Johan Galtung

Tracing the political development of the Chechen Republic since its secessionist movement in the 1990s, this essay illustrates that the Islamic republic has been gradually pacified and stabilized by unpeaceful means: Authoritarian Conflict Management (ACM) and subcontracting authoritarian governance to the de facto autonomous ruler Ramzan Kadyrov. Building on concepts by Max Weber, Immanuel Kant, and Johan Galtung, this essay acknowledges that the notions of stability and peace concern two dimensions: 1. federal Moscow-Chechnya relations, 2. Chechnya’s internal balance. Though both dimensions evidently stabilized on a basis of coercion (especially by the use of regional networks and the blood feud system by pro-Kremlin Kadyrov), the emerging institutional framework exposes sources of instability, as it depends on individual relationships. Democratic innovations would even pose a threat to this established stability. Additionally, social integration of Chechnya into the Federation might be hampered by ethnic nationalism and xenophobia in Russian society. On the Chechen side, a ‘Russian’ identity is fragile. The collective memory still remembers Russian repressions vividly. Quantitative figures suggest pacification alongside the negative definition of peace. However, the case of Chechnya indicates that positive definitions (e.g. by Galtung) cannot be measured dichotomously; structural violence characterizes Chechen society, but, at the same time, a certain form of social integration took place.

This dissertation is about freedom and peace, inclusion and democracy. In many ways, it is an account of liberal peace, albeit not similar to the well-known theory of democratic “peace”. Instead, it is a critical examination of the fundamentals of that theory – an examination that cuts its conception of democracy into pieces, and by so doing reveals its actual impact on global peace(s).

A textual analysis via critical discourse analysis and content analysis is undertaken to examine how horse racing is covered in Melbourne’s two principal newspapers and what primary themes are present. Horse racing is a significant cultural and economic activity in Australia and is thus worthwhile examining how the sport is represented by the press and how racing’s sociocultural role is communicated. A two-week sample period is selected and noteworthy articles gathered for further examination and detailed analysis. A number of themes emerged from the data which have been contextualised within the thesis. Additionally, research on news values and the political economy of the two newspapers along with different elements of the horse racing industry including general scholarship, equine welfare, fashion and social activities and social policy is discussed in order to frame the study.
It is found that both newspapers expressed both positive and negative sentiments about the sport with no evidence of extreme bias. Several recurring themes emerged from the sample; these include articles discussing horse welfare, racing’s history, tradition and social practices (clustered under the label ‘sociocultural’), the internationalism of the sport, gambling, social policy and the fashion and social aspects of racing. It is also established that the newspapers portrayed racing as having a significant sociocultural function within Australia.
These results are significant as they convey the prominence of horse racing both as an industry and as a popular form of entertainment. The examination of the key themes provides an overview of the most noteworthy elements of horse racing as presented by the news media which would provide useful information for the sport’s governing bodies while offering insight into the news values of each publication. Finally, as the industry is prone to criticism, especially from animal activists, presenting evidence of its sociocultural importance provides important justification for its continuation in the face of condemnation.

Johan Galtung, professor of Peace Studies, was born in 1930 in Oslo, Norway. He is a mathematician, sociologist, political scientist and the founder of the discipline of Peace Stu-dies. He founded the International Peace Research Institute, Oslo (PRIO, 1959), the world's first academic re-search center focused on Peace Stud-ies, as well as the influential Journal of Peace Research (1964). He has helped to found dozens of other peace centers around the world. He is cur-rently the president of the Galtung-Institute for Peace Theory & Peace Practice. He has mediated in over 150 conflicts between states, nations, religions, civilizations, commu-nities, and persons since 1957. His contributions to peace theory and practice include conceptual-ization of peace-building, conflict mediation, reconciliation, nonviolence, theory of structural vio-lence, theorizing about negative vs. positive peace, peace education and peace journalism.  In his interview, he speaks about today’s conflicts, the sources of cultural violence and the golden rule of mediation. He also touches the problem of regional security in Europe and Asia, de-velopment of Peace Studies and the greatest challenges facing the world today.

From the Publisher's abstract:

Through an original and close reading of the key literature regarding both revolutionary violence and nonviolence, this book collapses the widely-assumed concepts of violence and nonviolence as mutually exclusive. By revealing that violence and nonviolence are braided concepts arising from human action, Peyman Vahabzadeh submits that in many cases the actions deemed to be either violent or nonviolent might actually produce outcomes that are not essentially different.

Vahabzadeh offers a conceptual phenomenology of the key thinkers and theorists of both revolutionary violence and various approaches to nonviolence. Arguing that violence is inseparable from civilizations, Violence and Nonviolence concludes by making a number of original conceptualizations regarding the relationship between violence and nonviolence, exploring the possibility of a nonviolent future and proposing to understand the relationship between the two concepts as concentric, not opposites.

This paper analyses the Yuddha Kand, the war between Ram and Ravan depicted in the great epic Ramayana using Johan Galtungs’s ABC triangle. This paper examines the trends that led to the war, and how the subsequent canonisation of the parable of the same has had lasting consequences on the social fabric of the nation-state of India, the early mitigation of which could have perhaps, led to the prevention of certain moral biases. The relevance of this moral biases has had outstanding consequences in the 21st century, when we see issues like the Ayodhya-BabriMasjid dispute become politicised and become flagship policy issues that political parties champion to “solve” as a part of their political mandate during elections, often leading to communal tensions and violence.

This course will examine the processes, drivers, and theories of social change—significant alterations in social structures and cultural patterns—through a variety of sociological perspectives. Through a focus on the causes, patterns, strategies, mechanics, and consequences of broad-based socio-political contestation and transformation we will explore how, why and when change occurs. By adopting a sociological imagination, students will be guided through the classical and contemporary theories of social change, and will explore their histories, premises and applications. This will be complimented by a series of diverse guest speakers who will provide their own perspectives on social change drawn from experiential knowledge and research. While the class will focus on macro-level changes, it will also include an investigation of personal, inter-personal, consumer, and micro-levels of social change. Students will examine the basics of social movement theory, notions of state power and coercion, forms of traditional and contentious politics, and individual subjectivity, to answer a central question: Why and under what conditions does social change occur?

Merkez-çevre teorileri pek çok teorinin temelini teşkil etmektedir. Geçmişi, Bağımlılık Teorilerine dayanan bu teori modern dünya sistemini açıklamaya çalışan teorilerin en önemlilerinden biridir. Merkez ve Çevre kavramlarını siyaset literatürüne kazandıran  Amerikalı sosyolog Edward Shils bu teoriye büyük katkı sağlamıştır. Wallerstein, Dünya Sistemi Teorisi ile merkez-çevre teorisini geliştirmiştir. Hegemonya düzenine dayanan modern sistemde, ülkeler gelişmişlik ve azgelişmişlik düzeylerinin yanında çevre ve yarı-çevre olarak da hiyerarşik olarak sınıflandırılırlar. Galtung ise Merkez-Çevre ilişkisini Yapısal Teori bağlamında incelemiştir. Bu çalışmada merkez-çevre teorisinin dayandığı düşünceler incelenecek,Shil’in,Wallerstein’nın ve Galtung’un teoriye olan bakış açıları analiz edilecektir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Merkez-Çevre Teorisi, Bağımlılık Teorisi, Edward Shils, Wallerstein, Galtung.

Our world is full of ideas about the way that humans should live. Some of these ideas create a more beautiful and equal world that we all want to live in, while other ideas create violence, hatred, inequality, and suffering. Some of us care an awful lot about beautiful ideas; we care enough to fight for them and spend our lives working towards them, and we care enough to resist. Resistance takes many forms, however, and there are many ideas about the most effective and correct ways to resist. “Elements of Resistance” attempts to transcend the false binary of nonviolent and violent resistance, and looks at the heart and soul of what it means to resist, why we resist, and what some different methods of effective resistance might look like. Drawing from recent work by social theorists and activists such as Derrick Jensen, Ward Churchill, Shane Claiborne, Johann Galtung, and Peter Gelderloos, as well as the work of Frantz Fanon, Henry Thoreau, Martin Luther King, Jr., Nelson Mandela, and Mohandas Gandhi, this book is an exploration into the history, theory, and necessity of resistance to oppression.

Današnji odnos između Srba i Albanaca, iako primiren, preti da preraste u tzv. zamrznuti sukob (frozen conflict) što bi kočilo ne samo razvijanje normalnih odnosa između ove dve društvene grupe i izgradnji održivog suživota na području Kosova i Metohije, već i predstavljalo opasnost za ponovno oživljavanje nasilnog aspekta odnosa dve grupe. Iako su određeni pomaci u stvaranju održivog mira napravljeni u poslednjih godinu dana, mišljena smo da, bez duboke analize srpsko-albanskih odnosa i otkrivanju ključnih faktora u odnosima ove dve grupe, pomaci koji su napravljeni neće dovesti do transformacije odnosa (sukoba). Konkretnije, da li su elementi koji definišu dugotrajne društvene sukobe prisutni i u kojoj meri u odnosima između dve grupe?

Azar smatra da ovakve sukobe karakterišu nasilje i dugotrajnost, kao i njihova hroničnost i odsustvo vidljivog i održivog rešenja sukoba. Uzroke tj. osnovne elemente dugotrajnih društvenih sukoba vidi u deprivaciji tri osnovne ljudske potrebe: bezbednost, pravična ekonomska i politička participacija (potreba za pristupom) i priznanje i prihvatanje različitih grupnih identiteta (potreba za prihvatanjem). Takođe, Edvard E. Azar nudi i preporuke za moguća održiva rešenja dugotrajnih društvenih sukoba, koja se pre svega odnose na podsticanje razvoja (u najširem smislu te reči) kao i na poštovanje grupnih identiteta. Isto tako, bitan faktor u postizanju održivog mira su protok vremena i uloga Treće strane, kao medijatora u sukobu. Relevatnost ovih preporuka, ali pre svega primenljivost same teorije o dugotrajnim društvenim sukobima na konkretan sukob, biće proverena u ovom radu.

Violence is a confounding concept. It frequently defies explanation and lacks an agreed upon definition. Yet geographers are well positioned to bring greater conceptual clarity to violence by thinking through its intersections with space. In setting the tone for this special issue on Violence and Space we highlight some of the key lines of flight that have shaped geographical thinking on violence. While there are a significant number of geographers interested in the question of violence, the field of ‘geographies of violence’ remains an emerging area of research that deserves greater attention and a more rigorous examination. By emphasizing the spatiality of violence, this special issue aims to contribute to a more sustained conversation on the violent geographies that shape our daily lives, our encounters with institutions, and the various structures that configure our social organization. This introduction is but an initial sketch of what we believe needs to be a much larger and unfolding research agenda dedicated to understanding violence from a geographical perspective.

The academic study of peace—commonly referred to as Peace Studies (PS) or Peace and Conflict Studies (PCS)—has made key contributions to a variety of interrelated fields over the last century. While the pursuit of peace has ancient roots and histories, as a discernable aim of scholarship, it dates back to the period following World War I (1914–1918), gaining wider support and interest following the end of World War II (1945). Since 2000, this interest has taken great strides towards institutionalization through the establishment and expansion of curricula, peace studies programs in post-secondary education, academic journals and books, and the rise of academic associations and conferences focused on the promotion of peace. What began as a reflective process—one that aimed to understand the geopolitical constitution that led to inter-state armed conflict—has since blossomed into a global interdisciplinary field of scholarship and practice. This collection highlights contemporary schools in this field, investigating the history of peace scholarship from various perspectives and through multiple cases studies. Prior to surveying the contributions contained in this collection, it is beneficial to provide an overview of the salient discourses in the field, broken down into four key areas: 1. understanding violence through a multi-layered and structured analysis, 2. critiquing negative peace while promoting positive peace (both defined below), 3. the promotion of peace education and research, and, 4. the promotion of non-violence, social change, and the prefiguration of a more peaceful world.

The Viking Age has long been understood to be a time of great violence. However, research in the last 50 or so years has tended to focus only on more peaceful aspects of Nordic cultures during that period. This thesis works to change that, and tries to find ways to bring violence back into the fold. The aim of this project is to test Johan Galtung’s needs-based typology of violence against Viking Age Nordic practices, and to determine whether the application of these typologies affects our images of the Viking Age. The concepts of the Viking Age itself, and of how violence can be defined, are also explored. Further, the thesis seeks to understand how violence in the Viking Age became a potential cultural norm, how it manifested, and how these manifestations can be identified in the archaeological record. The results show that, though his typology and definitions of violence were written for the study of modern societies, Galtung’s research is invaluable to archaeological understandings of violence, which was found to have pervaded Nordic societies in a variety of surprising ways.

【主張】
藤田明史：安倍首相の国連演説での「積極的平和主義」という言葉について
野島大輔：現在の危機を「トランセンド」するための４つの提案
【活動報告】
淺川和也：フィリピン（ネグロス・バコロド）における平和教育セミナー報告
【講演記録】
マーチン・クムシエ：パレスチナの平和と人権を守るために―イスラエルの占領の論理を批判する
【Research Paper】
Yoshito Dobashi/Dobby：Reconciliation Process: Trauma of a Victim Who Became Disabled in a Car Accident in Fiji
【論文】
高部優子：“平和”を人権に―国連人権委員会で議論されている「平和への権利」―藤田明史：ヒロシマ・ナガサキの経験をいかに普遍化するか―被爆作家・大田洋子の文学から考える―
杉田明宏・いとうたけひこ・井上孝代：アニメ『みんながHappyになる方法』による平和学習―平和博物館における活用を展望して―

Barış çalışmalarında II. Dünya Savaşı sonrasında Norveçli düşünür Johan Galtung ile başlayan bir açılım yaşanmıştır. Bunun en önemli nedeni Galtung’un sadeliğine rağmen çatışmaların çözümündeki işlevselliğiyle kendine yer bulan kapsamlı çalışmaları ve uluslararası düzeydeki aktivizmidir. Özellikle Galtung’un çalışmaları ile başlayan tartışmalar araştırma merkezleriyle birlikte kurumsal bir yapılanmanın da önünü açmış ve barış çalışmalarının güçlenmesine imkan sağlamıştır. Bugün gelinen noktada barış çalışmaları literatüründe yürütülen tartışmalarda Galtung’un barış, şiddet ve çatışma kavramlarına yönelik çizdiği kavramsal ve kuramsal çerçevenin izlerini kolaylıkla görmek mümkündür. Ancak bu izleri doğru bir şekilde takip edebilmek, Galtung’un barış çalışmalarına katkılarını net bir şekilde ortaya koymak ile mümkündür. Bu amaçla, çalışmada Galtung’u anlamak için kullanılacak anahtar kavramlar ve bu kavramlar ile barış çalışmalarındaki etkisi ele alınarak genel bir çerçeve ortaya konulacaktır.

The Peace Agreement of 2016 between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army raised hopes after decades of internal armed conflict, but the levels of violence continue to be high in rural areas. Cauca is the department of Colombia where most social leaders and human rights defenders have been killed since 2016. To resist violence, to defend life and the territories, and to uphold rule of law based on the 1991 Colombian Constitution, the Indigenous Guards of the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca use an integral method of nonviolence in the everyday setting. The aim of this study is to understand the impact of this method, perceived by the local people, as an alternative way to create peace in Colombia with concepts defined by Johan Galtung. With a decolonial research approach, an exemplifying qualitative comparative case study with fieldwork for the data collection has been carried out in Cauca, to give voice to and learn from the local communities. The results show a complex situation of an uneven progress of conflict transformation within the department, with significant economic inequalities. The challenges of cyclical war on a small scale are occurring, as in the case of the Proyecto Nasa in the Municipality of Toribío. At once, the possibilities of using this method to break the cycles of war through the power of asymmetry have occurred by conflict resolutions of dialogs with armed actors, as in the case of the resguardo of Paletará in the Municipality of Puracé Coconuco. It is claimed that by strengthening the institution of the Indigenous Guards, the collective actions of peacekeeping and peacebuilding in the territories can improve the process of conflict transformation by revitalizing the implementation of the 2016 Peace Agreement with its territorial focus and the ethnic chapter.

In this essay it is argued that the R2P norm and framework did not emerge from a Western neoimperial agenda, on the contrary, it has African roots and it was developed by a global representative group. The essay draws in Galtung's Structural Theory of Imperialism to make sense of some of the critique against R2P, and engages in the fiercely debated theme of sovereignty. It also engages with case studies, particularly Iraq and Kenya, to analyse different applications of the norm. The core argument is that we must distinguish between the actual norm and its rather unfortunate track record, and that the norm can in fact serve to counter imperialistic tendencies.

【中日学生交流】
－岡田二朗・出口裕加里・松倉弘城　：　中国って誰やねん！　―中国日本学生平和ダイアログを終えて―
【Research Paper】
Kathy Matsui: Restorative Justice and Transcendence
【論文】
渕ノ上英樹： 経済的手法による構造的暴力の解消：明治初期の秩禄処分による特権の解体

【翻訳】
ヨハン・ガルトゥング（藤田明史訳）：奈落に面する＜米国－東アジア＞
ヨハン・ガルトゥング（藤田明史訳）：アベノミクスと日本の状況
【翻訳】
Johan Galtung: USA-East Asia Looking Into the Abyss
Johan Galtung: Abenomics and the State of Japan

La siguiente investigación tiene como principal intención estudiar las expresiones de violencia acontecidas en los años de especial conmoción social dentro del proceso histórico local en el siglo XVIII. Se pretende analizar el proceso de violencia de 1766 y 1767 a través de los momentos clave, las características propias de los conflictos sociales y los sucesos de mayor tensión. A través de las repercusiones de las problemáticas sociales buscamos explicar los agentes causales que motivaron la aparición de estos sucesos, dar explicación a los factores que hicieron que en aquellos años se generaran conflictos sociales y la gente más desfavorecida actuara a través de la violencia retando a los poderes establecidos.

Llega un momento dentro de todo hecho histórico en el que es necesario replantear el significado que tienen los sucesos en el presente, estamos seguros que éste es el caso de la presente investigación, en donde el pasado historiográfico de la ciudad de Guanajuato, específicamente de los hechos acontecidos en los años de 1766 y 1767 tienen la necesidad de nuevas interpretaciones, y de ser analizados a través de una nueva perspectiva,, de ahí surge la principal motivación por realizar este aporte a la historiografía local.

The present work is an attempt to philosophically analyze preconditions of political, cultural, economical and social nature of peaceful modus vivendi in Georgia and generally in Caucasus. Peace as a common good and essential value of individual, or public development is discussed in the context of the differences incidental to various democratic models. The analysis of the above issues is performed with the purpose to shape the contours of transformation of the region and the countries in it into a complex system – zone of peace, which in comparison to the neutrality status can be better, more efficient and oriented towards third millennium.

The revision of democratic models from the perspective of peace studies reveals trends that facilitate constructive interaction and positive peace between the various segments of the political and social order. It applies this abovementioned structure to the pragmatic field for spreading the culture of peace, peace education, peace activities and joint venture projects; and all this to create another peace environment that will mature and transform the area between the West and the East into a new subject of peace, as a mediator between Europe and Asia, global North and global South.

This paper aims to identify and analyse struggles and issues of Indigenous People linking them to Galtung’s theory of structural violence. Nonetheless, the starting point of this essay is the identification and analysis of violence that, according to Galtung is defined as an "avoidable insults to essential human needs, and more generally to life (...) Even the threats of violence are violence". Through the exploration of a case study, the essay aims at explaining how the dispossession of Indigenous People ‘source can be analysed as a documented structurally violent project which has a heavy impact on the future of the Indigenous Population.

In recent years, the study of friendship has gained traction in political science. The aim of this article is threefold: (1) to offer an overview of the status of friendship studies and how it relates to the emotional turn in international relations, (2) to present a wide variety of different approaches to studying friendship, and (3) to highlight the contribution that a friendship perspective can make to other fields, such as Peace and Conflict Studies. From Aristotle and Plato onwards, we trace the development of the concept of friendship, and present several theoretical conceptualisations and methodological approaches that can be readily applied when making sense of friendship, both on a personal level between elite actors, and on the international level between states. We end by drawing attention to the merit of the study of friendship specifically for the field of Peace and Conflict Studies, where it helps to address the lacuna of research on positive peace.

RESUMO: Este trabalho busca abordar os conceitos de violência estrutural, direta e, sobretudo, a cultural, expressos nas relações internacionais (mais propriamente entre sociedades, do que Estados), baseando-se na compreensão do sociólogo norueguês Johan Galtung acerca dos conflitos sociais e a violência organizada. Tem-se por proposta aplicar aos temas transnacionais: A) Terrorismo como forma de ação de combate nos conflitos contemporâneos, tendo uma concepção da sociedade errônea daquilo que são os islâmicos, e quem é o terrorista; B) o problema da xenofobia aos imigrantes, a qual por vezes é tratada como problema de segurança nacional, num contexto cuja questão deveria ser levada como políticas de inclusão social, medidas trabalhistas, etc. O raciocínio disposto indica que medidas de violência direta extrema por parte das comunidades políticas fracas (como as praticadas no terrorismo, por exemplo) seria um reflexo da sua falta de recursos em comparação a potências militares tradicionais, por efeito tem-se globalmente uma concepção errada sobre a figura do terrorista, caracterizado por estereótipos culturais. No tema de xenofobia aos imigrantes, quando cidadãos de determinado país não recebem bem os imigrantes que buscam uma vida melhor se sentem ameaçados em termos trabalhistas e segurança doméstica. O objetivo é evidenciar a infeliz realidade das relações sociais contemporâneas, expressa pela compreensão do conceito de violência cultural, o qual compõe um dos grandes males da contemporaneidade e está evidente no cotidiano da sociedade civil, que por muitas vezes não se da conta, mas que manifestam este tipo de violência. Apesar de ambos os temas corresponderem a esferas internacionais de ordem distinta, é importante destacar que os dois retratam efeitos sociais semelhantes, a saber, o preconceito e o racismo com determinadas comunidades sociais internacionais.

Building a global culture of peace includes myriad components and a variety of platforms with which to engage and transform violence. The seminal article ‘Cultural Violence’ (Galtung, 1990) illuminated cultural variables responsible for legitimizing physical and structural violence in society. The following paper seeks to examine whether or not the theoretical construct of cultural violence (CV) may have a functional opposite—cultural nonviolence (CNV). In order to explore this cultural violence will be defined and two cultural incarnations of non-harming—Gandhian ahimsā and pragmatic nonviolence—will be compared and contrasted. While pragmatic nonviolence can be considered instrumental in the reduction of physical violence only Gandhian ahimsā can be considered a form of cultural nonviolence.

Galtung'un çatışma çözümü yaklaşımı, özellikle doksanlı yıllarla birlikte ortaya çıkan çatışma nedenlerini ortaya çıkarma, azaltma ve yok etmeyi veya çatışmaları aşarak dönüştürmeyi hedefleyen yöntemler dizgesidir. " Çatışmaları Aşarak Dönüştürmek: Çatışma Çözümüne Giriş " kitabı, barış araştırmaları ve çatışma çözümü yöntemleri alanında tüm dünyada bir otorite olarak kabul edilen Johan Galtung'un çok önemli çalışmalarından biridir. Galtung, 1959'da Oslo'da kurduğu dünyanın ilk Barış Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, pek çok barış projesi, 100'e yakın kitap, 1000'den fazla makale ve pek çok çatışma çözümü sürecine aktif katılım ile dünya barışına çok değerli sistematik katkılarda bulunmuştur. 2 " Çatışmaları Aşarak Dönüştürmek: Çatışma Çözümüne Giriş " kitabına Galtung, çatışmaların 'yüksek' veya 'alçak' şeklindeki hiyerarşik yaklaşıma maruz kalmalarına karşı çıkarak, çatışmaların eşit zeminde cereyan ettiklerini işaret ederek başlamaktadır. Buna göre ise, çatışmalara yaklaşımda amacın, çatışma çözümü sonrasında taraflar için sürekli ve memnun edici bir sonucun ortaya çıkarılması gerektiğini vurgular. Bunun da, çatışmalara ciddi yaklaşım, çatışmayı aşma ve çatışmaları dönüştürme iradesi ile mümkün olacağını söyler. Hayatta kalma, iyi yaşama, özgürlük, kimlik gibi temel insani ihtiyaçlar adına yapılan çatışmalarda, çatışma tarafları için kazan-kaybet durumunun olmadığını belirtir. Galtung'a göre çatışmanın temelinde çelişki yatmaktadır ve her çatışmanın temelinde birbiriyle uzlaşmayan en az iki çelişkili gaye vardır. Buna göre, bazı gayeler diğerleri üzerinde önceliğe sahiptir. Bunlar, yaşamsal vazgeçilmez olan temel ihtiyaçlardır. Beka, refah, özgürlük ve kimlik bu temel gereksinimleri yansıtmaktadır. Galtung'a göre, değerler veya gayeler hususunda pazarlık olabilir, ancak temel gereksinimler konusunda bu mümkün değildir ve temel gereksinimler pazarlık konusu olamazlar ve mutlak saygıyla karşılanmalıdır. Bu genel prensipler çerçevesinde, çalışma, " Çatışma Önleme " yerine, " şiddeti önleme " odaklı bir yol izliyor. Galtung çatışma olgusunu 4 ayrı düzlemde ele almaktadır. Bu düzlemler, kişinin kendisiyle ve başkalarıyla yaşadığı mikro çatışmalar, toplumsal düzeyde yaşanan orta büyüklükteki (Meso) çatışmalar, uluslararası nitelikli makro çatışmalar, bölgeler ve medeniyetler arası mega çatışmalardır. Çatışmalar, çatışma çözümü ile ilgili sistemik yaklaşımlar yedi bölümde ele alınarak incelenmektedir. İlk bölümde, kişinin kendisiyle ve başkalarıyla yaşadığı mikro çatışmalar ele alınmaktadır. Galtung bu kısımda, mikro ölçekli çatışmaları ve çatışmaların aşılıp dönüştürülmesini günlük yaşamdan karşılaştığı örnek veya modeller üzerinden anlatmaya çalışmaktadır. Galtung, saldırgan ve örtbas edici iki farklı