Neoliberal Urbanism

Post 2000, European cities have been shaken by a wave of urban collective action. In this Introductiory chapter to the book Urban Uprisings: Challenging Neoliberal Urbanism in Europe, we argue that this wave needs to be understood in connection with the structural context of neoliberal urbanism, and that it can be analysed using the concept of  ‘urban social movement’. We argue that collective actions that may look different on the surface share an urban dimension – they are all in different ways reactions to the developments and effects of neoliberal urbanism, as they address and challenge spatialized social inequalities produced by processes of segregation and gentrification. Further, the chapter addresses three inadequacies in contemporary urban research that have been made particularly apparent by developments in the 2000s. First, considering the wave of urban collective action post 2000, it is curious that research on contentious politics and social movements rarely addresses the urban dimension. Second, the distinction made in contemporary research between urban "riots" and urban social movements (they even may be said to represent different research fields) is unsatisfactory for an adequate analysis of contemporary urban collective action. Third, while contemporary analyses of neoliberal urbanism have begun to take an interest in urban collective action, such analyses rarely draw on social movement research. Against this background, this Introductory chapter contributes toward a re-thinking of the relations between social movements, "riots"’ and neoliberalism.

A number of people have claimed that the ongoing financial crisis has revealed the problems with neoliberal thought and neoliberal policies in the 'Atlantic Heartland'. However, if we look at the history of the 'Heartland' economies then it becomes evident that they were never neoliberal in the first place - that is, the economic policies and discourses in these countries did not follow neoliberal prescriptions. /We Have Never Been Neoliberal/ explores this divergence between neoliberal theory and 'neoliberal' practice by focusing on the underlying contradictions in monetarism, private monopolies, and financialization. The book finishes by proposing a 'manifesto for a doomed youth' in which it argues that younger generations should refuse to pay interest on anything in order to avoid the trap of debt-driven living.

In recent years, the world has seen the emergence of a number of urban projects which, under the banner of experimentation, have promoted alternative models of city-making capable, in theory, of creating sustainable built environments. Among these supposedly experimental models, the smart city and the eco-city stand out in terms of geographical diffusion, and are hailed by their advocates as the mark of an innovative urbanism based on a scientific approach to urban development. Through the analysis of Hong Kong and Masdar City, examples of a smart-city agenda and an eco-city project respectively, this paper questions the sustainability of so-called smart cities and eco-cities, by investigating the extent to which they are developed in a controlled and systematic manner as their developers claim. More specifically, the paper counterclaims mainstream understandings of smart and ecological urbanism, arguing that what are promoted as cohesive settlements shaped by a homogeneous vision of the sustainable city, are actually fragmented cities made of disconnected and often incongruous pieces of urban fabric. Theoretically, these claims are discussed through the concept of Frankenstein urbanism which draws upon Mary Shelley's novel as a metaphor for unsuccessful experiments generated by the forced union of different, incompatible elements.

Fredrik Gerttens film om rätten till städer och, inte minst, bostäder är inte bara visuellt vacker och medryckande. Push fogar samman en rad vittnesmål till en stark berättelse samtidens omöjliga livsvillkor. Vi får i rask takt stifta bekantskap med en serie människor som bokstavligen trycks undan och puttas bort av finanskapitalets cyniska spekulation i bostäder. Mot filmens slut går det att ana hur dess huvudperson, FNs punkigt charmiga sändebud för bostadsrättigheter Leilani Farha, försöker formera en slags motkraft för pressa tillbaka spekulationens värsta avarter. Push översätts kanske bästa som knuff. Eller kanske press. Möjligtvis tryck. Och Push är en berättelse om ett växande tryck som pressar undan och puttar bort människor. Metaforerna är lånade från den kritiska kulturgeografins vokabulär. Underinvesteringar skapar en över tid en växande skillnad mellan potentiell och faktiska hyresintäkter som formligen knuffar in överskottskapital fastighetsspekulation. Detta ökar trycket som tränger undan boende. Nyliberal ekonomisk ideologi har pressat tillbaka statens reglering från marknaden och släppt fram dessa krafter. Dessa hydraliska metaforer lägger grunden för en enkel, rak och stark berättelse. De krokar i varandra i ett narrativ om en rad sammanlänkande förändringar som smygande skett längs en och samma axel. Marknaden har tryckt tillbaka staten, människor har knuffats bort, kapitalet har, alldeles oavsett mänsklig vilja eller enskildas beslut, pressats in i nya sektorer och relationer. Svaret är, att som Leilani Farha och hennes allierade att trycka tillbaka spekulationen, knuffa på staten så att den tar ett större ansvar och sätta press på de som vill tjäna stora snabba pengar på fastighetsspekulation. Gott så. Gertten har fångat människoöden som förtjänar att lyftas ut ur tystaned, inte minst så att de som varit de stora vinnarna på de senaste decennierna fastighetsmarknad åtminstone kan förstå vem som betalat priset för deras privategendoms ständigt ökande värde. Och det behövs, utan någon som helst tvekan, en motkraft till hur våra livsmiljöer byggs, ägs och förvaltas. Filmens tag line har helt rätt om att "det är dags att trycka tillbaka". Men är saker och ting så enkla som Gerttens försök att begripa sig på den samtida kapitalismens fastighetsmarknad genom dess press och tryck antyder? En av 1900-talets viktigaste ekonomiska tänkare, den ungersk-österikiska filosofen Karl Polanyi, menade i sitt magnus opus att det gick att iaktta en pendellik rörelse där marknadens ökande makt provocerade fram samhällets självförsvar i form av statlig reglering av ekonomin. Många vill tro att vi, precis som när Polany skrev på 40-talet, är i en situation där pendeln kommer, eller skulle kunna, vara på väg att sakta in, stanna upp och börja förflytta sig tillbaka mot mitten. Allt som krävs för att trycket på människors livsvillkor ska lätta är, som Leila Farha menar, att motkraften byggs och blir starkare än pressen för avregleringar. Och det behövs press, tryck, knuffar för att förändra saker och ting. Om det råder det ingen tvekan. Som metaforer är trycket, pressen och knuffens styrka att de har riktning. De kan likt gymnasiefysikens vektorer adderas till en kraftfull total styrka, en berättelse om en pågående förändring där vi när vi puttar direkt kan känna åt vilket håll saker och ting rör sig. Men varken tryck, press eller knuffar har nödvändigtvis ett mål. De går att se dem i relation till en förändring vi vill

En esta presentación observo cinco aspectos cruciales de la economía política del recambio urbano central latinoamericano, a saber 1) configuraciones paraestatales ad hoc a las transformaciones urbanas, con alcances supra-legales inclusive; 2) los mecanismos de extracción violenta, acumulación y despojo de las rentas de suelo y su valor de uso (rentas convertidas rápidamente en capital financiero circulante global, ver Rolnik, 2014); 3) los conflictos sociales de clase, negación del otro, y la nueva estratificación de los barrios; 4) infraestructuras detonantes y privatización y control policial del espacio público; y 5) nuevos parámetros de lucha urbana, desde la descomposición de clases medias, hasta una creciente recomposición de clases (conciencia de desigualdad que emerge a través de luchas espaciales / locales contra el urbanismo extractivo) y repertorios de protesta más “creativos” que los de hace 50 años atrás. Casos de Ciudad de México, Rio de Janeiro, Santiago de Chile y Buenos Aires.

This paper explores the politics of slum dwelling and slum demolitions in the state of Maharashtra, India. Specifically I have used the case study of the slum Golibar located in Khar East, not too far from the Bombay city center.  Looking through the lens of "Right to the City" discourses (Lefebvre, Harvey, Davis, Mitchell) I examine at the production of space in Mumbai's slums and the way in which various actors such as politicians, developers, NGO's, and residents of the city alike shape the discourse around ownership and space.  Through a critical analysis of these ideas and theories, I use field notes from participatory observation and on-the-ground interviews I conducted in Delhi, Bangalore, and Mumbai to develop a comprehensive understanding of social justice in the realm of slum life and the modes of urban resistance which are employed in Mumbai against neoliberal development and violent demolition practices.

'The Changing State of Gentrification' (2001) by Jason Hackworth and the late Neil Smith is one of the most influential papers ever published in TESG. By introducing three waves, or periods, of practices and patterns of gentrification, it changed the way we think about gentrification. This Introduction to the Forum discusses the three waves introduced by Hackworth and Smith as well as fourth wave introduced by Lees et al. Finally, I will argue that during the global financial crisis we have entered fifth-wave gentrification. Fifth-wave gentrification is the urban materialization of financialized or finance-led capitalism. The state continues to play a leading role during the fifth wave, but is now supplemented—rather than displaced—by finance. It is characterized by the emergence of corporate landlords, highly leveraged housing, platform capitalism (e.g. Airbnb), transnational wealth elites using cities as a 'safe deposit box', and a further 'naturalization' of state-sponsored gentrification.

This collection of essays and notes attempts to tread the invisible borders between mythos, the neoliberal-Christian-nationalist 'world view' and socio-political trends in the rise of Trump, the Red Hats and the Evangelicals to political dominance in the United States.

https://www.waveland.com/browse.php?t=196&r=s|urban%20life
https://books.google.com.tr/books?id=9D5FDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA444&lpg=PA444&dq=%22berna+yazici%22&source=bl&ots=9oXGUhcnqg&sig=LhH71ChFYkJekU0Q3NcOzyewHwc&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjRweeqldrYAhUNhaYKHSkcDto4ChDoAQhdMAg#v=onepage&q=%22berna%20yazici%22&f=false

During the last decade, ‘gated communities and urban segregation’ has become a widely analysed subject for the researchers. Due to the fast urban restructuring of neoliberalism, the number of gated communities still increases dramatically in many global and globalizing cities of the world. In this study, we examine the emergence of gated communities and fenced cities in Santiago, Chile and Istanbul, Turkey as a by-product of neoliberal economic system that followed the coup d’états. We argue that in both countries coups set in the Cold War mentality in order to ward off “communist takeover” and/or end “class welfare” were quick to install neoliberal policies as an antidote of such “dangers”. These policies set in motion during authoritarian times were continued under democratic regimes as well, preparing the ground for similar approach to the politics of space and place across continents. Therefore gated communities as “expression of inequality and exclusion” (Bosdorf, Hidalgo and Sanchez 2007) in both cities are essentially an outcome of late and heightened capitalism, coupled by the influence of globalization. Unlike the early examples of United States where gated communities were found in the peripheries of the city, in the cases of Santiago and Istanbul, gated communities appear as new closed settlements within the present fabric of the city, highlighting the contrast between different social classes living side by side. In these examples of newly globalizing cities, gated communities arise as products of the culture of consumption, in relation to the global phenomena. Being formed next to the poor neighbourhoods, the emerging trend of gated communities make these cities leading examples of social and spatial segregation. Leading to further segregation, “wall” becomes a tangible symbol of social and economic polarization. In this study, we highlight the parallel emergence of gated communities across continents and analyse the impact of top-down neoliberal reforms on spatial formations.

Keywords: coup d’états, neoliberal reforms, urban segregation, gated communities, Istanbul, Santiago

In the last two decades, critical urban studies has paid a great deal of attention to contemporary “neoliberal urbanism”, but very little to its historical and urban roots. This chapter discusses the use of neighbourhood typologies and mapping in the United States by looking at government redlining maps from the 1930s until the 1970s, and “planned shrinkage”, “urban triage” and “benign neglect” in late 1960s and 1970s New York City as well as in early 2000s New Orleans and Cleveland. A map or ranking indicating declining or shrinking neighbourhoods may lead to the withholding of not only city services, but also mortgage loans. The ranking and mapping of neighbourhoods excludes and impoverishes those places deemed racially infiltrated, declining, and dying. It could be argued that this is a form of “neoliberal urbanism”, but these policies had a pre-cursor in the ideas of the Chicago School of Sociology, Babcock, Hoyt, the HOLC and the FHA in the 1920s and 1930s, and Hoover and Vernon, Downs sr. and jr., Starr and Moynihan in the post-war years. The “old urban right” had already won several significant victories in the war of ideologies, hinting at a neoliberalism avant la lettre.

This dissertation contributes to the literatures on post-2007 urban governance and urban greening by drawing novel connections between vacant land reuse, including urban agriculture, and the structures of urban governance. Through a historical analysis of housing vacancy, an institutional analysis of Cleveland’s community development industry’s response to the 2008 foreclosure crisis, and a case study of a vacant land reuse project, I argue that Cleveland’s community development industry shifted towards vacant land reuse and intervention to stabilize property values in response to the foreclosure crisis. This shift reveals a temporary resolution of the failure of subsidized housing construction following the crisis, but does not represent a significant departure from neoliberal community development. While the City has been effective in fostering certain forms of reuse, the heavy involvement of the community development industry and community foundations, combined with a local government facing fiscal pressure, has resulted in a constrained political field of opportunity for vacant land reuse. By devolving the labor of lot maintenance onto residents and continuing to prioritize traditional economic development, many of the possibilities for using vacant land reuse for social and environmental justice have been limited. However, I also show that the incorporation of vacant land reuse within the community development industry in Cleveland was the outcome of a process of weak contestation, negotiation, and path dependency, not a simple imposition of neoliberal ideology. Additionally, my findings concerning reuse projects on the ground reveals the shortcomings of relying on under-resourced resident labor and shows cracks in the hegemony of private property and market logics in high-abandonment neighborhoods. My findings point to the importance of studying how greening projects are interacting with preexisting structures of urban governance. It suggests that the commodification of land and market-based community development places limits on vacant land reuse that directly benefits residents and works towards environmental and food justice.

Anthropological studies have paid too little attention to the everyday experience of traffic, a fact all the more striking given the central place that traffic has come to occupy in urban life worldwide. I submit that the daily experience of traffic is a critical and underutilised medium for examining social inequality in a global, urban social order. My analysis invokes the spectrum of inequalities in relation to traffic in Istanbul, mapping both the hierarchies born out in paradigmatic traffic situations and certain extremes – those barred or excused from participating in the traffic scene. I argue that traffic congestion constitutes a unique zone in which cross-class encounters take place. This analytical focus on the daily experience of traffic demonstrates that urban inequality is produced not only through segregated social spaces, but also on the move.

PLEASE SEE http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00141844.2012.714395
OR http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00141844.2012.714395

The era of the smart city has arrived. Only a decade ago, the promise of optimising urban services through the widespread application of information and communication technologies was largely a techno-utopian fantasy. Today, smart urbanisation is occurring via urban projects, policies and visions in hundreds of cities around the globe.

Inside Smart Cities provides real-world evidence on how local authorities, small and medium enterprises, corporations, utility providers and civil society groups are creating smart cities at the neighbourhood, city and regional scales. Twenty three empirically detailed case studies from the Global North and South – ranging from Cape Town, Stockholm and Abu Dhabi to Philadelphia, Hong Kong and Santiago – illustrate the multiple and diverse incarnations of smart urbanism. The contributors draw on ideas from urban studies, geography, urban planning, science and technology studies and innovation studies to go beyond the rhetoric of technological innovation and reveal the political, social and physical implications of digitalising the built environment.

Collectively, the practices of smart urbanism raise fundamental questions about the sustainability, liveability and resilience of cities in the future. The findings are relevant to academics, students, practitioners and urban stakeholders who are questioning how urban innovation relates to politics and place.

Neoliberalism means many things to many people. Often used indiscriminately to mean anything ‘bad’, neoliberalism is in need of dissection as an analytical category and a way of understanding the transformation of society over the last few decades. This paper is a brief introduction to neoliberalism and a number of key analytical approaches used to study it, including governmentality, Marxism, ideational analysis, history and philosophy of economics, institutional analysis, state/regulation theory, and human geography. It finishes with some suggestions for areas of further and future research.

Distinct socioeconomic groups have mobilized alternative housing models in Berlin over the past two decades to confront the widespread housing shortage following neoliberal urban restructuring since 1989. This paper presents ethnographic snapshots of two models-Building Groups and Mietshäuser Syndikat-to analyze how the forms of coproduction, comaintenance, and semi-open spaces are at times forms of actually existing housing commons. While both models contain forms of commoning, they diverge in property regimes. Building Groups utilize private property and residents may thus sell their units and individually profit on the collective labor input. Mietshäuser Syndikat employs a form of dual ownership that collectivizes control so that the living and shared spaces will remain permanently affordable for members of the housing syndicate. The paper considers the contradictions, limitations, and implications of the two models, such as their producing islands of housing security for inhabitants, rather than pressuring the state to subsidize larger scale projects.

This chapter traces the histories of the intersection of urbanization and neoliberalization. It demonstrates that the current “urban age” has in many ways been a product of, and has been productive of neoliberalization. Urbanization and neoliberalization are material and discursive processes that lead to real (and imagined) constellations through which modern capitalist societies are being reproduced. I look at roll-back-, roll-out-, and roll-with-it neoliberalization through urbanization and discuss variegated forms of neoliberalization.  (A chapter for the Handbook of Neoliberalism, Springer, Birch, MacLeavy (eds) forthcoming.

At a time when neoliberalism has become an accepted term in public debate to refer to the current state of modern societies and their political economies, Kean Birch critically analyses the conflicting theories that shape our understanding of ‘neoliberalism’.

With an ever-expanding variety of perspectives on the concept of neoliberalism, it is increasingly difficult to identify any commonalities. This book explores how different people understand neoliberalism, and the contradictions in thinking of neoliberalism as a market-based ethic, project, or order. Detailing the intellectual history of ‘neoliberal’ thought, the variety of critical approaches and the many analytical ambiguities, Kean Birch presents a new way to conceptualize contemporary political economy and offers potential avenues for future research through a judicious exploration of ‘neoliberal’ practices, processes, and institutions.

This work will be an essential resource for undergraduate and postgraduate students, scholars, and researchers to critically assess the concept of neoliberalism across many disciplines. The book will also serve as a general introduction to a wider audience interested in the term ‘neoliberalism’, its potential pitfalls, and its contested future.

Increasingly, governments are experimenting with ways to provide public goods by involving the private sector in the planning, financing, building and operating of a range of services, facilities, infrastructure, etc. In the geographical literature on neoliberalism this entanglement of the state and markets has been loosely conceptualized as a process of marketization. This concept describes the insertion of markets or market forces into the state and public sector. In this paper we unpack this concept by highlighting the need to think about a range of marketization processes at play across a range of geographies.

This research aims to expose the Large Scale Urban Projects production in  Belo Horizonte Metropolitan Area from 2000 to 2015 .Doing so by using Bourdieu’s field theory, the analysis identifies the social power relations which structured the production of these interventions on the urban space. The whole work was crossed by a proactive look oriented by the role of urban planners  aligned within so called Fair City concept. The first section of the thesis examines the links in between the Large Scale Urban Projects and the global economy policy inflexions related to globalization and neoliberalism processes. The aim is to identify which and how intensive are the presence of those economic and politic agendas into this urban interventions. The second section defines the Large Scale Urban Projects from morphological characteristics and production processes, focusing on their spatial and political impacts as well as their alignment with formal urbanism. The third section analyses Belo Horizonte Metropolitan Area history through its large-scale urban interventions, emphasising the convergence among the economic agenda, urban instruments, and design practices inside urban planning field. This initial part of the research was built concurrently within analysis of all twenty-six selected projects, submitted from their invariant features, agents, decision-making, territorial impact added to the  relationship with urban theory. From these analyses, the unveiling of the field identifies their relational and dispositional properties, focusing in the capital levels and the agents habitus. Finally, the proposed alternatives are structured based on the definition of a propositional vector from which are articulated tactics, through intervention strategies and possibilities, especially the role of urban planners in the structure of the GPUs production field.

Esta tese de doutoramento analisa a sociabilidade na metrópole de São Paulo como um fenômeno social que vem sendo remodelado pelas transformações oriundas do acelerado processo de urbanização neoliberal. Para tanto, realizou-se um estudo de caso no bairro da Vila Olímpia, localizado no distrito do Itaim Bibi, zona sudoeste da capital paulista para detectar a transição na natureza das sociabilidades entre os moradores do bairro. Para subsidiar o estudo, mergulhou-se nas teorias acerca da Metrópole e da Modernidade com o intuito de enquadrar São Paulo como uma cidade pós-industrial de periferia, marcada por intensa fragmentação e segregação social, guiada pelos ditames do modelo urbano neoliberal que influencia não só o espaço como as relações sociais nele produzidas. Conceituou-se sociabilidade como o processo de interação social entre indivíduos cujo objetivo comum é formar uma unidade, uma sociedade. A análise aprofundou-se na noção de identidade e comunidade, uma vez que são categorias sociológicas que influenciam a construção e o desenvolvimento da sociabilidade. Neste sentido, entende-se sociabilidade como um fenômeno social vinculado às categorias sociológicas de identidade e comunidade o que decorre de diferentes formas nas escalas metropolitanas. Porém, é no bairro que o indivíduo realiza as suas experiências e trajetórias; vivencia e organiza a sua vida sendo, portanto, a unidade básica onde se desenvolve as interações sociais da vida cotidiana. A pesquisa na Vila Olímpia foi fundamental para compreender se a sociabilidade no bairro tende a sucumbir ou resistir ao processo urbano neoliberal. Primeiramente realizou-se uma sucinta contextualização da área em estudo, tentando reconstruir os estilos de vida, os tipos de sociabilidades, a memória, o passado e a história do bairro através de documentos e relatos de moradores. Em seguida, várias incursões no campo de estudo foram efetivadas para compreender a forma de vida dos atores sociais que moram no bairro, frequentando ou não espaços de sociabilidades, observando o ritmo de vida e a interação social dos mesmos. Posteriormente, realizaram-se entrevistas em profundidade com antigos e novos moradores para desvendar as Sociabilidades I, II e III. Como principal resultado destaca-se um conflito socioespacial abstrato e subjetivo que marca as relações de interação social, justificando a transição na natureza das sociabilidades entre os antigos e novos moradores da Vila Olímpia, intensificada por uma visível redução de espaços públicos e pelo consequente aumento de espaços privados impulsionados por um modelo urbano segregador e excludente, caracterizando uma vida urbana reduzida. No mais, a pesquisa desvendou verdadeiras vozes de resistência demonstrando que através de estratégias coletivas como recurso político, ao mesmo tempo em que a sociabilidade no bairro tende a sucumbir também pode resistir ao modelo urbano neoliberal existente.

This article examines the gentrification of Fort Greene, which is located in the western part of black Brooklyn, one of the largest contiguous black urban areas in the United States. Between the late 1960s and 2003, gentrification in Fort Greene followed the patterns discovered by scholars of black neighborhoods; the gentrifying agents were almost exclusively black and gentrification as a process was largely bottom-up because entities interested in the production of space were mostly not involved. Since 2003 this has changed. Whites have been moving to Fort Greene in large numbers and will soon represent the numerical majority. Public and private interventions in and around Fort Greene have created a new top-down version of gentrification, which is facilitating this white influx. Existing black residential and commercial tenants are replaced and displaced in the name of urban economic development.

The aim of this research is to unravel and interrogate critically the recent histories of the production and reproduction of Castlefield, Manchester. This unravelling is accomplished theoretically through the historicised application of Lefebvre‘s spatial triad. Production of space histories and Castlefield‘s ‗regeneration‘ are revisited principally through archival and interview evacuations of the neglected years of the 1970s. Urban public space is seen as the key city synecdoche. The thesis argues against what is called the ‗dominant academic narrative‘: challenging the narrative where it ignores or downplays the role of counter-representations and counter-projects in the production of urban public space. The empirical research is based mainly on archival data and complimentary interview and visual data; the analyses are qualitative. Visual representations of space largely neglected in the literature are foregrounded throughout the empirical research. Spaces of representation and spatial practice are interrogated from the perspective of public space analysis which emphasises the importance of the contested nature of representations of space within the public sector and the vulnerable and unstable character of some official representations of space. The thesis therefore does not seek to reproduce what might be called a ‗traditional‘ Lefebvrian analysis which counter-poses repressive official representations of space against quotidian heroic, poetic spaces of representation. The research challenges oversimplified characterisations of Castlefield as a space simply of heritage, leisure and exclusive residential enclaves. A dynamic, complex spatial portrait is revealed whereby ludic, ‗natural‘ and abstract space rise and fall though intricate spatial layering as time unfolds. Urban differential space and ludic space are found to emerge through the interstices of abstract space as key outcomes of the contestation of space. The thesis concludes that the potential for differential urban public space exists through the production of new spaces and their diverse politicised appropriation.

This paper proposes a reflection on the tactical modes of production and consumption of spatial structures from the study of urban situations located in the center and the periphery. The argument is based on the critique of political economy applied to the social production of space, as discussed by Michel de Certeau, David Harvey, and Neil Brenner. The Marxist concept of estrangement (Entfremdung) is the basis for the presentation of Tactical Urbanism as an alternative to Neoliberal Urbanism, as it reveals the dialectics between production and consumption. Suppose the human condition depends on work, production, and consumption. In that case, the critique must be about the modes of producing and consuming and about the processes of objectification, subjectification, and material appropriation. I recognize the everyday life importance of tactical practices, and I identify the contradictions inherent in the approach by presenting four examples. They were selected according to their position concerning the center on a global and a local scale: the "Central Line Party" in London (United Kingdom), located in the center of a city in the Global North; the "Station Beach" in Belo Horizonte (Brazil), in a central neighborhood in the South; the "Park (ing) Day" in San Francisco (United States), in a peripheral region in the North; and "Nego's Playground" in Esmeraldas (Brazil), on the outskirts of a peripheral city in the Global South. These cases reveal the different material conditions of neoliberal cooptation. The tactical practices of the periphery reveal other possibilities of disruption of the neoliberal strategic planning system.

Attempts to understand the wider context of the Arab uprisings in Morocco mainly focus on the dynamic created by the 20 February Movement, while the long history of increasing socio-economic struggle tends to be underestimated. This article argues that the political and democratic protests of the last two years and the history of socio-economic protests cannot be viewed as unrelated phenomena but must be understood as part of the same process. The account focuses on different disturbances, such as the riots in the phosphate mining region of Khouribga, to show the particular dynamic between civil democratic and socio-economic struggles.

Palestine today is increasingly subject to two urban forms of colonization. One form is produced by Israeli settler-colonialism while the other, newer form, is produced by neoliberal capitalism. While the two forms are distinct-each has its unique history and primary drivers-they both work in ways that reinforce and solidify the other's hold on the terrain.

The social relations of settler-colonialism and neoliberalism are not mutually exclusive and, in this case, work in complementary ways, so that transnational capitalists and the Israeli settlement regime are both able to solidify their hegemony over Palestinians. They both employ a variety of strategies that critical geographer David Harvey refers to as "accumulation by dispossession" — by exploiting the existing, often inequitable, political and economic networks they have at their disposal to accumulate profit or territory. Rawabi is an exemplary material manifestation of this new form of neoliberal urbanism, a neoliberal McCity that ultimately does little to address Palestinians' most immediate and salient social issues—unemployment, poverty, food and water insecurity—or their struggle for liberation from Israeli occupation.

This paper addresses the contemporary creativity ethos through the lens of citizenship. The paper builds upon governmentality scholarship to examine how creativity and cultural participation are being recast as moral duties of active citizenship. It notes the development of governmental projects that seek to optimize the creative capacities of individuals toward a variety of ends. The paper develops these observations through an examination of cultural planning practices in Toronto. It notes how the city's cultural policies are viewed in increasingly therapeutic terms as technologies of creative citizenship. Emphasis is placed on the proliferation of participatory arts festivals and arts-based community development projects that enlist urban denizens into creative citizenship practices. The paper then explores a paradox at the centre of this emergent regime of creative citizenship. It describes how the creative citizen is construed in cultural planning practice as a heroic agent of innovation and civic renewal, and, at the same time, as an object of continual monitoring, assessment and risk-management.

This  paper  seeks  to  assess  the  impact  and  the  potential  of  the policies  that  promote  bicycle  use  in  Bogotá. Criticized by some as an entrepreneurial policy that reinforces inequalities, touted by others as a form of spatial justice  that  contributes  to  a  fairer  city,  the  existing literature  on  cycling  promotion  is  divided.  Are  these  logics reconcilable?  This  is  echoed  in  the  case  of  Bogotá,  where  the  promotion  of  bicycle  use  is  perceived  as  an economic development strategy seeking to attract the creative class, and as a social equalizer that encourages a mode of transportation that is mostly used by the poor. Yet, to this day in spite of the existing network of 440 km of  bike lanes,  less  than  4%  of  trips  are  made  by  bike.  Using  the  Bogotá case,  this  paper  tries  to  understand  to what  extent  cycling promotion  is  pro-poor,  and  if  it  is,  to  uncover  the  barriers  limiting bicycle  use.  For  this purpose, the theoretical part of this work (opposing the two existing perspectives on cycling promotion policies) draws on a case study relying on a series of interviews conducted in Bogotá. The results of this study show that cycling is a need for the poor and an aspiration for the middle class, but that the risks of theft and accidents limit bicycle use. Integrated urban policies aimed at spatial justice could help reduce these risks.

Urban politics has changed during a generation of neoliberalization. This paper argues that next to the notions of roll-back and roll-out neoliberalization, which have been put
forward to explain this change, a third concept might be helpful: roll-with-it neoliberalization.
The three concepts refer to phases, moments and contradictions in neoliberalization. Roll-with-it neoliberalization captures the normalization of governmentalities associated with the neoliberal social formation and its emerging crises. The paper outlines an immanent critique of roll-with-it neoliberalization to determine possible consequences for urban politics in this current phase: (a) neoliberal governmentality has been generalized to the
point that it does not have to be established aggressively and explicitly and (b) the farreaching crises of regulation that have gripped the capitalist urban system as a result of
neoliberal roll-out now demand new orientations in collective action that involve both ‘reformed’ neoliberal elite practices and elite reaction to widespread contestation of neoliberal
regulation. The paper differentiates two ideal types of urban political discourses at the current conjuncture and adds a progressive alternative that points beyond the neoliberal
agenda. While the previous era created governance conflicts around social cohesion and economic competitiveness, the current debate moves to new sectors of social concern, which
broaden the agenda of urban politics to encompass fields traditionally not included in considerations on urban political regulation. The paper concludes that while roll-with-it
neoliberalization has changed the game and moved the boundaries of urban politics, it has also created new contradictions that demonstrate its own unsustainability as a mode of regulation. As the financial and economic architecture of global neoliberalism fails, and communities world wide are thrown into the maelstrom of crisis, urban politics and the
actors that make it need to be reimagined.

The current crisis, with its particularly severe configuration in Southern European countries, provides an opportunity to probe the interrelation of economic crunches and the production of space, and also to imagine potential paths of sociospatial emancipation from the dictates of global markets. This introductory chapter offers a preliminary interpretive framework exploring the fundamental role of urban and territorial restructuring in the formation, management and resolution of capitalist crises and, conversely, periods of crisis as key stages in the history of urbanization. I will begin by contextualizing the 2007-8 economic slump, the subsequent global recession and its uneven impact on states and cities in the longue durée of capitalist productions of space, studying the transformation of spatial configurations in previous episodes of economic stagnation. This broader perspective will then be used to analyze currently emerging formations of austerity urbanism, showing how the practices of crisis management incorporate a strategy for economic and institutional restructuring that eventually impacts on urban policy, and indeed in the production of urban space itself.