Legislative Process

Abstract
Hanna Ojamo: Arts Organizations of a New Era -
A Case Study of the Changes in Funding and Leadership in State-Subsidized Arts Organizations in Finland (Working title of PhD Thesis 2017–2021)
How do changes in funding affect the leadership of the state-subsidized orchestras, theaters and art museums in 2017⏤2019? The research uses critical social theory and sociology to study the changes in leadership and funding in the arts organizations in the populist neoliberal political era and the state-subsidy system’s renewal process of 2016⏤ (VOS). Extensive background material was collected in 2015⏤2017 during the predoctoral study phase at the University of the Arts Helsinki.  The emphasis of the research is in media analysis. Reports, social media conversations in the media, ministry documents, statistics, social policy documents, newspaper articles, interviews in the organizations as well as field observations of the researcher are analyzed in-depth. To understand the phenomenon and to put it in context, it studies the shift from the welfare arts policy discourse of the 1960s to the 2020’s competition society. The current state subsidy system favors some arts organizations heavily while leavings others outside. In the new legislation suggestion of 2018, incentives and choices were introduced in funding instead of even distribution of money. After he Finns party took over the Ministry of Education in Finland, May 2017, the renewal process has become politically ever more complex putting the new legislation in practice earliest in 2020. The framework of the study is critical social theory, J. Habermas’s theory of communicative action according to which active social parties form communication in the society. The method is critical discourse analysis (DA) combined with political context analysis and autoethnograpgy.
The research suggests that state-subsidized orchestras and art museums are experiencing great indirect and direct pressure in their leadership styles as a result of the changes in funding. Subsidies are under constant threat, the established arts institutions must endure the pressure of constant change. This in turn, reflects into organizational culture and has possible long-term effects on the identity and curricula of the institutions. The study suggests that leadership has not yet been fully adapted to meet the needs of the changing climate of funding, incentives and quality criteria. More flexibility, creativity and collaboration is needed for securing basic funding and keeping the subsidies in the future. The legitimacy of the arts is challenged by the populist coalition government. Audience development programs and fundraising are encouraged by the state. The research brings new knowledge on cultural policy, funding and leadership of orchestras and art museums of the mid-2010s for future managers when they navigate change. Preliminary findings of the study suggest that cultural policy and power in is a two-way discourse from the ministry level to the organizational level when negotiating funding for future arts organizations. The PhD thesis was started 1. September, 2017 and the estimated doctoral defense takes place in 2021.
Keywords: cultural policy; funding; arts organizations; leadership; critical social theory; sociology; change
Supervisors: Professor Tanja Johansson (PhD Sc.Econ.), Head of the Doctoral School, Sibelius Academy, University of the Arts Helsinki; sub-supervisor PhD Pauli Rautiainen, Professor of Constitutional Law, University of Eastern Finland and Tampere University Faculty of Management

This is a paper concerning gun control policy executed by the 113th U.S Congress as the legal answer for 2011-2012 mass shootings in the United States. The work presents legislative process, but also executive answer for crimes committed in Tucson,AZ; Aurora, CO; and Newtown, CT. It gives an answer to those questioning effectiveness of gun control policy in the US, and provides the reader with conceptions for why the pressure groups and impact of constituency on individual congressman are the key factors in developing a public interest during the process of adopting the law. The essay shows not only a description of the lawmaking process by the 113th Congress, therefore it also provides a subjective approach to the subject and gives a reader a chance to extend an individual assessment in that case.

A história constitucional brasileira é investigada de modo singular neste livro de Leonardo Augusto de Andrade Barbosa, derivado de sua tese de doutorado defendida na Faculdade de
Direito da Universidade de Brasília. O autor parte do período pós-1964, quando diversos processos de reforma ou ruptura alteraram as regras relativas a mudanças constitucionais, e apresenta um desenho dos principais instrumentos jurídicos
utilizados pelo regime militar a fim de garantir a sua hegemonia política e jurídica. A análise passa pelo processo constituinte
de 1987-1988, para verificar em que medida se rompeu com o paradigma instaurado pela ditadura, e investiga as principais tentativas de, sob a vigência da nova Carta Magna, alterar o processo de reforma constitucional.

This Article explores a novel cross-national phenomenon: the emergence of a new judicial review model that merges procedural judicial review with substantive judicial review. While this model is not yet fully defined, it has already spurred much controversy. The Article explicates this emerging model, which it terms "semiprocedural review," and provides a theoretical exploration of both its justifications and its objectionable aspects. It concludes by evaluating semiprocedural review's overall justifiability and suggesting guiding principles for a more legitimate model of semiprocedural review. The Article pursues these goals through the unique perspective of juxtaposing semiprocedural review with "pure procedural judicial review" and "pure substantive judicial review."

Legal texts are often given interpretations that deviate from their literal meanings. While legal concerns often motivate these interpretations, others can be traced to linguistic phenomena. This paper argues that systematicities of language usage, captured by certain theories of conversational implicature, can sometimes explain why the meanings given to legal texts by judges differ from the literal meanings of the texts. Paul Grice's account of conversational implicature is controversial, and scholars have offered a variety of ways to conceptualize implicatures and Grice's maxims of conversation. Approaches that emphasize the systematic nature of implicatures can provide explanatory accounts of the gap between literal meaning and the meaning communicated in the text. For example, a theory of scalar implicature, a type of generalized conversational implicature, can account for the application of the interpretive principle known as ejusdem generis, which narrows the scope of 'catch-all' clauses located at the end of lists of items. Despite the availability of such theories, some scholars have argued that conversational implicatures are not applicable to legislation. The arguments, based primarily on the uniqueness of the legislative context and its non-cooperative nature, though, do not establish the inapplicability of conversational implicatures to legislation.

Príspevok sa zaoberá doktrínou racionálneho zákonodarcu, ktorá je v súvislosti s ústavnou konformnosťou legislatívneho procesu už pomerne často vynucovaná na najvyšších národných a európskych súdnych inštanciách. Prieskum ústavnosti je inter alia stále častejšie považovaný aj za nástroj garantovania procesných požiadaviek stanovených deliberatívnou formou demokracie. Kritérium racionality pri tom testuje kvalitu legislatívneho procesu, čo je podľa viacerých predstaviteľov právnej doktríny zásadné pre celkovú legitimitu prijatých zákonov. Súdy sú aj v dôsledku týchto názorov často krát „prizvané“ k tomu, aby dohliadali a garantovali racionalitu a efektívnosť prijímanej legislatívy.

Shortly after its entry into office in 2010, the Fidesz-KDNP government – supported by the two-thirds majority of MPs in the National Assembly – started to put in place major legislative reforms with the aim of changing the character of the political regime. This article analyses the abusive practices of law-making employed by the governing majority and offers some possible remedies to these anomalies.

El pasado 1 de enero de 2019 Jair Bolsonaro asumió la Presidencia de Brasil conformando un gabinete de Gobierno compuesto principalmente por militares y otras personalidades “independientes”. El nuevo presidente ponía fin a lo que hasta entonces se había conocido como “presidencialismo de coalición” y que se materializaba en gabinetes con alta presencia partidista. El presente artículo identificamos dos diferentes momentos en la relación entre el Ejecutivo y el Legislativo: un primer momento beligerante durante su primer año de gobierno y un segundo momento de lo que parece ser un acercamiento al bloque parlamentario del Centrão lo cual no significa una vuelta al coalicionismo. Asimismo para ilustrar la estrategia llevada a cabo por el Ejecutivo durante su primer año analizamos el proceso legislativo de lo que fue una de sus principales propuestas de campaña, el Pacote Anticrime presentado por el ahora ex Ministro de Justicia Sergio Moro, para dar cuenta de las causas que posibilitaron su aprobación a pesar de su negativa a negociar con la Cámara de Diputados.

O trabalho aborda um problema fático: os discursos travados no âmbito do Poder Legislativo – e que se convertem na política criminal brasileira – não se baseiam em informações, em dados, em pesquisas realizadas pelo Poder Executivo, por universidades ou por associações civis interessadas em intervir no processo legislativo. As opiniões dos parlamentares são fortemente influenciadas pelas mídias, pela opinião pública, e as estratégias de tramitação ou de interrupção de tramitação de determinados projetos de lei passa exatamente pela sensibilização dos parlamentares em relação ao apelo midiático. O problema de pesquisa, então, se delineia: partindo do paradigma da criminologia crítica, como conter esse quadro de (re)produção de discursos punitivos, que resultam no aumento da população carcerária e que impedem a discussão de medidas descarcerizantes ?

RESUMEN Este artículo analiza las comisiones mixtas como pieza clave del proceso legislativo chileno. Para comprender adecuadamente los criterios interpretativos que rigen el trabajo de las comisiones mixtas se abordan dos elementos centrales: el tipo de bicameralismo que caracteriza nuestro sistema y la flexibilidad o falta de rigidez como rasgo central del trabajo en comisiones. Se explora el funcionamiento de las comisiones mixtas y se presentan algunos desafíos que enfrenta su actual regulación. ABSTRACT This paper analyses the conference committees and their justifications as inter-chambers dispute resolution mechanisms. In order to properly understand the interpretative criteria that govern the work of conference committees, it targets two central issues: the type of bicameralism that characterizes our system and the flexibility or lack of rigidity as a key feature of the legislative commissions work. It explores the functioning of the conference committees and some challenges that the current regulation faces.

This paper analyzes in a critical way the principles and rules used by the recent spanish law of administrative procedure to reinforce better regulation. It concludes with some reflections about the limits and problems of meta-regulation, that is to say regulation dealing with regulation.

In recent years, there has been growing and widespread discontent with the state of the legislative process in many legislatures. At the same time, there is an emerging trend of courts exercising judicial review of the legislative process. Against this backdrop, this article explores the question of what can be the role of courts in efforts to improve the legislative process. The article offers a fresh perspective on the problems in the legislative process and their causes. It then develops a novel argument – that does not rest upon a cynical view of legislatures, nor on a rosy picture of courts – to support the view that judicial review of the legislative process can contribute to improving the legislative process.

This course is essentially about the U.S. Congress, the central legislative branch in American Politics, and one of the most powerful and oldest of any democracy in world history. Although is it not what we think of when hearing the term " American exceptionalism " , it is by far one of the most unique and original aspects of America. The goal here is to provide an understanding of the basic electoral, procedural, policy, and institutional features of the U.S. Congress. It is also important that this course helps your ability to think about, communicate, and analyze its different topics. While the official, course title is " Legislative Process " , in reality the course is far broader with Legislative Process being an important component of it. This course on U.S. Congress will be split up into 4 sections, but they are overlapping in nature, and are the following: Section 1) Introduction to Congress & Congressional Political Behavior 2) Congressional Structures/Processes 3) Congress & Policymaking, & 4) Congress & Political Institutions. The most central and recurring theme of this course is the difficulty members have in balancing and managing the often contradictory facts that they are locally elected, but often make national policy.

RESUMEN El presente trabajo aborda dos temáticas. En primer término, se preocupa de analizar lo que sucede con la "forma original" de los textos en votación, a partir de la situación producida en la Sala de Sesiones de la Cámara de Diputados cuando, luego de rechazarse la propuesta de la comisión pertinente (que planteaba un texto distinto al presentado originalmente), se procedió a votar el texto original planteado por los autores de la iniciativa. En segundo lugar, el artículo aborda lo relativo a la consulta del Tribunal Constitucional ante la Cámara de Diputados en el procedimiento de inaplicabilidad. Luego de un análisis del procedimiento propiamente tal, se hace un planteamiento respecto de la pertinencia de este planteamiento ante el Congreso Nacional. ABSTRACT The following research addresses two subjects: First, it focuses on analyzing what happens with the 'original form' of texts for voting, from the event occured at the Main Session Room at the Chamber of Deputies, in which, after rejecting the proposal made by the committee (who presented a different version of the original text), a new process was conducted, resulting in the election of the original text proposed by the authors of the initiative. Second, the article approaches to the request made by the Constitutional Court to the Chamber of Deputies during the inapplicability procedure. After an analysis of the procedure itself, a statement is made in relation to the qualification of the procedure at the National Congress.

The Texas Legislature should reject the employment-at-will doctrine in Texas. A carefully crafted new law could be created through the assessment of both the Montana Wrongful Discharge from Employment Act and the Model Employment Termination Act (“META”), approved by the National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Law. Texas recognizes common-law and statutory exceptions to the employment-at-will doctrine. However, the statutory and common-law exceptions to the employment-at-will doctrine do not swallow the rule; instead, they constitute random, narrow efforts affording employees few protections while requiring employers to defend their decisions on a costly, piecemeal basis.
The Montana Employment Act protects non-probationary employees discharged for refusing to violate or reporting a violation of public policy, 
or administrative rule concerning public health, safety, or welfare. META differs from the Montana statute by being far more precise in its description of probation, if not broader in its effect. Enacting a Texas wrongful discharge statute, based on the better defined and more flexible Model Act, merits serious consideration because the changes in the fluctuating state of employment law will be more controlled through the legislative process. META represents a tradeoff of the common-law causes of action and their attendant damage awards, now available as a practical matter to a very few employees, for smaller, predictable awards. Ultimately, a Texas wrongful 
discharge statute based on META's terms could provide a workable and systematic improvement over the current haphazard, yet expanding, scope of wrongful discharge law.

Legislative initiative is an issue of fundamental nature, as a institution starting the entire legislative process that results with a new law coming into force. Moreover, it is also a fundamental right - for individuals and bodies – to bring the draft legislation to the parliament and thereby to effectively initiate the legislative procedure provided by law. Among other subjects authorised to bringing the draft legislation there is a group of 100 000 people having reached maturity and enjoying right to election to the parliament. The aim of the article is to present basic regulations on citizens’ legislative initiative from the perspective of Polish parliament and its legislation as well as to analyse to which extend Polish citizens may have decide of the shape of law.

This essay offers a substantive introduction to the special issue on mending the legislative process. Discontent with the legislative process seems to be pervasive. But how could we move from the widely-shared lament that the lawmaking process is broken to thinking on ways to mend it? This essay sketches the requisite preliminaries for answering this question. It outlines ways to approach the problems with the contemporary legislative process and to think about solutions in a systematic way, and introduces the contributions in this issue.

Although the specialized literature about Brazilian Legislative has deeply explored the ability of the Executive of influencing on the legislative agenda, which is vast, it hasn’t investigated the ability of the Congressman himself influencing the legislative agenda. That’s exactly what we’re are going to do on this paper. More specifically, we are exploring the ability of congressmen on influencing the agenda of the house’s plenary. Once the power of choosing the agenda is not only on the congressmen’s hands, how is this process? More particularly, what are the chances of a regular congressman to influence this agenda and which is the role of the party leaders on this process?

The relationship between the actors in the law making process is governed by the doctrine of separation of powers. Scholarly literature state that each of these actors is interdependent on the other and no single agency is able to exercise complete authority. The doctrine, however, can be extended to enable the three branches to act as checks and balances on each other. The study inquires into how the relationship between and amongst the actors in the legislative process covering both the legislative drafting (not covered under the doctrine of separation of powers) and the lawmaking processes can be modelled without infringing on the doctrine of separation of powers. We analyse the application of artificial intelligent approach to modelling and propose the application of agent technology in modelling this relationship.

The Fidesz-KDNP coalition parties were voted into office in 2010 with a two-thirds majority in the unicameral National Assembly, which gave them significant leeway to implement their political agenda smoothly. Nevertheless, the governing coalition, driven by revolutionary zeal, was determined to put in place major legislative reforms as quickly as possible in the face of every opposition. This attitude led to the instrumentalization of parliamentary legislation which manifested itself in an increasing number of serious irregularities of the legislative process. This article argues that the procedural flaws of parliamentary law-making constitute an infringement of the rule of law principle as it is interpreted in the Council of Europe and the European Union. In order to show that the situation is much more serious in Hungary than the criticisms voiced by the European rule of law mechanisms suggest, we analyze all the constitutional review cases in which legislative acts were challenged on procedural grounds after 2010. Finally, we discuss the outcome of the cases adjudicated by the Hungarian Constitutional Court to see which irregularities were found unconstitutional.

This work studies the performance of the agenda holders, a concept that covers the parliamentarians that in certain themes, centralize political articulations among other lawmakers, the Executive and representatives from business and civil society organizations. Through studies of legislative processes, supplemented with details on the political career of parliamentarians, the purpose is to indicate ways in order to understand who are the agenda holders, how they act, and the connection with their political careers. The results indicate the existence of a significant relationship between careers and the role of parliamentarians as articulators of governmental and nongovernmental organizations.

This thesis addresses parliamentary impact on government legislation using the Scottish Parliament as a case-study. It contributes to the ongoing debate about whether government dominates the legislative process, bringing a practitioner perspective. It makes the case for re-evaluating expectations about what government and parliament are seeking to achieve in the legislative process, demonstrating the need to take account of the type of legislation brought forward by government in interpreting parliament’s response. It highlights the importance of the choice of method in avoiding over– and under-stating parliamentary impact in the legislative process. It proposes re-evaluating the Scottish Parliament’s legislative performance, arguing that the legislative process in Scotland is largely defined by the sort of consensus politics which its proponents wished to see. This thesis addresses significant gaps in understanding of the Scottish Parliament’s legislative process in particular, but its focus on the role of parliament and government in the legislative process more generally should make it of interest to scholars in the wider legislative studies discipline.

Abstract: The article discusses the legislative output of the Sejm of 1615. There is a common opinion in reference to the seventeenth century that the constitution was a concordant conclusion of the three parliamentary estates combined with a promulgation. However, the conducted analysis reveals that despite the lack of agreement to the conclusion of the 1615 Sejm, it adopted normative acts: both at the beginning and at the end of the parliamentary proceedings. In addition, a new type of law sources has been characterised, i.e. resolutions of the Chamber of Deputies, which at that time were equal in rank to Sejm constitutions.

Área do Direito: Penal Resumo: Considerando o cenário de saturação da produção legislativa em matéria penal no Brasil, a fim de contribuir com a elaboração de estratégias de contenção do encarceramento em massa, o presente trabalho apresentará os fundamentos para a formulação de um Estudo de Impacto Legislativo, instrumento de avaliação de políticas criminais inspirado no modelo de Better regulation da Comissão Europeia. O artigo parte do problema do encarceramento em massa no Brasil e da tendência político-criminal em justificar aumentos de penas ou alterações no processo penal quando o Poder Legislativo é instado, pela mídia, a reagir diante de crimes graves, sem a devida reflexão sobre os efeitos que determinada alteração legislativa poderá produzir no sistema carcerário. Assim, é necessário que, em alguma fase da análise de proposições legislativas, seja realizado o estudo de impacto legislativo, como forma de conter a aprovação de proposições legislativas que possam contribuir para o aumento da população carcerária sem as devidas reflexões sobre tal problema. Propõe-se, ao final, que referido estudo seja formulado, conduzido e executado pelo Conselho Nacional de Política Criminal e Penitenciária (CNPCP/MJ), a quem cabe a definição das matrizes político-criminais do Estado Brasileiro. Palavras-chave: Política criminal-Encarceramento em massa-Processo legislativo-Estudo de impacto legislativo-Better regulation Abstract: Considering the scenario of legislative production in criminal matters in Brazil, in order to contribute to face mass incarceration, this paper will present the foundations for formulating a Legislative Impact Study, which consists of a criminal policy assessment tool, inspired by the European model called Better regulation. The paper considers the problem of mass incarceration in Brazil and the political-criminal tendency

Η πολυνομία αποτελεί ένα φαινόμενο που συνοδεύει την ελληνική πολιτειακή και πολιτική πραγματικότητα ήδη από τα πρώτα βήματα του ανεξάρτητου εθνικού βίου. Πρόκειται για ένα ζήτημα σύνθετο, με εξαιρετικό νομικό, πολιτικό και κοινωνικό ενδιαφέρον για δυο κυρίως λόγους. Πρώτον, διότι η εμφάνισή του δεν είναι πρόσφατη, ούτε βεβαίως καθαρά ελληνική ιδιαιτερότητα. Δεύτερον, διότι οι συνέπειές του καθίστανται ιδιαιτέρως αισθητές σε εποχές κρίσης, όπως η περίοδος που διέρχεται η Ελλάδα την τελευταία περίπου δεκαετία. Στην παρούσα ανάπτυξη διατυπώνονται ορισμένοι προβληματισμοί ως προς τα αίτια που τροφοδοτούν την πολυνομία, την σύνδεσή της με το φαινόμενο της κακονομίας, τις συνέπειες, αλλά και τις προτεινόμενες μεθόδους υπέρβασής της, αν κάτι τέτοιο είναι εφικτό.

W artykule przedstawiono analizę przepisów Regulaminu Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej dotyczących funkcjonowania podkomisji na tle praktyki parlamentarnej siedmiu kadencji Sejmu (1991-2015). Sklasyfikowano podkomisje pod względem tematyki ich pracy i zadań. Przedstawiono również najważniejsze problemy prawne dotyczące działalności podkomisji wynikające z praktyki parlamentarnej, takie jak powoływanie, ustalania składu osobowego, wyboru przewodniczącego, przebieg posiedzenia i likwidacje podkomisji.

The article provides an analysis of the Standing Orders of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland concerning the functioning of subcommittees against the parliamentary practice of the seven terms of the Sejm (1991–2015). Herein, subcommittees are classifi ed based on the subject matter of their activity and tasks. The most important legal problems concerning subcommittees' activities, resulting from parliamentary practice, are also presented, such as establishing subcommittees, electing chairpersons, the course of subcommittee sittings and dissolving subcommittees.

This article discusses the Brazilian political reform process based on a case -study of the bill n. 1.210/2007 in the Chamber of Deputies. Through process tracing, the author examines the legislative procedures that lead to political rejection. The study presents a reconstruction of voting procedures and considerations on the Political Reform in Brazil, pointing out key variables that influenced PL’s 1.210/2007 trajectory. Finally, the present study considers the political rejection of a bill as a useful concept for understanding the legislative process.

From the point of view of the participating or monitoring bodies, the legislative process may be found as unclear and unsatisfying in terms of citizens’ access. The state authorities should be interested in engaging the society in it more widely, though. The more discussion and social consultation within the process of law-making, the greater chance
for avoiding errors and mistakes as well as for a social approval and a high level of law preservation. The paper is an attempt to present the very subjective list of the elements of law in need for speedy changes. It also points out the de lege ferenda solutions that might significantly improve its quality.

Discussion of liberal reforms  has dominated research of Jordanian politics over the last three decades. While studies of electoral politics confirm that the ruling authoritarian regime managed to manipulate reforms to maintain the authoritarian rule under the tribal clientelistic networks, studies of economic aspects of the reform suggest that the reform influences the elite structure as well as the role of the state to the citizens. To deal with the gap in the literature, this study investigates the interaction between elites in the formal political institutions in Jordan, between the executive and legislative branches of the Jordanian government. It uncovers the transformation of the policy orientations of the executive branch of government, and explores the interaction between the executive and legislative branches over policy making. It shows that the executive is increasingly becoming neoliberal reform oriented; the shift in policy orientation of the executive places a restriction on the parliamentarians' abilities of rent-seeking; the king is facing a dilemma between reform promotion and securing support from traditional supporting base. The contribution of this paper is twofold. First, it highlights the importance of comprehensive understanding of the political system in exploring the process of reform policies. Second, it advances our understanding of the role of the authoritarian monarch in the era of neoliberal reforms.

One of the main challenges facing the current Egyptian government is the challenge of the status of Islam in the structure of its constitutional law. The second principle of the last Egyptian constitution (approved in 2014) states the extent of Islam's entry into the domain of governance. This principle, which is based on the former constitutions, considers the minimum position for observance of Islamic rules and, based on the obstruction of the Ijtihad, recognizes only the definitive Islamic rules valid for conforming laws with them. The parliament and the judiciary have no obligation to observe the famous jurisprudents' opinion and are not obliged to follow a particular reading of the Islamic law. There is no statutory place for the institution to protect Islamic law and the body of the Council of elders of Al-Azhar, which was also in the former constitution, has been removed and he position of al-Azhar has been reduced to a mere scientific institution. Due to the minimal presence of people in the referendum of the constitution, it can be concluded that the Egyptian constitution has tended to secularism, contrary to the opinion of the absolute majority of the people.

Elinizdeki rapor, Türkiye’de anayasa hazırlık sürecine tüm tarafların katılımının kilit olduğu ve her çocuğun “hak sahibi bir birey” olarak bu sürecin temel parçası olduğu bilinciyle oluşturulmuştur. Yeni Anayasa hazırlıkları, bir arada yaşama dair ilkeleri gözden geçirme ve dolayısıyla siyasal yapıyı değiştirme ve dönüştürme çabaları; örgütlü ve örgütsüz her bir bireyin, anayasa hazırlık sürecine diyalog, müzakere ve ortaklık anlayışıyla katılımının sağlanması ile mümkündür. Anayasa hazırlık sürecine katılım, toplumda var olan bilgiye başvurularak, toplumun gereksinimlerini karşılayan, uygulanabilir, toplum tarafından benimsenen bir anayasa oluşturulmasının ön koşuludur. Bunun yanı sıra, katılımcı bir süreçle hazırlanan bir anayasanın hem toplumsal meşruiyet zemini daha sağlam olur hem de son dönemde gittikçe artan bireyle devlet arasındaki mesafe azalır. Yetişkinlerin olduğu gibi çocukların da demokrasiyi içselleştirmesi ve birarada yaşama anlayışı geliştirmesini mümkün kılan tek süreç katılımdır. Çocuk katılımı, çocukları etkileyen her konuda, onların etkin biçimde katılmalarını sağlamak; görüşlerini ifade etmelerine olanak yaratmak ve bu görüşleri karar alma süreçlerinde dikkate almaktır. Çocukların kendilerini ilgilendiren konularda, kararlarda, etkinliklerde ve süreçlerde etkin bir şekilde yer almaları, Türkiye’nin taraf olduğu Birleşmiş Milletler Çocuk Haklarına dair Sözleşme’nin 12. Maddesinin getirdiği yükümlülükleri yerine getiren temel yaklaşımdır….
…

Çoğulculuk anlayışıyla yapılandırılan, toplumdaki her bireyi yakından ilgilendiren, hak temelli sivil bir anayasa oluşturulmasında çocukların görüş ve gereksinimlerinin de ifade bulmasına katkı vermek ümidiyle…

Gündem:Çocuk!  ve İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Çocuk Hakları Çocuk Çalışmaları Merkezi Birimi

Yayına hazırlayanlar: Anayasa, Anayasam Kolaylaştırıcı Ekibi (Alfabetik sıra) Ayşe Beyazova, Emrah Kırımsoy, Esin Koman, Ezgi Koman, Gözde Durmuş, Mehmet Onur Yılmaz, Melda Akbaş, Zeynep Kılıç
Katkı verenler Dilek Kumcu, Tanju Gündüzalp, Sümeyra Ertürk
Grafik Tasarım mahlas
Redaksiyon Deniz Kırımsoy
Çizim Sait Munzur