Nivkh language

The chapter discusses the expression of number in Nivkh (isolate), which is spoken in the Far East of Russia. Typologically, Nivkh is a (poly)synthetic language with a rather complex (morpho)phonology and predominant suffixation. In Nivkh, number distinctions relate both to the count of participants, which is expressed by numerals and personal pronouns, as well as through nominal and verbal inflection, and to the count of events, which is determined at the clausal level, so that plurality of events is marked either by reduplication of nominal and verbal stems or by verbal suffixation. A maximum number of number features (singular vs. dual vs. plural) is attested in the personal pronouns and the hortative verb forms, whereas in all other forms a two-way number contrast between singular and plural is observed. The system of numerals contains at least thirty-three suffixalized classifiers. As an inflectional category, number is not obligatory either for nouns or for verbs. Those finite verb forms and converbs that can be conjugated display various patterns of verbal agreement. This can best be explained by assuming that the verbal forms are results of morphosyntactic restructuring at different time levels.

This paper discusses the typological evolution of Ghilyak (Nivkh), a small "Palaeo-Asiatic" language family also known as Amuric, distributed in the Amur-Sakhalin region of the Russian Far East. In some respects, especially in the phonology, morphophonol-ogy, and phonotactics, Ghilyak shows features absent in the other languages of the region, most of which represent the so-called "Altaic" areal-typological complex. At the same time, Ghilyak shares with its neighbours several "Altaic" features, especially in the morphosyntax, including suffixally marked number and case, as well as nomi-nalized and converbialized verbs. An analysis of the data shows that Ghilyak has been affected by at least two processes of typological transformation which have, either successively or in parallel, both "Altaicized" and "de-Altaicized" its linguistic structure. The reasons of these transformations can be sought in the substratal, adstratal, and super-stratal impact of the neighbouring "Altaic" and "non-Altaic" languages. This allows us to place the typological prehistory of Ghilyak in a context shared by other languages of the North Pacific Rim, notably Tungusic and Koreanic.

The paper discusses the etymology of the ethnonym Orok, as used for one of the aboriginal populations of the Island of Sakhalin. It has been generally assumed that this ethnonym is connected with the Tungusic term for 'reindeer', especially since the Orok, also known by the name Uilta, are reindeer herders. The author demonstrates the unlike-liness of this etymology and proposes instead a connection with the widespread generic ethnonym Uryangkhai. This term was transferred on the Orok via the languages of their neighbours, the Sakhalin Ainu and the Sakhalin Ghilyak.

This paper offers a comprehensive analysis of the morphosyntactic, semantic, and pragmatic features of Nivkh demonstratives, which represent a typologically interesting example of an exceptionally elaborated speaker-anchored deictic system. The deictic properties of the demonstratives can be described either in terms of a binary system, with the opposition between proximal and non-proximal areas as viewed from the deictic centre, or in terms of a multiple system that is organized hierarchically and may be divided into primary and secondary systems, which together define fifteen spatial zones around the deictic centre. Beyond spatial proximity, the demonstratives may also encode a number of non-deictic features, such as quality, quantity, dimension, location , preciseness of location, and visibility. This paper distinguishes between six morphosyntactic classes of demonstratives and shows how the different deictic and non-deictic features correlate with their pragmatic uses.

If Aitmatov's “Jamila” is a melody to Soviet life, then his "Piebald Dog Running Along the Shore" is a ballad celebrating the unity and eternal flow of life itself. Based on two myths, Loover Duck and Fish Woman, "Piebald Dog" is the story of Kirisk, an eleven-year old Nivkhi boy going to sea for the first time to learn to hunt. The trip is being made exclusively for his benefit as an introduction to the sea.

Кулешов Вяч. С. Два тюркских заимствования в нивхском языке и их культурно-исторические импликации // Универсальное и специфичное в вербальных традициях народов современной России : Тезисы Всероссийской научной конференции (Новосибирск, 14–17 октября 2020 года) / Ответственный редактор Е. В. Тюнтешева. Новосибирск: Академиздат, 2020. — С. 60–62.

In the third part of my complex study of the historical relations between several language families of North America and the Nivkh language in the Far East, I present an annotated demonstration of the comparative data that was used in the lexicostatistical calculations to determine the branching and approximate glottochronological dating of Proto-Algonquian-Wakashan and its offspring; because of volume considerations, this data could not be included in the previous two parts of the present work and has to be presented autonomously. Additionally, several new Proto-Algonquian-Wakashan and Proto-Nivkh-Algonquian roots have been set up in this part of study. Lexicostatistical calculations have been conducted for the following languages: the reconstructed Proto-North Wakashan (approximately dated to ca. 800 AD) and modern or historically attested variants of Nootka (Nuuchahnulth), Amur Nivkh, Sakhalin Nivkh, Western Abenaki, Miami-Peoria, Fort Severn Cree, Wiyot, and Yurok. The classification and preliminary glottochronological dating of Algonquian-Wakashan currently remain the same as presented in Nikolaev 2015a, Fig. 1 1. That scheme was generated based on the lexicostatistical analysis of 110-item basic word lists 2 for one reconstructed (Proto-Northern Wakashan, ca. 800 A.D.) and several modern Algonquian-Wakashan languages , performed with the aid of StarLing software 3. Etymologies for the overwhelming majority of the 110-item wordlist entries have been established based on the list of regular sound correspondences as suggested in Nikolaev 2015a, § 3; whenever those correspondences are generally satisfied, we surmise that the respective items represent results of genetic divergence , rather than diffusion and borrowing occurring already after the disintegration of the original Proto-Algonquian-Wakashan. The third publication in this ongoing series is presented in the form of an annotated demonstration of the comparative data that was used in lexicostatistical calculations; since this presentation sometimes demands detailed comments on various aspects of historical phonology that take up too much space, it could not have been included in the previous two publications on the subject. Certain improvements to the ongoing work on PAW and PNA reconstruction have been produced during the preparation of the present work; consequently, a few differences from Nikolaev 2015b are to be encountered. These are consistently marked in the main body of the 1 None of these glottochronological dates should be accepted as incontestable facts; undoubtedly, certain details will be liable to change as the material of all the other Algonquian-Wakashan subgroups (primarily Quileute and perhaps also Kutenai) is added to the comparison. Current datings should be understood as reflecting a highly approximate temporal scale for language divergence. 2 The standard 100-item Swadesh wordlist with 10 additional words for the purpose of more accurate classification and dating of the cognate languages. 3 StarLing for Windows v. 2.5.3 (computerized system for multilingual database processing; copyright 1985-2005 by Sergei Starostin; http://starling.rinet.ru).

At present there are many odd hypotheses about the genetic affiliation of certain languages. Most such hypotheses are invented without any serious examination of the structural differences between the languages being compared. The PAI method was inspired by ideas of A. P. Volodin, who noticed that there were two types of languages, one type has prefixation and the other does not. Actually, there is no sharp divide between the two types, it is more precise to use a coefficient (i.e. PAI) rather than simply ask “does a language allow prefixation?” The PAI theory supposed there was correlation between values of PAI of genetically related languages. Tests of PAI on the material of well assembled stocks prove that such correlations exist. Being applied to Ainu and to languages that are possibly supposed to be related to it. The PAI shows that Ainu that is not related to either Altaic or Nivkh, while a search for relatives of Ainu to the south shows potential. Also PAI can be useful in the case of other unsettled questions of language affiliation in North America, New Guinea, Southeast Asia, Africa and other places.