Labour Unions

This article addresses two questions about the standard employment relationship that have become prominent in labour law literature: Does it exacerbate inequality? Is its decline inevitable? The focus is on the second question and emphasizes the extent to which the standard employment relationship was both embedded in, and the outcome of, an institutional ensemble that was fashioned out of the postwar capital-labour compromise in industrialized democracies. The analysis proceeds in three steps. The first is conceptual and stresses the distinctive nature of labour as a fictive commodity, and the recurring regulatory dilemmas that arise in any attempt to institutionalize a labour market. The second step historicizes and contextualizes the employment relationship , emphasizing politics and conflict (power resource theory) over rational choice and coordination (new institutional economics) as the basis for its institutionalization. The emphasis on politics, power and labour leads to the third step, which focuses on how the broad process of financialization influences three key institutions-the large manufacturing firm, the democratic welfare state and autonomous trade unions-that have been crucial for the development of the standard employment relationship.

This article examines attitudes and behavior of white-collar employees and professionals towards unions in the framework of post-industrial economy which challenges traditional industrial and manual-based model of unionism. We use data from a 1996 survey of union members and non-members, other surveys and government reports. White-collar employees still have lower rate of union membership than blue-collar workers. However, unionism among some groups of professionals, such as teachers, has grown significantly. Stratification variables and public employment remain important determinants of unionization. Variation in the rate of adherence to unions is inversely related to membership in professional associations.

Braverman's analysis of the changing division of labor is crucial for understanding the impact of the neoliberal assault on higher education on academic labor. Much like Taylorism a century ago, adjunctification of the faculty, online education, and data driven planning are rationalizing academic labor. Teaching is being " unbundled " and its components parts automated, outsourced, and transferred to a growing middle level administration. As a result, faculty are becoming " just-in-time, " deskilled, disempowered, contingent labor. This newly emerging new division of labor is fundamentally transforming higher education. No longer merely subject to commercialization, academic labor is being reorganized to resemble the interchangeable contingent work that is ubiquitous throughout the labor market. To resist these developments it is necessary for faculty to study the new division of academic labor in order to devise new organizing tactics and strategies, such as the systemwide local and Metro organizing models.

This paper will provide a brief analytical overview of the current political-economy of South Africa. It begins with an “In Brief” section: a snapshot of political institutions and social and economic indicators before addressing macro-economic elements, socio-historical elements, and information for conducting day-to-day business in more depth. It concludes by addressing three overarching issues: South Africa’s response to Climate Change, the HIV/AIDS pandemic, and South Africa’s relations with China.

There is, on Scanlon’s view, a great deal more to the normative significance of equality. We don’t just want to see equal distribution of some thing. We want to live together, on terms of equal recognition, in ways that avoid interpersonal domination, prevent the emergence of stigmatizing differences in status, allow people to retain the self-respect that comes with seeing themselves as equal to others, and preserve the kind of background equality that can be a precondition for fair competition in the political and economic domains.

Scanlon’s account of equality isn’t simple; it resists capture in a one-line slogan. It is, one might say, frustratingly complicated. But that is completely right and proper, because the normative reality of our political lives just is frustratingly complicated. Our philosophical thinking about political values should be as simple as possible, but not simpler.

Türk Sosyal Bilimler Derneği'nin 2013'te ODTÜ'de düzenlediği 13. Ulusal Sosyal Bilimler Kongresi'nde sunulan bu metin, Paulo Freire'nin Eleştirel Pedagojisini temel alan bir takım kriterler belirleme denemesi ile bu kriterlerin işçi sendikalarının eğitimleri ile karşılaştırılması faaliyetini içermektedir. Bu karşılaştırmanın temel motivasyonu gerek eleştirel pedagojinin gerekse sendikal işçi eğitimlerinin karşı-hegemonik bir mücadelede önemli rollere sahip olabileceğine duyulan inançtır.  Bildiri, eleştirel pedagojik yaklaşımın önemi, nasıl olması gerektiği konusunda farklı bir bakış açısı sunmaktadır. Çalışmanın daha ayrıntılı hali Prof. Dr. Gamze Yücesan-Özdemir'in (2015) "Rüzgara Karşı" isimli kitabında yer almaktadır (Ankara: NotaBene).

This text is the final part, of the Danish book Drømme og Støv (Dreams and Dust), published in Danish on the 1. May 2019 by the publisher Solidaritet. The book is divided into four roughly equal parts. The first part, describes the problems that globalization has created for the working class and the labor movement. In the second part, the book describes the national self-defense, which increasingly is the reaction of the working class and the labor movement to globalization. In the third part, try to explain why the national self-defense alone can not be the solution to our problems. In the fourth and final part, which here is translated into English, try to describe a global self-defense that potentially could create the solutions we are looking for, if we dare to invest in it.

Teacher unionisation is among the under-researched themes in South Africa. The few teacher union studies focus on the notoriety of teacher unions' activities, especially the impact of teacher strikes. Studies frequently demonstrate how teacher unions disturb education with a tendency to make schools ungovernable. In fact, in many studies, results have shown that strong union activity undermines school effectiveness. Additionally, these studies people revealed how various role-players such as parents, communities and district officials have maintained that effective teacher unions are the missing link to successful leadership as well as meaningful teaching and learning. This case study examined the potentially positive role of unions in two historically black schools in the Eastern Cape Province, South Africa. In both schools the principals were active members of two of the most powerful teacher unions in South Africa. At the time of the study, one principal was an office bearer in the South African Democratic Teachers' Union (SADTU) whilst the other was aligned with the National Professional Teachers' Organisation of South Africa (NAPTOSA). The paradox in both schools was that, despite the strong unionism, the union and school management collaboration appeared to bolster learner success, teaching and school principals' effectiveness. The conclusions demonstrate that strong teacher unions are pivotal in building selffulfilled teachers, the management of diversity and high levels of learner achievement. Finally, the school leaders proved that, with meaningful cooperation among role-players including teacher unions, underperforming schools have the potential to thrive.

This chapter seeks to re-interpret Iraqi politics after the US-led intervention of 2003 by examining the alternative discourses of democracy emanating from within Re-Colonial Iraq. It details the complex public sphere of the post-Saddam era and points to the inclusive nature of the positive developments that have occurred across the nation since 2003. The first part discusses the post-Saddam media landscape which has played a positive role in covering the nation’s difficult transition to democracy. The second part of this chapter documents and examines the Iraqi people’s exercise of their democratic right to protest and the influence these protests have had on the politics of the post-Saddam era. The chapter concludes that Iraqi citizens who play an active role in their own governance and participate in democratic mechanisms such as elections and mass demonstrations are helping to create a more robust democracy.

At first sight child labour may not appear to be a material issue for Australian companies and investors: Australia has labour laws that prescribe the minimum school-leaving and employment age. Australia also has a rich tradition in worker representation and a trade union movement active in advancing labour rights. However Australia is not an island when purchasing goods and services, and global markets for labour no longer align with national borders. Today many companies operate through complex global supply chains.* The globalisation of business can provide opportunities for economic and social development; however, outsourcing labour without oversight can lead to worker exploitation, particularly as much of the production takes place in countries that are out of reach of Australia's national employment laws. While there may be an 'out of sight, out of mind' approach to worker rights in the developing world, the issue of child labour is much harder for companies to ignore. Spurred on by civil society pressure† and global conventions underpinning the rights of children, the global movement to eradicate child labour has gained significant pace over recent years. These approaches are often reactive and have been in response to finding children working in supply chains. But increasingly, global unions and non-government organisations (NGOs) have joined companies and investors to find ways to minimise the risks of child labour in global supply chains. This report looks at those efforts. It draws on extensive expert opinion and interviews to highlight steps that are being taken and challenges confronted along the way. It is a unique report in the Australian context, in that its central goal is not to expose bad behaviour but to inform and embolden companies and investors who want to take action about this issue with an evidence base upon which to act. The report brings to life the substantial work being done by unions and NGOs that can assist and guide those efforts. Above all, it is hoped the report supports more effective collaboration and partnerships between civil society, companies, and investors in the global fight against child labour.

The contributions of this edited book analyze the role of labour unions as political actors not only in regard to issues like labour rights and wages, but also regarding processes of democratization and the political process in established democracies. (with co-editors Wiebke Friedrich and Sebastian Voigt)

T. M. Scanlon’s work on the value of equality provides the resources for developing a powerful and distinctive contractualist egalitarian view. This view acknowledges a range of egalitarian concerns, of a diverse nature, and points us towards a picture of the place of equality in the normative landscape that is richer and more complex than some other alternative views. I describe the outlines of this contractualist egalitarian view, addressing questions regarding its strength and scope. I then discuss the relationship of equality to other values, such as fairness and community (or fraternity), and examine the contrast between contractualist egalitarian and luck egalitarian views. I conclude with a sketch of some of the practical implications that might follow from further pursuit of Scanlon’s insights on the value of equality, in the hope that this may suggest an interesting direction of travel for further work.

This paper examines management whipsawing practices in the European auto industry based on more than 200 interviews and a comparison of three auto makers. We identify four distinct ways in which managers stage competition between plants to extract labor concessions: informal, hegemonic, coercive, and rule-based whipsawing. Practices at the three examined auto firms vary and change, we find, due to two factors: structural whipsawing capacity and management labor relations strategy. In the context of economic globalization whipsawing is an effective means for managers to extract concessions, to loosen national institutional constraints, and to diffuse employment practices internationally.

El análisis día a día de la gran huelga de los zapateros de Barcelona en junio y julio de 1903, en base a la información publicada en la prensa burguesa y obrera, permite evidenciar por una parte las divergencias tácticas entre militantes de orientaciones ideológicas opuestas y por otra las fracturas en la sociedad de resistencia que había iniciado el movimiento, fracturas relacionadas con la evolución de la industria del calzado. También es evocada la actitud de los patronos y de las autoridades civiles.

El análisis día a día de la gran huelga de los zapateros de Barcelona en junio y julio de 1903, en base a la información publicada en la prensa burguesa y obrera, permite evidenciar por una parte las divergencias tácticas entre militantes de orientaciones ideológicas opuestas y por otra las fracturas en la sociedad de resistencia que había iniciado el movimiento, fracturas relacionadas con la evolución de la industria del calzado. También es evocada la actitud de los patronos y de las autoridades civiles.

Economic reforms face a collective action problem: they trigger the reaction of groups that expect significant losses, while the government must forge a support coalition among those who anticipate gains. This problem may exhibit a distinct pattern in a clientelist system, when the affected groups are client groups attached to political party networks. The case of the Mitsotakis government in Greece (1990–93) illustrates that collective reaction to reforms that hurt client groups affects primarily the internal structure of the clientelist parties, their alliance with client groups and, thereby, their relative capacity for political mobilisation. This pattern makes certain types of economic reform, such as privatisation and structural reforms, particularly risky for governments in a clientelist system.

Rosa Luxemburg: a (very) political economy
Summary:
This article attempts to prove the political relevance of Luxemburg’s achievements in political economy. It presents the current usages of Luxemburg’s concepts in finance theory and theory of monetary circuit and shows its usefulness in explaining the present economic crisis as well as in building proper revolutionary strategies in reaction to catastrophic consequences of neoliberal capitalism. The author argues that Luxemburg’s perspective is in-between a working class perspective and capital’s perspective (in Harry Cleaver’s terms) and emphasizes the political character of her solutions to problems in economic theory.

Abstrakt: Artykuł stanowi próbę wykazania aktualności i politycznej ważności dorobku Róży Luksemburg w dziedzinie ekonomii politycznej. Przedstawia on współczesne przykłady wykorzystania koncepcji Luksemburg w teorii finansów oraz teorii obiegu pieniężnego, a także ich użyteczność w wyjaśnianiu aktualnego kryzysu gospodarczego, jak również w tworzeniu właściwych strategii rewolucyjnych w reakcji na katastrofalne konsekwencje kapitalizmu neoliberalnego. Autor argumentuje, że perspektywa Luksemburg znajduje się pomiędzy perspektywą klasy robotniczej a perspektywą kapitału w rozumieniu Harry’ego Cleavera. Podkreśla także polityczny charakter proponowanych przez nią rozwiązań problemów teorii ekonomii.

This article analyses the variation and change in firm-level employment relations in Spain between the transition to democracy and the global financial crisis. Using three auto companies as case studies, I address a crucial puzzle in the institutional literature on comparative employment relations: How do employment relations change and vary, even when national employment relations institutions do not? This article argues that differences in actor ideologies shape the construction of national institutions at the firm level, which explains change and variation of employment relations over time and across cases. The study identifies four drivers of ideological change—generational change, leadership change, identity work and diffusion — that impact the variation and change in employment relations at the firm level.

Bu çalışmada, Türk hava ulaştırma sektöründeki en büyük kuruluş olan THY ile Hava-İş arasında yapılmış bulunan toplu iş sözleşmelerinde çalışma şartlarının düzenlenmesindeki gelişimin seyri, sektörde ve ülkede yaşanan gelişmelerin toplu iş sözleşmelerinin içeriğine olan etkileri açısından değerlendirilmiştir. Burada, çalışma şartlarına ilişkin hükümlerdeki değişimler ülkenin siyasi ortamı, sendika ve işletme
yönetimindeki değişimler, kanun değişiklikleri, grev faaliyetleri ve özelleştirme uygulamaları gibi faktörler çerçevesinde ele alınmıştır. Konunun incelenmesinde literatür taraması ve THY ile Havaİş arasında imzalanmış 19 adet toplu iş sözleşmesi kullanılmıştır. Sonuç olarak, bahsedilen toplu iş sözleşmelerinin çalışma koşullarını düzenleyen hükümlerin büyük kısmında yıllar içinde işçi lehine olmayan düzenlemelere gidildiği tespit edilmiştir.

Labor and the state have had a contradictory and conicting relationship in post-revolutionary Algeria. Conventional analyses of labor struggles in Algeria have tended to impose binary frames: state and counter-state, political regime and civil society, owners of the means of production and productive labor force. But the state itself, through the state-sponsored General Union of Algerian Workers (l'Union Générale des Travailleurs Algériens/UGTA) and the ban on autonomous unions, dominates the sectors of heavy industry. is dominance challenges these binary models of analysis. In this context, the public-sector service unions, particularly in the areas of higher education and health, as opposed to the factory labor collectives, have been the most disruptive to the Algerian regime since they were rst made legal in the late 1980s. is article argues that larger questions of sovereignty, and the problematic of state actors contesting sovereign bodies within the public sphere, needs to be interrogated on its own terms. I oer the specicities of sovereignty politics in Algeria, in a case study of labor organizing dynamics, drawing upon 350 articles published in the newspaper al-Watan, covering

"Vancouver’s Ethical Purchasing Policy: A Participatory Public Policy Process

Highlights and Key Findings:

• This chapter is an analytic narrative of how Vancouver’s Ethical Purchasing Policy was written. This empirically grounded policy story offers a practical example for others to follow.
• A municipal Ethical Purchasing Policy is one way local communities can contribute to ethical trade efforts aimed at avoiding tragedies like the 24 April 2013 garment factory collapse in Savar, Bangladesh, that killed 1,129 workers.
• Vancouver’s Ethical Purchasing Policy was written by a city task force comprising two city councilors, two city managers, and representatives of several businesses, unions, and civil society organizations with expertise on international labour standards, Fair Trade certification, and ethical purchasing of global commodities.
• Participation by city managers was key because policies solely crafted by city council might not take into account the practicalities of implementing a new policy while still following existing policies. Including city managers led to successful implementation and ensured the policy saved the city money.
• Participation by community members lent legitimacy to the city’s policy and helped ensure that the policy met international ethical trade norms for union-made garments and Fair Trade certified agricultural commodities including coffee, tea, and chocolate.

On 17 February 2005, Vancouver became the first Canadian municipality to adopt an Ethical Purchasing Policy (EPP) pertaining to union-made garments and Fair Trade certified coffee, tea, and chocolate. The EPP was crafted with a high level of participation by businesses, unions, and civil society organizations. The policy’s social justice ethos stands out in an ongoing era of neoliberal retrenchment of progressive public policies. Other Canadian cities, such as Calgary, Alberta, have since followed Vancouver’s lead in ethical purchasing. Vancouver’s EPP was written by a city task force that included two city councilors, two city managers, and representatives of several businesses, unions, and civil society organizations with expertise on international labour standards, Fair Trade certification, and ethical procurement through global commodity chains. This chapter is an institutional ethnography that focuses on the policy writing process and the standardized processes that comprise public participation, public decision-making, and public administration.

The chapter is empirically grounded in seven semi-structured interviews of 30 to 150 minutes in length with the two city councilors that chaired the policy writing process, two city managers (interviewed a second time together) that oversaw the implementation of the process, one of which participated in writing the policy, and a Fair Trade activist and a union organizer that participated in the writing process. These interviews were complemented with participant observation and textual analysis. Participant observation was conducted both in real-time in activist meetings and in city council meetings and reflexively from my experience as a Canadian Fair Trade activist-researcher. The interviews and observational work helped identify key texts for analysis, including the EPP and the connected Supplier Code of Conduct (SCC), council meeting minutes, minutes of standing committees of council, reports to council by city managers, and a critical analysis of the policy written by the Maquila Solidarity Network, a Toronto-based anti-sweatshop advocacy group. The research took place from January 2006 to August 2007 as part of a larger study in which I was involved alongside sociologist Dorothy E. Smith for a community-university research alliance called "Rural Women Making Change."

Thomas Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty-First Century has, in the words of Paul Krugman, “transformed our economic discourse” about wealth and inequality. It is difficult to think of a recent work of social science that has received as much attention, or had so much impact, both within academic debates and in terms of broader public discourse. Piketty’s work clearly carries weighty implications not only for economics, but also for many neighboring disciplines, among which we can count political philosophy. Now that the dust has settled after the initial round of scholarly engagement with Piketty’s book, and after Piketty himself has had the opportunity to refine and finesse the central points of his analysis in a slew of post-Capital writings, the time is ripe for an assessment of the book’s full significance from the standpoint of political philosophy, and to consider its full implications in terms of how we should think about public policy.

In this article I examine the main conceptual, historical, and normative
claims of Piketty’s Capital, and show how the book provides an important impetus towards an egalitarian research agenda in political philosophy and public policy. I begin in sections II through IV by considering Piketty’s main conceptual and historical claims about the dynamics of inequality. In section V, I consider the normative commitments of Piketty’s account of inequality, look at the (partially submerged or implicit) ways in which Capital in the Twenty-First Century can itself be read as a work of political philosophy, and relate Piketty’s egalitarianism to philosophical accounts of the badness of socio-economic inequality. Section VI addresses some aspects of the general significance of Capital for the discipline of political philosophy. Finally, sections VII and VIII consider a range of strategies for egalitarian public policy, showing the role of political philosophy in laying out the space of possible alternative approaches, and maps an agenda for future research.

What are the conditions under which transnational collective action is initiated and sustained? This paper presents a case study of General Motors Europe, where labor leaders have mobilized the workforce and bargained with management at the transnational level repeatedly over more than a decade as a response to management whipsawing and threats of plant closures. In contrast to structuralist interest-based theories of union behavior, we identify a process of 'identity work' that was necessary to sustain transnational worker cooperation.

This article focuses on the Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions (IFOU), Iraq’s largest and most powerful independent workers’ union. Leaving aside IFOU’s resistance of foreign occupation and its fight against privatisation, this article focuses on the tensions between IFOU and the Maliki government and examines the extent to which IFOU has served as a bulwark against the state’s rising authoritarianism. The chapter begins with a brief history of Iraqi trade unions under the Baathist regime and concludes by arguing that examples of civil society movements such as IFOU are perhaps Iraq’s only real hope for genuine democratisation.

This paper argues that a revival of traditional American values that are more libertarian and individualistic. i.e., much less social-democratic, than in Europe and Canada, have weakened organized labor. During the years of its greatest growth in the private sector, those of the New Deal, the war and immediate post-war periods, social-democratic values, though still weaker than in Europe and Austrasia, were much stronger than in the American past. But the economic improvements in successive post-war periods have refurbished the classic American libertarian and market-oriented values, thereby also weakening potential union sentiment.

At no other firm has transnational worker cooperation been taken further than at General Motors Europe. Worker representatives engaged in European wide mobilization, strikes, and collective bargaining, with the aim of “sharing the pain” of
concessions and preventing plant closures. We argue that this is a case of identity work, a deliberate shift in the ideational underpinnings of union strategy, orchestrated by the European Works Council. While trade union strategy was subject to the
reshaping of interests due to the objective facts of corporate restructuring, it was also subject to an additional subjective and internal political process of identity work.

My main contention is that racism should be read beyond the registers of attitude, discrimination, human rights, or harassment-rather, I approach racism as a workload issue that labour organizations and employers need to address at the level of collective bargaining. To explore this argument, I focus on racism and workload as it relates to Black faculty, faculty of colour, and Indigenous faculty in universities and colleges in Canada, although the argument can be applied to other job types and other places. While there is significant research on racism in universities, it remains largely disconnected from the literature on workload in universities. Many unions have policies and statements in support of local, national and international anti-racist struggles, but the idea of racism as a workload issue has not been seriously taken up by unions/associations, or for that matter by anti-racist activists on university/college campuses. I offer reasons why racism is a workload issue, and consider the potential role of unions in addressing racism. On June 2, 2019 Shelby McPhee, a Black graduate student was racially profiled while attending the Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences annual conference in Vancouver. In support of Shelby, the Black Canadian Studies Association, Black women, non-Black Muslim women and other women of colour mobilized to call out anti-Black racism; time and energy was taken to write letters, develop and distribute statements of support, and provide witness accounts of the incident. The next day, June 3, at the same conference, after the Government of Canada released the national inquiry into murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls final report and named this violence as genocide, Indigenous women and 2SLGBTQQ people undertook the work of media communications, supporting Indigenous families, responding to questions on the report at panels that were unrelated to violence against Indigenous women and girls. In both instances, the labour of Indigenous women, Black peoples, and women of colour was necessary to respond during the academic gathering, but for how many of us is this type of work recognized and compensated by universities? My central premise is that racism is an issue of workload and not just a matter of discrimination, harassment or human rights, and should be addressed as such

Purpose-The purpose of our study is to find how the changing relationship between labour and political parties influenced the growth of reasonably independent labour unions in Taiwan. Design/methodology/approach-The authors have drawn on data collected through in-depth interviews of union officials, labour activists, and members of legislature from two major political parties in Taiwan. Findings-The authors found that the breach between labour and political parties was affected by the eventualities contemplated in democratisation. Though the DPP (Minchin-tang/ Democratic Progressive Party) provided the initial 'shot in arm', autonomous unions have not necessarily grown underneath DPP's dominion. Political liberalisation of Taiwan's industrial relations systems has gained more momentum when the DPP was in opposition than in power. Anti-incumbency pushed independent unions to sway the opposition's backing when Kuomintang (KMT/the Chinese Nationalists) was in power and not to that extent when the KMT stepped down. Autonomous labour movement in Taiwan was initially influenced by the changing relationship between labour and ruling parties. However, the movement was subsequently shaped by the ethnic and political characteristics based on the historical divide between the mainlanders and Taiwanese, and Taiwan's changing economic landscape. Research limitations/implications-Specific limitations include the subjectivity of the inference and lack of generalizability of the findings that are based on interviews with two out of three players of industrial relations system. Practical implications-Because of globalisation and global financial crisis that brought together a new generation of workforce who hold individualistic values, have lesser faith in 1

Nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg unternimmt Marcel Mauss die Abfassung seines opus magnum über «Die Nation», aber über diese große Frage publiziert er nur den Text seines Vortrages «The Problem of Nationality» (1920). Von dem großen Buch von Mauss kennt man lediglich die Fragmente, die Henri Levy-Bruhl 1956 in der Zeitschrift L´Année sociologique publiziert. Der Gegenstand unseres Artikels ist dreifach: das Ensemble des Projektes von Marcel Mauss über Die Nation ausgehend von einer Lektüre des Manuskripts zu präsentieren, dieses Projekt in dem Werk und dem Leben des Neffen von Émile Durkheim während einer der aktivsten Perioden seines professionellen Lebens zu verorten und den unvollendeten Charakter dieses Buches unter Rücksichtnahme des Kontextes der 1030er Jahre zu erklären. Über die Rückkehr von der Front. Krieg und Friede zwischen den Nationen Der Krieg von 14-18 ist eine schreckliche Machtprobe gewesen. Mauss hat die vielen Jahre, die er unter der Fahne verbracht hat, nicht vergessen. Nach Paris zurückgekehrt findet er seinen Platz in der Sektion der Religionswissenschaften der École pratique des hautes études wieder; er nimmt wieder Kontakt mit seinen Freunden der sozialistischen Partei auf, besonders mit Pierre Renaudel und trifft auf «neue Figuren» (Mauss, 1921 [1997], S. 373). Ein wenig verunsichert, vermeidet es Mauss in der ersten Zeit, sich direkt in politische Debatten einzumischen, die die Linke spalten. Seine politische Abstinenz ist nur von kurzer Dauer. Rasch wird die Politik wieder ein zentrales Anliegen: der «alte Aktivist»-er zählt nun 46 Jahre-kann nicht gleichgültig gegenüber der sozialen und politischen Aktivität bleiben, den Problemen, die mit dem Frieden zusammenhängen, mit dem Bolschewismus, mit der Gewerkschaft, mit der ökonomischen Krise. Die Nachkriegsjahre sind besonders fruchtbar, nicht nur an Ideen, an neuen Forschungen und an exakten Beobachtungen, sondern auch an «Vorschlägen, an Taktiken sowie an modernen Organisationen». Marcel Mauss denkt, dass es «eine Periode ist, [die] von unseren Nachkommen als eine der großen des soziologischen und politischen Denkens berücksichtigt werden wird» (Mauss, 1920 [1997], S. 346). Eine der Sorgen nach dem Krieg ist es, den Sozialismus «sich erneuern» zu sehen. Jener, der das Abenteuer der sozialistischen Bewegung durchlebt hat, hat an der Gründung der L´Humanité mitgewirkt und war ein Nahestehender von Jean Jaurès gewesen, hat sich zu einem Verteidiger eines «Sozialismus ohne Doktrinen» erklärt, wobei er wünschte, dass sich die Politik von der Metaphysik reinigt, um eine «rationelle Kunst» zu werden. 1 Fournier Marcel, Mauss et «la nation», ou l´oeuvre inachevée, in: Présences de

... ARCHAEOLOGICAL FIELDWORK With the help of our fieldschool students, we have completed five years of excavations both at Ludlow and at the CF&1-owned company town of Berwind. ... InBerwind, the streets, foundations, latrines, and trash pits remain visible on the surface. ...