ARQUEOLOGÍA INDUSTRIAL

Michel Muñoz García y Santiago David Domínguez Solera
La Iglesia de San Andrés es una de las parroquias medievales originales del Casco Histórico de Cuenca (Patrimonio de la Humanidad). En su evolución constructiva se leen muchos de los nombres y las circunstancias más relevantes de la historia de la ciudad desde la Edad Media hasta el siglo XX. El Consorcio de la Ciudad de Cuenca, con la intención de convertir este antiguo templo en espacio cultural polivalente, ha rehabilitado el edificio entre los años 2007 al 2011. Como consecuencia pertinente de las obras se han desarrollado intensos trabajos arqueológicos:
la lectura estratigráfica muraria completa del inmueble, el estudio de los enterramientos en suelos y criptas (algunos casos de momificaciones) y el análisis de municiones y otros materiales allí abandonados tras el empleo en la Guerra Civil y el principio de la Posguerra de la antigua iglesia para usos militares variados (tanto por las tropas republicanas como por las franquistas). Toda la información derivada de los estudios arqueológicos protagoniza una exposición dispuesta en la misma iglesia e integrada dentro de los proyectos de fomento turístico “La Cuenca Subterránea” y “Cuenca en Guerra”.

La instalación en Málaga de las primeras fábricas de cemento portland abrió nuevas posibilidades a la arquitectura, que además del hormigón pudo aplicar el producto a la fabricación de baldosas hidráulicas y piedra artificial con la que elaborar prefabricados a utilizar en la construcción. En este artículo se analizan los procesos productivos y la actividad de las principales fábricas del sector establecidas en Málaga y su provincia.

Cuando la epidemia de cólera morbo de 1885 paralizó la industria y la minería vizcaínas planteando en toda su crudeza el tema de la salubridad pública, la población de Bilbao se abastecía todavía en parte de agua de la ría; de la misma ría a la cual se vertían las aguas sucias de la ciudad. La mortalidad era excesiva, del orden del 40 por mil, y el debate no tardó en llegar al Ayuntamiento de la Villa. Se iniciaba en 1890 y ya al año siguiente era convocado un concurso de anteproyectos de saneamiento que ganaba el titulado Mens sana in corpore sano, presentado por un ya reconocido ingeniero de caminos, Recaredo de Uhagón, (1848-1912) que acababa de redactar y publicar el proyecto de saneamiento de Valladolid. En el Jurado, prestigiosos arquitectos como Achúcarro e ingenieros como Churruca o William Gilí, el solicitado director de la Orconera, apreciarían el conocimiento de las últimas técnicas y la viabilidad de la solución aportada por el proyecto ganador.

Desafortunadamente, el proceso de monitoreo arqueológico con autorización de intervención No 7873, fue nulo en hallazgos arqueológicos, entre otras cosas por el tipo de lugar en que se encuentra el polígono, es una zona de inundación del río las Ceibas (e incluso río Magdalena), el que se puede constatar en las diferentes capas de materiales de río que van más allá de los seis metros de profundidad (periodos geológicos muy antiguos que según geólogos van hasta  el cretácico – PIPMA, 2017). Sumado a ello, tenemos una intervención antrópica reciente, que afectó la totalidad de las capas sub-superficiales, entre otras cosas, para enterrar los materiales de aguas negras y diversas redes que deben ir internas para afectar menos el paisaje visual. Han sido décadas de intervención constante, además de tránsito vehicular pesado, que dejan una huella desastrosa sobre el paisaje natural.

This is a Thesis on Industrial Archaeology, the first of its kind to be developed in the University of Cordoba. Its main aim is to analyze the role played by copper mining and metallurgy in the peculiar industrialization process of Cordoba, focusing on the particular case of Cerro Muriano, an area of the cordobesian mountain range located 16 km North from the city and divided into the municipal boundaries of Cordoba and Obejo (Spain). From strict meaning, the chronological range of this research goes from 1897 to 1919, when Cerro Muriano was worked by four different British companies: Cordova Exploration Company, Ltd.; Cerro Muriano Mines, Ltd.; North Cerro Muriano Copper Mines, Ltd.; and Cordoba Copper Company, Ltd. However, the study of the context (from a local to an international scale) and the connection between the case analyzed and its environment attends to a wider period: around 1850-1950, i.e. the time of Cordoba industrialization.
Mining and metallurgy brought far-reaching changes to the territory of Cerro Muriano. This Thesis answers a number of questions by applying archaeological methods to the remains of these industrial activities, combined with the study of any other sources of information. For example, how was the English exploitation of that place, how and why did it start, which one was its model, which was the situation of the Cerro Muriano mine in relation to others, how mining and metallurgy changed the landscape there, which cultural context and industrial society were generated by these activities and how the whole thing influenced on the industrialization of Cordoba.

Del Muelle de Hierro de Portugalete, proyectado y dirigido por el ingeniero Evaristo de Churruca entre 1879 y 1887, y que resolvió de un modo definitivo el problema histórico de la navegabilidad en el puerto de la Ría de Bilbao, se ha dicho que «es la expresión estructural sencilla pero bella, de una sabiduría marítima». Constituye en su superestructura, como muelle de hierro, una de las escasas supervivencias –junto a los tres muelles onubenses: los mineros de las compañías de Río Tinto y Tharsis y el civil de La Rábida– de la eficaz tipología de los pilotes de rosca que tantos ejemplos tuvo en las costas y ríos peninsulares. En su función de dique, tanto en su parte sumergida como en su remate final emergente, es una magnífica muestra del progreso técnico y de la lucha constante de la humanidad por vencer los grandes obstáculos de la naturaleza. El acierto en la resolución del problema se debe a la excepcional personalidad, a la vez moderna y renacentista, de quien no ejerció estrictamente como ingeniero, sino que también supo ser historiador, investigador y hombre de acción, dejándonos además el legado de sus memorias técnicas, que relatan con una precisión y riqueza de lenguaje sólo comparables a las de otro ingeniero, Pablo de Alzola, su pensamiento y su obra.

Swansea was one of the first British Industrial Revolution’s main centres, and there the activity around coal mining and metallurgy of non-ferrous metals was incessant, being copper the most important product in that context. In fact, from the end of the 18th century to halfway of the 19th, Swansea was the leader in the global production of this metal, although its present landscape does not keep too much about it. This paper is a modest historiographical review on the impact of Swansea in the copper industry’s history. For this review we have compared primary and secondary texts between them and with the in situ analysis of the archaeological remains.

Nº 13 de "El Hinojal. Revista de Estudios del MUVI”, revista digital de carácter científico y divulgativo, editada por la Asociación de Amigos del Museo Histórico y Etnográfico de la Ciudad de Villafranca de los Barros (Badajoz-Extremadura).
EDITORIAL
El sector industrial como actor para la promoción del patrimonio local. FRANCISCO JAVIER DURÁN GARCÍA

ARTÍCULOS CIENTÍFICO
+ Santa Eulalia de Mérida y Perceiana. Segunda parte: Ubicación de las dos villas de Santa Eulalia. En Puebla de Sancho Pérez/ Los Santos de Maimona (la gran cortapisa) y Villafranca de los Barros (Perceiana). ANTONIO MATEOS MARTÍN DE RODRIGO
+ Devociones populares en Villafranca de los Barros. Primera muestra de arte sacro en el MUVI. JUAN GARRIDO GARCÍA
+ Casadita, casadita ya sabes tu obligación (revisión bibliográfica para una interpretación de las manifestaciones machistas en la etnografía/folklore extremeño). DIEGO DÍAZ GRAGERA
+La “fábrica de la cultura”. Análisis comparativo de la antigua fábrica de harinas y su conversión en casa de la cultura. VÍCTOR MANUEL REBOLLO GÓMEZ
+ Ocupación franquista del territorio, resistencia popular y el establecimiento de las comisiones gestoras en los núcleos rurales de la comarca de Tierra de Barros. VÍCTOR MANUEL BÁEZ CARRILLO.

ENSAYOS
+ La casa de la cultura de Villafranca de los Barros. 25 aniversario. MIGUEL ÁNGEL GARCÍA DOMÍNGUEZ

A fines del siglo XIX, el crecimiento habitacional rosarino, por el saldo inmigratorio, implicó también un
crecimiento urbano por extensión. La construcción de edificios –domésticos o públicos y de diferentes
calidades, también requería de ingentes cantidades de material de construcción. Uno de estos materiales,
usado universalmente aún hoy, era la cal. Los procesos de fabricación de cal necesitaban de espacios amplios,
depósitos, hornos, agua en abundancia y un sistema de distribución, tanto de la materia prima –el
carbonato de calcio- como del producto terminado: la cal, lista para ser usada.
En base a un antiguo plano de 1899, se localizó en Rosario una calera que se había perdido, tanto en su
materialidad original como en la memoria popular, e incluso en los documentos históricos. Los restos
hallados en 2018 permitieron visibilizar arqueológicamente esa pérdida y mediante una investigación
actualmente en curso, definir su importancia industrial.

Cerro Muriano is a small population centre situated 16 km to the north of the city of Córdoba, between the municipalities of Córdoba and Obejo (Andalusia, Spain). This territory is situated over a large field of copper veins, which has been exploited by the different peoples and societies that have populated Córdoba’s mountain range Sierra Morena. The mining and metallurgy of this red metal have been used to track the evolution of this site over time. This has produced much archaeological evidence, ranging from the Copper Age to the 20th century. Thanks to its originality and its well-preserved state –and also the commitment of Fernando Penco Valenzuela, the director of the Museo del Cobre (Copper Museum) located there– this particular piece of mining history enjoys legal protection today.
From 1897 to 1919, the mines of Cerro Muriano were worked –with the new technologies brought by industrialisation– by four different, but closely related, English companies: Cordova Exploration Co, Ltd. (1897- 1908), Cerro Muriano Mines, Ltd. (1903-1908), North Cero Muriano Copper Mines, Ltd. (1906-1908) and Cordoba Copper Co., Ltd. (1908-1923). The first of these was from the Newcastle area, and the rest were from London. These companies developed the mines using nine main extraction shafts: Calavera, San Lorenzo, Unión, Excelsior, Santa Victoria, San Rafael, Levante, San Arturo and Santa Isabel; some of these remain while others do not. The separation between the northernmost (Calavera) and the southernmost (San Isabel) shafts is around 2,025m. The distance between the eastern (Unión) and western (San Arturo) extremes is approximately 2,275m. In this territory, the four cited companies generated a complete mining settlement, composed of the above extraction points; a plant of considerable dimensions for washing and concentrating the minerals, calcining them, smelting them, and finally converting the matte into blister copper; and a populated complex of various neighbourhoods composed of houses, shacks and barracks. In addition, there was other infrastructure required to sustain a society (e.g., a school, canteen, theatre, church, hospital, etc.), buildings for work (e.g., offices and a laboratory), and other spaces for production, storage, and distribution.
Communication with the exterior took place through three principal routes demarcating a clear north-south axis: the old road from Córdoba to Almadén (N-432a), the Cañada Real Soriana droveway, and the rail line between Córdoba, Belmez and Almorchón. Along with these routes, there was a dense network of paths and narrow gauge railways throughout the area. It was specifically the train that connected the city of Córdoba with the coal-mining area of Peñarroya-Belmez-Espiel (in the north of the province) that permitted the English to set up their business in a mountainous location that was thus completely dependent on the railway.
At the end of the 19th century, the train did not stop at Cerro Muriano. In fact, there was nothing to motivate the construction of a train station there: neither a consolidated population nor any important economic activity. Thus, one of the primary objectives of the initial English capital investment was to bring the rail line to its properties. Therefore, mining and railways marked the origin of Cerro Muriano as we know it today.
Finally, this study case of Cerro Muriano during the English period found that it was a faithful reflection of its time. Spanish mining in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was heavily influenced by the involvement of foreign companies. This should not be seen as a distinctive feature of Spain as a whole, but rather as the result of an international situation in which mining underwent a kind of premature globalisation. In view of the foregoing, it may be argued that the British Cerro Muriano was a standard product. In it, we can discern many of the features typical of the international expansion and industrialisation of mining and metallurgy operations: the key introduction of new technology in the exploitation of the mine, the fundamental importance of the railway –even though in Cerro Muriano the line already existed, and was not purpose-built to serve English interests–, the eclectic nature of the whole in terms of the technology employed (particularly American in metallurgy, British and German in mining), and the creation of a mining village, in the town- planning and social senses.
In short, Cerro Muriano is a good example of economically-colonialist mining activity that seems to show that the highly topical subject of globalization is not a new phenomenon, since the evolution of technology and the spread use of the same machines on an international scale –among other circumstances– facilitated the homogenization of the world we inhabit today.

Este artículo explica la morfología y la interpretación histórica del más reciente complejo de fortificaciones en Cuenca, ejecutado hacia 1936 por las fuerzas militares de la II República. Éste fue diseñado con conceptos antiguos, ignorando las nuevas tácticas y el bombardeo sistemático mediante aviones. Por otro lado, las autoridades republicanas realizaron un excelente y moderno sistema suburbano para preservar a la población de la aviación fascista (alianza entre rebeldes españoles, nazis e italianos).

Versión Digital con gráficos a color.

The Projeto Memória Ferroviária (Railway Memory Project, UNESP-FAPESP) is a cross-disciplinary research project that turns the railway heritage of São Paulo state (Brazil) into a laboratory for testing new methodologies, tools and strategies regarding the research, management, dissemination and activation of the contemporary cultural heritage. This paper offers, in the first place, a brief view of the mentioned project. Secondly, the text presents the preliminary results achieved with the recent opening of a research line in Industrial Archaeology in the general framework of the Railway Memory Project, focused on the survey, analysis and interpretation of a certain area of the workshops built by the Companhia Paulista de Estradas de Ferro (Paulista Railway Co.) in Jundiaí city. Finally, this article intends to defend the contribution of Archaeology to the understanding of the recent past, as well as to promote new cross-disciplinary working ways that, based on methodological interaction, are capable to produce knowledge advancement and new resources from cultural heritage

This text aims to be a simple and short manual on the basic recording tools and strategies in the archaeology of industrialisation. For that purpose, we use as an example our own experiences working with the railway heritage of the São Paulo State (Brazil). Recording tools are divided into two groups pertaining to the scales of the items studied. First, the macro-scale, involving the exploration of the territory, the localisation and identification of material remains, the elaboration of analytical descriptions, and the production of photographic surveys. Second, the meso- and micro-scales, for the recording and deeper analysis of delimitated spaces, including plant design (horizontal level) and stratigraphic reading (vertical level), among other techniques. The methodology presented is characterised by the integration of all the sources of information available (material, written, visual and oral), the data of which being systematised, crossed, and read onto the physical space

El concepto de desarrollo sostenible
se asocia habitualmente más a la protección
del medio ambiente natural
que a la preservación del patrimonio
construido. Sin embargo existen
abundantes razones, sobre todo en
nuestro ámbito europeo que justifican
una definición del desarrollo sostenible
que integre el patrimonio cultural.

Cuando el Ayuntamiento de Fuentes Calientes nos encargó la musealización del molino, iniciamos el estudio de este inmueble y todo el patrimonio industrial que contiene. Su datación abarcaría entre finales del siglo XIX y mediados del siglo XX, mostrándonos un interesante ejemplo de la evolución de un molino tradicional hasta un molino de la segunda revolución industrial, momento en que se industrializan la mayoría de las zonas agrarias del interior de la Península ibérica. Ante la carencia de estudios previos y la escasez de archivos, hemos realizado un amplio número de encuestas orales, que incluyen a varios molineros, cuyo conocimiento oral queda registrado en nuestro trabajo. De esta forma, hemos intentado abrir nuevos caminos para futuras investigaciones sobre los molinos, a través de la comparación de sus materiales, su uso, e incluso algunas canteras de piedras de molino inéditas del Sur de Aragón.

When the City Council commissioned us Fuentes Calientes musealization the water mill, began the study of this property and all industrial heritage it contains. Its cover dating from the late nineteenth and mid twentieth century, showing an interesting example of the evolution of a traditional water mill to a water mill of the second industrial Revolution, when it is industrialized most agricultural areas of inland Iberian Peninsula. Given the lack of previous studies and the lack of archives, we performed a large number of oral surveys, including several millers, whose oral knowledge is recorded in our work.

Industrial Archaeology, so many times described as a young discipline, is nowadays very close to its maturity. However, it still has several important lacks like, for example, the inexistence of typological series for industrial materials. In addition, some of the earliest scientific discussions about Industrial Archaeology are still opened. Moreover, the Industrial Archaeology implementation is still very heterogeneous over the world, and while in England or in the USA the discipline is well known and deeply accepted by now, in other countries, like in Spain, although it is currently developing, there is not a professional profile for industrial archaeologists yet.
In the next lines we will try to offer a view about the evolution of Industrial Archaeology, from its amateur origins to its consolidation as a scientific discipline. This text does not intend to be exhaustive. Despite the short life of Industrial Archaeology, a full view of its historiography would need a larger work due to the real expansion experimented by our discipline during the last decades, at academic and social levels. We will try to show when, how and where Industrial Archaeology rose, and how was its evolution, specially focusing on England (as its birthplace) and Spain.

The mining camp from contemporary times is a well-defined kind of settlement, which is usually set up according to some worldwide spread features. It is a place for convergence, where friction occurs between social classes. It is also a multi-cultural site where, however, workers often are united groups thanks to some common circumstances. These characteristics may become more pronounced when the capital for inves- tment comes from a foreign country. Sometimes we can indeed talk about occupied lands, in a general context of economic colonialism. In the following pages we offer an archaeological analysis of the mining camp emerged in the Cerro Muriano mines (Córdoba, Spain) at the begin- ning of the 20th century, when English investors lead the exploitation of their copper lodes. The selected sample helps us to illustrate how those mining settlements were, many of which survived the end of the mining and developed into consolidated towns, as in the case at hand.

In this paper we aim to reflect on the conceptual framework of Archaeology from our own practical experience (this is not a theoretical review). We will focus on the application of archaeological methods to the study of the modern world (as an historical period); more specifically, this is a paper on archaeology of industrialization. We have selected two different case studies to offer a demonstrative example of cross-disciplinary use of research techniques and sources of information: the Cerro Muriano mining and metallurgical site (Cordoba, Spain) and the Companhia Paulista de Estradas de Ferro general workshops in Jundiaí (São Paulo, Brazil). Finally, we will use these samples to defend the role of Archaeology in the analysis of wider historical phenomena, like economic colonialism and globalization processes

This short paper analyzes a particular technical solution to pump water form shafts and underground galleries, the Cornish engine, during a long and heterogeneous time which could be defined as the mining industrialization period. Its main components, evolution and basic running are described, and some information about people in relation with it and also about the specifically building developed ad hoc (the world widespread Cornish engine house) is given too. Finally, the paper shows, with both text and photographs, how a British model was constituted and repeated all over the mining world.

Dentro de la medallística de Guatemala existen emisiones que no cuentan con mayor información. Las medallas de conmemoración del Centenario de la Independencia de Centroamérica en 1921, han sido poco estudiadas. Luego de la celebración del bicentenario salen a luz algunos datos: en este texto se resumen y presentan.

In the studies on medals from Guatemala there are issues that do not have more information. The commemorative medals of the Centennial of the Independence of Central America in 1921, have been little studied. After the bicentennial celebration, some data come to light: that are summarized and presented in this text.

A mediados del siglo XIX, desembarca en España la electricidad como un elemento llamativo que poco a poco va adquiriendo sus utilidades prácticas. Las industrias comienzan a instalar dinamos en sus máquinas de vapor, que generan corriente para el autoconsumo, pero con el tiempo el excedente es vendido, dándose a conocer la rent abilidad del nuev o negocio. En 1875 se construye la primera central termoeléctrica del país y poco tiempo después se desarrolla un nuevo método de producción, utilizando la energía hidráulica. Asturias no se había quedado atrás en el desarrollo eléctrico y en 1895 aparece la primera central hidroeléctrica. Esta nace en Cangas de Onís de la mano de la sociedad Cuesta y Sánchez, quien construye las instalaciones en Los Arrudos, utilizando el caudal del río Sella. En 1899 pasa a la sociedad Electro- Canguesa, quien la explota hasta la construcción de la nueva central en 1924. En la actualidad la fábrica de luz se encuentra en ruinas, mientras que el salto de agua y el canal continúan utilizándose para la central actual.

In the mid-19th century, electricity landed in Spain as a striking element that gradually acquired practical benefits. Industries began to install dynamos in their steam engines, which generated electric currents for self-consumption, but over time the surplus was sold, making the profitability of this new business known. In 1875, the first thermoelectric power plant in the country was built and, a short time later, a new method of production is developed by using hydraulic energy. Asturias was not left behind in the electrical dev elopment and in 1895 the first hydroelectric power plant appeared. This plant was born in Cangas de Onís, by the Cuesta and Sánchez company, which built these power stations in Los Arrudos using t he f low of t he Sella riv er. In 1899, it was transferred to the Electro-Conguesa company, which operated it until the construction of the new plant in 1924. Nowadays, the old factory is abandoned while the hydroelectric dam and the canal are still used by the current power station.

Comparación de casos del radio antiguo de la ciudad de Buenos Aires y del octógono fiscal de Neuquén, Plaza Huincul. En: “Ponencias del Tercer Coloquio Latinoamericano sobre Rescate y Preservación del Patrimonio Industrial”, a cargo de Jaime Migone Rettig y Antonino Pirozzi Villanueva. The International Committee for the Conservation of the Industrial Heritage. Comité Nacional Chileno para la Conservación del Patrimonio Industrial. Santiago de Chile. Pp. 307-318.