Chantal Mouffe

Las invocaciones convencionales al republicanismo y al populismo presuponen su absoluta incompatibilidad. No obstante, diversos trabajos recientes cuestionan tal oposición al destacar importantes puntos de continuidad en las orientaciones axiológicas que animan a cada una de estas tradiciones. ¿Bajo qué supuestos teóricos y normativos tiene asidero la conjugación del populismo republicano? Este trabajo profundiza en la diversidad interna que albergan ambas tradiciones políticas para indagar en sus eventuales convergencias. Se sostiene que dicho ensamble requeriría de variantes específicas del republicanismo y del populismo que simultáneamente hagan lugar al antagonismo constitutivo de lo social y a ciertos marcos institucionales unificadores de la cosa pública. Esta doble condición es rastreada en ciertas lecturas del republicanismo de Maquiavelo, así como en el pensamiento populista que conecta con la teoría agonista de Mouffe y que contrasta con el enfoque rupturista y anti institucionalista de Laclau.

Conventional invocations of republicanism and populism presuppose their absolute incompatibility. However, several recent works question this opposition by highlighting important points of continuity in the axiological orientations that animate each of these traditions. Under what theoretical and normative assumptions does the conjugation of republican populism become viable? This paper explores the internal diversity contained in both political traditions in order to explore their possible convergences. We argue that such an assembly would require specific variants of republicanism and populism that simultaneously accommodate the constitutive antagonism of the social and the unifying institutional frameworks for the res publica. This double condition is traced in some readings of Machiavelli’s republicanism, as well as in populist thought that connects with Mouffe’s agonist theory and contrasts with Laclau’s rupturist and anti-institutionalist approach.

Abstract: This study goes beyond examining communitarianism, which has a considerable place in contemporary political philosophy literature due to its criticism of liberal individualism, merely as a critic of liberal thought. In this direction, it aims to reconstruct communitarianism as a positive doctrine that has its own ontological, epistemological, and axiological assumptions. Because, the fact that it is seen as a purely negative intellectual attitude in the literature due to its objections to the self, which is described as free from all social bonds in John Rawls's A Theory of Justice, hides the potential of communitarian thought to provide the philosophical foundations that can solve various contemporary moral, social and political problems. However, it is possible to read communitarianism, which has a more genuine vision of existence since it takes language, history, culture and tradition into account, as a remarkable alternative to the individualist ontology that forms the basis of liberal politics. From this point of view, in the study, the basic assumptions that make communitarian thinkers “communitarian” starting from the ontological ground that is also the source of the communitarians' criticism of liberalism will be traced. The thinkers whose ideas will be debated throughout the study were selected as Alasdair MacIntyre, Michael J. Sandel, Charles Taylor, and Michael Walzer, who shared certain significant basic assumptions, although they were fed from very different sources while developing their thoughts. In this respect, this attempt to reposition communitarianism as a positive doctrine that constitutes an alternative ontology in our world of thought is essentially an “ideal type” study, which is possible with certain abstractions.
Keywords: Political Philosophy, Communitarianism, Community, Individual, MacIntyre, Sandel, Taylor, Walzer

Öz: Bu çalışma, liberal bireyciliğe yönelik eleştirileri nedeniyle çağdaş siyaset felsefesi literatüründe önemli bir yere sahip olan komüniteryanizmin; sadece liberal düşüncenin bir eleştirmeni olmaktan öte, kendi ontolojik, epistemolojik ve aksiyolojik varsayımları olan pozitif bir öğreti olarak yeniden inşa edilmesini amaçlamaktadır. Zira özellikle John Rawls'un A Theory of Justice’indeki toplumsal bağlardan ari benlik tasvirine yönelik itirazları öne çıkartılarak literatürde salt değilleyici bir entelektüel tavır olarak karşılık bulmuş olması; komüniteryan düşüncenin günümüzde karşılaştığımız ahlaki, içtimai ve siyasi düzeydeki çeşitli sorunların çözümü olabilecek felsefi zemini sağlama potansiyelini gizlemektedir. Hâlbuki dili, tarihi, kültürü ve geleneği hesaba katması nedeniyle daha sahici bir varoluş tasavvuruna sahip olan komüniteryanizmi, doğrudan liberal siyasetin değilse bile onun temellerini teşkil eden bireyci ontolojisinin kayda değer bir alternatifi olarak okumak mümkündür. Buradan hareketle, çalışmada komüniteryanların liberalizme yönelik eleştirilerine de kaynaklık eden ontolojik zeminden yola çıkılarak, komüniteryan düşünürleri “komüniteryan” kılan temel kabul ve varsayımların izleri sürülecektir. Çalışma boyunca fikirlerine başvurulacak düşünürler, her ne kadar düşüncelerini geliştirirken çok farklı kaynaklardan beslenseler de önemli bazı temel kabul ve varsayımlarda ortaklaşan Alasdair MacIntyre, Michael J. Sandel, Charles Taylor ve Michael Walzer olarak seçilmiştir. Bu bakımdan, komüniteryanizmi düşünce dünyamızda pozitif bir öğreti olarak yeniden konumlandırmaya yönelik bu girişim, esasen, belirli soyutlamalarla mümkün olan bir “ideal tip” çalışmasıdır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Siyaset Felsefesi, Komüniteryanizm, Toplum, Birey, MacIntyre, Sandel, Taylor, Walzer

Download pdf full-text: https://tez.yok.gov.tr/UlusalTezMerkezi/TezGoster?key=KMB79M3N7zK1UR2WYeRgQrrgCChes5Awr9cZETMepH8h2cTylEkBShdH6BYptyTw

En esta ponencia se presentará una discusión sobre la tradición republicana y su carácter liberal o democrático a partir de las polémicas planteadas por la Escuela de Cambridge, el marxismo y la tradición posmarxista. De este modo se espera presentar el estatuto del republicanismo como lógica política singular que presenta una manera de anudar conflicto, consenso y afectos en un orden social. Así, se podría aventurar la posible coincidencia con el populismo como han avanzado autoras posmarxistas como Cadahia y Coronel. A la par que la obra de Antoni Domènech contribuiría a redefinir uno de los elementos centrales de la teoría republicana: la fraternidad. Estas aportaciones en polémica con la tradición anglosajona y neorepublicana contribuirían a reconsiderar la importancia de los afectos y del conflicto para constituir una comunidad republicano-democrática. Siendo plausible desde esta perspectiva presentar una enunciación específicamente republicana de lo nacionalpopular como idea de comunidad.

In Analogical City, Cameron McEwan argues for architecture’s status as a critical project. McEwan revisits architect Aldo Rossi as a paradigmatic figure of the critical rational tradition, studying a neglected aspect of his thought — the analogical city — to excavate its potential. McEwan develops a grammar of the analogical city under the headings of Imagination, Transformation, City, Multitude, and Project. McEwan argues that the analogical city is critical, collective, and emancipatory. Analogical thought and understanding cities as analogical might open the conditions of possibility for rethinking the critical project in architecture.

At a time when the humanities and the sciences are threatened by irrational thought, from climate denial to post-truth narratives, and when architecture has seemingly disavowed its critical capacity and political possibility through its commodification as an instrument of the neoliberal city, McEwan offers critical strategies, conceptual tools, figures of thought, and knowledge practices to articulate modes of thinking and acting differently within architectural criticism and practice. Today, knowledge is a common terrain of struggle and thought requires constant reinvention. The task of architecture, and critique more broadly, must be to interpret the world in order to change it. Consequently Analogical City proposes modes for imagining the city, the subject, and the world otherwise — towards a more egalitarian and critical architecture of the city.

Ultimately, the analogical city is not a fully developed theory, nor is it only an intuitive, poetic, or purely formal practice, as some critics propose. McEwan argues that the analogical city is poetic and political: it always refers beyond itself towards a collective and critical project of the city, and yet it invites a series of formal, spatial, and graphic operations comprising erasure and negativity followed by substitution and remontage.

In this article, I develop a critique of Chantal Mouffe’s leftist populism and its construction of ‘the people’ against an opposed ‘them’, from a perspective informed by the thought of Didier Eribon. I draw on both his public interventions and his theoretical work, employing his concepts of return, society as verdict, and his two principles of critical thinking to question the desirability of crafting ‘the people’ in the first place. I contend that Eribon’s critique renders Mouffe’s proposal problematic on three accounts. First, her approach is too politically volatile; its instability leaves it devoid of a critical analysis of the differences between concrete social positions, struggles, and subjectivities within ‘the people’. Consequently, the political becomes merely a function of the social. Yet, the social and its determining power remain mostly unaddressed by her framework. Second, its simplistic opposition of an overly generalised ‘the people’ against ‘the oligarchy’ is susceptible to right-wing populist appropriations. Third, for a shot at hegemony and a general appeal, it eclipses plurality and dissensus within ‘the people’. In contrast, Eribon encourages a connection between the social and the political by suggesting that a self-critical analysis be mutually intertwined with social analysis. Instead of merely mobilising affects, they must be critically interrogated. Instead of summoning ‘the people’, a return to their respective genesis must be attempted. Unless both principles of critical thinking, the insights of return, and societal verdicts are deployed to come to terms with the social determinisms at hand, the ‘people’s’ mobilisation against an opposed ‘them’ risks sacrificing pluralism and equality alike and neglecting the criteria of the desirability of specific changes in favour of a “whatever it costs” attempt at hegemony.

É possível pensar o incremento da violência política contra as mulheres como sintoma dos limites apresentados pelo consenso racional, conforme apontado pelos críticos das teorias democráticas deliberativas? Partindo deste problema de pesquisa, utilizaremos como marco teórico deste artigo uma das principais dessas críticas: a teoria do pluralismo agonístico, desenvolvida pela filósofa Chantal Mouffe e pautada na necessidade do resgate do elemento do conflito e das paixões na esfera pública. Com isso, objetivamos refletir sobre suas contribuições para a análise da onda crescente de violência política direcionada às mulheres no contexto brasileiro, em específico, e do reaparecimento dos antagonismos em um cenário político global marcado pela desdemocratização e pela mobilização dos afetos por movimentos da extrema direita. Em um primeiro momento, trataremos do elo visualizado entre o esgarçamento do modelo liberal-democrático e as manifestações de violência política contra às mulheres, sobretudo no Brasil. Em seguida, apresentaremos as bases da contraproposta teórica de radicalização da democracia apresentada por Mouffe. Por fim, discorreremos sobre o potencial das bases desse agonismo, sobretudo a partir da sua legitimação do adversário como um pressuposto democrático, em colaborar com os esforços para conter os antagonismos extremos que volta e meia imperam na política, assim como indicar uma direção para a imaginação de novas alternativas e para a renovação do sistema democrático através de sua radicalização.

Recensione di Mattia Vicentini in lingua tedesca per "Gregorianum".
Rezension von Mattia Vicentini auf Deutsch für „Gregorianum“.
Review by Mattia Vicentini in German for ‘Gregorianum’.

Volume / Buch: Tautz, Stephan, Radikale Sakramentalität. William T. Cavanaughs politische Theologie der Eucharistie im Gespräch mit radikaldemokratischer Theorie der Macht, Fundamentaltheologische Studien, LIT, Berlin 2022;

The persistence of democracy in today's Greece may be surprising for two reasons. First, liberal democracy survived an economic crisis in the 2010s that was more severe than the Great Depression of the 1930s. Second, liberal democracy has remained stable despite the fact that the period since the 1974 transition from the Colonels' Regime has witnessed the diffusion of illiberal ideas and an emergence of relatively small yet very active antiliberal parties. Liberal democracy has been resilient in the face of nationalism and populism, even though accountable liberal institutions enjoy limited political trust. The resilience of contemporary Greek democracy can be explained through two sets of factors: a political set and a social set. Political factors include a long history of political liberalism and the robustness of contemporary political-party competition. Social factors include Greece's relatively large middle class and the absence of overlapping social cleavages that could otherwise have led to destructive socio-political polarization and then a slide toward illiberalism. The Greek case shows under what conditions a liberal democracy can flourish in a less-than-liberal context.

Eidos Print ISSN 1692-8857. Eidos no.9 Barranquilla July/Dec. 2008. ... Atilli, Antonella (1996). "Pluralismo agonista: la teoría ante la política. Entrevista con Chantal Mouffe", Revista internacional de filosofía política, 8. Fraser, Nancy (1997). Iustitia interrupta. ...

As pesquisas em direito constitucional no Brasil, em geral, tomam como ponto de partida o texto originado da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987/1988, a qual representou um significativo espaço de recepção de inúmeras demandas reprimidas após longos anos de repressão política. A forma de construção do texto impactou no produto final, o qual resultou em diversos compromissos não homogêneos dilatados no tempo. Após mais de 35 anos de sua vigência, uma das características da Constituição Federal se encontra nas constantes reformas que ela tem sido objeto. Nesse ponto, esse curso busca apresentar um conjunto de ferramentas teóricas em torno do conceito de reforma constitucional para que se possa avaliar a prática das reformas constitucionais no país e, ainda, para que seja possível produzir interpretações a respeito do próprio significado da Constituição Federal de 1988.

Ethiopia's enduring quest for maritime access is rooted in a complex historical narrative that dates back to ancient times. This paper critically examines the recent Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed between Ethiopia and Somaliland, assessing its implications for economic disadvantages, geopolitical risks, and regional security. While the MoU promises enhanced trade routes and economic growth, it also raises concerns about economic dependency and regional instability. By exploring Ethiopia's historical maritime aspirations and the contemporary challenges posed by the MoU, this paper provides a comprehensive analysis of Ethiopia's strategic efforts to secure access to the sea and its broader implications for regional dynamics.
Before Somaliland and Ethiopia signed the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), I published a paper titled "Undying Ambition: Ethiopia's Enduring Quest for Access to the Sea - Historical Foundations, Geopolitical Strategies, and Regional Implications." In that paper, I discussed the long history of Ethiopia's aspirations for maritime access, which dates back centuries, beginning with Emperors Menelik I, Menelik II, and Tafari Makonnen (Haile Selassie).
In addition to this paper, I have published over 12 articles, mostly in international journals, discussing the positive impacts of the agreement. To critically analyze the MoU in this paper, I will discuss its implications for economic disadvantages, geopolitical risks, and regional security

Die staatsrechtliche Aufarbeitung geheimdienstlicher Vorgänge kann nicht in rechtspositivistischer Methode vor sich gehen, weil in der Natur geheimdienstlichen A rbe i te n s d e r R e ch tsb ru ch ko n sti tu i e re nd i st. D a ra u s w ür de s ich e i n e Universalverantwortung der begangenen Rechtsbrüche ableiten, also eine Gesamtverurteilung der bürokratischen Erfordernis geheimdienstlichen Arbeitens. Wenn aber, aus Perspektive der Bürokratie, diese Tätigkeit als legitimiert dargestellt wirdaus Grü nden wel che , die Staatsräson betre ffen-, da nn kan n a uf d en Selbsterhaltungswillen der Bürokratie hingewiesen werden. Was z.B. aus rechtspositivistischer Sicht mit dem Gesetz geregelt ist. Die Methode also, die sich hier anbietet ist die der Organisationstheorie, dass heisst Effektivität und Effizienz stehen hierbei als Instrumente der Beurteilung eines Vorgangs in, und ausserhalb, von Organisationen und Institutionen zur Verfügung, z.B. die Ermordung eines Mitglieds des

Este trabalho constitui uma tentativa de começar a sistematizar as contribuições singulares que o pensamento de Judith Butler tem a dar para a discussão acerca das possibilidades de práticas democráticas radicais diante do estágio atual da crise das democracias liberais. Tenho em vista a seguinte pergunta, formulada pela própria autora já na introdução ao livro Notes Toward a Performative Theory of Assembly: “o que significa agir em conjunto quando as condições de ação conjunta estão devastadas ou entrando em colapso?” Tal questão me levará – assim como levou a própria Butler – à Teoria da Ação de Hannah Arendt, e ao agosnismo pluralista de Chantal Mouffe, ambas constituindo, junto com a autora estadunidense, importantes referência em meu próprio projeto de pesquisa. Dessa maneira, a partir das aproximações e afastamentos entre as perspectivas ético-políticas dessas autoras, me defronto no presente capítulo – ainda que de maneira provisória – com a minha versão da pergunta de Butler: o que significa agir em conjunto quando o horizonte de expectativa da ação em comum está devastado ou entrando em colapso?

This paper was awarded the Gillian Rose Memorial Prize for Social and Political Thought 2015, awarded to the best essay produced by a candidate for the MA in Social and Political Thought at the University of Sussex. The following is a shortened version of the original dissertation. This paper argues that the theoretical foundations of Podemos are grounded in a series of premises that do not sufficiently challenge the political logic of liberal representative democracy. This forces the party to adopt a model that presents some similarities with what is encouraged by other realist theories of democracy such as Schumpeter’s or Down’s. As a result, the party has faced serious problems in escaping the competitive, hierarchical and efficacy-driven dynamic of a conception of politics that derives from an overemphasis on the goal of electoral victory. 

Para la perspectiva antiesencialista no existen identidades esenciales organizadas en torno al género o la clase, sino formas de identificación. Para Chantal Mouffe esta comprensión de la subjetividad resulta imprescindible para elaborar una teoría y práctica política feminista con pretensiones hegemónicas en una democracia plural y radical. El objetivo del presente trabajo es brindar una aproximación a su propuesta política feminista, frente a los modelos postulados por el liberalismo y por los feminismos excluyentes, y concluirá en la importancia de dicho enfoque para inscribir la lucha feminista en una cadena plural y radical. Motiva esta investigación de método hermenéutico el valor de los aportes que la filosofía política contemporánea puede ofrecer al feminismo y la vacancia de la tematización propuesta por la autora en los estudios de género.

É possível pensar o incremento da violência política contra as mulheres como sintoma dos limites apresentados pelo consenso racional, conforme apontado pelos críticos das teorias democráticas deliberativas? Partindo deste problema de pesquisa, utilizaremos como marco teórico deste artigo uma das principais dessas críticas: a teoria do pluralismo agonístico, desenvolvida pela filósofa Chantal Mouffe e pautada na necessidade do resgate do elemento do conflito e das paixões na esfera pública. Com isso, objetivamos refletir sobre suas contribuições para a análise da onda crescente de violência política direcionada às mulheres no contexto brasileiro, em específico, e do reaparecimento dos antagonismos em um cenário político global marcado pela desdemocratização e pela mobilização dos afetos por movimentos da extrema direita. Em um primeiro momento, trataremos do elo visualizado entre o esgarçamento do modelo liberal-democrático e as manifestações de violência política contra às mulheres, sobretudo no Brasil. Em seguida, apresentaremos as bases da contraproposta teórica de radicalização da democracia apresentada por Mouffe. Por fim, discorreremos sobre o potencial das bases desse agonismo, sobretudo a partir da sua legitimação do adversário como um pressuposto democrático, em colaborar com os esforços para conter os antagonismos extremos que volta e meia imperam na política, assim como indicar uma direção para a imaginação de novas alternativas e para a renovação do sistema democrático através de sua radicalização.

A popular view of contemporary New Zealand politics is that it is devoid of ‘religious’ dynamics, but the government’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic showed that religious ideals, cosmological paradigms, doctrinal discourses, and ritual practices continue to shape political processes. This article analyses themes of transcendence and the sacred in the government’s handling of the Covid pandemic, themes that became fundamental to the daily management of the pandemic and its various effects. Drawing on scholarship on political theology, this article explores ideas of solidarity, sacrifice, sovereignty, and the iconic to facilitate a better understanding of the contestations over governance during a time of crisis.

A pdf of the paper is available in open access on the Counterfutures journal website: https://counterfutures.nz/14/Fountain.pdf

La teoría de la hegemonía y la concepción discursiva de la política permiten romper con la forma esencialista de entender el concepto de homogeneidad. Así, es posible concebirlo como un mito político sostenido sobre una construcción conceptual en la que la heterogeneidad no sería su opuesto, sino su reverso. Indagar en la estructura de esa construcción es útil para el estudio de una cuestión que atraviesa muchos conflictos sobre nacionalismo: la gestión de la tensión entre la necesidad de homogeneidad que requiere la decisión soberana y la pretensión de legitimar la comunidad a través de la reivindicación de heterogeneidad. Las Federaciones, entendidas a través de Carl Schmitt, constituyen un interesante intento de ello. También lo son los conceptos de nación de naciones desarrollados en España por el republicanismo federal en el siglo XIX y durante la Transición en el siglo siguiente. Tras analizarlos, concluimos que ambos ofrecen fórmulas problemáticas.

Syriza, a radical left party critical of the functioning of the EU institutions, won the Greek parliamentary elections of 25 January 2015 and formed a government coalition with the smaller right-wing eurosceptic party of Independent Greeks (ANEL). Does this mean that Greek political elites are hostile to the EU? The answer to this question is obviously affected by the context of the Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs) and loan agreements signed in 2010 and 2012 between Greece and its creditors, when Greece was on the brink of default. The ways in which Greek MPs perceive the EU were the topic of our attitudinal survey research, supported by the Hellenic Observatory, among Greek MPs. Our survey was conducted in April – October 2014 and involved face-to-face interviews with 74 MPs (25 per cent of the total) who were randomly sampled and came from all Greek parties except for the communist party (the KKE traditionally refuses interviews). The survey is topical, as before the elections th...

Der totale Individualismus-Das totale Kollektiv Freie Individualität Die totale Freiheit Der Tod aller Individuen Als freie Vergesellschaftung des Individuums Die totale Konkurrenz aller gegen alle Der Tod des Allgemeinen Als freie Personalisierung des Individuums Der totale Tod aller. Der Tod der Gattung Als Freiheit der Gesellschaft Der Tod der Gattung Als Freiheit der Gattung Die Ebene I. Der Kapitalismus, und zwar der globale Kapitalismus liegt auf der Ebene I.

The theoretical and practical search to articulate efficiency and justice has history and present relevance. The objective of this paper is a theoretical dialogue between D. C. North and A. MacIntyre to articulate efficiency and justice across institutions. This articulation has-as its broader horizon-an interdisciplinary approach to the relationship between economic theory and ethics. From economic science, as an alternative to the concept of Paretian efficiency, North speaks of adaptive efficiency: institutions-understood as rules of human interaction-seek to be efficient in a process of adaptation over time. From ethics, MacIntyre contributes from an Aristotelian-Thomistic vision of distributive justice. MacIntyre recognizes that institutions are necessary for practices in communities but warns of the danger of institutional corruption. A place for this articulation is companies-organizations for North-where adaptive efficiency can occur if institutions-rules for human interaction-decentralize decision-making, specify contracts and property rights well. Companies, understood by MacIntyre as workplaces, are institutions that pursue common goods and that support the practices of these communities.

The thesis deals with the concept of “post-truth” and the way it was interpreted in the Italian public debate. The work presents a qualitative-cum-quantitative analysis of nearly 700 articles collected from the Italian news media between 2016 and 2019 and provide a comprehensive picture of the actual use of the word. The work is divided in three sections. The first explores the moments in which the concept of post-truth was conceptualized before its popularization in in 2016, provides a review of the Italian literature on the concept and presents the theoretical framework that informs the empirical work: that of Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory. The second section offers an account of the sources, the criteria the research strategies followed in the empirical analysis. The third presents the empirical results and provides a final discussion on the use of the concept by addressing four research questions: 1) the way the debate on post-truth was covered by the Italian news media; 2) the meanings attributed to the concept of post-truth, 3) the subjects associated to it and 4) the utility of re-describing the debate in discourse-theoretical terms. A conclusive chapter summarizes the main arguments and argues for a negative assessment on the consistency and the utility of the notion of at hand, which proves to be nothing more than an index for the badness, wrongness or dangerousness of the manifold challenges contemporary democracies are faced with.

Lacan's seminars are a treasure trove of innovative psychoanalytic explorations. In Seminar X, Anxiety, he takes up this Freudian theme and explores a number of interrelated ideas: castration, the difference between the sexes, two different forms of acting out, and what he terms his only original theoretical contribution: the object a and its "various incidences." The object a is described here in detail, especially in relation to Lacan's argument that analysts who are women have a freer relationship to their desire and the countertransferences it spawns than do men. Lacan discussed Lucia Tower's classic paper, "Countertransference," in light of these notions. This essay is a close reading of Lacan's close reading of Tower, whose account, he says, must be approached in all its "innocence and freshness."

A la crisis que atraveso la sociedad argentina a principios del siglo XXI le siguio un particular proceso de recomposicion de la autoridad estatal y del ciclo de acumulacion capitalista. La llegada de Nestor Kirchner al gobierno dio pie a una experiencia politica que combino parte del ideario desarrollista con elementos del peronismo clasico y otros rasgos novedosos, como la reivindicacion de la militancia setentista y la condena activa a los crimenes de la ultima dictadura militar. Este trabajo se propone describir las problematicas que involucraron a las fracciones mas dinamicas del campo intelectual en el periodo que definimos como de emergencia del kirchnerismo y analizar que visiones del mundo, tradiciones politico-culturales y modos de intervencion intelectual se pusieron en juego en ese terreno especifico de disputas ideologicas. Palabras clave: intelectuales, kirchnerismo, tradiciones, formaciones culturales, lucha ideologica. Peronist populism and 70s. Intellectual debates ...

Richard Rorty and Chantal Mouffe have both developed similar kinds of liberal political visions and both have taken inspiration from Wittgenstein. However, it is doubtful whether any such vision can be found in Wittgenstein’s work. In fact, I will argue here that Wittgenstein’s work contains tools for criticising the work of Rorty and Mouffe. Wittgenstein made a more dramatic break with the philosophical tradition than either Rorty or Mouffe.

Mihai-D. Grigore / Vasilios N. Makrides (eds.), Orthodoxy in the Agora. Orthodox Christian Political Theologies Across History, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Europäische Geschichte Mainz, Abteilung für Abendländische Religionsgeschichte, Herausgegeben von Irene Dingel
Beiheft 143, 2024 Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht Brill Deutschland GmbH

The narrative of Spanish nationalism has been founded on the discourse of the War of Independence (1808-14): a postcolonial narrative appropriated from the Latin American discourses of independence, as a result of which a putative “colonial” Spain liberates itself from an imperialist France (Alvarez Junco). This appropriation, at the same time, represents the end of the discourse of Occidentalism deployed by Spain since the sixteenth century, whereby the Roman Empire finds its culmination in the expansion of the Spanish empire in the Americas. Yet, alongside this occidentalist trend, beginning in the eighteenth century, romantic Europe begins to orientalize Spain and to shape the latter’s nationalist discourse, so that the effects of Orientalism are internalized in the manifold celebrations of Spanish difference and exceptionalism. Spanish nationalist discourse, therefore, emerges at the intersection or clash between the discourses of Occidentalism and Orientalism.

A Helikon "Inklinációk" számának kulcsfogalmai a relacionalitás (vagy kapcsolatiság), valamint az inklináció (hajlam, hajlékonyság, odahajlás, elhajlás), melyeket a nyugati filozófiai tradíció privilegizált fogalmai, például az individualitás, az autonómia és a (fel)egyenes(edett)ség árnyékából hívunk elő. Hangsúlyossá tesszük a pulzálást, az affektivitást, az érzelmeket, s ezen keresztül az (új) ma terialitást és a plaszticitást, felszabadítva ezeket a szilárdság, a szellem, az ob jektivitás és a tekintet hatalma alól. Szerzőink többek között a dekonstrukció val szembesített racionális gondolkodás segítségével mutatnak rá a 20. századi nyelvi fordulat vakfoltjaira. A kötetet Radvánszky anikó és TimáR andRea szerkesztették.

Η κρίση του κορωνοϊού και η κλιματική έκτακτη ανάγκη έφεραν στο προσκήνιο την ισχυρή ανάγκη για προστασία, δημιουργώντας πρόσφορο έδαφος για την εμφάνιση αυταρχικών μορφών πολιτικής. Η Σαντάλ Μουφ υποστηρίζει ότι η κατάσταση αυτή απαιτεί μια αριστερή λαϊκιστική στρατηγική που θα συναρθρώσει τον αγώνα ενάντια στον αυταρχισμό με τον αγώνα για την προστασία του πλανήτη. Αυτό που χρειάζεται είναι μια «οικολογική διακλάδωση» που θα αντιμετωπίσει την ανισότητα σε κάθε της μορφή. Η Μουφ επιχειρηματολογεί υπέρ μιας Πράσινης Δημοκρατικής Επανάστασης που θα διασφαλίζει την προστασία της κοινωνίας και των υλικών συνθηκών της με τρόπο που θα ενδυναμώνει τους ανθρώπους και δεν θα τους αναγκάζει να υποχωρήσουν στον αμυντικό εθνικισμό ή την παθητική αποδοχή τεχνολογικών λύσεων. Η Μουφ υποστηρίζει ότι η συνένωση πολιτικών και οικολογικών συναισθημάτων μπορεί να ενεργοποιήσει ένα ισχυρό λαϊκό κίνημα που θα διεκδικήσει τόσο την ισότητα όσο και την προστασία. Έχοντας ως στόχο τη διασφάλιση της προστασίας των πολλών και όχι των λίγων η Πράσινη Δημοκρατική Επανάσταση προάγει την κοινωνική δικαιοσύνη και την αλληλεγγύη.
http://www.ekkremes.gr/portal/my_pages/bookdetails.php?id=173

The chapter explores the tension between Marxism and elite theory, particularly through Nicos Poulantzas's criticisms of incorporating elitist concepts into Marxism. It discusses how Poulantzas defended the Marxist analysis of the state and criticized the elitist approach for not offering a substantive theory of the state and for fragmenting the understanding of political power. However, the authors propose that, instead of viewing Marxism and elitism as antagonistic, both can be complementary, suggesting a dialogical approach that integrates the study of political elites' actions and strategies within a class analysis. This includes investigating the behavior of elites, analyzing their discourse, and examining their social origin to better understand the dynamics of class representation in politics, paving the way for a richer understanding of society and its power structures.

El objetivo del presente artículo es escudriñar la obra de Mouffe tomando como punto de partido Por un populismo de izquierda, ya que desde ese momento la autora belga aboga por primera vez por una estrategia de corte populista por parte de los partidos de izquierda para contrabalancear el avance de aquellos de derecha y por acceder al poder. En particular, es dable a destacar que Mouffe se vale en gran parte de la filosofía  de Spinoza para plantear esta propuesta, lo cual implica una lectura del pensador de Ámsterdam con la que desacordamos. Así, primero estudiaremos qué quiere decir la autora belga con populismo de izquierda, para luego indagar el papel que los afectos desempeñan allí y, finalmente, analizar si Spinoza puede ser postulado como una fuente teórica de dicha propuesta.

John Rawls é um dos principais pensadores da filosofia político-jurídica com sua teoria fundamentada na ideia do contrato social preconizado por Locke e Rousseau, com teses sob forte influência do procedimentalismo neokantiano, no indivíduo racional, livre e igual. Em especial de Rousseau, introduz as ideias de igualdade que redundam em sua construção do “véu da ignorância”. Sua tese converge na ideia de justiça como equidade, uma concepção política de justiça que procura conceber a sociedade além da conhecida teoria do contrato social de Hobbes, Locke e Rousseau, possibilitando generalizar e levar sua teoria a um plano superior de abstração. A novidade do autor está na teoria de que a justiça é um conceito essencialmente político, que diz respeito à vida em sociedade como um todo, sendo a primeira virtude das instituições sociais. Objetivamos apresentar a teoria rawlsiana de justiça como equidade e examinar como se relaciona com políticas públicas, além de verificar limites de sua ...