Radicalism

Introduzione: ogni sera, una pillola contro la paura Cosa fare se da un giorno all'altro ti rinchiudono in casa e ti chiudono biblioteche, librerie e sale di lettura? Si può rimediare con la tecnologia, certo, ma non tutti i libri si trovano negli archivi online o sotto forma di e-book, e un libro digitale non dà lo stesso gusto di una lettura serale cartacea, specialmente se hai già passato tutta la giornata su uno schermo per fare quello che chiamano smart working. Qual è stata dunque l'idea di Gianandrea, libraio militante, autore tra le altre cose di pionieristici cataloghi tematici sull'Anarchismo, sul Sindacalismo Rivoluzionario, sul Sessantotto, sui Mazziniani, sul Movimento Federalista Europeo, sul Liberalsocialismo? Usare la tecnologia per socializzare i contenuti dei libri che per lavoro e passione aveva sottomano. Perché bisogna ricordare che questo lavoro non nasce solo in un contesto librario, ma anche in un contesto libertario. Le prime di queste "pillole" vengono inviate nel gruppo Signal dell' Area Libertaria Reggiana: ogni sera una citazione da un classico dell'anarchismo accompagnata da un breve profilo dell'autrice o dell'autore. Ben presto l'iniziativa si allarga, raggiungendo tutti quei compagni e compagne, soprattutto giovani, che avevano l'abitudine di vedersi tutti i giorni al Circolo "Berneri" di via Don Minzoni. Se ci pensiamo questa è stata la prima volta che la nostra generazione si è confrontata con il divieto formale di riunione e di manifestazione, e con degli arresti domiciliari di fatto, che per chi studia la storia dell'anarchismo e dei movimenti sociali richiama alla mente le limitazioni alla libertà sofferte sotto i regimi totalitari. Anche se per ragioni (e con modalità) molto diverse, abbiamo assaggiato un po' delle biografie da quelle nostre compagne e compagni che tra il diciannovesimo e il ventesimo secolo hanno vissuto il carcere, l'esilio, il confino, la lotta clandestina nella resistenza antifascista. Ma rispetto a loro, nel 2020 abbiamo un'arma in più: la tecnologia. Da Signal, il gruppo passa a Whatsapp e si è propagato in maniera virale (è il caso di dirlo) a più gruppi e liste, tanto che non si riesce più a sapere quanta gente direttamente o indirettamente ha ricevuto queste pillole. Chiusi in casa durante il lockdown, in momenti in cui il morale effettivamente si abbassava molto, ogni sera arrivava un messaggio con questi stralci anarchici di vita e di pensiero. Ed eravamo tutte e tutti un po' meno sole e soli.

Like Arena, the sociology of social movements is fifty years old. As in social movement theory, the nature, structure, contexts, theoretical conflicts and consequences of social movement activity have been debated continuously in and by Arena. It would be difficult to do justice to the scope and intensity of Arena's intellectual engagement with social movements and the questions provoked by both new and old forms of collective action. Any investigation, by definition, would be partial and highly selective. One could choose the nuclear-disarmament movement, the feminist movement, Indigenous activism, the politics of the green movement or any example of the various nationalist struggles with social movement aims - such as those in East Timor, West Papua and New Caledonia - that Arena has covered or uncovered, often having been at the forefront of debate over the last decades. This essay moves in a slightly different direction. In order to examine key aspects of Arena's impact on our understanding of social movements, my comments will span contributions from the May 1968 events in Paris to the Occupy movement from 2011 on. Given the themes of beginnings and endings running through the publication over the last half a century ('the end of students', 'the end of social movements', 'goodbye to the sixties'), this seems like an apt way forward. My aims are threefold: first, to trace some interpretive shifts in Arena in relation to the emergence of 'the student' as a new revolutionary subject; second, to try to capture something very distinctive about Arena's publications - first 'Arena', the 'Arena Journal and Arena Magazine' - namely their blend of a transnational and an idiosyncratically Australian focus; and, third, to tentatively suggest that, like social movements themselves, Arena produces activist subjects through the processes of writing, interpretation, reading and related forms of cultural radicalism.

On 18 April 2019, by-stander Lyra McKee was killed while a group of teenagers and young men rioted against the PSNI in the Northern Irish city of Derry. During these riots, two masked gunmen of the “New IRA” fired up to ten shots at three PSNI Land Rovers. The recruitment of teenagers into the ranks of dissident Irish republicans has raised concern that a new generation of young adults born after the signing of the Good Friday Agreement is prepared to continue acts of political violence in Ireland. This article will examine the motivations and ideology of teenagers and young adults in dissident Irish republican organisations. It is based on a series of in-depth interviews with members of the dissident republican youth organisation Na Fianna Éireann in the Dublin region. The interview data show four broad motivational factors for teenagers and young adults to join the republican youth organisation, Na Fianna Éireann, in the Republic of Ireland. These four are: First, working-class background, with its related deprivation and social problems (such as criminality and drug addiction); second, the importance of family links and social networks; third, social media as an introduction to republicanism; and, fourth, fascination with Irish history.

On October 1, 1920, the city of Santiago, Chile, came to a halt as tens of thousands stopped work and their daily activities to join the funeral procession of José Domingo Gómez Rojas, a 24 year old university student and acclaimed poet. Nicknamed "the firecracker poet" for his incendiary poems, such as "The Cry of the Renegade" Gómez Rojas was a member of the University of Chile's student federation (the FECh) which had come under repeated attack for its critiques of Chile's political system and ruling parties. Government officials accused the FECh's leaders of being advocates for the destruction of the social order, subversives who had the temerity to question national policy making, and insolent youths who did not know their place. Arrested for alleged sedition as part of a five-month-long "prosecution of subversives," Gómez Rojas joined other students and workers in Santiago's prison system. He never left. After two months in police custody, he died in Santiago's asylum, quickly to be reborn as a political martyr for students and workers alike.

This microhistory recovers the context within which Gómez Rojas's arrest, imprisonment, and death unfolded and the experiences of men he counted as friends, comrades, colleagues, mentors, and pupils. Fifty years before the much-heralded student movements of 1968, Raymond Craib shows, university students and workers were active political collaborators and radicalized political subjects. In interwar Chile, members of Chile's sizeable working class marched side-by-side with students from the FECh. At the same time, increasingly radicalized university students, as well as former students, workers, and worker-intellectuals, gathered together to talk, read, and find common cause. Members of what Craib calls a "capacious Left" they shared a wide-ranging interest in works of sociology and political theory, a penchant for poetry, and an eclectic embrace of anarchist, socialist, and communist principles and practices. They also shared the experience of repression, an experience that ultimately cost Gómez Rojas his life and marked an entire generation of political organizers and agitators, including future president Salvador Allende and poet Pablo Neruda.

Mark Curtis is an outspoken British journalist unafraid of the disquiets of the establishment as he embarks on his goal to expose the fallacies of British foreign policy in the Middle East, especially during the twentieth century and beyond. This review essay explores these issues as identified and studied in his 2018 book, Secret Affairs.

This study described Lady M"s life dedicated to teaching, vis-à-vis, a portrait of Rizal"s 4R attributes, in a certain state university in Cebu City, Philippines. Specifically, it aimed: to compare Lady M" experiences that match to Rizal"s 4R Attributes (religiosity, resiliency, radicalism and "ritercism), to extrapolate illuminating themes from the identified attributes, and to interpolate a confirmation to a new concept of a modern heroism. This study utilized a case study design with comparative analysis of Rizal"s 4R attributes, vis-à-vis, Lady M"s. Lady M was a permanent professor from a state university, who was chosen because of being a student leader during her high school and university days, a Magna Cum Laude, a topnotch in the Licensure Examinations for Teachers (LET), an outstanding teacher in the department, and protégé of true bloodied teacher in the College of Education, who possessed in and out Rizal"s 4R attributes. Lady M&quo...

In this article, the term "radicalisation" is discussed as a process that appears to be a defensive and reactionary response of various individuals suffering from social, economic, and political forms of exclusion, subordination, alienation, humiliation, and isolation. To that effect, the article challenges the mainstream understanding of radicalisation. In doing so, the work concentrates on the elaboration of reactionary radicalisation processes of self-identified Muslim youth and self-identified native youth residing in Europe. The main reason behind the selection of these two groups is the assumption that both groups are co-radicalizing each other in the contemporary world that is defined by the ascendance of a civilizational political discourse since the war in the Balkans in the 1990s. Based on the findings of in-depth interviews conducted with youngsters from both groups in Belgium, France, Germany, and the Netherlands, the work demonstrates that the main drivers of the radicalisation processes of these two groups cannot be explicated through the reproduction of civilizational, cultural, and religious differences. Instead, the drivers of radicalisation for both groups are very identical as they are both socioeconomically , politically, and psychologically deprived of certain elements constrained by the flows of globalization and dominant forms of neo-liberal governance.

At a moment when U.S. labor seems its most weak and vulnerable, a wave of teacher strikes and demonstrations led and carried out primarily by women shows promise of revitalizing the movement. Critics allege the strikes and demonstrations are " unseemly, " but popular support for them appears to be growing. Historically, militant strikes and demonstrations have met with significant and sometimes violent resistance from corporate and political entities hostile to labor, and contemporary women in the movement should prepare for pushback. In the past, anti-labor forces have used the law and physical aggression to squeeze labor activists out of public space. Labor has a history of fighting back, beginning with the free speech fights of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) in the early twentieth century. These campaigns were the first in U.S. history to claim a First Amendment right to use public space. IWW organizer Elizabeth Gurley Flynn led several of these free speech fights. She and other women free speech fighters played an essential if often overlooked role in popularizing the idea that ordinary people have right to public space. Their tactics and experiences can inform and inspire women at the forefront of a contemporary labor militancy.

Quelle place est accordée aujourd’hui aux trajectoires de vies aux individus, à leurs affects et à leur intimité dans l’analyse des Relations internationales ? Quel est le point commun entre Daech, Mai 68, le Printemps Arabe, et les incels ? Entremêlant les approches sociologique, psychologique et politique, nous proposons une mise en perspective des trajectoires individuelles des membres de l’État islamique et de ceux des incels (célibataires involontaires nord-américains). Cette analyse par le bas met en exergue la place et le rôle d’une variable : la sexualité, et plus précisément la frustration sexuelle, revendiqués explicitement  pour la première fois comme une source de violence lors de l’attentat perpétré en 2014 par Eliott Rodger, membre des incels.
L’objectif de cette étude tend plus à esquisser une relecture des Relations internationales à travers le prisme de la sexualité des individus et de sa place dans les sociétés, qu’à démontrer l’effet mobilisateur de la frustration sexuelle dans différentes formes de violences terroristes.

"Now written as a chapter in Rational Freedom vol 2 Philosophical Origins by Dr Peter Critchley

This paper considers Rousseau’s importance as a prophet of popular sovereignty and of the democratic state. In examining these claims, this paper makes an important distinction between the negative and positive conceptions of freedom. The paper proceeds to show how, in Rousseau’s construction, government becomes an agent of individual freedom so that individuals are perfectly free in a democracy worthy of the name - that is, which embodies and expresses sovereign power actively and directly."

This essay examines the late 1960s politicization of the gang-turned-militant Young Lords Organization (YLO) by highlighting moments in the group’s history that are characterized by dramatic struggles to claim space in order to mobilize activism against urban renewal in Chicago’s Lincoln Park. The YLO’s protests reveal the intensity of its members’ allegiance to their neighborhood, challenging assumptions that Puerto Rico was the definitive spatial frame of reference in the development of US Puerto Rican radicalism.

The thesis of the article is that the ubiquity of the phenomenon of populism limits the explanatory power of that term in light of the local political contexts. The author of the article examines the possibility of applying the term “radicalism” as an alternative way of conceptualizing the political tendencies in contemporary Poland by comparing the meaning of both concepts from the perspective of the history of ideas.

This paper focuses on the urban graffiti painted with a political message by different
movements of the Italian political radicalism in the cities of Rome, Florence, Massa,
Carrara, Verona and Udine. For the purpose of this article, during the period from June
2011 to June 2012, a total of 165 graffiti have been photographed, of which 83 painted by
neo-fascist groups, 72 by extreme left groups and 10 by anarchist groups. These three
macro communities, made of different subgroups, emerged as the most active in expressing
their antagonism towards the parliamentary parties with their graffiti that combine semantic
(words) and semiotic (images) elements. An analysis of the collected graffiti’s language
form, meaning and context allows for the identification of the variety of styles of
communication adopted by the different political antagonisms and the different contents of
their communication through graffiti as well as the key elements of their political identities.
Key words: political radicalism, graffiti, linguistics

The following report is an interim report of an ongoing study, with the current results based on 50 in-depth psychosocial interviews of white supremacists in five countries (the U.S., Canada, Germany, UK and New Zealand) collected over the time period of October 2020 to October 2021. The interviews focused on the subjects’ childhood histories, exposures to white supremacism, recruitment and joining processes, experiences in the group including ideological indoctrination and with violence and if disillusioned their disengagement and deradicalization experiences. All of the interviews were conducted over Zoom and video recorded with most participants agreeing to have their interview used to produce a short counter narrative video for use in disrupting white supremacist online and face-to-face recruitment.

The report’s important findings include:

• This particular sample of white supremacists had a much higher level of adverse childhood experiences than to be expected in the general population and were as a result more vulnerable to groups that gave out the expectation of belonging or familial relations and who conferred on new members a sense of purpose and significance. If this result bears out in larger samples, it shows that addressing childhood abuse and neglect is an important measure for preventing recruitment to white supremacism.
• Individuals in this sample who joined white supremacist groups generally were much more motivated by a need for belonging, purpose, dignity, and significance rather than from outright hate or even bad experiences with minority and ethnic groups but many over time took on the hateful ideology, supported and took part in violence as well.
• The white supremacists ideologies tend to focus on Jews as the ultimate enemy, posit white replacement/white genocide as a Jewish backed plot to replace/eliminate whites from their claimed rightful position in society and many embrace the idea of kicking off racial holy war, i.e. RAHOWA and the Day of the Rope which is when Jews, liberals and race traitors will be hung and minorities either killed or relocated.
• Ideological indoctrination and embracing antisemitism occurred by means of a process labeled Directed Hate in which new members were made to feel they belong, are significant and have a purpose based on their whiteness which they then had to maintain by isolating themselves from minorities, supporting the groups ideology and at times supporting and engaging with their violent actions as well (Speckhard, Ellenberg, & Garret, 2022). Through this process members learned to shift blame for their failures and channel their anger about any number of grievances toward minorities, and above all Jews. Most interviewees in the present sample had never met a Jewish person but learned to hate and blame them for the ills of the world.
• For some interviewees who later realized that they were members of the LGBTQ community, joining groups with internalized and violent misogyny and homophobia allowed for projection and splitting, wherein they were able to separate themselves from their closeted identity which they felt they needed to reject.  We have labeled this phenomenon Projected Hate.
• Many were only peripherally racist or had been raised in systemic versus overtly angry racism, especially those who grew up in the American South, which made it easier to buy into white supremacist ideology over time.
• Like cults, white supremacist groups demand ideological and behavioral loyalty from their members and begin to isolate them from dissenting opinions as well as from members of the hated minority groups making it hard for them to have any positive exposures. As isolation and the echo chambers of hate increase, fusion with the ideology and buy-in to conspiracy theories sets in. This underlies the usefulness of measures designed to create positive interactions and dialogue across racial, ethnic, and religious divides.
• Individuals in white supremacist groups often see themselves while active in their groups as heroic race warriors acting in self-defense of their white ingroup.
• Some white supremacist recruiters and leaders use religion and pseudo-religion, such as Christian Identity, Creativity, and Arastú/Odinism, to portray their mission as religious and morally sanctioned by God.
• As was also shown in the Capitol Hill riots, some white supremacist groups recruit from both active duty and retired members of the military and police hoping to benefit from their weaponry knowledge and skills which can be imparted to the group, possible access to weapons and for their already developed sense of discipline.
• Similarly, both active duty and retired military and police recruits serve to lend an air of prestige and legitimacy to such groups, reinforce the idea that the groups are patriotic in nature and these members are also good recruiters as a result.
• As with most violent extremists and terrorist groups, females generally played support roles, were seen as “breeders” and did not hold leadership positions, with some exceptions occurring in the NSM, and there were far fewer women reported upon than men among the ranks of all the groups studied.
• Youth are more easily recruited by white supremacist groups who actively prey upon youth from broken homes and chaotic and painful childhood experiences by offering them a sense of a substitute family, personal significance and positive identity based upon their “whiteness.”
• Recruitment occurs through leafleting and literature as well as face-to-face interactions, but also increasingly relies on Internet-based exposures and online recruitment interactions which now with the advent of social media, video chat and texting contain the possibilities of increased intimacy.
• White supremacist groups capitalize on using the mainstream media to sensationalize their demonstrations and egregious actions, which widens their recruitment exposure via the media.
• Gang and prison-based white extremist groups were the most violent and, in some cases, follow a “blood in, blood out” recruitment strategy meaning one can expect to only exit the group by dying.
• Tattooing permanent markers of white supremacy on one’s body is common and makes it more difficult to re-enter society as these marks of hatred are feared and reviled by others.  Hence tattoo removal may be an integral part of rehabilitation and reentry.
• Of those white supremacists who turned to psychotherapy for help exiting and rehabilitating from white supremacy groups, some found their therapists afraid of them and lacking relevant knowledge. Others deeply benefitted from addressing both the adverse traumatic experiences that had led them to being vulnerable to join in the first place as well as those they encountered in the group.
• Reciprocal radicalization plays an important role in further radicalizing white supremacists and keeping them involved in their groups. Many referenced violent interactions with Antifa as further radicalizing events that influenced them.
• Doxxing has a serous effect on white supremacists causing some to leave their groups for fear of losing jobs, being arrested, etc. Likewise, the effect of significant others threatening to or actually leaving their white supremacists partners caused some to reevaluate the worth of staying with their group.
• Spontaneous deradicalization occurs in some when they have positive interactions with members of groups they were taught to hate, thereby causing them cognitive dissonance that for some results in questioning what they were taught.
• Given the isolation and echo chambers that characterize white supremacist groups, disengaging from a hate group often means losing one’s entire group of friends.
• Ebbs and flows of engagement are common as individuals exit and again revert to their groups or move among various groups. Assistance for exiting is an important feature of a successful walking away from white supremacist groups and was mentioned only in some cases as being available.

This essay explores the making of a radical cultural politics amid the global crisis of the 1930s and 1940s through a study of the life and work of dancer Si-lan Chen. Born in Trinidad to Afro- Caribbean and Chinese parents, trained as a ballerina in Moscow, and an active supporter of Chinese and other anti-imperialist movements, Chen toured the global South, worked in the United States, and returned to the West Indies during the early 1940s to play an integral in the making of a transnational Caribbean cultural politics. Sine’s research traces how Chen con- tinually defied the racial, gender, national, and aesthetic boundaries she encountered in her life as she advanced a radical political vision that was global in its scope as well as its aspirations. Sine highlights how Chen challenged the rationalist premises governing modern, Western thought and stressed the interconnectivity of global popular emancipatory movements.

Статья посвящена теме зарождения и развития идеологии русскоязычного джихадизма, предшествовавшей той стадии джихадистского движения, которая связана с ближневосточными событиями последних нескольких лет. В статье развивается идея, что тему джихадизма в России необходимо рассматривать не столько в контексте исламской проблемы или как результат влияния из-за рубежа, сколько как пример постсоветского радикализма, который формировался на отечественной идейной и интеллектуальной базе. В работе утверждается, что зарождение и развитие этой содержательно довольно разнообразной идеологии происходило под большим влиянием советских и постсоветских интеллектуальных традиций, которые и сделала эту идеологию такой эффективной в российском контексте.

This article is devoted to the origin and development of the propagandist ideology of Russian-language Jihadism, which is linked with the events in the Middle East over the last few years. It develops the idea that the jihadism in Russia should be considered not so much in the context of the Islamic issue or as a result of the influence of foreign countries, but rather as an example of post-Soviet radicalism, formed on a native ideological and intellectual base. The article states that this meaningfully diverse ideology originated under the influence of Soviet and post-Soviet intellectual traditions, which made this ideology so effective in the Russian context.

Panduan ini digagas oleh C-SAVE melalui kerja sama dengan
Division for Applied Social Psychology Research (DASPR), Ichsan
Malik Centre for Peace and Dialog.

Tim Penulis:
1. Fajar Erikha
2. Vici Sofanna Putera
3. Any Rufaedah
4. Dr. phil. Idhamsyah Eka Putra

Saran untuk pengutpan berformat APA:

Erikha, F., Putera, V.S., Rufaedah, A., & Putra, I.E. (2019). Panduan Sistem Deteksi dan Penanganan Dini Ekstremisme Kekerasan Tingkat Desa. Jakarta: C-SAVE

In this article we review the contributions that social movement and social conversion literatures have made to the sociological understandings of radicalization. We focus particular attention to the elements present within social movements that may facilitate the development of a radical identity, as well as examining the social process by which activists may convert to a radical identity. For support of our arguments, we draw upon the established literature as well as the ethnographic research and experiences of the two authors. We conclude that radicalization is a process that can be facilitated by the same aspects of social movements that enable the development of collective identities, but that radicalism does not have a single unitary path, but rather a variety of potential outcomes.

It would be difficult and indeed absurd to approach Milton's poetry without an awareness of his revolutionary commitment. One of the foremost polemicists against the bishops, the monarchy, and the rest of the baggage of the old order, he became Latin secretary to the republican Council of State and official propagandist of the new regime with his great Defences of the English people. After the Restoration his life was in danger, he was imprisoned and some of the books that he wrote were burned. 1 Yet when we turn to his first book of Poems, the political, the revolutionary are not the immediate impression we receive. 2 Certainly the volume includes early work dating from before the revolutionary years. Yet the collection was published in 1645, after the conclusion of the first phase of the Civil War and at a point when Milton had already published polemical and increasingly radical prose tracts-Of Reformation in England (1641), Of

Talk, Facebook-Live (Hebrew)

מורדי מילר, סוד הנחש של הרב אליעזר ברלנד, 7 ביולי 2022

ראשי הפרקים להרצאה:
- הערות מתודולוגיות: מחקר עכשווי (למה לחקור את הרב ברלנד ואיך עושים את זה?)
- מה אנחנו יודעים על ברלנד
- כרונולוגיה של התנגדות
- האם הסיפור של ברלנד ייחודי? (לדעתי כן)
- שני סוגים של תמיכה (הסוג השני מעניין אותנו)
- פרשיית ברלנד והקשרה התיאולוגי
- סיכום ומחשבות להמשך


חלוקה לפרקים:
דקה 2 עד דקה 17: דברי הקדמה מתודולוגיים [למה לחקור את ברלנד ואיך לחקור אותו]
דקה 17 עד דקה  32: מה ידוע לנו על הרב ברלנד?
דקה 32 עד דקה 54: כרונולוגיה של התנגדות [כולל היחס לשבתאות מצד תומכיו ומתנגדיו, וגם: מיהם תומכיו כיום]
דקה 54 עד שעה ושתי דקות : מה מייחד את הסיפור של הרב ברלנד? [כולל תפיסת הצדיק החדשה, ו׳פרקים נבחרים׳ של הרב ברלנד לעומת ׳תיקון הכללי׳ של רבי נחמן]
שעה ו-2 דקות עד שעה ו-25 דקות: הסברים תיאולוגיים למעשיו של הרב ברלנד
שעה ו-25 דקות עד הסוף: קריאת ליקוטי מוהר״ן בעיניים של חסיד הרב ברלנד + מחשבות לסיום

קישור לסרטון ההרצאה:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_hcuRvHgIEk&t=3694s

https://www.facebook.com/mordi.miller/videos/5537111546350024

The article describes approaches to diagnosing the propensity to the violent extremism. As diagnostic categories, it is suggested to use dispositions
reflecting a nonspecific tendency for extremist behavior and, depending on the situation, leading to the formation of certain hostile attitudes towards specific objects. The allocated dispositions were 11 scales of the questionnaire, including Likerttype
statements. The description of the method and the possibilities of its application are given, the construction of scales is disclosed, the results of a pilot study of their reliability and discrimination are presented.
В статье описаны подходы к диагностике склонности к насильственному экстремизму. В качестве диагностических категорий предложено использовать диспозиции, отражающие неспецифическую склонность к экстремистскому поведению и, в зависимости от ситуации, ведущих к формированию частных враждебных установок на конкретные объекты. Выделенные диспозиции составили 11 шкал опросника, включающих утверждения лайкертовского типа. Даны описания самой методики и возможностей ее применения, раскрыта конструкция шкал, приведены результаты пилотажного исследования их надежности и дискриминативности.

Prezentul studiu adresează problema spinoasă a rolului religiei în dezvoltarea radicalismului cu care se confruntă lumea de azi. Înmulțirea actelor terorise în ultima vreme a dat naștere unor întrebări precum: este religia sursa violenței? Creșterea fundamentalismelor religioase poate fi corelată cu o creștere a radicalizării? Are terorismul un substrat religios, sau cauzele lui primare trebuie căutate în altă parte? Care sunt cele mai eficiente strategii de deradicalizare? În acest material se vor urmări câteva voci influente din domeniul științelor sociale, în special Gilles Kepel și Olivier Roy și se va evidenția direcția spre care se îndreaptă cercetarea din domeniul științelor sociale în analiza și interpretarea fenomenului.

How can politically marginalized groups wield collective power? Why do social movements choose the strategies that they do? And what makes them effective? This seminar explores these questions through a survey of theoretical, historical, and contemporary perspectives on mass-based resistance. As we will see, scholars and organizers have offered many different answers. Case studies will come particularly from the U.S. context, but also from El Salvador, Mexico, Russia, and elsewhere. The last month of the semester will be partly structured around students’ own interests, with each student researching a social movement of their choosing.

Chercheur à l’Institut Universitaire Européen de Florence, et grand connaisseur du Moyen-Orient et de l’Asie Centrale, Olivier Roy s’efforce dans cet ouvrage d’établir les causes de la radicalisation en Europe. Acteur majeur de la controverse scientifique sur le djihadisme, l’auteur considère que les terroristes sont avant tout intéressés par leur propre salut. La mort, avance O. Roy, est devenu un objectif en soi.

This essay argues that Riot Grrrl manifestos were instrumental in
promulgating a form of radical feminism that demonstrates the
enduring nature of feminist radicalism. In rejecting the traditional claims of the radical public sphere, Riot Grrrl manifestos insist on a vernacular feminism that strategically emphasises micropolitical action over grand narratives of resistance and revolution. While these manifestos draw on aspects of secondwave radical feminism and older forms of avant-garde culture, they push the genre of the manifesto into new territory by stressing
everyday forms of resistance, defining their imagined consistency as
porous and reactive rather than exclusive or over-determined.

Ten years in the making, An Alternative Seventies: the last age of Radicalism is a revisionist look at design and styling in the 1970s and sets out to demolish the long-established fallacy that all is hideous from this decade. Diligent research and the author’s long-term interest in this radical period of cultural history has a revealed a lost world of bold and exciting design which in many ways is far less conservative than today’s post-Minimalist landscape. One of this survey’s central arguments is that once the political and societal reforming energy of the 1960s had been expended by about 1971, this nevertheless irrepressible momentum found alternative outlets in brazen design and for that matter also pioneering music during the 1970s. Early 1970s radicalism would then see its last chance saloon with Punk during 1976-78, a final act of defiance in the face of a second half of the decade return to conformity, a state of existence consolidated by the 1980s. 

An Alternative Seventies : the last age of Radicalism is a revisionist reading of 1970s design; based on a non-parodic appreciation, parody still being the mainstream perception of the decade. This survey strives to show that high-calibre design did emerge from a long misunderstood and still-underexplored decade in design history.

This book is probably the first ever attempt at identifying and codifying the formal traits of 1970s design from architecture to product design.

The 1970s might now be ‘in’ but if a developer can make money from a site, 1970s architecture and interior design faces very likely destruction, from London to Milan. This survey therefore aims to guide conservationists in terms of what to look for and then protect.

In 2015 Atomwaffen Division was announced on the far right forum of Iron March. Since that announcement Atomwaffen Division members have been connected to five murders and other political violence. This dissertation uses the phenomenological research method to present the theme of alienation as being key to understanding both Atomwaffen Division’s ideology and the actions that they carry out. This alienation manifests itself in alienation from self and alienation from the wider community. Alienation is both presented as a means of attracting people into the organization, as well as what influences the political ideology itself. This dissertation examines themes of alienation as presented through numerous points in their ideology. Those being the organic state, how they view the general populace and other right wing organisations, and their views regarding hierarchy. By understanding what attracts people to such ideologies, the dissertation seeks to provide context for two specific murders associated with the group. One being Devon Arthurs killing of his roommate to analyse alienation from self, and Nicholas Giampa’s killing of his ex-girlfriend’s parents to analyse alienation from society.