collectively owned as the heritage of a nation. These activities took
place alongside and conjoined with more complex and sophisticated philological projects that both reconstructed and validated traditions of the past,
exemplified by Jacob Grimm’s Deutsche Mythologie (1835). Representatives
of modern, educated societies were making objects out of culture that was
historically or socially “other”, transforming it into something significant for
their own contemporary audiences (Anttonen 2005).
The term folklore was coined by William Thoms in 1846 (“Folk-Lore”).
He conceived folklore not only as an object of research but also as a “branch
of Archaeological study” (1850: 223), hoping that some “James Grimm
shall arise who shall do [the same as Jacob Grimm] for the Mythology of
the British Islands” (1946 [1846]: 361; see also Emrich 1946; Roper 2008).
During the nineteenth century, the “lore” of a “folk” referred first and foremost to European oral traditions that could be documented from, ideally,
people whose ways of life had not been significantly impacted by literacy,
urbanization, and industrialization. Folklore was widely seen as a type of
cultural relic, something belonging to the past that could be documented in
the present. This approach precipitated into Edward B. Tylor’s “doctrine of
survival in culture”. Tylor theorized a “survival” from an anthropological perspective as a sort of anachronism in a society that has become dislocated from
a more “primitive” cultural state to which it naturally belonged. The boundaries of what was or was not folklore varied. In the Nordic countries, folklore
included ballads and other forms of oral poetry, and it was tightly linked to, or
directly included, mythology. Conversely, in British scholarship, song traditions became studied separately from folklore as predominantly comprised
of storytelling, customs, and sayings (Dorson 1961). British scholars also
distinguished folklore from mythology, which would not qualify as a “survival” until it became divorced from religion (Gomme 1885). The definition
of folklore as dislocated “survivals” equally excluded folklore from “primitive” societies, in which traditions would still be in their natural environment
(Spence 1921: ch. 8). Some of these scholars were nevertheless driven by
comparative methodologies to include traditions found in “primitive” cultures
under the aegis of “folklore” even while upholding Thoms’ characterization of
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folklore as an archaeology of cultural artefacts (Lang 1884).2 Defining folklore in terms of “survivals” was incompatible with the direction taken by the
study of folklore in North America, where the research of Native American
traditions was a priority (Newell 1888; Mason 1891). The exclusion of traditions found in contemporary “primitive” cultures was eventually rejected
more widely as “ebenso wenig richtig wie nötig” (‘just as little correct as
necessary’) (Krohn 1926: 25n.1; see also Jacobs 1892), yet folklore continued
to be conceived as “other” from the perspective of modern societies. As modernization marched forward and the genres customarily identified as folklore
disappeared or were “corrupted” through literacy, usage of the word folklore
began to change, shifting from European traditions that could be documented
to European traditions that had been documented and traditions that could
still be documented elsewhere.
Significant changes in conceptions of folklore only advanced with the
reflexive considerations carried by Postmodernism. The presumption of folklore as “other” was entangled with ideologies of modernity. Literacy, scientific epistemologies, and institutionally administrated knowledge or practices
were treated as emblematic of modernity, which made their opposites – orality,
non-scientific thinking, and socially-mediated knowledge and practices –
emblematic of otherness, characterizing the “folk” and “primitive” societies.
Although the contrast may seem natural and intuitive with a basis in empirical
reality, ideologies of modernity polarized these differences. Features emblematic of modernity such as literacy or scientific rationale were made invisible
among the “folk”, while orality and non-scientific thinking were correspondingly invisible in modern milieux.3 Questioning the assumptions behind these
polarized contrasts led to recognizing folklore as something also found in
contemporary modern cultures, which demanded a fundamental rethinking
of the concept.4 At roughly the same time, changing technologies made audio
and then video recording practical. These facilitated the documentation of
performances in real time and in wide-ranging situations rather than in often
interruptive processes of dictation for manual transcription. They alleviated
2
On the intimate and evolving relationship between the study of folklore and colonialism,
see Naithani 2010.
3
On ideologies of difference, see Gal & Irvine 2019.
4
Alan Dundes’ article “Who Are the Folk?” (1980 [1977]) – where the answer to the eponymous question is “We are!” – is sometimes treated as iconic of this change. However,
the same view is found already as the concept of folklore was taking shape in North
American scholarship most of a century earlier (Mason 1891). The North American perspective enabled theorizing that folklore will commonly spread from more advanced to
less advanced societies rather than the reverse, imagining modern societies as the apex
of the dissemination of folklore rather than outside of it (Newell 1895).
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Opening Perspectives
researchers’ need to focus on the verbal text to ensure that it was accurately
recorded, and the new types of data made it much more feasible to analyze
and compare non-linguistic features of performance. The changing technologies were thus instrumental in the advance to consider folklore as more than
text to be captured on a page (Katajamäki & Lukin 2013; see also Fine 1984).
These developments combined with the shift of interest to what has been
called the performance-oriented turn, bringing into focus folklore as practice
by individuals as agents in situations and with intentions rather than simply
being passive mediators of traditions (e.g. Abrahams 1968; Ben Amos &
Goldstein 1975; Bauman 1984 [1975]). The impacts on ideas about folklore
as an object of research were transformative (Frog 2013), evolving especially
across the last decades of the twentieth century.
Conceptions of folklore continue to vary, but they can be viewed in relation to three basic criteria, beginning with:
1.
Folklore is a category of knowledge or competence.
Earlier approaches to folklore focused on the “lore” as knowledge, both as
“beliefs” and as knowledge of repeatable arrangements of signs – “things”
made of language (songs, proverbs), mediated through language (stories) or
enacted (rituals) – of which different examples could be compared as variations of “the same thing”. More variable traditions were often also acknowledged as folklore, but they tended to remain peripheral because traditions
were viewed through the recorded products and such traditions did not yield
material conducive to text-centered comparisons. The performance-oriented
turn extended knowledge of “things” to incorporate competence in a broader
traditional system, such as in a form of oral poetry or a system of rite techniques. Broadening the view was conjoined with a shift in attention from texts
as products to competencies and processes, bringing the systems of verbal art
or practices into focus.
Well into the twentieth century, the “lore” of folklore was defined negatively in relation to modern knowledge, which is at the root of a second
criterion:
2.
Folklore is transmitted through social networks without institu
tional administration.
Folklore was initially characterized as uneducated and oral in contrast to
modern education and literacy. Today, oral, written, and electronic media are
recognized as channels of communication. Folklore is no longer conceived
as distinguished by channel but rather by a process of communication that
allows for negotiation or contestation rather than being unilaterally imposed
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and regulated either by an external administration or by a textual form conceded as a non-negotiable authority.
As a rule of thumb, folklore is characterized by variation, which has
been included in many more recent definitions (e.g. Honko 2013 [1991]:
33–37). However, variation per se does not define something as folklore; it
is as an outcome of social transmission. The types and degrees of variation
are linked to the medium, such as oral, written, or electronic. For instance,
variation in skaldic dróttkvætt verse as a mode of communication will
be different than in third-person fornyrðislag narrative poetry, dialogic
ljóðaháttr poetry, or prose. Any of these may be affected again by whether it
is “performed” with its conventional voicing and rhythm, dictated, manually
rendered through writing, and so on. However, the human factor is also
significant: social conventions customarily lead to avoiding or minimizing
variation for some things while remaining indifferent to variation in others,
and particular individuals may subscribe to these conventions or engage with
them in idiosyncratic ways.5
When defining the concept, the first two criteria are often linked to
the etymology of the term as a compound of folk and lore, although such
connections should be considered as using etymology as a thinking tool or as
a rhetorical instrument, insofar as etymology does not define the concept as it
operates today. Alone, the two criteria above encompass a spectrum of culture
transmitted outside of institutionalized learning, including everything from
our first language to using toilet paper. Any distinct practice or knowledge
about the world (“belief”) qualified by these two criteria can be called a
tradition, which is sometimes treated as synonymous with folklore. More
commonly, however, folklore is qualified by one or two additional criteria:
3.
Folklore is distinguished by the role of imagination or aesthetics.
Aesthetics and/or imagination distinguish poetry from language, storytelling
from a shopping list, and knowledge of how to deal with forest spirits from
how to ride a horse. This third criterion narrows the range of things encompassed, but it includes, for example, folk music, traditional cuisine, and costume alongside oral poetry, taboos, and stories of the creation of the world.
Such breadth is how folklore is commonly understood in North American
5
Anna-Leena Siikala describes differences in how individual performers engage with a
tradition as a tradition orientation (1990: ch. 5, on legend traditions; in oral poetry, see
also Harvilahti 1992: 95–96). She also observes that performers may align with social
patterns of engagement with tradition that impact on variation as performer habitus or
singer habitus (2002b). Linda Dégh describes individual performers who deviate markedly from such conventions as form breakers (1995: 44–45).
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Opening Perspectives
research today, and it is a view that has spread quite widely. This type of definition will often treat folklore and tradition as synonymous.
The conception of folklore that developed in the Nordic and Baltic
countries and more broadly through the Folklore Fellows’ international network is more narrowly concerned with traditions linked to verbal art, narrative, rituals, and beliefs, a view that remains no less widespread.6 Pinning this
down as a clear and concise criterion has challenged scholars for a century
(cf. Krohn 1926: 16–25), but may be described as:
4.
Folklore is constituted of signs that communicate meaning or model
the world.
This criterion is straightforward for traditions of oral poetry, which is made up
of linguistic signs. In stories and so-called belief traditions, images and motifs
are signs communicated through language or through discourse more generally, whether they are imagined as belonging exclusively to a narrated world
or to the past, or the image or motif is a model for imagining something in
the contemporary world, like what lightning is and why it strikes. Understood
in this way, taboos, for instance, are based on avoiding the actualization of a
motif as experience, such as being struck by lightning, while rituals are based
on actualizing corresponding signs with predicted outcomes. This criterion
distinguishes folklore from traditions of music, costume, cuisine, and so on,
which was a significant concern in the early twentieth century, when disciplines were being defined in relation to one another. This is not to deny that
different categories of tradition may have complex networks of relations or,
for example, that some forms of oral poetry are fully integrated with music by
singing and/or accompaniment. The fourth criterion simply offers a means of
categorically distinguishing folklore from folk music, handicrafts, and so on.
What is Mythology?
Although the words myth and mythology are commonly traced back to Classical Greek muthos (‘(untrue) story’) and muthologia (‘storytelling, a telling
of a story, legendary lore; (untrue) story’), the concepts they refer to are
modern. The Latinized form and usage of Greek mythos were taken up during
6
How folklore is defined today is further complicated in national scholarships by the fact
that it was common in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century to take up the
concept of folklore that was circulating internationally but identify it with a vernacular
term that might mean something quite different with interpreted literally, like Swedish
folkliv (literally ‘folk life’) or Finnish kansanrunous (literally ‘folk poetry’). The concept
could later be redefined through the literal meaning of the term or become instead identified with a vernacular word with a broader meaning translating as ‘tradition’.
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the Enlightenment and employed as tools for talking about stories linked to
non-Christian religions. Lowth’s success in shaking Biblical Hebrew free
from Classical models was facilitated by the religious authority of the biblical
texts. Greek and Roman mythology had been assimilated into learned Christian discussion more or less from the outset, leaving their connotations of
paganism in the shadow of valorized literature, while Christian exegesis drew
heavily on the tools of interpretation that Classical authors provided (Harran
2018). “Paganism” remained a stigma on the pre-Christian past of other
European languages. By the Enlightenment, however, that past had already
become remote. Lowth paved the way to reconceptualize poetic language,
stories, and symbolic worlds of different traditions on their own aesthetic and
ideological terms, divorcing them from controversial religious beliefs. Much
as Snorri Sturluson had proposed over five centuries earlier, if modern readers
did not believe in pagan gods or fantastic accounts of the origin of the world,
the threat of these traditions to Christian faith was diffused and they could be
appreciated as beautiful and compelling – providing a reservoir of symbols
and stories on which modern nations could reflect as manifestations of the
voice of a people. As Herder put it:
Ueberhaupt kann man nicht zu viel thun, um das blos Fabelhafte in der Mythologie zu zerstören; unter solchem Schein, als Aberglaube, Lüge, Vorurtheil
hergebetet, ist sie unerträglich. Aber als Poesie, als Kunst, als Nationaldenkart, als Phänomenon des Menschlichen Geistes, in ihren Gründen und Folgen
studirt: da ist sie groß, göttlich, lehrend!
Herder 1878 [1769]: 380
Altogether one cannot do too much to destroy what is merely fabulous in
mythology; in such light, prattled as superstition, lies, prejudice, it is intolerable. But as poetry, as art, as a nation’s mode of thought, as a phenomenon of
the human spirit: there it is great, divine, instructive!
From the outset, the terms myth and mythology were encoded with an epistemological evaluation as “false knowledge”, contrasted variously with
Christian and scientific knowledge. Myth remained strongly linked to stories through the nineteenth century. By the eighteenth century, mythologia
was predominantly used in Latin for “a collection of mythoi” as a written
work. With the new usage of myth, mythology became a collective term for
the respective stories of a particular ethnos (= nation). In the nineteenth century, mythology was extended from including stories proper to encompass all
supernatural agents and forces, the cosmology, cosmogony, and eschatology
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that were linked to an ethnic religion (e.g. Grimm J. 1835; Castrén 1853).7
Mythology was tightly bound up with other concepts with which it linked,
overlapped, or contrasted, such as: ritual, usually describing any recurrent
procedure that people do with particular aims in connection with a religion;
superstition, referring to a false belief often not connected with religion or
only seen as a “survival” of mythology that had become divorced from religion; magic, viewed as something people do to affect the world and evaluated
as religiously other from the perspective of the Church and/or epistemologically other from the perspective of modern science. The term myth remained
linked to stories, gradually developing a discussion around the distinctions
and relations of myths, legends, and Märchen or fairytales.
In the twentieth century, discussions of myth rapidly diversified, as did
the ways it was conceived and defined. Alongside use of myth to refer to
stories in non-Christian religions, it became widely used for any socially circulating false belief about the world or things in it. The term often remained
loosely defined and interpreted through whichever way it was used in a particular discussion. Some interpretive frameworks were nevertheless directly
bound up to theories of what mythology is and how it emerges. Discussions
developed across a variety of disciplines, including philosophy, psychology,
modern literature studies, and so on, in addition to discussions in philology,
religious studies, anthropology, and folklore studies. The diversification in
ways of conceiving and defining myth and mythology was nurtured by two
key factors. First, the overlap of interests in many of the disciplinary discussions was limited, reducing the dialogue between them. Second, research
on mythology was never sufficiently distinguished to receive institutionally
recognized status as a discipline. Rather than taking shape as a unified field,
mythology was something considered to exist in the world that was addressed
in a variety of different research.
Although Friedrich Max Müller’s approach is early in the development
of these discussions, it is illustrative of how theories penetrate into definitions. The eras of the Enlightenment and Romanticism were distinguished by
theories of cultural development. Recognizing that cultures of the past might
differ considerably in their thinking from cultures of the present required
7
This broader concept is closer to how authors like Snorri Sturluson link stories about
gods to beliefs, rituals, and religion, but tend to do so within a wider general category
of information about gods, cosmology, cosmogony, and eschatology. The differences
are that the modern concept identifies mythology as an abstract category that can be
found in any ethnic culture and that religious tensions are absent. Consequently, modern
discussions developed approaches to mythology on principles of analogy of what was
discussed as mythology in different cultures, whereas medieval authors presumably
began from discourses on paganism linked to the particular culture.
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postulating some type of framework for interpreting the thinking of cultures which were being reconstructed behind puzzling written sources and
ambiguous archaeological finds. Philosophers such as David Hume (1757:
10) had argued that religion’s ultimate origins are rooted in the combination
of fear and curiosity as early human beings sought to understand the world
and their situation in it. Müller synthesized ideas of primitive thinking with
comparative linguistics, producing a theory about the origin of mythology
through what he famously described as a “disease of language” (Müller
1873: 56n).8 There are numerous examples of theonyms being identical to
common nouns, making a relationship between the god and the phenomenon
transparent, while others start off as identical and become distinguished over
time, like Þórr, which etymologically means ‘thunder’, although the common
noun used for the phenomenon changed in Scandinavian languages. Müller
extended this model to descriptions of events and plots in a mythology, postulating that primitive people used language to describe phenomena in the
world, but that these connections became obscured by inevitable processes
of change affecting language. His approach led, for example, to interpreting
Greek descriptions of the relationship between Apollo and Daphne as originally accounting for how the day overcomes twilight every morning (Müller
1856: 92–93; Konaris 2016: 119–123). In Müller’s theory, the identification
of something as a myth implicitly presumed the process of its origin, which
needed only to be reconstructed through the aid of etymology. Theories about
mythology and the definitions of myth and mythology are never independent,
even if certain central features remain fairly stable, interpreted in relation to
different points of focus.
In spite of differences in emphasis, two key criteria around which myth
is conceived have generally remained central up through the present. One,
grounded in the etymology of the term, is that a myth is a type of story,
while the other characterizes myth as a model of knowing for understanding
the world, interpreting experience, or as a model of behaviour and action.
Definition as a type of story was long dominant, yet what qualifies a story as
a myth has varied considerably. It could be a current relationship to “belief”,
the story’s explanation of something in nature (Tylor 1871) or reflection of
“primitive science” (e.g. Gomme 1906), a historical relationship to religion or
ritual (Smith 1889; see also Segal 2017), its relationship to human psychology
(Jung 1998 [1945]; see also Segal 2013), the aesthetic principles on which it
operates (Frye 1957), and so on and so forth. The criterion of story has often
8
On Müller’s theory, see also Musolff 2016; for criticism of the theory, see e.g. Yelle 2013:
33–70.
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been combined with the criterion of myth providing some sort of model for
knowing and understanding. However, emphasis on the relationship between
mythology and a “reality lived” (Malinowski 1948 [1926]: 100) could also
de-emphasize or discard the criterion of story, stretching it to include any of
the broader range of things that might be included in a mythology.
With Postmodernism’s reflexive turn and exploration of multiple perspectives, the idea that myths are only found in non-modern cultures was challenged, which also led to further diversification in definitions. The influential
work of Roland Barthes (1972 [1957]) in particular both offered new ways
of looking at myths as abstract signs like images, motifs, and story-patterns
corresponding to units of folklore, but he also used mythology for a whole
abstract system of ideas more commonly called an ideology (see e.g. Coupe
1997: 156–158). Nevertheless, this turn has doubled the view of mythology
in modern Western cultures. On the one hand, myth is commonly used for
both stories about gods like Þórr and Óðinn identified with religions that are
culturally or historically “other”. On the other hand, it is used for contemporary models of “reality lived” within modern Western cultures, although the
epistemological stance has endured that something called a myth is somehow
a “false understanding” (although see e.g. Lotman & Uspenskii 1976). This
double vision of mythology entails a tension that things called myths as stories in other cultures are most often events that only happen once, like Þórr
fishing up Miðgarðsormr or Óðinn seducing Rindr with seiðr, whereas the
majority of secular things called myths as “reality lived” in modern Western
cultures have countless manifestations, like a battle between good and evil or
an event type like a superfood healing a life-threatening illness. This apparent
incongruity has had the consequence that discussions of the two have normally remained disconnected, although reflexive consideration of mythologies in contemporary culture have nevertheless gradually affected discussions
of mythology more generally.
The incongruity between the mythologies of cultures of each type is
more apparent than real, owing to a difference in the things most prominently labelled “myths” in each context and the scope of what is included in
“mythology”. In discussions of Old Norse mythology, for example, myth has
predominantly been used for particular stories. Recurrent paradigms like Þórr
affecting the weather and Óðinn shaping heroes’ fates are considered part of
the mythology without being called “myths”, as are land spirits and narrative
patterns associated with them. Where the models of the world are centrally
linked to human agents, other terms like belief or magic get used rather than
discussing berserkir and vǫlur as parts of “the mythology”. In modern secular
mythologies, particular stories more commonly receive labels like theory,
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whether it is the creation story of the Big Bang or a conspiracy surrounding
the re-election of Donald Trump, while discussions of mythology more often
focus on event paradigms as models for understanding how the world works.
However, approaches to mythology at this broader scope can encompass the
full spectrum as mythology in spite of differences in how terms are conventionally used in the multitude of discussions.
In recent decades, changes have been occurring in the criterion of myths
as false from the perspective of a particular epistemology. Conceiving myth
as necessarily false knowledge is built on the premise that the user possesses
true knowledge, yet even scientific truth may be revealed as myth in the light
of new knowledge, while something called a myth might be revealed as scientifically true through empirical testing. This question might seem tangential for research on Old Norse mythology, yet approaching source materials
through the assumption that Þórr’s battle with Hrungnir is comparable to a
fairytale or fantasy novel disparages its potential for mythic significance in
the ninth-century milieu where Þjóðólfr ór Hvini composed the skaldic poem
Haustlǫng, as well as the potential that the thirteenth-century rendering in
Snorra Edda may be responding to such significance. Rather than defining
myth as opposed to one epistemology’s truth, it can be approached in terms of
emotional investment by one or more groups in society (Doty 2000: 55‒58).
Viewing it in terms of emotional investment has the advantage of avoiding
questions of subjective “belief” or inconsistencies between claims of belief
that may appear alongside religious backsliding in a time of stress or crisis.
The long-enduring criterion of myth as a “story” has also been challenged as problematic. This development was anticipated by discussions of
legends, where scholars struggled with the tension between the inherited
definition of legend as a genre of narrative and the paradox that “[a] legend
is a story or narrative that may not be a story or narrative at all” (Georges
1971: 18; see also Laudun 2021). William G. Doty observes that defining
myth as narrative seems to be a polarized point of differentiation from images
of modernity (cf. Gal & Irvine 2019): myth becomes imagined through contrast with scientific thinking’s objective, non-linear, arithmetical equations,
foregrounding its characterization through humanistic storytelling, creative
imagination, and aesthetic or emotional dimensions (Doty 2000: 49). The
presumption that a myth is a story has shaped thinking about evidence of
Old Norse mythology. For example, insults in Lokasenna or Hárbarðsljóð
and references such as Kormákr Ǫgmundarson’s phrase seið Yggr til Rindar
(‘Óðinn performed seiðr to (get to) Rindr’) (KormǪ Sigdr 3III.4)9 or Bragi
9
Skaldic poems are cited according to sigla in the Skaldic Database.
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Boddason’s kenning þjófr Þrúðar (‘thief of [Þórr’s daughter] Þrúðr’) for
Hrungnir (Bragi Rdr 1III.3–4) tend to get identified as “myths”, yet this identification requires either postulating some sort of immanent story behind the
references or stretching the criterion of story to include such references.
Conceiving myth to be a type of story reduces it to a linear plot, with
an implicit presumption that it is false knowledge. Referring to, for example,
Baldr’s death as a “story” carries evaluative connotations that it was not a
real event. Such connotations are why some people might get offended if told
that Jesus’s death is a story, whereas actual events are considered to have had
objective reality. History is constituted of multitudes of events that transpired
both simultaneously and on a chronology. Narration of history selects and
organizes events according to an interpretation that may equally inform how
they are presented, but any one narration does not exclude the possibility of
others that may link some of the same events to others and interpret them in
different or even conflicting ways. When mythology is reconceived in terms
of knowledge and understandings of the world, its past and future, discussing
its events as “stories” becomes reductive, collapsing potentially complex networks of relations. Baldr’s death, for example, is at the intersection of one
cycle of events concerning Frigg and Loki and another concerning Óðinn,
Hǫðr, and Rindr, as well as being a mooring point for diverse events elsewhere in the mythology (Frog, this volume). These events do not reduce to a
linear plot nor do all accounts seem to link them in the same linear plot. Issues
of this type have led to shifting emphasis in conceptualizing mythology from
narrative to knowledge.
The Concepts of Folklore and Mythology in Old Norse
Studies
Research on Viking-Age and medieval Scandinavia did not initially make
clear distinctions between mythology and folklore. Across the nineteenth century, research became dominated by the philological approach exemplified by
Jacob Grimm’s Deutsche Mythologie (1835, second edition 1844). Grimm
conceived of mythology exclusively in terms of ethnolinguistic heritage and
later folklore as the remnants of that heritage that had become disconnected
from the earlier belief traditions. The idea was similar to Tylor’s doctrine of
survivals (1871), which became a foundation for British folklore research
(e.g. Lang 1884; Gomme 1885). Both approaches viewed folklore as leftovers
of mythology and religious ritual that remained following cultural changes.
Both also conceived it as ethnolinguistic heritage, excluding the possibility of
exchange between groups. The central difference was that philology-centered
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approaches like that of Grimm presumed that the commensurate folklore
was genetically related; Tylor’s theory of survivals was built on a comparative anthropological view of cultures as universally subject to development
in successive stages (e.g. Comte 2009 [1830–1842]). Approaches to folklore
based on the latter considered independent genesis of the same folklore (i.e.
multigenesis) as equally probable to genetically-related heritage.10 Across the
middle of the nineteenth century, mythology and folklore became seen as
separate categories: medieval sources provided authentic representations of
mythology, of which later sources were derivative.
The categories changed at the end of the nineteenth century. Borrowings
of folklore across linguistic groups had been acknowledged earlier (e.g.
Grundtvig 1853–1976; Grimm W. 1856 [1850]: 411), but diffusion was only
brought into focus as a phenomenon by Theodor Benfey (1859), who argued
that most European folktales originated from the literature of India. This diffusion theory gradually evolved a heated debate in research on folktales in
Europe,11 yet mythology’s status as inseparable from ethnolinguistic heritage
remained largely unchallenged.12 This debate was thus not engaged in research
on Old Norse mythology, where the question of diffusion was introduced
from elsewhere. Edwin Jessen (1871) argued that the eddic poems were literary creations produced in Iceland, and this was followed by Sophus Bugge’s
(1879: 45–46) argument that poems in the ljóðaháttr meter are composed
after syncope, which at the time meant they could not be older than the Viking
Age (see also Harris 1985: 93; Fidjestøl 1999: 96–96). These arguments did
not focus on mythology per se, but they challenged the long-standing assumptions that the eddic poems represent an ancient collective heritage – poems
that include the most revered sources for Scandinavian mythology. Anton
10
See e.g. Lang’s heated response to Newell’s diffusion argument in Newell 1892.
11
Diffusion was contrary to both the philology-based approaches of the Grimms and
Tylorian approaches to folklore as “survivals” (see e.g. von Hahn 1863: 2–4; Jacobs
1892). The approach to folklore in North America did not emerge from NationalRomantic ethnolinguistic heritage-construction projects or as viewing traditions through
a lens of a cultural development theory; the intensive work with Native American as well
as Black American cultures rather than only traditions carried by European immigrants
made cross-cultural exchange a salient phenomenon of interest (e.g. Newell 1895; Boas
1896).
12
In his magnum opus on kalevalaic epic and mythology, Julius Krohn (1883) explored
cases of potential cross-cultural exchange of mythology, but this aspect of his work
had little international impact. A factor here may be that his comparative methodology
moved into the background in the Swedish translation (1891). Whereas the Finnish work
is organized through the comparative studies and the chapter structure foregrounds his
methodology, he decided to integrate the material from these parts into the chapters on
epic subjects (Krohn K. 1891c: [ii]). As a result, it simply looks like a book about the
Kalevala from the table of contents, rather than having, for example, a nearly 70-page
chapter devoted to comparisons with Germanic traditions (1883: 230–298).
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Christian Bang (1879) then published his explosive argument that Vǫluspá is
a Norse poet’s imitation of Greek sibylline (i.e. Christian) texts. The questions
being raised about the origin and historical spread of the poems led Bugge to
aggressively challenge their ancientness and that of the mythology, which had
long been taken for granted. Finding parallels in Christian, Classical, or Celtic
traditions, he argued that the Scandinavian oral traditions or learned authors
had borrowed these much nearer the time of the sources (1881–1889; 1899).
His work resonated with the trends of modernism and was well received, pioneering a source-critical turn in scholarship (Fidjestøl 1999: 101). These new
views restructured the situation surrounding sources in a way that somewhat
levelled the difference between medieval sources and later folklore: each presented different issues as evidence for mythology at a time when the temporal
distance was not considered as a significant factor in the way it tends to be
today (e.g. Olrik 1892–1894; see also Lindow, this volume).
This new comparativism subsequently extended to identifying impacts
of Old Norse traditions on Finnic and Sámi. Finnic and Sámi traditions
thus became viewed as potential sources for Old Norse mythology, supporting interpretations or filling in gaps in the earlier evidence (e.g. Olrik
1906). Connecting Old Norse research to discussions of these later materials
had reciprocal impacts on the concept of folklore, which was considered to
include post-medieval traditions of mythology and religion (i.e. of Finnic and
Sámi cultures). Viewing folklore as inclusive of mythology was bolstered by
the rise of comparative research in Finland, which developed around living
traditions of kalevalaic poetry and contemporary traditions of kindred peoples
in the Russian Empire (e.g. Castrén 1853; Borenius 1873; Krohn J. 1883; see
also Ahola & Lukin 2019). In 1907, Kaarle Krohn and Axel Olrik, along with
a young Carl von Sydow, established the Folklore Fellows as an international
network, which would include members such as Eugen Mogk, Jan de Vries,
and Kurt Ranke. The Folklore Fellows emerged with an interest in reverseengineering the cross-cultural spread of folklore, which included theorizing
the properties of folklore and its variation (i.e. “laws” of folklore). Through
the Folklore Fellows, a comparative methodological paradigm became established that could be uniformly applied to both medieval and later evidence
and became foundational in research across the first half of the twentieth
century (Krohn K. 1926; see also Frog 2013). This approach fused with Old
Norse philological research. The impact was sufficiently formative that John
Lindow (this volume) considers whether it evolved an “Old Norse Mythology
Method”.
The paradigm built on the massive comparative work of Julius Krohn
(1883). His approach was set apart from contemporary folklore research by
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working from an evolutionary model, which conferred value on the documented forms of a tradition.13 This perspective on folklore was a foundation
of Kaarle Krohn’s, who, from an early stage, developed an agenda of establishing folklore studies as an independent discipline – i.e. as a science. At the
time, this meant having distinct methods for objectively analyzing its particular research object and, as a science, uncovering “laws” that governed that
research object. Early in his career, Kaarle Krohn criticized other scholars’
treatment of later folklore as derivative of something else, like mythology, as
characteristic of the Grimms’ approach, or as Tylorian “survivals”. Whereas
his contemporaries proposed theories (“laws”) bound up with such models of
the origin of folklore or its diffusion, he proposed theories (“laws”) for how
the recorded traditions were internally structured and varied (1891: 64). As
was customary for the era, a central parameter of folklore was that it was “echt
volkstümlich” (‘truly of the folk’) (Krohn K. 1926: 23–25), an assessment of
authenticity as unadulterated by modernity or knowledge based on literacy.
His orientation to establishing folklore studies as a scientific discipline not
only steered him to develop and explicate a folklore-specific methodology,
but also to build it with a procedural emphasis, with a focus exclusively on
formal units of tradition, reconstructing the history of motifs, episodes, and
plots, rather than their meanings or significance, which could be seen as more
interpretive than “scientific” in its systematicity. The formal emphasis aligned
with the changing trends in Scandinavian philology, but also contrasted with
speculations about “nature-myths” in approaches like Müller’s, or in British
researchers’ use of analogical comparisons to reconstruct the significance of
folklore “survivals”. The formal emphasis collapsed the distinction between
mythology and derivative forms of tradition, and the approach established a
view of orally-transmitted mythology as folklore.
In Old Norse studies, treating medieval and later evidence within a
common methodological framework was an integrated part of methodological development in mythology research (Lindow, this volume). However, it
did not break down the longstanding tendency to keep Old Norse culture or
its sources distinct from what was called folklore. In combination with the
13
This difference is rooted in Julius Krohn’s focus on kalevalaic epic and its relation to Elias
Lönnrot’s epic Kalevala. His research brought into focus Friedrich August Wolf’s (1795)
theory that Homeric epics developed through the combination of simpler poems from
different regions into increasingly complex forms, of which the resulting epics of Homer
were the apex of development. Rather than transmission being seen as a process of degradation and corruption from an earlier ideal form or a tradition simply being preserved
as culture changed around it, transmission was viewed as a process of evolution. The
Kalevala could be viewed as a climax of development that required the unifying vision of
a single poet – Lönnrot – rather than something artificial or secondary to the “authentic”
traditions.
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source-critical concerns surrounding medieval texts, the term folklore developed a heuristic value in Old Norse research for referring to evidence from
non-learned culture in post-medieval environments.
Across the nineteenth century, mythology also took shape as a category
in Old Norse research. The process centered on texts and their categorization,
to which the Codex Regius manuscript collection of eddic poems (GKS 2365
4to) and Snorri Sturluson’s Edda were central. The result was the establishment of fairly stable conventions for what mythology did and did not include,
and these conventions were maintained through the twentieth century with
almost no critical discussion. The category of mythology took shape centrally
through philological approaches and tied to medieval texts. Later evidence of
both written sources and folklore remained supplementary, with the exception of written texts believed to be copies of medieval exemplars. Mythology
was constituted centrally of cosmogony, cosmology, and eschatology, along
with gods and the stories about them that are removed from worlds of human
beings; poems and sagas concerning events and locations of the human
sphere were differentiated as heroic even if they involved gods. Nevertheless,
Grímnismál is consistently classed as mythological because of its place in that
collection, although the events concern gods involving themselves in the lives
of human heroes.14 If Grímnismál had only been preserved in a hypothetical *Geirrøðar saga ok Agnars, like Óðinn’s riddling contest with Heiðrekr
(Heiðreks saga R9/H10–11/U14–15), it would more likely be considered a
heroic poem, regardless of the content of Óðinn’s speech.15 Similarly, the
events surrounding Loki’s killing of Otr concern gods and begins with the
motif of three gods wandering in the world, which associates it with cosmogonic time, and it seems that they encounter giants (Reginsmál; Vǫlsunga
saga, ch. 14; Skáldskaparmál, ch. 39). If the capture and liberation of the gods
had been all that was preserved, the narrative would no doubt be classed as
mythological, but it is treated as belonging to the heroic sphere because the
events are presented as establishing conditions for the slaying of Fáfnir by
Sigurðr – i.e. concerned with the fate of a hero rather than of cosmological
scope.
14
Eddic poems are cited according to the edition of Neckel & Kuhn 1963.
15
Similarly, Hynduljóð gets classed as mythological because it both concerns the goddess
Freyja in an altercation with a giantess and also because it contains an extended passage of poetry identified as Voluspá in skamma through a quotation in Snorri’s Edda.
However, Freyja is aiding a human Ottarr, also present in the action; if the poem were
preserved in a saga about Ottarr, it would most likely be considered heroic, with an
interpolation from a mythological poem.
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The distinction between mythological and heroic is centrally an extension from the organization of poems in the Codex Regius, where the division
seems simply to reflect two earlier collections of poems that were brought
together in a single manuscript (Vésteinn Ólason 2019: 235–242). The concentration of stories about gods but not human heroes in Gylfaginning of
Snorri’s Edda might seem to resonate with the division, yet this is likely only
a consequence of the narrative frame and its emphasis on events of cosmological scope as the “Æsir” seek to convince Gylfi that they are gods rather
than humans. Evidence outside of the central medieval source texts have been
treated as supplementary or complementary, such as the contents of Ynglinga
saga, Saxo Grammaticus’s Gesta Danorum, Sǫrla þáttr, or Þorsteins saga
bœjarmagins. Later folklore seems to have remained marginal to these discussions because it either appeared directly linked to mythology found in the
medieval sources, and therefore derivative and irrelevant if a more original
version was available (cf. Bugge & Moe 1897), or its relation to the earlier mythology was unclear and its fairytale-like quality made its authenticity
dubious (e.g. Lokka táttur).
The concept of folklore and its relevance for Old Norse mythology
research changed radically in the decades following World War II. These
decades saw a general disenchantment with folklore attributable to several
factors, including its connection to nationalist ideologies, a growing, critical
reflexivity in research, and a shift of attention from reconstructing ideal pasts
to agency and complexity in synchronic situations and the sources as products
of those situations. Although the comparative methodology propagated by the
Folklore Fellows had developed richly around understanding and analyzing
variation, Kaarle Krohn asserted it as having a prescriptive aim of reconstructing the Urform (‘original form’) of traditions. This aim became iconic
of the whole methodology, which collapsed as synchronic variation became
a topic of interest and concern. In Old Norse research, rising source-critical
standards and the temporal distance between the living non-Christian religion
and later sources became viewed as an issue. Grógaldr and Fjölsvinnsmál
were omitted from editions of eddic poetry because they might derive from
after the fourteenth or fifteenth century (Kuhn 1961: 268). Earlier uses of more
recent folklore became sharply criticized, and its value for reconstructing the
remote past was discredited. Within this frame of reasoning, the pragmatic
temporal distinction between medieval sources and folklore as later evidence
reified the contrast between mythology and folklore, but, rather than seeing
the latter as derivative of the former, folklore was simply devalued and dismissed, pushing it to the peripheries of Old Norse studies.
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Around 1990, a cross-disciplinary turn to meaning-making in situated
contexts began, along with moves toward interdisciplinarity. This turn produced a new approach to mythology through mythic discourse – or mythology
as it is used, communicated and manipulated by people in society (e.g. Urban
1991; Siikala 1992; see also Schjødt 2013; Frog 2015). Old Norse research
underwent a “social turn” around 1970, situating mythology and religion in
relation to societies (Clunies Ross 2018: 584–589). In the 1990s, the rise of
interest in meanings explored how mythology works and is used in society
(e.g. Clunies Ross 1994–1998; McKinnell 1994; Lindow 1995), and there
was a corresponding rise in interest in cultural exchange with Finnic and Sámi
mythology and ritual (e.g. Tolley 1993; Zachrisson et al. 1997; DuBois 1999).
People and practices come into the spotlight, adapting Oral-Formulaic Theory
as a tool for examining meanings behind variation in eddic poetry as oral
poetry (e.g. Quinn 1990; Gísli Sigurðsson 1990; 1998), and performance is
brought into focus (esp. Gunnell 1995).
With the new millennium, the trend of considering medieval “folklore”
begins to penetrate into Old Norse research (e.g. Lindahl et al. 2000) and tradition-based variation behind Old Norse sources becomes a topic of interest
(e.g. Gísli Sigurðsson 2004 [2002]; Mitchell 2003). New ways of thinking
about cult and ritual take shape (e.g. Gunnell 2001; Nordberg 2004; Schjødt
2008), along with increasingly synthetic interdisciplinary approaches (e.g.
Sundqvist 2002 [2000]; Price 2002; see also Schjødt 2007; Sundqvist, this
volume). The boom of interest in seiðr (e.g. Heide 2006; Dillmann 2006) and
ritual specialists (e.g. McKinnell 2003; 2005; Price 2010) seems connected to
the shift of attention to performance and practice, and it connects to a rise of
cross-cultural comparative studies (e.g. Bertell 2003; Tolley 2009; Frog 2010;
see also Willson, this volume). The different trends gradually converged and
coalesced, leading to a rapid rise in interest both in later folklore and in the
applicability of folklore research to Old Norse materials, especially with the
establishment of the Retrospective Methods Network in 2009 and associated
networks beginning from 2011 (e.g. Heide 2009; RMN Newsletter 2010–
present; Mitchell 2011; Sävborg & Bek-Pedersen 2014; 2018; Bertell et al.
2019; Frog et al. 2019; Sävborg 2021). The developments across this period
have been driving toward a broad reconceptualization that distinguishes the
mythology and practices of Old Norse cultures from their individual sources
and that views these as forms of folklore, a process that can be observed
unfolding in the present. Indeed, as John Lindow (2017) recently observed,
we seem to be in the midst of a paradigm shift.
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A Four-Stage Model
Both folklore and mythology are etic categories constructed by researchers
and/or the discourses in which they – and we – participate. The ways of
thinking about mythology and folklore in Old Norse studies and how these
may be related have changed considerably over time, but they can be loosely
classed according to four stages, even if in practice these overlap and blur
because the changing trends manifest through the work of individual scholars.
In each stage, the understandings of the categories and their relationships
reflect implicit or explicit theories about them.
In the first stage, folklore and mythology gradually became distinguished according to the Grimms’ paradigm of folklore as derivative of
mythology and ritual. The Grimms presumed that folklore was bound, like
mythology, to ethnolinguistic heritage. Folklore was not theorized further as
a phenomenon itself, which limited its significance in mythology research to
its genetic relation to a mythology of the past. The view that the medieval
sources represented authentic mythology ultimately marginalized folklore in
discussions of Old Norse mythology because folklore remained secondary
to, and derivative of, mythology, for which there was better evidence. The
assumption that mythology is an ethnolinguistic heritage was later contested
with an alternative model of diffusion. The diffusion model generated sourcecritical concerns about the medieval sources and challenged their value as
authentic representations of an ancient heritage of mythology. Folklore, however, continued to be viewed as derivative.
The second stage was set in motion by the Folklore Fellows. They propagated a methodology concerned with the formal elements of tradition, for
which a distinction between mythology as authentic and folklore as derivative
was considered invalid and misleading. Oral traditions of mythology were
also viewed as folklore, which meant that theoretical models (“laws”) for the
features and variation of folklore also governed the respective mythologies.
The emphasis of the methodology remained on identifying and explicating
genetic relations between examples of traditions, yet theories developed on
the basis of different traditions could also be applied by analogy to Old Norse
mythology. The evolving perspectives on folklore recognized forms of variation, but focused on continuities with a text-centered emphasis analogous
to manuscript studies. Nevertheless, the discourse in Old Norse studies ultimately maintained prior use of the term folklore as a convenient way to refer
only to later traditions and any evidence that they provided.
The third stage took shape during the post-War decades, linked to
changing views of source-criticism and new perspectives on variation and
50
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FFC 323
Opening Perspectives
historical change. The comparative methodology that had been propagated
and evolved in connection with the Folklore Fellows was abandoned and much
of the associated research became considered problematic. Genetic relations
remained the type of comparison in focus, but became considered unviable.
The practical use of the word folklore for later evidence became contrasted
with earlier evidence for the mythology, and bound up with evaluative assessments of earlier studies that were seen as problematic. These changes also
dissolved the Folklore Fellows’ lens for viewing the earlier oral traditions
also as folklore. Thus, in this stage, folklore was neither considered viable as
source material nor even as an analogical frame of reference for considering
the mythology, to which approaches remained extremely text-centered, easily
conflating particular texts with tradition.
The fourth stage carries through the present. The developments since
the 1990s have brought practices into focus, a rise in comparativism, and
increased interdisciplinarity, linking Old Norse research to different disciplines and approaches. Ultimately, these developments have led to understanding the mythology and practices with which it is linked as traditions in
predominantly oral milieux. There has been a reopening of questions about
how later traditions may be related to Old Norse mythology and associated
practices. Today, these are viewed mainly in terms of continuities on their
own terms rather than as derivative fragments of what had been before. More
generally, theoretical understandings of folklore and how it works and varies
in society are applied to Old Norse traditions, recognized as distinct from
individual sources in which they are reflected. Analogical comparisons with
later, more richly-documented traditions are increasingly used in order to
develop perspectives on the Old Norse traditions. Terminology in the field has
maintained momentum, so that many scholars continue to use the term folk
lore as referring to post-medieval traditions, in which case relating folklore
and Old Norse mythology is understood as involving a diachronic comparison between genetically or analogically related materials or traditions. Other
scholars have advanced more fully to addressing the Old Norse traditions
as folklore. It is yet to be seen which of these uses of the term will become
dominant with the shifting trends in research.
Contributions to the present volume are representative of the current
trends of this fourth stage, whether they focus on genetic relations between
traditions past and present, make analogical comparisons between present and
past traditions, or approach Old Norse traditions as folklore, allowing it to
be considered through theoretical and methodological frameworks developed
for the study of folklore.
51
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FFC 323
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