Rural Social History

Au XVIIIe siècle, les réussites sociales propres à l'élite des fermiers supposaient un enrichissement sans précédent. De fait, en dépit d'une hiérarchie interne qui accuse les inégalités économiques, l'heure est à la prospérité en Ile-de-France, avant même que les mercuriales ne viennent accélérer les profits agricoles. Car les revenus se diversifient, et on est loin du modèle du pur fermier. L'accroissement des fortunes transforme les modes de vie et de représentation, érigeant le groupe des grands fermiers en intermédiaires culturels entre les classes dirigeantes de la capitale et les ruraux du plat pays. Des intermédiaires à l'affût des dernières modes et de plus en plus ouverts aux Lumières.

Genealogy and historical demography? Theoretical and practical possibilities of research into the network of social relations, as exemplified by a village in South Bohemia

The paper is divided into two parts. The first part summarises previous research based on the interconnection of methods of genealogy and historical demography in the Czech Republic and abroad, mainly in North America. Subsequently it offers an overview of basic trends and possibilities of how to use genealogy with demographic analyses. The second part of the article is focused on a reconstruction of the network of relations in a small South Bohemian village of Vítkov by Štěkeň near Strakonice at the turn of the 18th and 19thcenturies, which was based on registers of births and deaths, registers of subjects, and land records. The attempt to identify the network of social relations was done through the analysis of blood relations and godparental relations and wedding witnesses in individual families who were bound to the land by the ownership of one of fifteen homesteads. Nevertheless, attention was also paid to the lowermost classes of rural society.

Au XVIIe siècle,  malgré la parenthèse créée par les quelques années de la Ligue, assez vite fermée grâce à la collaboration des propriétaires, la hausse des prix agricoles et la modération relative du fisc assurèrent, jusqu'aux années 1640, une situation favorable aux exploitants. Loin d'être contraints de sacrifier leur patrimoine pour sauver l'exploitation, les marchands-laboureurs se lancèrent dans une véritable conquête foncière dont l'échelle est sans commune mesure avec le cadre des censives où l'analyse s'était d'abord cantonnée. Il y a là un comportement original qui souligne que les préoccupations des fermiers ne se réduisaient pas au seul capital agricole. Le foncier a pris une place de plus en plus diversifiée dans les stratégies d'exploitation et le système familial. C'est donc à une réévaluation qu'on voudrait procéder ici.

Hugh Charles Fairfax-Cholmeley inherited the Brandsby estate in April 1889. He was squire for 51 years. This is a case study of the social reforms he implemented against the background of the political debate on Land Reform and the increasing economic dif- ficulties experienced by landowners. During Fairfax-Cholmeley’s lifetime the traditional order of landed aristocracy and gentry, which had made good economic, political and social sense for several centuries, was breaking down. For agriculture, the years 1888 to 1914 were mainly years of depression, with falling incomes for farmers, falling rents for landlords and agricultural labour draining to the towns. Income from land declined dramat- ically. But during that time the sleepy village of Brandsby became a beacon of progress in the locality and around the country, due to its cooperative ventures, instigated and supported by this unusual squire. After the first World War Fairfax-Cholmeley contin- ued to work in the service of agricultural reform in Brandsby and district up to his death in 1940 at the age of 76, through times of increasing hardship.

First national study on these tragic incidents in a historical framework. At the time of the Enlightenment, one of the most remote areas of France was caught up in a traumatic situation which lasted for three years and caused feelings to run high. The 'Beast' of Gévaudan attacked and killed dozens of people, mostly women and children, and dragged their bodies off into the forests to devour. What was this monster, which the most skilful hunters in the kingdom were sent to track down ? The mass of differing theories have done just as much to obscure the events as to cast light on them; high time, then, for a proper historian to re-examine the facts. Jean-Marc Moriceau, a recognized authority on rural life and on the relationship between wolves and humans, has taken up the challenge. In the pages of his account, a forgotten land comes back to life: a society marked by harsh inequality, where strangers are treated with suspicion; a society in which people barely manage to eke out a living, and that only by dint of constant toil. As we read through the original archives, we get to know more about every one of the young individuals who were caught up, between the years of 1764 and 1765, in the greatest calamity in the entire history of the province.
ISBN : 978-2-03-584173-5) [http://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00311927].

Andrew Frazier was a person of color born at the Manor of Morrisania (now the Bronx) c. 1743, most likely enslaved. The Graham family he would have served there, and especially the Graham family member he served as " waiter " in the Revolutionary War, would fall into some obscurity. By contrast, Frazier' s profile would rise: As a patriarch of a large family who lived the Jeffersonian dream, owning and cultivating farmland in Milan, NY. As the progenitor of a woman who would reference her great-grandfather' s patriotism, attracting national attention as a late 19th century trailblazer of women' s and women of color' s " capacity " and rights. And as a veteran whose grave is marked annually to this day. Inaccurately and posthumously portrayed as a body servant to George Washington just in time for the 1932 Washington bicentennial, we explore Frazier' s story: a reversal of fortune, and how the bifurcation of a factual and fictional legacy came to be. History Speaks www.historyspeaks.us Feb 2017, Milan NY

For many centuries, men and wolves lived together on the same territory, engaged in a merciless battle. In European history, wolves were considered man’s worst enemy, and fear of the animal became embedded in our cultural heritage. France, Spain, Italy, the United Kingdom, and most European states took action against wolves. This hostility and the fear of wolves were mainly caused by their attacks on domestic livestock, which were harmful to many sectors of the economy, even beyond agriculture, up until the 19th century. However, we should not forget that wolf attacks against people themselves were not purely a matter of legend: for a long time, they really did happen. The frequency, and the geographical and temporal distribution of these dramatic incidents varied.
Research so far indicates that the French territory saw numerous tragic incidents of this kind. Although statistically, there were relatively few attacks, their psychological impact was particularly powerful. These aspects of the relationship between man and wolf prompted policies specifically aiming to lessen the “damage”, cut the risks, or simply eradicate these intolerable competitors. Thus, our cultural perception of wolves is based on a long and complex history, which has recently become subject to external influences, since wolves were eradicated.
The website Man and Wolf: 2000 Years of History aims to give the public access to the results of a national study begun in 2002. Firstly, we attempted to measure the real extent of the wolf threat from the Middle Ages to the 20th century, by collecting information on human victims in the territory that is currently France. By using a scientific process to produce university research, and transmitting calls for research from region to region (particularly among historians and genealogists), information on several thousand attacks was recovered. For over half of these, it was also possible to identify the victims and place them in their social and spatial context.

The objective was therefore to understand how the sesmaria system was inserted in the Crown’s attempt to regulate its relationship with the colony, while it – the sesmaria – was understood in Portugal as an important instrument for the appropriation of the land which led to various conceptions and conclusions concerning it. Throughout those years, the problems experienced in the metropolis that culminated with the transfer of the Court and, in 1822, with the independence of Brazil, produced numerous studies on the desired relationship between Portugal and Brazil that, despite different views, provoked reflections on the right to land, both in Portugal and in its then main colony.
  To answer some of the questions raised by the sources, I went in search of an point with which to guide myself in the study of eighteenth century agrarian legislation. I ventured once more into the complex field of the Law and within the conceptions of justice which enshrine a particular vision of the history of the occupation of place. Influenced by Thompson, I tried to denaturalise private property, including the system of sesmarias and its most important basis, that of the requirement to cultivate it. The text which I now offer the reader is the result of this trajectory.
  In the first part, I discuss the concepts of land rights present in the reflections of the memoirists and jurists of the late eighteenth century in Portugal to understand how the sesmarias showed a particular reading of landed property. To do this, I analyse in particular the reflections of Domingos Vandelli and those of Pascoal José de Mello e Freire, the greatest interpreter of the Pombaline spirit.
    In the second part, I describe the alvará of 1795, which sought to order the sesmaria concessions in Brazil. In reconstructing its many provisions, I show how land conflicts were a concern of the Crown and how the charter was an attempt to scrutinise the process of granting lands in the main Portuguese colony. Then I use the conclusions of Francisco Maurício de Souza Coutinho, brother of Dom Rodrigo and governor of Pará, to lay bare the limits of the action proposed by the alvará, which was suspended in the following year due to the intense land conflicts.
  In the third part, I consider legislation relating to the system of sesmarias to understand the historicity, not only of its efforts, but also the constraints and limits of the Crown in matters involving quarrels over land. I reconstruct the sesmaria concessions from the Mariano period to highlight the regional differences and dynamics of occupation. Also in this part I analyse the reasons why sesmeiros and potential sesmeiros sought to meet the requirements of the administration, at the same time as using the law for their interests. Additionally, I reconstitute the intervention of the Crown in two emblematic situations: that involving Ignácio Correia Pamplona, in Minas Gerais, and the disputes over land involving Garcia Paes Leme, in the captaincy of Rio de Janeiro.
  In the last part of this text, I reconsider the arguments concerning sesmarias in the 1820s, both in Portugal and in Brazil, to demonstrate the process of the delegitimisation of the system as the basis of land ownership. To do so, I highlight the thoughts of Francisco Manoel Trigoso Aragão Morato, during the period of the convocation of the Cortes, and the proposals put forward by the Bahian deputy Domingos Borges de Carvalho. I also follow the interventions of the Court once installed in Brazil, from 1808 onwards, and the expectations raised by the country’s independence. In this sense, I analyse the criticisms made by the Portuguese António José Gonçalves Chaves concerning the sesmaria system and the distribution of land in the country. Finally, I consider the “discourses” of the constituents in 1823 and the consecration in 1824 of the ownership of land in all its fullness.

O livro analisa as propostas sobre o sistema de sesmarias em áreas coloniais em relação às discussões em Portugal sobre o direito de propriedade e a crise da agricultura. Em seguida, discute as concepções sobre o direito à terra e a questão dos conflitos fundiários em fins do século XVIII no Brasil. Ao perseguir as legislações referentes ao sistema de sesmarias, a autora procurou compreender a historicidade, não somente dos esforços, como também os constrangimentos e limites da Coroa nas questões que envolviam as querelas sobre terras.
Além disso, Motta investiga o processo de territorialização da Coroa a partir da transferência da Corte Portuguesa para o Brasil, os conflitos pela posse da terra e as expectativas suscitadas pela Independência do país, em 1822. Mostra, por fim, como o documento de sesmarias foi utilizado para legitimar o acesso à terra, a despeito das inúmeras fraudes produzidas ainda no século XVIII. Neste sentido, a autora destaca que a Constituição outorgada de 1824 não proclamou limites ao direito de propriedade territorial, tampouco o condicionou à obrigatoriedade do cultivo. Ela consagrou a propriedade sem limites e ao fazer isso gestou também uma sociedade marcada por conflitos pela posse da terra, por interpretações conflitantes sobre a história da ocupação do lugar.

Il testo propone, sulla base di ampie ricerche d’archivio, una approfondita analisi delle vicende storiche dell’area umida del Padule di Fucecchio in un arco di tempo plurisecolare. Nella prima parte viene analizzato il processo di formazione della fattoria di Castelmartini nel territorio di Larciano nella seconda metà del XVI secolo, un’azienda agraria composta – oltreché da numerosi poderi organizzati a mezzadria – da ampie boscaglie e da una parte consistente compresa nel circondario dell’area palustre. Unità aziendale di proprietà granducale, che assieme ad altre fattorie dislocate nel circondario del padule faceva si che esso fosse sotto l’amministrazione dello Scrittoio delle Regie Possessioni. Con le riforme lorenesi del secondo ‘700 anche la fattoria di Castelmartini seguì la sorte di altre proprietà granducali e fu privatizzata. Nel caso specificò essa fu acquistata dalla nobile famiglia pistoiese dei Poggi Banchieri cui appartiene ancora oggi. Il processo di liquidazione del patrimonio granducale e i tentativi di bonifica dell’area palustre fucecchiese innescarono profondi cambiamenti nelle modalità di accesso e di fruizione delle risorse dell’area umida. Il penetrare della proprietà privata, la liberalizzazione della navigazione e della pesca, l’amministrazione del territorio addossata alle comunità locali (con la creazione di un consorzio pubblico/privato per la gestione del padule) accesero un’accesa conflittualità con gli abitanti che svolgevano tradizionalmente le loro attività nello spazio umido. Nella seconda parte del lavoro vengono seguite queste vicende nel corso dei secoli XIX e XX. Il problema idraulico rimase tale e si susseguirono proposte e tentativi di bonifica, ma l’area palustre divenne sempre più importante per l’allevamento (come importante riserva di foraggi) e per svariate piccole industrie rurali legate alla raccolta delle erbe palustri (in particolare il sarello che durante la stagione estiva vedeva al lavoro centinaia di uomini e donne). Al di là dei lavori stagionali, ancora negli anni ’30 del XX secolo sopravvivevano piccoli nuclei di “padulani”, abitanti cioè che tradizionalmente traevano dallo sfruttamento delle risorse palustri (caccia, pesca, raccolta del fieno e delle canne) il loro sostentamento. Come viene messo in evidenza dall’analisi di un caso campione messo in luce da un’inchiesta ravvicinata dell’INEA. L’ambiente, che fu teatro di una drammatica strage nazista nell’agosto 1944, continuò ad essere intensamente vissuto almeno fino agli anni sessanta e al boom economico che segnò, peraltro, anche il tramonto della mezzadria e l’abbandono delle campagne

Reference bibliography (3000 titles) about Land and Peasants in the 17th and 18th Centuries (France and Great Britain) commented and contextualized in a widely disseminated work tool with maps ad index (with collaboration of Annie Antoine and Gerard Beaur)  -  ISBN : 2-911-369025.

Based on a synthesis of the empirical scholarship on England and Germany, this paper demonstrates that in both regions, rural socio-economic developments c.1200–c.1800 are similar: this period witnesses the rise to numerical predominance and growing economic significance of the ‘sub-peasant classes’, which had a growing impact on the market as a result of their increasing market dependence, and from which towards the end of the period a rural proletariat emerged. Against the influential theory of Robert Brenner, it is argued that the period c.1200–c.1400 cannot really be categorized as ‘feudal’ according to Brenner’s definition; and ‘agrarian capitalism’ does not adequately describe the socio-economic system that obtained by the end of the sixteenth century. A genuine transition to capitalism is only evident from after c.1750, and can be found in Germany as well as in England; it is predicated both on ideological shifts, and the evolution of the rural proletariat, which is only found in large numbers by or after c.1800.

This book addresses the causes of the so-called Rabassaires lawsuit in the key period of its history, the first third of the twentieth century, based on the analysis of the development of viticulture, the structure of property and Characteristics of peasant families in the Penedès wine region, the main focus of the movement in this period. The work explains how from the collective action the critical situation of viticulture was faced through union action, cooperativism and politics.

A tese de meu orientando, agora doutor, Tiago Cubas é um exercício em Geografia Crítica baseada na Cartografia Geohistórica Crítica (CGhC). Propomos trabalhar a cartografia temática em escala maior de análise que nos faz possível um rebatimento crítico com os sujeitos sociais, conhecidos em trabalhos de campo. A partir disso o São Paulo Agrário, em Cubas (2012), é o objeto de nossas reflexões embasado na CGhC, onde compreendemos o estado de São Paulo a partir do movimento multiescalar Mundo-Brasil-São Paulo na fase do capitalismo neoliberal global. A globalização neoliberal atinge a América Latina, e por assim dizer o Brasil, em busca de abrir os mercados, aumentar a oferta de matérias-primas (tais como soja e cana e seus derivados) e liberar o acesso a terra para garantir o controle das classes hegemônicas, também por meio dos think tanks globais. Isso pode ser visto no estado de São Paulo oferecendo oportunidade de compreender essas dinâmicas. David Harvey fala do processo de acumulação via espoliação como a violência das classes hegemônicas contra os sujeito sociais do campo numa ordem mundial de controle territorial, isso coloca em evidência a disputa territorial paradigmática entre classes sociais, os rentistas (um híbrido de latifundiários e capitalistas) e os camponeses no século XXI. Por isso, inspirado nos estudos de Karl Marx vislumbramos a questão central referente ao problema agrário brasileiro, a apropriação e uso do território evidenciando o conflito entre a terra como valor de troca (terra de negócio/especulação) versus a terra como valor de uso (terra de trabalho). A disputa territorial será examinada nesta tese de modo a explicitar o lugar do agronegócio e do campesinato na produção real dos principais cultivos, da geração de empregos e valor dessa produção, tendo em vista a crise do paradigma do agronegócio e a sua superação na proposição do paradigma agroecológico. A acumulação via espoliação no Brasil forjou um “povo sem-terra” que de modo destacado organizou-se, depois de 1984, em torno do MST (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra) na luta pela terra. Com as conquistas de terras e a evolução do debate sobre reforma agrária esse movimento aderiu a bandeira da agroecologia como paradigma tecnológico camponês. Nesse contexto, em São Paulo, juntou-se a uma cooperativa de SAFs (Sistemas Agroflorestais) em Barra do Turvo, a CooperaFloresta, onde começaram uma experiência de produção de alimentos agroecológicos que a partir de 2013 espacializou-se em uma rede de agroecologia agroflorestal por São Paulo e pelo Paraná. No estado de São Paulo a experiência cristalizada aconteceu no PDS (Projeto de Desenvolvimento Sustável) Mario Lago, localizado no município de Ribeirão Preto, esta experiência é então um “espinho no pé” do agronegócio. A questão emblemática que envolve a formação desse assentamento do MST na “Capital do Agronegócio” e a experiência agroecológica agroflorestal são mais que a exceção, mas a intensificação da questão agrária espacializada ali. A partir dessa experiência agroecológica a tese oferece uma reflexão sobre o problema fundamental ainda hoje: reforma agrária e soberania alimentar para superação do capitalismo rentista. Nesse interím, será indispensável expor a experiência dos camponeses agrofloresteiros no estado de São Paulo, compreendendo os movimentos camponeses rebeldes na qualidade de protagonistas de novas bases para o uso da terra no Brasil e uma qualificação em novos elementos para debater a reforma agrária redistributiva.

There is now a general scholarly consensus that the concentration of rural people into settlements in Western Europe (as opposed to dispersed or scattered habitations across the countryside) occurred in various stages between the eighth and twelfth centuries, though with regional divergences in precise timing, speed, formation, and intensity. What is clear from the literature is that a “one-size fits all” model for settlement development across Western Europe is not possible. Concentrated settlements appeared in certain parts of Europe for different reasons. This article discusses the strengths and limitations of four of the most influential frameworks for explaining patterns of medieval settlement concentration and their relation to social and economic change. The frameworks under analysis emphasize, respectively, power, coercion and lordship; communalism and territorial formalization; fieldsystems and resource-management; and urbanization and market-integration.

Il existe maintenant un consensus général érudit que la concentration des habitations en Europe occidentale
(par opposition à des habitations dispersées et éparpillées dans les campagnes) se fit par diverses
étapes entre le huitième et le douzième siècle, avec quand même des divergences régionales quant au moment précis, à la rapidité, la mise en place et l’intensité. Ce qu’on sait maintenant avec
certitude, tirant une conclusion de la documentation, c’est que le modèle « taille unique » n’est pas possible lorsqu’on considère le développement des implantations en Europe de l’Ouest. Des agglomérations concentrées firent leur apparition dans certaines régions de l’Europe pour des raisons différentes les unes des autres. Dans cet article, nous examinons les mérites et les limites des quatre cadres les plus persuasifs qui expliquent les modes de concentration de ces implantations médiévales et leur rapport aux changements sociaux et économiques. Pour expliquer le processus de la concentration de ces habitations, ces cadres soulignent respectivement : le pouvoir, la contrainte et la
seigneurie; la formalisation des territoires et communautés; la gestion des ressources et le système des champs; et, finalement, l’urbanisation et l’intégration des marchés.

A key strand of research for social and economic historians of the pre-industrial period is the relationship between city and countryside. Sometimes urban and rural environments enjoyed mutually beneficial relationships, though in other cases cities reduced their rural hinterlands to poverty and decay – the question is, why? By focusing on late-medieval Florence and Tuscany, this paper moves away from approaching this question through an ‘urban bias’, and suggests the answers can be found within the structural configuration of rural societies themselves. Essentially, some rural regions were well set up to repel urban predatory tendencies, while other societies were susceptible to exploitation.

Although gentrification has been mostly understood as an urban phenomenon, the permanent establishment of urban dwellers in rural areas is becoming a widespread trend across the world. Despite its relevance to postindustrial societies, rural gentrification has been largely overlooked by heritage scholars, and has been explored very little in the context of Spain. In this article, I examine the relationship between heritage and rural gentrification through the case study of Santiago Millas, a village located in the Maragatería region of Spain. Based on long-term ethnographic engagement with different actors (newcomers, local residents, and public officials), I examine a specific instance of the globalizing phenomenon of rural gentrification, highlighting the key role heritage plays in this phenomenon, including (1) the impact on local governmentalities based on heritage discourse; (2) the refurbishing of houses and changes in the social spaces of villages; and (3) the transformation of social life and rituals into metacultural discourses of heritage. I emphasize the urgency to carry out more research in order to improve our understanding of the complex and multifaceted phenomenon of rural gentrification from a heritage perspective.

The Jamacha Valley lies nestled in the foothills some thirteen miles southeast of San Diego at the base of San Miguel Mountain. Far enough removed from San Diego Bay to avoid direct encroachment of the subsequent pueblo and the later city of San Diego until the mid 1980s, Jamacha valley was still c1ose enough to be within easy traveling distance from San Diego even by horseback. As a result, the Valley became part of the agricultural back country that served and was dependent upon San Diego and the successive pioneer groups that established themselves there. Used by missionaries after arrival of the Spanish, Jamacha Valley became in turn a Mexican rancho, a business oriented American livestock ranch, a prosperous farming community, and finally an urban suburb. Each of these changes reflected a major historical trend in the settlement and development of southern California and of San Diego County. As such, the Jamacha Valley provides a case study in the history and development of the agricultural hinterland of metropolitan San Diego. During each successive period, a different group of immigrants occupied the valley. It is the thesis of this study that the different ways in which each group chose to utilize the land was influenced by a combination of cultural, economic, and demographic elements, each acting as components in a system where all three elements are dependent upon each other. Two additional concerns of this study are the nature of community development and disintegration, and the effects of urban grow.th on a city• s surrounding agricultural hinterland. From 1870 to 1940 an agricultural community flourished in Jamacha Valley. The study will explore how valley farmers developed community relationships for their mutual benefit and how a sense of community continued to exist in the face of economic hardship and displacement of many community members from 1920 to 1950 • The effect of the expansion of the city of San Diego on valley crops and land use will also be examined.

Euro 14,00 " Molti hanno lodato lo spirito d'animo del duca di Parma, un esempio singolare e mostra spiritosa, della franchezza di un animo degno di Principe libero, e di imparare ai Spagnoli come si dovevano tenere conto dei principi italiani, e con qual rispetto si deva con essi procedere. Altri hanno biasimate le azioni del duca, che era degli primi anni imbevuto di pensieri grandi, di pretenzioni maggiori della sua condizione, che non c'era buona e sufficiente ragione di rompere con la Spagna "

Compreender quais eram as interpretações do passado que alimentavam as propostas e as pesquisas sobre o rural pelo pensamento de esquerda, entre os anos de 1955 até 1996, é a proposta deste livro. Rompendo com a teleologia que ao tentar tudo esclarecer, nada explica, proponho uma interessante chave de leitura. Com ela, pretendo reconstruir os argumentos dos autores, refazendo – no que me é possível – o percurso da construção da obra, a partir das notas e da análise dos autores que eles dialogam. Além disso, avalio as condições históricas que permitiram a produção daqueles textos, bem como a recepção das obras e seus impactos.
Os marcos temporais são uma escolha possível, entre tantas outras, mas também legítima. O ano de 1955 tem
importância decisiva para o argumento deste trabalho, é o ano de institucionalização do ISEB, lócus privilegiado para a produção de Nelson Werneck Sodré, um dos autores aqui analisado e intelectual emblemático da chamada vertente feudal. Este ano também marca uma decisiva inflexão na trajetória da então
jovem historiadora Maria Yedda Leite Linhares, quando assume interinamente à cátedra em história moderna e contemporânea da Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, referendada em concurso dois anos depois. Num contexto mais amplo, marca indubitavelmente à ascensão de Juscelino Kubitscheck. Os anos noventa são nosso ponto de chegada: aqueles em que uma nova geração de historiadores ascende como intelectuais brasileiros, no bojo da consolidação dos programas de pós-graduação em História do País. São também
anos da afirmação do regime democrático, propiciado pela afirmação dos princípios consagrados pela Constituição.
Aqueles anos marcam também a aposentadoria de Maria Yedda Leite Linhares e a opção de Ciro Cardoso em se dedicar à história antiga; tema privilegiado de seus estudos a partir daí. A escolha do ano de 1996 como corte final é uma opção ancorada no livro Quem é quem na História, publicado nesta data, pela Associação Nacional dos Professores Universitários de História (ANPUH), fundada em 1961, como Associação dos
Professores Universitários de História (APUH). Tal associação tornou-se nacional em 1971, em razão da expansão dos cursos universitários de história em todo país. Para realizar este trabalho, reconstruo uma linha de raciocínio que acompanha todo o texto: quais eram as concepções que cada autor tinha acerca do universo rural brasileiro, em particular sobre campesinato e latifúndio. Para tanto, procuro também esquadrinhar como eles olharam o passado para conferir um sentido para os seus presentes. E mais: em que medida esses
olhares eram possíveis no contexto histórico da visão

Recent applications of Foucauldian categories in geography, spatial history and the history of town planning have opened up interesting new perspectives, with respect to both the evolution of spatial knowledge and the genealogy of territorial techniques and their relation to larger socio-political projects, that would be enriched if combined with other discursive traditions. This article proposes to conceptualise English parliamentary enclosureea favourite episode for Marxist historiography, frequently read in a strictly materialist fashioneas a precedent of a new form of sociospatial governmentality, a political technology that inaugurates a strategic manipulation of territory for social change on the threshold between feudal and capitalist spatial rationalities. I analyse the sociospatial dimensions of parliamentary enclosure’s technical and legal innovations and compare them to the forms of communal self-regulation of land use customs and everyday regionalisations that preceded it. Through a systematic, replicable mechanism of reterritorialisation, enclosure acts normalised spatial regulations, blurred regional differences in the social organisation of agriculture and erased the modes of autonomous social reproduction linked to common land. Their exercise of dispossession of material resources, social capital and community representations is interpreted therefore as an inaugural logic that would pervade the emergent spatial rationality later known as planning.
Keywords: Spatial governmentality; Territoriality; Parliamentary enclosure; Commons; Planning history; Michel Foucault

Before the recent steps marked by its "industrialization" normalization "European" and "globalization", the breeding was a fundamental sector of the economy. It was consubstantial to agriculture and almost universal within the great majority rural population. According to regional opportunities, different conjunctures and structuring of societies, he printed his mark on the landscape. Even more than today, where specialization confine it to a particular sector of agriculture, he crossed the concerns of the various social categories and entered in the different sectors of production, trade and services. Engine general economic, criterion of social hierarchies - and as such, of élé¬vation factor or regression - organizing agent of rural areas, breeding closely linked the cities to the countryside. Its functions were multiple and complementary: to provide the main tensile force, meet the population growth, provide money receipts well beyond the agricultural sector alone, contribute to the development of the industry. The health of animals depended partly state of prosperity and, consequently, its development capabilities. But this strategic position was based on feet of clay: the weight of natural factors, the constraints of environ¬nement, the state of scientific and technical knowledge, the follies of men made him very vulnerable.
ISBN : 2-213-62332-5  [http://halshs.ccsd.cnrs.fr/halshs-00004192].
Avant les étapes récentes marquées par son « industrialisation », sa normalisation « européenne » et sa « mondialisation », l’élevage constituait un secteur fondamental de l’économie. Il était consubstantiel à l’agriculture et presque universel à l’intérieur des populations rurales très majoritaires. Selon les opportunités régionales, les différentes conjonctures et la structuration des sociétés, il imprimait sa marque aux paysages. Bien davantage qu’aujourd’hui, où la spécialisation le cantonne à un secteur particulier de l’agriculture, il traversait les préoccupations des diverses catégories sociales et entrait dans les différents secteurs de la production, des échanges et des services. Moteur de l’économie générale, critère des hiérarchies sociales – et à ce titre, facteur d’élé¬vation ou de régression –, agent d’organisation de l’espace rural, l’élevage liait étroitement les villes aux campagnes. Ses fonctions étaient multiples et complémentaires : offrir la force de traction principale, répondre à la croissance démographique, assurer des rentrées monétaires bien au-delà du seul secteur agricole, contribuer à l’essor de l’industrie. De la santé des bêtes dépendait en partie la prospérité de l’État et, par voie de conséquence, ses capacités de développement. Or cette place stratégique reposait sur des pieds d’argile : le poids des facteurs naturels, les contraintes de l’environ¬nement, l’état des connaissances scientifiques et techniques, les folies des hommes le rendaient très vulnérable.ISBN : 2-213-62332-5  [http://halshs.ccsd.cnrs.fr/halshs-00004192].

Dans l’historiographie, les fermiers du Bassin parisien représentent l’exemple emblématique des grands exploitants détenteurs d’un important capital de culture mais locataires de leur exploitation. Ils prennent à bail d’un ou plusieurs grands propriétaires les bâtiments qu’ils occupent et le foncier qu’ils cultivent : c’est à ce titre qu’on les qualifie de « fermiers ». Des travaux antérieurs ont bien écorné cette image simplificatrice en soulignant la présence d’un patrimoine foncier non négligeable dès le XVIIe siècle et un processus de conquête vivement engagé dès les années 1740. Lorsque la Révolution vient jeter sur le marché des biens nationaux, les fermiers de l’Île-de-France participent d’une manière significative aux adjudications. Leur assise terrienne, déjà accrue à la fin de l’Ancien Régime, en ressort gonflée. Le XIXe siècle venu la plupart sont devenus propriétaires de leur siège d’exploitation  – et parfois de plusieurs corps de ferme – et de l’essentiel – voire de l’intégralité – du foncier. Dans cette nouvelle donne, que devient la ferme ? La question taraude bien des « propriétaires-cultivateurs » comme Pierre Mignan (1738-1822) qui cherche à assurer l’avenir en 1816. Elle est d’autant plus sensible que les partages égalitaires se heurtent à une abondance d’héritiers puisque le milieu des fermiers, hyperfécond en raison de la mise en nourrice de ses enfants, est en pleine expansion.

This is an updated and revised version of "The Seed Was Planted," published in the US and England in 1999. It recounts the story of peasant organizing in São Paulo state from about 1850 to 1964, with an epilogue that discusses rural labor participation in the 1980s transition to civilian government.

En 1789 buena parte de Europa se vio afectada por una de las crisis agrarias más rigurosas del siglo XVIII. En Asturias, si bien la cosecha de 1788 resultó escasa, los efectos de la crisis se centran en la primavera de 1789, y ésta no fue tan grave en lo que a mortalidad se refiere sino en cuanto a sus consecuencias económicas .
Para el estudio de esta coyuntura se ha recurrido fundamentalmente a las Actas de la Junta del Principado de Asturias así como a las Actas Municipales de tres poblaciones sobresalientes en la región: las villas portuarias de Avilés y de Gijón, esta última principal puerto de Asturias, y Oviedo, ciudad del interior y capital del principado. Entre las fuentes consultadas también se ha recurrido al Libro de Expósitos del Real Hospicio de Oviedo para el estudio de consecuencias sociales de la crisis.
Ha sido muy estimable, para la comprensión de la trama que rodea ésta y otras coyunturas de finales del Antiguo Régimen, la consulta bibliográfica de autores interesados por aspectos sociales y económicos del marco peninsular y asturiano de la época así como de aquellos autores que han permitido conocer las instituciones asturianas, en especial sobre la Junta General del Principado de Asturias. Entre el acervo de aportaciones destacan las de Gonzalo Anes, autor de Las crisis agrarias en la España Moderna (1974) y de Economía y sociedad en la Asturias del Antiguo Régimen (1988).

This article investigates the ethnic entanglements of the land reform debate in the first Polish Diet (1919-1922). Against the backdrop of global comparative studies, interwar Poland, haunted by land hunger, rural poverty, and high concentration of land ownership, is an odd case. Despite conditions conducive to farreaching land reforms, that is, a high level of inter-elite conflict and semiautocratic order, the Polish reform was very moderate, if not disappointing. Unpacking the series of moves in the debate and the sequence of hairbreadth voting on its shape, I ask why, despite broad acceptance of the reform across the political spectrum, it could not attract enough support to be swiftly executed. The ethnic composition of the country triggered controversies concerning German farmers and peasants of the ethnically diversified eastern borderlands. Major political parties shared tacit Polish nationalism, but the history of political alignments made the nationalist politicians susceptible to the lobbying of the landed elite and estranged them from peasant parties. The land holdings of nobles were considered a bulwark of the nation, which effectively blocked the alternative idea of integrating the ethnic minorities via land ownership.

Franco died in his bed on 20 November 1975. The dictatorship, however, had already been in its death throes for several years. The political changes that were consolidated by the moves towards a democratic system in 1977-78 had already occurred within civil society throughout the 1950s and 1960s, especially in Catalonia. Far from apathy and demobilization, rural Catalonia experienced an intense process of social change comparable in many ways to that of metropolitan areas. Throughout this period, resistance to the regime, struggles to improve material conditions, and civic, critical and cultural activism became spaces of permanent con conflict that would de ne and expand what was and what was not possible under Franco. When in early 1977 what was left of regime was forced to accept its demise, change had already become a tangible reality for most of the population.

The Spanish Corps of Royal Engineers started its development in 1711, during the Spanish War of Succession, not having yet a detailed regulation to avoid the numerous conflicts of competence that it would suffer in its early days. In order to solve them, an Ordinance was enacted on 4 July 1718, which conferred on the Spanish military engineers new duties beyond those strictly warlike. Indeed, some of the articles of the Ordinance made the engineers responsible for the survey of all king’s territories, with the task of learning the physical and economic features of the country and have them mapped into cartography. The main purpose was to set improvements “aimed to the universal benefit of the peoples” in roads, waterways, irrigation channels or farming.
Therefore, the spirit of the Ordinance gave the engineers not only a defensive duty. It had also a Pre-Enlightenment approach that looked after the economic development and the upgrading of the living conditions in rural areas. This text analyzes how the Spanish Corps of Engineers was organized to achieve those goals, if it could really fulfill them, which problems did it face and if its performance did transform the rural society of that time.

Até hoxe o interese da maioría dos historiadores da cultura en Galicia centrouse no estudio dos elementos que deron vida á particular imaxe do mundo das minorías e elites sociais que se expresaban por escrito. Por iso, en moitas ocasións, esta adoita ser presentada como a única realidade cultural do noso pasado. Poucos prestaron atención pois ao coñecemento das claves culturais das clases populares e o campesiñado, en boa medida, porque moitas delas foron de natureza oral e non deixaron tras si unha pegada documental apreciable. Isto non significa, porén, que a imaxe do mundo desas clases non existise ou non tivese unha presenza e forza real no devir histórico de Galicia. Este libro faise eco dunha investigación que tratou recupera-lo protagonismo que correspondería á acción cultural do campesiñado e das clases populares urbanas na sociedade galega entre 1480 y 1900

In this paper, we try to explain the reason for the spate of farming strikes, that it took place in Castile during the 1904, and for it, we focus our research in the region of Old Castile called Tierra de Campos, that it was the principal area of the disputes were led by the Castilian peasant during that year. The research is based on the study, besides of the trite Memoria of Adolfo A. Buylla, the provincial press and the military and judicial papers.