Castoriadis

Μελέτη που εξετάζει τον ρόλο που μπορεί να διαδραματίσει η θεατρική τέχνη στην καλλιέργεια της παιδείας τον 21ο αιώνα. Με αφετηρία τη θεωρία περί θεατρικού ενστίκτου του Nicolas Evreinov και τις αναλύσεις γύρω από το ριζικό φαντασιακό της κοινωνίας από τον Κορνήλιο Καστοριάδη, υπoστηρίζεται ότι το θέατρο, σε όλες τις κοινωνικές εκδοχές του, θα πρέπει να αναδειχθεί σε ένα ισχυρό παιδευτικό πρόταγμα, που θα επιτρέπει στον άνθρωπο να κινείται από τη λογική στη φαντασία και από την ταυτότητα στη διαφορά.
Το βιβλίο ολοκληρώνεται με βιβλιογραφία 38 σελίδων και με ευρετήρια συγγραφέων, καλλιτεχνών και μελετητών, όρων, θεατρικών και λογοτεχνικών έργων.

This essay compares the ideas of Cornelius Castoriadis and Terrence W. Deacon. Castoriadis’s anti-Naturalistic ontology, with its conception of radical ontological creation and fundamental indeterminacy, along with his analysis of the category of the ‘for-itself’, comprising all subjective beings from the living organism to the social-historical, is compared to Deacon’s exploration of the emergence of life and mind, which sees the emergence of teleological beings as resulting from the creation of form-generating constraints that involve new types of dynamic process.  Significant parallels and convergences between Castoriadis and Deacon are uncovered and explored.

First, I examine the aspects of the political sovereignty on the Shakespearean stage. In the light of Walter Benjamin’s Origin of the German baroque drama (1928) and of Carl Schmitt’s answer to Benjamin in Hamlet or Hecuba (1956), I show that Shakespeare stages the mortality of the political bodies and the new sovereignty of the plotter. Urged to master the art and the tempo of the plot, the prince is nonetheless unable to prevent the decomposition of the state. Then, drawing on the Elizabethan drama, I question the contemporary effort towards order and synchronization within the city. Hobbes’s theory of political and juridical representation breaks with the mystical conception of political unity and with any inspired legislation, whereas the civil scene is dedicated to the peace between individuals in order to ensure the possibility of a real autonomy in the private sphere. Reciprocally, this autonomy must consolidate the solutions to the problems of melancholy and skepticism conceptualized in Leviathan. While endorsing the tragedy of human condition and of knowledge already put on stage by Shakespeare, Leviathan prevents Schmitt’s exaltation as well as the « pure » violence which, according to Benjamin, lies in the subject’s state of exception. Yet, through the ghosts that Leviathan cannot tolerate within the public sphere, the Shakespearean stage unravels the mechanisms of perpetual order and synchronization without rejecting the law and the project of autonomy.

Keywords : Melancholy – Skepticism – Law – Discipline – Elizabethan drama – Shakespeare – Walter Benjamin – Carl Schmitt – Hobbes – Leviathan – Behemoth

In this chapter I give an overview of “Post-Marxism.” Primary attention is paid to what should be considered the core of Post-Marxism in relation to Marxist and Non- Marxist critical theory, namely, its conception of the social. This shift is of importance for the overall post-Marxist philosophical vision of society, theory, and politics. Theorists discussed include Badiou, Honneth, Ranciere, Laclau/Mouffe, Foucault, Gorz, and Hardt/Negri.

Το βιβλίο αποτελείται από 15 κεφάλαια.

Πρώτο κεφάλαιο: «Pίζες και άνθη του επτανησιακού θεάτρου. O Bασιλικός  του Aντωνίου Mάτεσι».
Δεύτερο κεφάλαιο: «Ποσοτικές και στατιστικές μετρήσεις στην ανάλυση της σχεσιοδυναμικής των δραματικών προσώπων. Mια εφαρμογή στον Xαρτοπαίκτη  του M. Xουρμούζη»: Τρίτο κεφάλαιο: «O σατιρικός λόγος του M. Xουρμούζη».
Τέταρτο κεφάλαιο: «Oι γλωσσικές λειτουργίες στον Φιάκα  του Δ. Mισιτζή».
Πέμπτο κεφάλαιο: «O Aνδρέας Λασκαράτος και το Θέατρο. Οι δρόμοι της σάτιρας και τα μονοπάτια της ειρωνείας».
Έκτο κεφάλαιο: «Tο ατέλειωτο φθινόπωρο ενός βαρόνου παλιάτσου. Tο κίνημα του συμβολισμού και ο Kωνσταντίνος Xρηστομάνος».
Έβδομο κεφάλαιο: «Kοινωνικές και πολιτικές διαστάσεις του ελληνικού θεάτρου στις αρχές του 20ού αιώνα. Tο θέατρο ιδεών και οι ιδεολογικές ζυμώσεις. (1897-1910)».
Όγδοο κεφάλαιο: «Tο Eύοσμον Mυριάνθεμον του θεάτρου μας. Για τον Γρηγόριο Ξενόπουλο».
Ένατο κεφάλαιο: «Ειδολογικές Διασταυρώσεις στο έργο του Γρηγόριου Ξενόπουλου. Θεατρικά Τοπία της Πεζογραφίας του».
Δέκατο κεφάλαιο: «Tο Θέατρο και η Kατοχική Aθήνα».
Ενδέκατο και δωδέκατο κεφάλαιο: «Σημείωμα αναδρομής στον Aλέκο Σακελλάριο» και «Aπό τα φώτα της ιστορίας στη σκιά του αγάλματος. Για το Ένας ήρως με παντούφλες» των A. Σακελλάριου-Xρ. Γιαννακόπουλου».
Δέκατο τρίτο κεφάλαιο: «H αναπαράσταση των Παθών του Xριστού στην Πάρο. Eπισημάνσεις και υποθέσεις».
Δέκατο τέταρτο κεφάλαιο: «O ερμηνευτικός λόγος της θεατρικής κριτικής».
Δέκατο πέμπτο κεφάλαιο: «H φιλοσοφική σημασία του θεάτρου στην παιδεία του 21ου αιώνα. Σκέψεις και υποθέσεις με αφορμή τον Evreinov και τον Kαστοριάδη».

Το βιβλίο ολοκληρώνεται με βιβλιογραφία 38 σελίδων και με ευρετήρια συγγραφέων, καλλιτεχνών και μελετητών, όρων, θεατρικών και λογοτεχνικών έργων.

Αναπτύσσονται οι θέσεις του φιλοσόφου για την αττική τραγωδία και το πολιτικό της υπόβαθρο. Η τραγωδία για τον Καστοριάδη δεν είναι απλώς ένα είδος στο οποίο γράφτηκαν ορισμένα από τα αριστουργήματα της παγκόσμιας λογοτεχνίας, αλλά μια ζωντανή πρόκληση για τη δημιουργία ενός κοινού κόσμου νοημάτων και σημασιών εντός και δια της πόλεως. Η ενεργή συμμετοχή στην πολιτική ζωή ισοδυναμεί, υπό το πρίσμα αυτό, με τη συμμετοχή στη δημιουργία της ίδιας της κοινωνικής πραγματικότητας. Γι’ αυτό και η γνήσια δημοκρατία, αυτή που εμφανίζεται εν σπέρματι στην αρχαία Αθήνα, είναι ένα τραγικό πολίτευμα, καθώς θεμελιώνεται στην ‘ανοιχτότητα’ των θεσμίσεών της, άρα στον αυτοπεριορισμό της ελευθερίας και της βούλησης, εκεί όπου δεν υπάρχουν ασφαλή και δεδομένα όρια. Παράλληλα, η τραγωδία έχει έναν έντονο δημοκρατικό χαρακτήρα, στον βαθμό που η κύρια διδασκαλία της είναι η θνητότητα του ανθρώπου και άρα ο ριζικός περιορισμός του στο πλαίσιο της ὕβρεως. Τραγική δημοκρατία και δημοκρατική τραγωδία είναι δύο έννοιες που συνυφαίνονται αξεδιάλυτα με εκείνη της φιλοσοφίας στην προοπτική του προτάγματος για την αυτοδημιουργία του ανθρώπου.

Ce chapitre est issu de « Autonomie ou Barbarie, la démocratie radicale de Cornélius Castoriadis et ses défis contemporains », publié aux Editions du passager clandestin en mai 2015, et co-édité par Manuel Cervera-Marzal et Eric Fabri.
Merci de supporter cet éditeur indépendant en privilégiant l’achat de l’ouvrage si votre situation le permet.

Dissertation an der Universität Wien. Verknüpfung zwischen einer ontologischen Perspektive auf den Zeitbegriff und dem ethisch-politischen Begriff der Autonomie. Für die Beantwortung der Frage, welche Arten von Zeitlichkeit relevant und wirksam sind, wenn das gesellschaftlich-politische Vorhaben der Verwirklichung kollektiver Autonomie verfolgt wird, werden Arendt, Bloch, Benjamin, Castoriadis, Derrida und nicht zuletzt Husserl (vor dem Hintergrund von Augustinus und Kant) herangezogen und einer Kritik unterzogen. Die Entwicklung des für die erwähnte Verbindung Raum schaffenden Begriffs der Utopiefähigkeit grenzt sich gegen die in den 1980er-Jahren aufkommende Weigerung der Verwendung des Wortes "Utopie" durch Castoriadis ab, der in diesem Buch dennoch wichtigster Bezugsautor unter den genannten bleibt. Betreuung: Herta Nagl, Co-Betreuung: Cornelius Castoriadis

Sinopsis
En este trabajo se planteó ver a la televisión como una Institución del Imaginario Social que propone
estereotipos. Se analizaron las series Sex and the City, Desperate Housewives y S. O. S. Sexo y Otros
Secretos; y dónde se llegó a la conclusión de que en dichas series se encuentran estereotipos con
características tanto modernas como posmodernas.
Los estereotipos que encontramos presentes dentro de las tres series de la muestra, son: despreocupado,
sensual y clásico.

Abstract
In this research the television was seen as an Institution of the Social Imaginary that proposes stereotypes.
The tv series Sex and the City, Desperate Housewives and S. O. S. Sexo y Otros Secretos were analized;
where the conclusion was that on those series were found stereotypes with modern and posmodern
characteristics.
The stereotypes that were founded into the three tv series of the selection were: unworried, sensual and
classic.

Το 2017 υπήρξε ένα επετειακό έτος με ποικίλους συμβολισμούς. Συμπληρώθηκαν 150 χρόνια από την έκδοση του Κεφαλαίου, 100 χρόνια από τη Ρώσικη Επανάσταση, και 20 χρόνια από τον θάνατο του Κορνήλιου Καστοριάδη, του διεισδυτικότερου κριτικού της κληρονομιάς της Ρώσικης Επανάστασης από τη σκοπιά του ίδιου του επαναστατικού προτάγματος.
Οι επετειακοί συμβολισμοί καθ’ εαυτοί, που φορτίζουν ιστορικά γεγονότα με φαντασιακές σημασίες δεν επαρκούν για να στηρίξουν την επικαιρότητα μιας επετείου. Αρκούν ωστόσο για να δηλώσουν την άρρηκτη σχέση μεταξύ του κοινωνικού χρόνου και της μνήμης, μεταξύ της επικαιρότητας και της ιστορίας.
Γιατί συνεχίζουμε να μιλάμε για το Κεφάλαιο; Γιατί συνεχίζουμε να μιλάμε για τη Ρώσικη Επανάσταση; Γιατί συνεχίζουμε να μιλάμε για τον Καστοριάδη; Το ερώτημα για την επικαιρότητά της κάθε επετείου είναι ένα ερώτημα φιλοσοφικό, δηλαδή πάντοτε ανοιχτό στην διάθεση του παρόντος. Κάθε φορά που συζητούμε κριτικά για ένα γεγονός, για έναν βίο, για ένα φιλοσοφικό έργο, δεν απευθυνόμαστε, όπως ο αφηγητής του Proust, μόνο στη νοσταλγία του παρελθόντος, αλλά

In the philosophy of education, the concepts of ‘democracy’ and ‘education’ are closely related. Traditionally, democracy – the self-rule of the people – has been justified through education of some sort, from the Greek paideia to contemporary citizenship training programmes. Education makes the difference between mob rule and legitimate majority rule. However, contemporary conceptions of ‘democracy education’ tend to emphasise the integrative and social aspects of democracy (Dewey’s ‘democracy as a mode of associated living’) at the cost of its political aspects (democracy as a form of rule). A different approach is found in the philosophy of Cornelius Castoriadis, who sees in democracy the ability to question the existing institutions and create new ones. Since democracy thus understood is without guarantees, the cultivation of citizens’ responsibility and self-limitation is of the utmost importance. By putting education at the centre of his political thought, Castoriadis situates himself in the great tradition from Plato to the Enlightenment. The paper gives an introduction to Castoriadis’ philosophy, focussing on education in a democracy and its ontological premises. Opposed to what he called “traditional thought”, Castoriadis sought to elucidate the role of the imagination, autonomy and creation in order to conceptualise the creation of something entirely new.

An intellectual and cultural movement advocating a radical enhancement of human performance via technoscientific and biomedical advances, transhumanism has grown in notoriety in recent years. Grouping engineers, philosophers, sociologists, and entrepreneurs, the movement and its ideals of enhanced humans have a strong social resonance, be it doping in sport, the use of smart drugs, or the biomedical battle against aging. This article sheds theoretical and critical light on transhumanism through the lens of human perfectibility. It particularly aims to show how the movement marks a significant reversal of the humanist conception of human per-fectibility inherited from the Enlightenment. Far from working for the social and political emancipation of humans and the human condition, transhumanism is emblematic of a depoliticized conception of human perfectibility focused on the technoscientific adaptation of the human being. Transhumanism thus marks a major rupture with the modern democratic project of autonomy.

The social thought of Castoriadis and Lefort address Old World
constellations. Yet both are positioned in a critical relationship to the
Enlightenment and Romanticism, and pose questions about power, the
political and citizenship relevant to different civilizational settings. Two
political philosophies that emerged in the era of revolutionary critique are
examined in this paper alongside Castoriadis and Lefort. Thomas Jefferson’s
philosophy of republic and empire and Simon Bolivar’s creed of independence
were American visions that connected with the political imaginary.
Each set down traditions open to interpretation and mythologization. Both
invoked an older rivalry of two images of the New World, as American or as
Colombian, which was really a rivalry of Spanish and British Empires and
their civilizational influences. Where earlier republican visions developed
at the cusp of virtue and interest cultures had posed a particular range of
questions about democracy, civic constitution and independence, American
states now contained democratic and authoritarian potential. Even though
Castoriadis and Lefort did not make these American contexts the centre of
their work, each conceive the political and politics in ways that are relevant
to American modernities. A key argument put in this paper with respect to
Castoriadis and Lefort is that Castoriadis’s conception of creation is more
salient to the republican revolutions more generally, while Lefort’s notion
of political imaginary finds a strong case in the North American revolution.

Review Essay on:
Cérézuelle, Daniel. Bernard Charbonneau ou la critique du développement exponentiel. Paris: Le passager clandestin, "Les précurseurs de la décrois-sance" series (S. Latouche, ed.), 2018, 112pp.
Latouche, Serge. Jacques Ellul contre le totalitarisme technicien. Paris: Le passager clandestin, "Les précurseurs de la décroissance" series (S. Latouche, ed.), 2013, 112pp.
Latouche, Serge. Le pari de la décroissance. Paris: Pluriel, 2006, 2010 (with a new foreword), 302pp.
Latouche, Serge. Renverser nos manières de penser. Métanoïa pour le temps présent. Entretiens avec Daniele Pepino, Thierry Paquot et Didier Harpagès sur la genèse et la portée d'une pensée alternative. Paris: Mille et une nuits, 2014, 192pp.
Since the turn of the century, initially centred in francophone countries (though it quickly spread to Italy, Spain, and Latin America as its main hubs), a radical current within political ecology has been rallying under the banner of décroissance-a straightforward French word that is yet hard to translate beyond Romance languages. Rather than literal "decrease," the corporate-sounding "downsizing," or the more individual-centred "down-shifting," the neologism "Degrowth" is most often used in English 1 to refer to naysayers to the established religion of endless growth that is the self-evident common tenet of all other ideologies, whether right, left, or even mainstream ecological. The newspaper launched by Adbusters in 2004 that serves as the movement’s irreverent mouthpiece (in the tradition of Charlie Hebdo, where Bernard Charbonneau felt at home), La Décroissance, published in its (soon out-of-print) July 2014 issue a supplement presenting twenty-eight thinkers from the two previous centuries that were critical of industrialism, defending human-scale societies that eschewed the predatory premise of ever-expanding production. The Quebec publisher Écosociété joined with two like-minded French publishers, Le Pas de côté and L’Échappée (which had already included Ellul and Charbonneau in Radicalité, 20 penseurs vraiment critiques in 2013), to put out in book form an expanded version of that overview of Degrowth thinkers in the modern era. Aux origines de la décroissance covers fifty of them and features three contributors familiar to English-speaking Ellulians: Frédéric Rognon on Lanza del Vasto, Daniel Cérézuelle on Bernard Charbonneau, and Patrick Chastenet on Jacques Ellul.

In this chapter I form a typology of three kinds of the desiring self. the first two are based on corrosions of desire which I derive from media representations of it, as indicative of current social norms. As neoliberal culture invades the media through their ownership, the mainstream media in turn praise ownership and owners, or at least avoid finding fault in them - until perhaps such time as they might become President of the United States. Also using examples from Donald Trump's interviews and comments about his conquests, these three selves of desire I define as the 'automaton', the 'loser', and the 'political person'.

This thesis proposes that the work of Cornelius Castoriadis offers a unique framework to analyse how specific regimes of historicity shape social-historical contexts. It contends that Castoriadis opens up a way to analyse contemporary trends of ‘depoliticisation’ in Western contexts that are indicative of dynamics that are shaping a transition of liberal-democratic societies into newly configured regimes. The novelty of Castoriadis’s approach to historicity is that it foregrounds a theory of instituting power that is centred on the power of social imaginary creativity. He analyses instituting power based on a field of political contestation between cultural articulations within given social imaginary contexts. From this perspective, the regulative role of instituting power within regimes of historicity correspond to how articulations of social imaginary creativity are able to assume institutional form within their broader social-historical contexts.
This thesis addresses one of the major criticisms of Castoriadis’s work: that it tended to dichotomise between two distinct types of social-historical regimes, autonomy and heteronomy. This dichotomy is shown to undermine the capacity for his theory of imaginary institution to undertake a nuanced comparative analysis between differing or transitional regimes of historicity. The opposition between these two institutional regimes is collapsed to demonstrate how these dynamics are implicated in ways that relate to the regulative modes of instituting power that constitute societies. A theory of historicity is proposed that foregrounds how social-historical contexts are shaped by implicit forms of instituting power that regulate modes of instituting activity.
Based on this theory of historicity, the thesis turns to an alternate perspective on the perceived ‘crisis’ of democratic culture in Western contexts. By developing the conceptual implications of Castoriadis’s theory of instituting power, it is possible to contextualise the political situation of liberal-democratic societies within their broader trends of depoliticisation. The blind spot in Castoriadis’s framework of historicity is that he did not consider the implications of how established forms of political power maintain their dominance by regulating the relative openness and closure of cultural capacities to alter institutional contexts. What appeared as heteronomous to him in contemporary societies is, in fact, the imposition of a dominant regime of regulatory power, which is still autonomous in the sense that it is a regime that lucidly regulates, and ultimately depoliticises, the creative capacities of culture to alter instituted forms. Through this analysis, contemporary trends of depoliticisation become the subject of an investigation into the substantive attributes of a new regime of historicity that is shown to be laden with new political questions.

Among the many parallels between Hannah Arendt and Cornelius Castoriadis is their shared interest in the kind of politics that is characteristic of the council movements, revolutionary moments and the political democracy of ancient Greece. The essay seeks to elucidate how the two thinkers fill out and complement each other’s thought, with special attention to political creation – an ambiguous theme in Arendt’s thought. While critical of the notion of ‘making’ in the political field, Arendt also emphasizes the importance of building institutions. To take this seriously means that her analyses of the nature of politics must be modified, and in this respect, Castoriadis’s understanding of politics as institution-building can serve as a guideline. On the other hand, Arendt’s concept of ‘plurality’ in the public sphere represents a level of political analysis that is underdeveloped in the work of Castoriadis. Taken together, their thought highlights many important aspects of political creation in a radical sense.

""Mills’s idea of the sociological imagination has captured many generations of scholars interested in the difficult social issues that people grapple with in their lives. Yet, sociology has traditionally had a poor record of linking disabled people’s ‘private’ accounts of their difficulties to ‘public’ issues. We contend that disability is still marginal to the sociological imaginary, despite attempts by disability studies and subdisciplines within sociology to make the concept relevant to the larger discipline. There is a range of conceptual tensions in sociology such as public/private and normal/abnormal that can be better illuminated by focusing on disability. We argue that critical disability studies, with its reimagining of disability within late modernity, may be better positioned to make more effectively the case for disability’s significance to the sociological imaginary. Facilitating dialogue with sociology on the concept of disability, however, may require disability scholars to develop more explicit strategies of engagement.

Critical Disability Studies, Disability Studies, Critical Theory, C.Wright Mills, Sociology of Disability, Cornelius Castoriadis""

Towards the end of his philosophical and political theorizations, the Greek-born French philosopher and thinker Cornelius Castoriadis (1922-1997) turned his attention to artistic representation, in particular to Greek, or to use a term he preferred, “Athenian” tragedy. The aim of this article is to analyze the role played by his interpretation of tragedy in his understanding of democracy as a tragic regime. In order to address this interrogation, the article will be divided in three parts. The first part is devoted to what Castoriadis deems the “Greek creation”. The second part offers an interpretation of Castoriadis’ formulation of tragedy as both a public institution and a “window to chaos”, emphasizing its connection to democracy, autonomy and judgement. In the final remarks, we critically assess his original conception of tragedy and its political implications for Castoriadis’ idea of democracy.
En sus últimos trabajos filosófico-políticos, el filósofo y pensador grecofrancés Cornelius Castoriadis (1992-1997) dirigió su atención hacia la representación artística, en particular la tragedia griega, o ateniense, como prefería llamarla. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el lugar que ocupa la interpretación de la tragedia en la definición de Castoriadis de la democracia como un régimen trágico. Para abordar este interrogante, el artículo estará dividido en tres partes. La primera se centrará en lo que Castoriadis denominaba la creación griega. En la segunda se ofrece una lectura de la tragedia como institución pública y como ventana al caos, enfatizando sus vínculos con los conceptos de democracia, autonomía y juicio. En los comentarios finales, evaluaremos críticamente su original concepción de la tragedia, así como las implicaciones políticas de la idea de democracia que propone Castoriadis. Concluiremos sugiriendo que Castoriadis no idealiza la democracia ateniense, como le acusan sus críticos, sino que su noción de la democracia como régimen trágico contiene la idea de que la acción política está siempre al borde del abismo, que es siempre intrínsecamente radical y trágica.

Partant de l’idée, chère à Castoriadis, selon laquelle la philosophie
se doit d’élucider les présupposés de la pensée , je voudrais montrer que la pensée philosophique-politique de Castoriadis s’appuie sur un présupposé qui n’est jamais clarifié comme tel : la solidarité.

Esta tesis tiene por objeto reconsiderar, desde una mirada socio-histórica, el lugar que ocupó la noción de representación dentro de la teoría psicogenética y epistemológica de Jean Piaget en lo que respecta a la conformación de los esquemas de conocimiento y la emergencia de la subjetividad.  Pensamiento deudor de los postulados de la Filosofía Moderna, esta noción se encuentra asociada a la emergencia de imágenes internalizadas del objeto ausente y a la consecuente formación de la función simbólica y actividad racional. Pero, no obstante, también resulta ser crítico y discontinuo, porque dentro de esa teoría se concibe al conocimiento como un producto práctico y dialéctico de la relación sujeto-objeto y porque se retoma –aunque sin abordar in extenso- el problema del inconsciente y  de la afectividad. Por ese motivo, resulta importante tensionar esa concepción con la sostenida por Cornelius Castoriadis, quien desde una mirada filosófica y psicoanalítica, desvincula a la noción de representación de la actividad racional y la define como «un flujo de deseos, intenciones y afectos» y como un producto de la imaginación radical. Esta puesta en tensión, permitiría pensar en otra vía para llegar a la formación de los esquemas de conocimiento dentro de la teoría piagetiana, ya no como partiendo de la acción y de los esquemas sensorio-motores -sin ningún tipo de actividad representativa en su haber- sino de la afectividad. Esta reconsideración, en consecuencia, abriría un terreno fértil para efectuar un aporte a la investigación en Ciencias Sociales y al campo de la Comunicación y Educación, al trastocar el eje desde el cual se piensan los procesos de génesis del conocimiento y de la subjetividad dentro de la Psicología y Ciencias Educativas. Puesto que la teoría de Piaget sigue estando vigente dentro de ese campo de saber. En consecuencia, se podrían desarrollar nuevas hipótesis sobre la posible incidencia de esta apertura teórica en las prácticas y dispositivos pedagógicos de enseñanza-aprendizaje.

The prevailing, and largely unacknowledged, uncertainty around
capital puts a question mark behind many proclamations regarding the ideology, theory, and praxis of the capitalist system. A clearer understanding of ‘what we talk about
when we talk about capital’ is a priority if we wish to distinguish useful theoretical positions from misguided pretenders. In this paper, I examine the theoretical common points of Thorstein Veblen and Cornelius Castoriadis as they contribute to the 'power theory of capital' being developed by political economists Jonathan Nitzan and Shimshon Bichler.

These registers form a set of deconstruction exercises for Heràclñito and, as good deconstruction exercises for the moment, do not need any general comment.

Surely later on these provisional results may or may not be unified, depending on what results, and at this time it depends exclusively on specific approaches.

In this way it is about avoiding all kinds of Kreuzspinnen, in each path or course of this deconstructed Heraclitus.

The records come from the comments to my work Politics, Anti-citizenship and Antipolitics in Heraclitus - An unforeseen problem published in Biblioteca Heraclitea https://www.academia.edu/s/ 2b2d27c75d? source=link (which is part of my website https:// joaquinmeabe.academia.edu/). The writings were uploaded between  9 and May 27, 2022. The texts of the deconstructive debate are included in section a); the text Politics, Anti-citizenship and Antipolitics in Heraclitus - An unforeseen problem is included in section b).

Everyone is invited to participate in this deconstructive work in the language they prefer to use.

Joaquin E. Meabe
Corrientes, May 27, 2022

Towards the end of his philosophical and political theorizations, the Greek-born French philosopher and thinker Cornelius Castoriadis (1922-1997) turned his attention to artistic representation, in particular to Greek, or to use a term he preferred, “Athenian” tragedy. The aim of this article is to analyze the role played by his interpretation of tragedy in his understanding of democracy as a tragic regime. In order to address this interrogation, the article will be divided in three parts. The first part is devoted to what Castoriadis deems the “Greek creation”. The second part offers an interpretation of Castoriadis’ formulation of tragedy as both a public institution and a “window to chaos”, emphasizing its connection to democracy, autonomy and judgement. In the final remarks, we critically assess his original conception of tragedy and its political implications for Castoriadis’ idea of democracy. En sus últimos trabajos filosófico-políticos, el filósofo y pensador grecofrancés Co...

This article critically engages with Castoriadis’s elucidation of autonomy. It does so by taking into account the implications of Castoriadis’s enduring interest in the ecological devastation of the natural world, on the one hand, and the changing configuration of his philosophical anthropology, on the other—especially in regard to his reconsideration of the creativity of nature in the 1980s and the reconfiguration of the nomos and physis problematic. It contextualizes these movements in his thought within a broader hermeneutic of modernity that, following Johann Arnason, emphasizes the cultural currents of both Romanticism and the Enlightenment as constitutive of modernity as a field of tensions. In an extension of Arnason’s elaboration, however, the present article argues that a latent opening towards an ecological worldhood is implicit to Castoriadis’s hermeneutic of modernity that, conversely, also finds Castoriadis at the limits of autonomy.

Democracy, as a just form of self-rule and collective self-limitation, rests on education. Democracy needs education to work well, while education makes democracy a legitimate form of (self-)rule. To elucidate these connections, the dissertation investigates the ideas of the philosopher and psychoanalyst Cornelius Castoriadis. Key concepts, such as 'the imaginary', 'individual and collective autonomy', paideia and 'the social-historical' are drawn into a reconstructed notion of 'education in a democracy'.

Castoriadis would always talk of  'individual and collective autonomy' as one concept. In trying to clarify why this is so, his original political philosophy and ontology is unfolded, with marked differences to those underpinning well-known traditions like political liberalism and communitarianism. In contrast to widespread views on education in a democracy, which in Western type societies are arguably geared towards integration and stability in a multicultural setting, Castoriadis’s thought is orientated towards politicization, societal creation and change. His concepts are developed further in the thesis, to form a theoretically more robust notion of political paideia (or Bildung) which embodies individual and collective subjectivity, creation, and radical interrogation of the instituted social structures.

En las investigaciones acerca de la percepción en la constitución de una subjetividad capaz de instituir sentido se ha relegado habitualmente a la potencia de la imaginación. Desde la Gestalt hasta la fenomenología, la percepción ha sido conceptualizada al margen del pensamiento y la representación, dejando para la imaginación un papel subsidiario. En nuestro trabajo, abordaremos las formulaciones de Castoriadis respecto de estas cuestiones, que suponen una rehabilitación de papel del pensamiento y la representación en el orden perceptual. Subyace a esta rehabilitación un profundo debate respecto del lugar de la imaginación y el cuerpo en la institución del sentido. Asimismo, el problema de la percepción en Castoriadis resulta relevante puesto que allí se anudan cuestiones substanciales sobre el modo en que puede realizarse la socialización de los sujetos por parte de las instituciones sociales. En este sentido, al considerar a la percepción como aquello que en el sujeto individual permite su socialización, se iluminan aspectos novedosos en relación a la constitución social y la transformación histórica de una comunidad de sentido.