Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs)

This study integrates social capital theory and network analysis to explore the relationship between interorganizational networks and organizational action. It analyzes the collaborative partnerships that religious congregations form to provide social services, and it examines how these ties are associated with the number and types of programs they offer. Using cross-sectional and panel data from a national study of congregations, the analysis finds significant relationships between congregations' interorganizational ties and their social service provision patterns. Congregations that collaborate with other organizations offer more programs, and the effect is even greater for congregations with a diverse portfolio of collaborators. Furthermore, a network analysis indicates that congregations with a similar portfolio of collaborators offer a similar menu of services. This study demonstrates that an organization's collaborative ties, above and beyond its internal characteristics, are significantly associated with both the volume and scope of its activity.

The limits of the planet and of natural  resources  impede  pursuing  the  modern  project  based  on  permanent
growth  and  represent  a  major  challenge  for  humanity.  Drawing on an  agency-centred  approach,  this paper addresses two two  major  questions:
‘Who are the social actors who challenge the normative orientation at the core of modernization and promote alternative values and practices that may contribute to the rise of a global age, or may embody glimpses of a global age society?’ and ‘Can we grasp some dimensions of life and society in the global age  by studying current social movements?  ’

Many studies have examined the impact of the arts on educational outcomes, physical and mental health outcomes, local economies, and community well-being. Yet considerably less attention has been given to the impact that participation in the arts has on civil society. This study seeks to remedy this gap in the literature by examining the effect that audience-based arts participation and direct arts participation have on three measures of civil society. We rely on data from the General Social Survey, which offers information on the arts participation behavior as well as person contributions to civil society of a random sample of adults living in the U.S. (n=2,765). Multivariate analysis is used to estimate the effects of audience-based arts participation, as well as direct participation in the arts on three dimensions of civil society: civic engagement, social tolerance, and other-regarding behavior. We find strong evidence that the arts enhance civil society; individuals who have bo...

"En las siguientes páginas se analizan principalmente dos aspectos. En primer lugar, la posición de los diferentes actores políticos y sociales marroquíes con respecto a la situación de los derechos civiles y políticos. De entre estos actores me ha
interesado especialmente el movimiento de defensa de los derechos humanos. La pregunta que subyace en todo el estudio es en qué medida este movimiento contribuyó a la liberalización del régimen y en qué medida puede contribuir a su democratización.
Con esta intención he analizado su cultura política, sus características sociológicas y, sobre todo, su posición y margen de maniobra dentro del campo político (vínculos e instrumentalización por el poder, relaciones con los partidos políticos, con actores internacionales, etc.). Se trata de determinar la capacidad y los límites de un movimiento que ha experimentado una importante transformación en las últimas tres décadas. El contexto represivo de los años setenta (en el
que el movimiento únicamente podía preocuparse de su propia supervivencia y debía guardar silencio sobre gran parte del dossier represivo de los años de plomo) se suavizó a finales de los ochenta, y la liberalización se consolida en la segunda
mitad de los noventa."

In recent decades, civil society organisations (CSOs) have grown both in number and in their impact on policy-making, at European and also non-Member state level. Public institutions, motivated by the need to increase their legitimacy, have increasingly delegated functions to CSOs. Concomitantly, CSOs have expanded their access to public funding. In part because of increased access to public funding, and in part because of a stronger relationship with public powers, CSOs are under pressure to demonstrate that they use the resources they are given in an efficient, accountable and transparent manner, e.g. by adopting policies on fiscal transparency, and by maintaining financial solvency. The EU's interest in regulating CSOs is relatively recent. At present, the legal framework addressing CSOs' financial accountability includes two 'categories' of norms: those that regulate the award of public contracts and the concession of grants, and those norms that address transparency and openness. The first category includes the rules on public contracts and the rules on (co-)financing of CSO projects; whereas the second category includes the Financial Transparency Initiative (FTJ) and the Joint Transparency Register
(JTR). The FTJ gathers all information on EU funding in a single database. The JTR gathers information produced by the various organisations (including CSOs) that are interested in lobbying the EU, and who register voluntarily. Defining the boundaries of CSO fiscal accountability and effectively tackling cases of fraud or financial mismanagement remains a difficult endeavor. On the one hand, the EU still lacks a single overarching understanding (and, consequently, legal definition) of CSOs. This translates into the absence of clear legal definitions, and more generally into
the opacity of the information available on CSOs through EU databases. Moreover, as CSOs are 'private entities', they are not submitted to the same integrity mechanisms and norms that apply to public institutions, including internal and external oversight. Finally, a significant administrative burden imposed on CSOs may, in the end, counter EU efforts to tackle financial mismanagement by CSOs. In many respects, the issue of CSO financial accountability has come to resemble a dialogue of the deaf: EU institution-proposed reforms have been postponed, or have not produced the outcomes expected, or have been fiercely opposed by CSOs. At the same time, the self-regulatory tools (including policies on selecting donors, self monitoring and codes of conduct and standards) developed by CSOs to enhance their
financial accountability have not obtained official recognition from EU institutions.

"Since its very inception, social work has been considered an organizationally based profession, with the majority of its workforce employed within formal organizations. Whether in nonprofit, for-profit, or governmental agencies, the practical realities of human service organizations are a central element of professional social work. This book explores the climate and culture of these agencies and provides essential information for surviving and thriving in this setting. It prepares students for their future careers so that they will feel empowered in their work and be able to fulfill their responsibilities toward organizational, community, and social change. Using real-life examples, the authors examine the internal structures of management, financing, and supervision and discuss common conflicts between agencies and professionals. The book’s straightforward tone and practical advice make it an asset to anyone entering human service organizations.

This new edition contains updated examples, case studies, and references. It also contains valuable information on the effects of the recent financial crisis on human service organizations. Agencies now face increased caseloads and more complex social problems with fewer resources and less money. Understanding how these events have changed the nature of human service organizations will allow students to be better prepared for the work ahead of them.

Features

•
Expanded content on the practical aspects of organizational theory and suggestions for developing leadership skills
•
Updated examples, case studies, and references throughout the book
•
Key points and discussion questions following each chapter
•
Updated instructor’s manual available online as a PDF or Word document"

In the aftermath of the July 15, 2016 attempted coup, the decision of the Parliament of July 20, 2016 approving the declaration of the state of emergency, enabled the government to enact emergency decree laws.

Civil society in Turkey has been long affected by a number of destabilizing pressures, including renewed tensions over the Kurdish conflict, instability spilling over from neighboring Syria, a series of terrorist attacks by ISIL, the increasing flow of refugees, political deadlocks, an economic decline and most devastating, a coup attempt aftermath. The political instability has paved way for a state of constant readiness to curb basic freedoms, including the freedoms of association, assembly and expression, allegedly for the sake of the preserving “national security” or “public order”.

In recent years, the authorities in Turkey have established a disturbing track-record of suppressing dissent and gradually restricting human rights and fundamental freedoms, including obstructing by various means the work of human rights defenders, restricting the environment in which they operate and often targeting them directly.

¿Cómo pudo ocurrir que la institucionalización de los derechos de las mujeres posibilitara  la violación de los derechos reproductivos de las mujeres indígenas?  Esta tesis empieza con el establecimiento del PNSRPF 1996-2000 (Plan de planificación familiar) que fue parte de una campaña por los derechos de la mujer en el Perú fujimorista y causa de las esterilizaciones forzadas de más de  diez mil mujeres campesinas.  En esta tesis examino la memoria histórica del movimiento feminista peruano con el objetivo de comprender los factores que permitieron la vulnerabilidad de las campesinas dentro del marco de una campaña por los derechos de la mujer.  El movimiento feminista peruano puede mostrar tres dimensiones de los derechos humanos: los reproductivos y sexuales; los humanos y ciudadanos, y los derechos políticos.  Sin embargo, ninguno de estos  pudo responder a la condición interseccional de la identidad de las campesinas y a su exclusión inclusiva como ciudadanas.  Aun cuando se pensaba que  los derechos protegían a “todas las mujeres” o a “todos los peruanos” estos paradigmas aislaron los proyectos de derechos específicos que permitieron la invisibilidad de las campesinas.

La médiatisation des initiatives de reconstruction après des conflits armés, des contre-sommets pour revendiquer justice sociale et protection de l’environnement, ou de l’assistance humanitaire après les catastrophes, a fait des organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) un acteur singulier à travers le monde. Si leur champ de prédilection reste l’action d’urgence, les ONG s’investissent de plus en plus dans les questions de développement qui, elles, sont moins médiatisées. Il demeure que traditionnellement ces questions sont réservées aux États, à des organisations intergouvernementales et à des collectivités locales. L’entrée en scène des ONG ne s’est donc pas faite sans heurts. L’objectif de cet article est alors d’évaluer l’action non gouvernementale en Afrique, d’en saisir les opportunités ainsi que les contraintes. Il s’avère en fin de compte que les ONG jouent un rôle déterminant dans les initiatives de développement en Afrique. Acteur à part entière du champ social, alternative aux pouvoirs publics chancelants, ces organisations sont confrontées à une nécessaire régulation de leur fonctionnement.

This whitepaper provides a legal analysis to align the 1972 World Heritage Convention and the UNESCO Constitution and its commitment to human rights and fundamental freedoms. It sets out recommendations for UNESCO, the World Heritage governing bodies, and States Parties to ensure properties on the World Heritage List and Tentative Lists are not sites of serious, systematic violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law.

Political geography traditionally focused on state, but there has been a broadening of what counts as ‘doing politics’ that includes the work of social movements. Much of this work though uses analytical categories other than social movement, and these are reviewed and included here. Geographers have brought space into thinking about social movements, analyzing how various spatialities shape and are shaped by movements, the spatialities of solidarity, and the geographies of emotion used and generated by movements. Many do this work as academic-activists and collaborate with movements. Across different methods, approaches, and languages, geographers have contributed to building the power of movements to make a better world.

In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, a majority of countries worldwide have introduced severe limitations on the freedom of assembly, if not an outright lockdown, in many cases complemented by restrictions on further civil and political rights. Although restrictions were generally considered necessary to save lives and protect health care systems from overburdening, they also pose the risk of government overreach, that is, governments may use the pandemic as a convenient opportunity and justification to impose restrictions for political purposes. In this sense, COVID-19 may give yet another substantial boost to a global trend that has been unfolding since the early 2000s: the shrinking of civic spaces, which is characterized by an increase in government restrictions that target civil society actors and limit their freedoms of assembly, association, and expression. The aim of the paper is to assess civic space restrictions that have been imposed in response to the COVID-19 pandemic ...

The phenomenon of closing civic space essentially reflects a political struggle over the legitimate role of civil society organizations in public affairs as well as over the legitimate role of the state in regulating such civil society activities. The public sphere is a key site in which this struggle is waged. In general, in the context of closing spaces, governments publicly define increasingly narrow limits as to what kinds of civil society organizations and activities are to be considered appropriate. Based on such a definition of standards of appropriateness, governments may then publicly
criticize individual civil society organizations (CSOs) with a view to designating them as, in one way or another, outside the realm of legitimate civic behavior. The chapter reconstructs the basic logic of what is called “reputational attacks against civil society actors” and suggests a set of strategic responses available to CSOs.

In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, a majority of countries worldwide have introduced severe limitations on the freedom of assembly, if not an outright lockdown, in many cases complemented by restrictions on further civil and political rights. Although restrictions were generally considered necessary to save lives and protect health care systems from overburdening, they also pose the risk of government overreach, that is, governments may use the pandemic as a convenient opportunity and justification to impose restrictions for political purposes. In this sense, COVID-19 may give yet another substantial boost to a global trend that has been unfolding since the early 2000s: the shrinking of civic spaces, which is characterized by an increase in government restrictions that target civil society actors and limit their freedoms of assembly, association, and expression. The aim of the paper is to assess civic space restrictions that have been imposed in response to the COVID-19 pandemic with a view to exploring their immediate consequences as well as their potential mid-term implications for civil society organizations in general and contentious civic activism in particular. We do so by, first, providing evidence from multiple data sources about the global spread of COVID-19-related restrictions over time and across countries. Second, we identify key dynamics at work in order to assess the immediate consequences and the potential mid-term implications of these restrictions. These dynamics are illustrated by looking at experiences from individual countries (including Cambodia, Germany, Hungary, and Lebanon).

This report on Cambodia is one of a set of four country case studies designed to study the implications of closing civic space for the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The case study was commissioned in response to the wave of legal, administrative, political and informal means to restrict civic space and the activities of civil society actors in countries around the world in the past decade. Based on a literature review and conceptual framework developed for the study (see also Hossain et al 2018), the report documents changing civic space in Cambodia. The country is characterized by a centralised political system where power is increasingly concentrated in the hands of the dominant ruling class. Development policy has prioritized high-growth goals, with documented violations of land, labour and freedom of speech rights in the process. The case study documents the impacts on specific Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) objectives, including no poverty (SDG 1), zero hunger (SDG 2), decent work (SDG 8), gender and economic equality (SDGs 5 and 10) inclusive communities (SDG 11), life on the land (SDG 15).

Lietuvos pilietinės visuomenės būklės analizė

Stipri pilietinė visuomenė ir joje veikiančios aktyvios, piliečiams atstovaujančios nevyriausybinės organizacijos (NVO) – tai demokratijos ir nacionalinio saugumo garantas, darbo vietų šalyje kūrėjos. Remiantis atliktų tyrimų išvadomis, konstatuojama, jog dėl fragmentuoto, todėl ilgalaikių rezultatų neužtikrinančio, tik paslaugoms teikti skiriamo NVO
finansavimo, Lietuvos pilietinė visuomenė tebėra silpna, piliečių įsitraukimas į NVO smunka, piliečiai ir NVO menkai dalyvauja viešojoje politikoje, o ligšiolinės pilietinės visuomenės stiprinimo priemonės – neveiksmingos. Studijoje akcentuojama, jog pilietinės visuomenės
plėtros proveržį gali paskatinti strateginis NVO institucinių gebėjimų stiprinimas, kokybiškai organizuojama savanorystė ir piliečių įtraukimas į viešąją politiką, tačiau lig šiol šios prioritetinės sritys buvo fragmentuotai finansuojamos laikinųjų užsienio šalių fondų, itin ribotai ES investicijų priemonėse bei vos 2 teminėse programose.

PVPA tikslas, veiklos, rezultatai

Todėl, siekiant kryptingai stiprinti pilietinės visuomenės organizacijas bei įgalinti piliečius dalyvauti viešojoje politikoje, taip prisidedant prie Lietuvos
pažangos strategijos „Lietuva 2030“ įgyvendinimo, sėkmingo veikimo ES
bei integracijos į EBPO, siūloma įsteigti į reikšmingus ir ilgalaikius socialinius pokyčius orientuotą, tarpsektorinę valstybės biudžeto lėšomis finansuojamą Pilietinės visuomenės plėtros agentūrą (PVPA). Siekiant stiprinti bendruomeniškumą ir NVO bei bendruomenes įtraukti į sprendimų priėmimo procesus, tokią agentūrą (NVO fondo) steigti numatyta ir XVII LR Vyriausybės programoje.

PVPA veiklos: (1) NVO veiklų, prisidedančių prie efektyvaus ir demokratiško
dalyvavimo viešojoje politikoje, bei pilietinės visuomenės (organizacijų)
gebėjimų ugdymo finansavimas, ES ir užsienio šalių fondų finansuojamų projektų kofinansavimas; (2) informacijos apie NVO sektorių kaupimas ir analizė, NVO vaidmens ir veiklos rezultatų viešinimas, geresnio suderinamumo su kitais NVO sektoriaus donorais užtikrinimas,
gero valdymo principų sklaida NVO sektoriuje.

Prognozuojami PVPA veiklos rezultatai: (1) sustiprintas bendruomeniškumas: išaugęs pilietinėse veiklose, tarp jų ir NVO, kokybiškai dalyvaujančių gyventojų skaičius, sustiprėjusi pilietinės visuomenės organizacijų veikla; (2) užtikrintas veiksmingesnis viešasis valdymas:
išaugęs valstybės institucijų konsultacijų su visuomene skaičius, NVO ir
valstybės institucijų partnerystė, didesnis skaičius piliečių, žinančių, kokiais
būdais teikti siūlymus jiems svarbiais klausimais, gyventojų aktyvesnis dalyvavimas sprendžiant viešuosius reikalus, užtikrinti teisės viršenybės principai.

Finansavimo resursai, šaltiniai, teisės aktų pokyčiai

Norint užtikrinti siekiamą kokybinį pilietinės visuomenės plėtros proveržį,
numatomas kasmetinis 20,5 mln. EUR lėšų poreikis, siūlomas finansuoti iš nepaskirstytų 2 ir 1 procentų gyventojų pajamų mokesčio, taip pat optimizuojant ilgainiui PVPA konsoliduoti ir iš valstybės biudžeto finansuojamas NVO programas. Steigiant PVPA siūloma koreguoti
NVO plėtros ir Gyventojų pajamų mokesčių įstatymus, detalų PVPA veikimą
aptariant PVPA įstatuose.

Siūlomas PVPA veiklos modelis

Studijoje įvertinami 3 galimų PVPA valdymo modelių (NVO savireguliacija,
valdoma išimtinai valstybės, bendradarbiaujant valstybės institucijai ir NVO) privalumai ir rizikos. Siūlomas kokybišką skirtingų sektorių bendradarbiavimą, nepriklausomumą nuo vienos tematinės
žinybos bei skaidrumą užtikrinantis PVPA modelis – viešoji įstaiga, įsteigta
ir valdoma bendradarbiaujant valstybės institucijai (Socialinės apsaugos ir darbo ministerija pagal NVO plėtros įstatymą) bei didžiausią pilietinės visuomenės organizacijų atstovavimą užtikrinančios NVO. PVPA sprendimus priimtų visuotinis dalininkų susirinkimas, tvirtinantis
5 asmenų valdybą, sudarytą iš NVO srities ekspertų valstybiniame ir NVO
sektoriuose, priežiūrą vykdytų 5 asmenų komitetas. Administraciją formuotų dalininkų susirinkimo tvirtinamas direktorius, projektų paraiškas vertintų nepriklausomi ekspertai.

Studijos prieduose pateikiama PVPA steigimo ir veiklos rizikų analizė, gerieji NVO praktikos pavyzdžiai, NVO sektoriaus finansavimo poreikis ir panašių užsienio šalyse veikiančių fondų apžvalga.

The increasing professionalization of civil society is a global trend that stems largely from the growing role of third sector organizations in policy making and service delivery. Such a trend can also be identified in Finland, providing a timely moment to take stock of the current provision of tertiary level civil society management education in the Finnish higher education system. In this article, I identify two ways of conceptualizing the role of civil society whereby civil society organizations are seen as a function of either service delivery or democratization. In Finnish civil society education, the latter view tends to be emphasized, leaving a gap between the needs of professionalizing civil society organizations and the current provision of higher education courses on civil society management.

Ensuring the broadly defined concept of security in the 21 st century became a responsibility of everyone, both of those who represent government and local government branches and those who operate within non-governmental organizations. Entities which, alongside governmental institutions, actively engage in the operations to ensure safety are non-governmental organizations. In a democratic society, they are basis for the development of local communities and improvement of local security, as they often incorporate most active citizens of certain environments who are sensitive to social matters. They are also an opinion-forming factor at the state's legislative level, at the same time being a significant element in the decision-making process at lower levels.

La lucha del movimiento LGBTI ha marcado las últimas dos décadas en el sistema de derechos humanos de la ONU. Una lucha marcada por un proceso de reconocimiento de sus derechos, reconocimiento que sigue siendo contestado y revertido por diferentes países. El movimiento LGBTI ha procurado en la ONU promover su reconocimiento para eliminar la violencia, discriminación e injusticia hacia las personas LGBTI como un colectivo víctima de la opresión sexual en todo el mundo, que no les reconoce sus derechos humanos debido a prejuicios como el heterosexismo.

Th is book explores the activism promoted by organised networks of civil society actors in opening up possibilities for more democratic supranational governance. It examines the positive and negative impact that such networks of civil society actors – named “interlocutory coalitions” – may have on the convergence of principles of administrative governance across the European legal system and other supranational legal systems.
Th e book takes two main controversial aspects into account: the first relates to the convergence between administrative rules pertaining to different supranational regulatory systems. Traditionally, the spread of methods of administrative governance
has been depicted primarily against the background of the interactions between the domestic and the supranational arena, both from a top-down and bottom-up perspective. However, the exploration of interactions occurring at the supranational
level between legal regimes is still not grounded on adequate empirical evidence.
The second controversial aspect considered in this book consists of the role of civil society actors operating at the supranational level. In its discussion of the first aspect, the book focuses on the relations between the European administrative law and the
administrative principles of law pertaining to other supranational regulatory regimes and regulators, including the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organization, the United Nations, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the Asian Development Bank, and the Council of
Europe. The examination of the second aspect involves the exploration of the still little examined, but crucial, role of civil society organised networks in shaping global administrative law. These “interlocutory coalitions” include NGOs, think tanks,
foundations, universities, and occasionally activists with no formal connections to civil society organisations. Th e book describes such interlocutory coalitions as drivers of harmonized principles of participatory democracy at the European and global levels.
However, interlocutory coalitions show a number of tensions (e.g. the governability of coalitions, the competition among them) that may hamper the impact they have on the reconfi guration of individuals’ rights, entitlements and responsibilities in the global arena.

Simple report: How Ukrainian NGOs use the Internet technologies in their work.

The total number of responses: 195 NGOs from Ukraine (all regions)

The research was conducted in 2014 by Kherson Regional Charitable Foundation “Union” (www.fundunion.org)

Данное исследование посвящено обзору состояния Некоммерческих Организаций (и гражданского общества - включая активистов и носителей ВИЧ) в контексте обеспечения профилактики ВИЧ в Российской Федерации (Санкт-Петербурге) по состоянию на 2020 год.

Autorzy stawiają sobie za cel rozpoznanie i scharakteryzowanie polskich warunków współpracy jednostek samorządu terytorialnego z organizacjami pozarządowymi. W głównym nurcie rozważań znajdują się więc prawne, politologiczne, ekonomiczne i socjologiczne aspekty współpracy międzysektorowej. Zastosowanie multidyscyplinarnego podejścia pozwala na diagnozę najważniejszych cech, a także barier przedmiotowej współpracy. Ułatwia również zaproponowanie konkretnych rozwiązań i rekomendacji, mających na celu podniesienie jakości funkcjonowania tej konkretnej relacji międzysektorowej.

Dissecting complex institutional webs and the roles they play (or should play) in development is an ongoing endeavor. To better understand the relationships between local and external institutions in small communities—specifically, whether these two sets of institutions act as complements or substitutes—we analyze subjective assessments of organizations and development indicators in nine rural Costa Rican towns. We expect to find that attitudes toward both local and external institutions are positively related to perceptions of development indicators. While the regression model we present yields a relationship between the perceived strength of local institutions and development indicators, we fail to find such a relationship with the importance respondents place on the presence of external organizations in their community. The results of a second regression model suggest that individuals may link the importance of external institutions with the specific services they provide. We con...

During independence war and just after independence, development work was mostly done by international organizations using volunteers or skilled staffs (doctors, nurses, agricultural experts, economists etc.). The volunteers, however, often comprised of enthusiastic young foreigners mostly based in Dhaka or philanthropist from abroad. These groups were supported by local wealthy educated elites who had affinity with these expats for different reasons. It will not be completely wrong if these local associates are branded as local foreigners in dark skin. They helped foreigners in organizing relief distribution after devastating natural disaster or helping women who suffered measurably due to war crimes or provided support in rebuilding process. These successful first batch of smart native organizers could sense the picture of development wave that will swipe through Bangladesh. There was tremendous potential in getting engaged with development work fulltime and enjoy the benefit of huge development funding. They grabbed the opportunity with both hands. These are the pioneering generation of development consultants in Bangladesh. Few of those have grown as powerful global figures, amassed tremendous wealth, name and fame as development practitioners.

Governments and NGOs all over the world are condemning the three evils; human slavery, human trafficking, and forced labour, by passing national and international laws and regulations and often in favour of status quo.

        The system of liberal capitalism is successful at diverting the attention away from itself on the three evils by relying upon the definitions given by the law and regulations passed by governments and NGOs such as the United Nations. According to the governments and NGOs, the three evils are illegal, immoral and criminal activities. Therefore, by diverting the focus on slavery, trafficking, and forced labor, the system is continuing to abuse women, children and men by way of labor exploitation in order to increase their economic gain and advancement at the expense of the innocent women, children, and men.

Over the last two decades, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have proliferated in the local, national,
and international development arenas as a main service provider to society's most vulnerable citizens. In
terms of ensuring social development, policy advocacy and public campaigns are key tasks of such
organizations. Disaster relief, democracy building, conflict mediation, human rights work, cultural
preservation, environmental advocacy, policy formulation, research, and information sharing are all areas
where NGOs work (Lewis, 2010). Bangladesh is a fascinating and engaging case study in international
development. It was described as a "international basket case" as soon as it got independence in 1971, a
bottomless pit of foreign aid and external dependency, with a big and uneducated populace lacking the key
"fundamentals" of economic progress. Despite this, the country has defied the moniker, surmounted
countless challenges, and demonstrated tenacity. That was both unexpected and remarkable in terms of its
economic performance (Ahmad, 2021). In Bangladesh, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have
emerged as the saviors of countless people who are hungry. Clothing, education, and primary health care are
all necessities.
Bangladesh is one of the world's poorest thirteen countries. Bangladesh is having a difficult time satisfying
the demands of its rapidly growing population due to its status as the world's most densely populated
country and a lack of workforce capacity. While agriculture is the country's main source of revenue, it has
largely failed to provide meaningful job options for landless people. NGOs are striving to eradicate poverty by
engaging directly with the poor. The poor and disadvantaged, who have little, are their prime target
audiences. Their key responsibilities include organizing these people, instilling awareness in them, and
guiding them toward advancement. These organizations exist to meet the needs and desires of small-scale
farmers and women. Contribute to the larger process of national development planning (The lawyers and
Jurists, 2018)

NGOs are a vital important cog of the development process. There are
synonymous with the development discourse. Their role in development
is invaluable. However, a quantum of inadequacies in NGOs’
programming is militating against development. This paper is anchored
on qualitative research that was conducted in Chegutu district. Focus
Group Discussion were also used to extricate data on the shortcomings of
NGOs. Lack of involvement of communities in project design, cheating,
competition and neglect of certain categories of societal
members summaries some of the glaring shortcomings of NGOs.
Strengthening of monitoring and evaluation systems, capacity building of
community cadres and the involvement of the poor in the design of the
projects will help to solve some of the challenges compounding NGOs’
performance.

Formally titled the “Transparency Requirements for Parties Supported by Foreign State Entities Bill 5766-2016,” the new law passed on July 11 2016 its third and final vote by 57-48: the Knesset approved the proposal by Israeli Minister of Justice Ayelet Shaked to provide a useful framework to inform the Israeli public about the donors, funding amounts received, and the nature of the projects implemented by NGOs. Shaked used the word 'transparency' to camouflage her objective i.e. to defame organisations opposed to government policy. The Israeli law, which regulates organizations receiving foreign funding, resembles the Russian law which requires NGOs to register with the Justice Ministry if they receive foreign funding for political activities. There is no universally accepted definition of political activities for the purposes of NGO engagement, and the term “political activity” is subject to multiple interpretations.