Calvin

At the heart of James B. Torrance’s theological project was a concern to demonstrate the importance of an evangelical account of repentance, over against a legal account. This was a concern that he inherited from John Calvin, who stood as the greatest theological influence on Torrance. Out of his respect for Calvin, Torrance did not seek to commandeer Calvin’s work on this topic for his own project. Rather, he sought to communicate Calvin’s own vision of evangelical repentance to a new generation. Accordingly, this essay will primarily devote itself to exploring Calvin’s position. Before so doing, however, I shall provide a brief analysis of the distinction between the “covenant God” and “contract God,” which underlays Torrance’s emphasis on Calvin’s distinction between legal and evangelical repentance. Also, following our exploration of Calvin, I shall look briefly at Torrance’s own account of evangelical repentance, as it followed Calvin’s trajectory.

The lecture presents an overview and examples of a range of works drawn from two concurrent and related projects, collectively titled The Pictorial Bible series, which had been undertaken by John Harvey since 2000. The projects’ works were an attempt to translate texts from the Judaeo-Christian scriptures into visual images, abstractly; that is, without recourse to figuration or illustration. The presentation was given at the School of Art to coincide with an exhibition of The Pictorial Bible series, that was being held in London.
This was a public lecture presented at the Lunchtime Lecture series, School of Art, Aberystwyth University, Aberystwyth, UK (November 28, 2007).

* Two American Calvin scholars, John Fesko and Cornelis Venema, had a debate over Calvin’s understanding of the Mosaic covenant. Fesko argues that for Calvin the Mosaic administration of the law embodies a covenant governed by a “works principle,” namely, obtaining eternal life through obedience. He maintains that Calvin characterized the Mosaic covenant as a “republication of the covenant of works.” In Fesko’s view, Calvin’s formulation of the Mosaic covenant was in the mainstream of Reformation and post-Reformation thought. Venema, however, repudiates Fesko’s interpretation of Calvin. He is convinced that there is nothing in Calvin’s formulation of the covenant of grace that would suggest something like the “republication theory.” He points out two problems with Fesko’s interpretation of Calvin’s understanding of the Mosaic administration. In the first place, argues Venema, Fesko misreads Calvin’s language regarding a “legal” and an “evangelical” covenant. In the second place, Fesko also misreads the contrast that Calvin subsequently draws in his Institutes between the “law” and “gospel.” This essay sides with Venema’s interpretation of Calvin. According to Calvin’s Institutes, Commentaries on Galatians and Hebrews, and his Sermons on Galatians, Calvin emphasizes that the Mosaic covenant is a covenant of grace. As long as the Mosaic covenant is a covenant of grace, says Calvin, it is made and continues through the principle of grace. The law in the Mosaic covenant has the function of leading people to Christ, so it does not embody the works principle. Rather, Mosaic law plays the role that serves the covenant of grace. If Calvin presupposes a works principle in his view of the Mosaic covenant, it leads to the result that he himself obscures his understanding of the Mosaic administration. Thus, this essay claims that Venema’s interpretation of Calvin’s view of the Mosaic covenant is more preferable to that of Fesko’s.

* 미국의 칼빈 연구가들인 존 페스코와 코넬리스 베네마는 칼빈의 모세 언약론을 두고 논쟁을 벌였다. 페스코는 모세 언약이 그 안에 행위를 통해서 구원을 획득한다는 “행위 원리(a works principle)”를 갖고 있다고 보면서 모세 언약이 행위 언약의 갱신이라고 주장한다. 페스코 바로 그런 이유에서 모세 언약과 복음이 대조가 된다고 보았다. 이와 달리, 베네마는 모세 언약이란 여전히 은혜 언약의 한 시행 단계에 속한다고 보며, 그것의 원리도 여전히 은혜의 원리라고 주장한다. 그는 모세 언약과 복음 사이에 어떤 본질적 대조가 있을 수 없다고 하며, 다만 모세 언약을 바울 당시의 어떤 유대주의자들처럼 오해한다면, 그렇게 오해된 모세 언약과 복음 사이에는 본질적 대조가 발생한다고 주장한다. 비록 페스코 역시 모세 언약이 본질에 있어서는 은혜 언약이라고 하지만, 그의 주장을 자세히 분석해 보면, 그는 모세 언약을 본질에 있어서 은혜 언약적 요소와 행위 언약적 요소가 섞여 있는 언약으로 묘사하고 있음을 알게 된다. 페스코가 모세 언약을 행위 언약의 갱신이라고 주장하는 것도 그런 이유이다. 베네마는 모세 언약을 행위 언약의 갱신이라고 보는 견해에 반대하면서, 모세 언약은 은혜 언약의 구약적 시행들 가운데 하나라고만 말함으로써 모세 언약을 은혜 언약으로만 파악하려고 한다. 칼빈의 『기독교강요(1559년 판)』, 『갈라디아서 주석』, 『갈라디아서 설교』, 『히브리서 주석』 등을 통해 그의 모세 언약론을 조사해 보면, 그는 모세 언약 역시 은혜 언약임을 지속적으로 강조하고 있음을 발견하게 된다. 칼빈은 모세 언약이 은혜 언약인 이상, 행위의 원리가 아니라 은혜의 원리에 의해서 체결되며 유지되는 것이라 보았다. 그러나 칼빈은 모세 언약의 한계를 정확하게 지적한다. 그에게 모세 언약이란 다만 그리스도께서 오시기까지만 유효했던 언약이었기 때문이다. 칼빈에 따르면, 하나님께서 모세 언약 안에 율법들을 두신 것은 행위 원리를 부과하기 위해서가 아니었다. 오히려 그것은 율법을 통해서 죄를 깨달아 그리스도께로 나아오도록 하신 하나님의 섭리였다. 만일 칼빈이 행위 원리를 자신의 모세 언약론에서 주장했다면, 그의 전체적 논지가 오히려 흐려지게 된다. 칼빈은 모세 언약 역시 철저하게 은혜 언약의 관점에서 해석하고 있다. 따라서 이 논문은 칼빈에 대한 페스코의 독법보다 베네마의 독법이 더 나은 것으로 판단한다.

Anne RUOLT (2017). « 500 ans d’éducation protestante ». Sébastien Fath (éd.) 500 ans du protestantisme, 500 ans du Havre 1517-2017, Lillebonne, Foi et victoire, p. 108-129.

exposition coordonnée par Sébastien Fath
Panneaux "Histoire des protestantismes", "Francophonie", "Chant" Sébastien  Fath
Panneaux "histoire du protestantisme au Havre et environs" Jean-Yves Carluer
Panneaux "éducation", Anne Ruolt

In this essay I offer a novel interpretation of Calvin’s eschatological imagination and the ways the latter shapes Calvin’s overall theological narrative. In addition to his explicit, infralapsarian eschatology, which circles around the reconciling work of the incarnate Christ, Calvin also has an implicit, supralapsarian eschatology, according to which human beings were created for an upward journey toward God, mediated by the non-incarnate divine Word. Tracing the contours of this eschatology sheds new light on Calvin’s account of mediation, incarnation, and expiation, his understanding of the end of Christ’s mediatory work, and the contemporary discussion about Calvin and deification.

John's Calvin's commentary on Zechariah is one of the most fruitful places to explore his teaching on angels and his christological exegesis. In this article we will examine the opening visions in order to discover how he connects angelology and Christology. We will conclude that his exegesis is shaped by his teaching on mediation and accommodation.

Calvin, le théologien sec et juridique ? Le dictateur de la ville de Genève ? Celui qui ne s’est pas opposé à l’exécution de Servet ? Il est facile de le caricaturer et d’oublier tout l’apport de sa pensée et de sa spiritualité.
Cet article propose de parcourir sa spiritualité par quatre chemins ! Le premier constitue son axe : une profonde expérience de l’amour de Dieu sur laquelle Calvin est resté très discret. Un amour auquel il a répondu de manière « prompte et sincère ». J’ai appelé le deuxième chemin la ligne directrice de sa spiritualité : le croyant en qui l’amour du Christ habite ne vivra plus pour lui-même mais pour faire la volonté de Dieu. La Parole de Dieu – à savoir le Christ mort et ressuscité - est le contenu de cette spiritualité : troisième chemin. Enfin son moteur est l’Esprit saint, qui trace le quatrième chemin.

More than 500 years ago, 16th-century Reformer John Calvin was born—a theologian whose teachings set the stage for reformation of the church around the world. The modern world is in continual need of his Christ-exalting doctrine and vision of the Christian life. In 20 essays by leading Reformed pastors and scholars, this primer explores Calvin’s life, teaching, and legacy for a new generation. This book is a clarion call to Christians everywhere to take seriously the ongoing need of theological reformation across the globe.

This book examines John Calvin’s sense of vocation.

1) It begins with an analysis of thinking on prophecy in early, medieval, and Reformation theology.

2) It finds Calvin within a non-mystical, non-apocalyptic prophetic tradition that focused on scriptural interpretation.

3) It argues Calvin believed his prophetic authority was the same as Isaiah and Jeremiah, and suggests that he may have held himself to be infallible in matters related to Christian doctrine.

4) It argues that starting from about 1555, Calvin began to conceive the idea of encouraging one of the French 'lesser magistrates' (the princes of the blood royal) to rise up in armed conflict against the sitting French king with the aim of taking the throne.

5) Thus, it argues that when that did happen in 1562 when Louis of Condé gathered troops in Orléans and declared their intentions to liberate King Charles IX from the evil councillors surrounding him, this had Calvin's fingerprints on it -- Calvin was to a significant degree responsible for this turn of events.

6) Calvin pursued this plan, I argue, as one of a number of approaches to winning France for the gospel. In this way, the volume explores Calvin's sense of vocation and the impact this had on his political thought.

My reading of Knox's life disagrees with that of most of his other biographers since M'Crie. It is on the whole supported, however, by the eighteenth century estimate represented by David Hume and Burns. If I show bias it is not, at any rate, theological bias. The object of this book is somewhat different from that of the biographies which I have mentioned: it is to give a critical account of a representative Calvinist and Puritan. The temper in which I have attempted this may perhaps best be described as realistic; I have attempted to tell in contemporary terms how a typical Calvinist and Puritan lived, felt and thought. With the historical figure I am not particularly concerned'. As one may note the date of publication was similar to D. H. Lawrence' banned book and at the height of Catholic persecution in Scotland at the hands of John White the Church of Scotland's sectarian and racist moderator. I will relate to a few examples from Muir he writes about Knox; ' Between 1540 and 1543 we find him engaged as an ecclesiastical notary, and up to March of 1543 he was certainly in the Catholic Church. Of the life he led during this time his fellow reformers tell us not a word, but the Catholics maintain that he was notorious for his immorality, and even assert that he was guilty of committing adultery with his stepmother (his father's second wife).

Argues that Luther's concept of the salvific power of the Gospel promise is based on a medieval Catholic concept of sacramental efficacy, because the Gospel is an outward word that gives what it signifies. This must be received by faith alone, but unlike later Protestantism it does not require "reflective faith," the belief that "I believe." This paper gets at the heart of my own theological thinking.

The beatific vision is widely perceived as a Roman Catholic doctrine. Many continue to view deification as a distinctively Eastern Orthodox doctrine incompatible with the Western theological tradition, especially its Protestant expressions. This essay will demonstrate that several Reformers of the first and second generation promoted a vision of redemption that culminates with deification and beatific vision. They affirmed these concepts without apology in confessional statements, dogmatic works, biblical commentaries, and polemical treatises. Attention will focus on figures in the Reformed tradition though one could produce similar surveys for the Lutheran and Anglican branches of the Reformation as well. John Calvin will receive extended treatment because some scholars dispute whether he affirmed deification. This essay presents important evidence thus far overlooked which should settle the question.

Even while Calvin affirms the reality of the resurrection of the flesh, Christ's resurrection does only very limited work in Calvin's theological imagination. It is only revelatory and applicatory of a transformative event previously occurred. For Calvin, the full measure of salvation is obtained in Christ's death, not in his resurrection. Christ's resurrection makes us aware of this salvific reality, and allows us to be drawn into it, but it does not inaugurate a salvific transformation itself. Moreover, while Calvin holds that Christ's resurrection is a guarantee and model for our resurrection, embodiment plays no role in his eschatological vision.

I wrote this back in 2008 for the benefit of MDiv students at Princeton Theological Seminary, and I still use it in a teaching context (perhaps unadvisedly; you be the judge). It comprises a very brief overview of Calvin's life, and a discussion of how Calvin understood the place of his "Institutes" with reference to his other work.

Penal substitutionary atonement is understood to be a central tenant of conservative evangelicalism’s understanding of the cross. However, what is understood to be ‘penal substitution’ is not as straightforward. Theologian, Oliver Crisp, has noted the variations of this doctrine amongst its adherents by calling the doctrine a “family of views.” This thesis surveys a range of contemporary and recent theologians’ different versions of penal substitution in order to compare and contrast their similarities and differences. By asking a series of fives questions, it identifies some of the variations found within penal substitution. The questions asked of each theologian are, 1) What model of necessity do they employ in their doctrine of penal substitution? 2) What role does God the Father have in the Son’s sufferings on the cross? 3) What is the nature of the penalty and the suffering that Christ experiences?  4) How is the active obedience of Christ understood and what role does it play in comparison to the passive obedience? 5) In what sense do they understand and utilize the concept of satisfaction? The focus has been narrowed to a few influential and popular conservative theologians, namely: J.I. Packer, John R.W. Stott, I. Howard Marshall, Garry Williams (including a response by Michael Lynch), Steve Jeffery/Mike Ovey/Andrew Sach (authors of Pierced for Our Transgressions: Rediscovering the Glory of Penal Substitution), and R.C. Sproul. This thesis examines the variety of answers given to these five questions towards the end of displaying the rich complexities of the doctrine. In turn, the hope is that this will open a dialogue for future exploration of penal substitutionary atonement’s place in history. By highlighting how leading theologians differ on some of these issues, this thesis demonstrates that future work needs to be done on penal substitutionary atonement, which may include historical retrieval into some of Christianity’s foundational theologians.

Abraham Kuypert úgy méltatták 70. születésnapján 1907-ben, hogy a megelőző negyven év holland történelmét nem lehetne úgy megírni, hogy legyen szó akár az állam, a társadalom, a sajtó, az egyház és az oktatásügy kérdéseiről, ne szere-peljen minden lapon az ő neve. Ez a megnyilvánulás is jól példázza azt a kimagasló tevékenységet, amivel Kuyper-becenevén a "csodálatos Ábrahám"-mint lelkész és teológiai tanár, politikus és újságíró, egyház-és egyetemalapító, miniszterelnök és állammi-niszter hozzájárult a modern Hollandia politikai és társadalmi folyamataihoz. A Kuyper által képviselt neokálvinista szellemiség, amely Kálvin írásmagya-rázati hagyományára nem mint teológiai irányzatra, hanem mint világnézetre tekintett, rányomta a bélyegét a 20. század elejének amerikai teológiájára is, mint ahogyan ihlető erővel látta el a Sebestyén Jenő nevével fémjelzett magyar történelmi kálvinizmus irányzatát is. Tanulmányunk célja rövid betekintést adni Abraham Kuyper életébe és munkásságába, neokálvinista nézeteinek alapvonásaiba. A

This paper will mainly focus on the material culture surrounding the administration of the Lord’s Supper in the Reformed churches of the Dutch Republic. After a brief survey of the ecclesiastical setting for the service and the practical arrangements, it will principally concentrate on communion plate. Whereas the ecclesiastical decrees of the Catholic Church provided detailed stipulations about the appropriate form for liturgical vessels consecrated for the celebration of the mass, for the Reformed such matters were regarded as adiaphora. Nonetheless, communion plate was an important, if not essential, part of the administration of the Lord’s Supper. However, it, generally, tends to be considered only as part of broader studies of early modern silver and pewter ware rather than in its religious context. While Mark Petersen (2001) has drawn attention to the importance and spiritual significance of Puritan silver in New England, there has not been a similar consideration of communion plate in the Reformed Churches in Europe. In the Dutch Republic, silver and pewter beakers were used in a domestic environment as well as being commemorative items, but similar forms were adopted for the administration of the Lord’s Supper. The differences between secular and religious use will be considered, particularly in relation to their decoration and variations in design. Further research might reveal whether these vessels were regarded in a meditative and spiritual form similar to that identified in New England.

This Article analyzes the development of rights talk in the pre-Enlightenment Protestant tradition, especially as formulated by the sixteenth-century Calvinist theologian and jurist, Theodore Beza. Responding to the horrific persecution born of the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre of 1572, Beza mobilized classical, Catholic, and Protestant sources alike to develop a coherent Calvinist theory of rights, resistance, and revolution against tyrants. This Article details Beza's arguments, places his work in its historical and intellectual context, and highlights the innovations Beza contributed to the intersection of legal, political, and theological teachings. It concludes by showing how Beza's theory of subjective rights and resistance to tyranny helped to plot the course of modern democratic and constitutional theory.

This essay argues that the early Calvinist tradition's views on religious tolerance change with the contemporary political context. It does so by drawing a direct connection between specific formulations of tolerance and the historical context in which they were written. It begins by delving into the most visible aspects of John Calvin and Theodore Beza's intolerance by looking at the points at which Calvin and Beza were secure in their power in Geneva. This is followed by a look at the unique mix of tolerance and intolerance found in what can be called " a move towards concord " by Calvin and Beza, as the possibility of France as a Calvinist nation appears to be on the horizon. The next section looks at the Reformed traditions tentative steps towards an ideology of religious tolerance in Calvin's early years as an outcast from France and Beza's elder years following the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre. The essay concludes by tying the theology of the early Reformed church into Calvinism's later impact on human rights theory and a reflection on how to best understand the development of religious tolerance.

Last year we celebrated 500 years of Reformation movement. This paper is prepared with one among second-generation reformers namely John Calvin and his thoughts. He placed cornerstone for the reformed protestant theology with his lifelong revised and systematically arranged work Institutes of the Christian Religion. This article would glimpse his teachings on God as Creator and Redeemer, Church and Sacraments, predestination and Calvinism with his magnum opus.

종교개혁이 과학의 발전을 저해했다는 오해가 만연해 있지만, 루터와 칼빈의 예는 그 반대를 지시한다. 루터와 칼빈이 과학자는 아니었다. 하지만 자연과 자연과학에 대한 그들의 태도는 근대과학의 발전을 촉진시키는 신학적 관점을 제공했다. 루터는 의학적 지식과 천문학적 지식의 유용성을 알고 있었다. 그는 하나님께서 주신 피조물을 감사하게 여기며 감상하고 적절하게 사용할 줄 알았다. 칼빈도 유사한 생각을 갖고 있었다. 그는 우주 전체에 하나님의 영광의 섬광이 어느 정도 빛나지 않은 곳은 없다고 말하였다. 칼빈에게 우주는 하나님을 증거하는 거울과 같았다. 그는 하나님의 천지 창조를 강조했고, 성령의 보존사역 또한 주목했다. 그는 때때로 자신의 책들에 자연과학적 관심들을 담아놓기도 했다.
비록 루터와 칼빈이 코페르니쿠스의 이론에 찬동하는 입장을 보여주는 못했을지라도, 그들이 가졌던 신학이 천문학의 발전을 저해한 적은 없었다. 당대 대부분의 사람들과 마찬가지로 그들은 코페르니쿠스의 이론을 자세히 알고 있지 못했다. 그들은 다만 신학적 관점에서 기존의 천동설을 옹호했을 뿐이다. 당시의 지적 환경에서 그것은 그렇게 비난할 일이 되지 않는다. 오히려 기억해야 할 점은 루터와 칼빈 모두 천문학적 탐구를 포함한 자연과학적 탐구가 하나님의 영광을 드높이고, 인간들에게 유용할 것을 확신했다는 사실이다.
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There is a widespread misunderstanding that the Reformation hindered the advancement of natural science, but the examples of Luther and Calvin point in the opposite direction. Luther and Calvin were not scientists. Their attitude toward nature and natural science, however, provided a theological perspective to promote the development of modern science. Luther knew the usefulness of medical and astronomical knowledge. He was grateful for God’s creation and appreciated and used it properly. Calvin had similar ideas. He said there is no spot in the universe wherein one cannot discern at least some sparks of God’s glory. For Calvin, the universe was like a mirror that testifies God. He emphasized God’s creation of heaven and earth and noted the work of preservation by the Holy Spirit. He also sometimes put scientific interests of nature in his books.
Although Luther and Calvin did not show a position in favor of Copernicus’ theories, their theology never hindered the development of astronomy. Like most people of their time, they did not know Copernicus’ theories in detail—they just defended the contemporary idea of geocentrism from a theological point of view. In the intellectual environment of their time, one cannot blame them for this. Instead, it should be noted that both Luther and Calvin were convinced that natural scientific explorations, including astronomical ones, would exalt God’s glory and be useful to human beings.

An analysis of the role and meaning of the epithet “theologaster,” coined by Erasmus of Rotterdam in his letter from Paris in 1497, can reward us with insights into the interplay of Reformation, scholastic, and humanist forces in the sixteenth century. Although Erasmus rarely used the term in his later correspondence or in his works, the epithet gained some popularity among the humanists and the reformers. During the confessional debates, both sides, the Catholics and the Protestants in the Holy Roman Empire and in France, reached for this same epithet as an argument and a weapon with which to demonstrate the incompetence of their opponents. The term, however, can rarely be found in the confessional polemics in Poland, despite the enormous popularity of Erasmus in the region. The history of the epithet sheds light on the importance of the humanist legacy for the confessional era.
This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the cc by 4.0 license. Erasmus Studies 41 (2021) 200-229 brill.com/eras Theologians and Their Bellies The Erasmian Epithet Theologaster during the Reformation

A paper exploring the theme of hospitality and worship given at the Society of Vineyard Scholars in Raleigh, N.C, Jan 2016. This paper was part of wider Doctoral research into reading Pentecostal-Charismatic worship through the lens of Calvin's theology of Union with Christ.

This paper will present evidence that at the arrival of the Medieval Period,  Augustine and other important Christian leaders believed strongly in the inerrancy of Scripture. Then, an examination of Calvin’s ideas based upon some of his commentaries of Psalms will be analyzed to assert that infallible belief in Scripture possibly began through his accommodation theory when he attempts to define Scripture veracity based upon the needs of stupid readers rather than upon the real Truth of God.

The goal of this paper is to discuss Zwingli's role in the Reformation of Bern. Firstly, the earliest period of Berne's reformation is discussed, including the priority of Luther's influence on the city. Then those channels are discussed by which Zwingli practised a leading role in the city's evangelical movement; namely his writings relating to Berne and his extended correspondence. By Zwingli's correspondence, those persons are introduced who nourished close relationship with the Zurich reformer, especially Berchtold Haller. Finally, Zwingli's role at the Disputation of Berne and in the consolidation of the Bernese Reformation is examined.

The foundational biblical doctrine for the Christian life that prevents individualism and secularization arising in these two areas for Calvin is union with Christ. Calvin unfolds the various aspects of the Christian life – including salvation, membership in the church, church discipline and the exercise of Christian freedom – by relating them to union with Christ. This keeps any tendency toward individualism in check. And this central doctrine gives unity and coherence to the various aspects of the Christian life, including the role of the church in the Christian life and the freedom of conscience. This paper will indicate how this unfolds in Calvin’s thought. I will close the paper with some exhortations for making this doctrine more central in the preaching, teaching, and discipleship of the church today.

This book is about Roger Williams (ca. 1603-83), who was banished from the colony of Massachusetts Bay for advocating freedom of conscience, separation of church and state, Native American rights, and related matters.  He founded the town of Providence in what became Rhode Island on the basis of full liberty of conscience and complete separation of religion and government.  For additional information, see the uploaded PDF and links.

The book is available in paperback and Kindle e-book editions at Amazon websites throughout the world.  The paperback is also available at some other websites and bookstores.

See also my YouTube channel (https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCOlUZaehYk7WmwW8v9oBMzQ) about Roger Williams, including an interview (https://youtu.be/mGRl5lIbdYY) with me about this book.

For Errata and Supplemental Comments, see the separate document uploaded at https://www.academia.edu/13798228/Errata_and_Supplemental_Comments_to_The_First_American_Founder_Roger_Williams_and_Freedom_of_Conscience.

Alan E. Johnson

Die Herausgeber Brian C. Brewer und David M. Whitford legen mit »Calvin and the Early Reformation« ein inhaltsreiches, 220 Seiten umfassendes Buch vor, das sich der Frage widmet, in welchem Verhältnis zur frühen Reformation in Europa der große Reformator Genfs, Johannes Calvin (1509-1564), stand. Anlass für die insgesamt elf Beiträge renommierter Calvin-und Calvinismus-Forscherinnen und-Forscher in dem Band war das große 500jährige Reformationsjubiläum im Jahr 2017. Ein Großteil der Essays im Sammelband geht auf ein 2017 an der Baylor University gehaltenes Kolloquium der Calvin Studies Society zurück. Andere sind später hinzugekommen.