Telangana

The University as a Site of Resistance analyses massive protests that emerged in the aftermath of Rohith Vemula's death in Hyderabad Central University as well as the Azadi Campaign started by Jawaharlal Nehru University students in Delhi in 2016. Taking Osmania University in Hyderabad as a case study, the book provides an ethnographic account of the emergence of one of India's longest student movements - the movement for Telangana statehood. Since its inception in the 1960s to its culmination in the formation of Telangana state in 2014, students at Osmania University played a decisive role. The book discusses protest strategies, methods, and networks among students. It also examines the role played by various caste and sub-caste groups and civil society in making the movement a success. The author argues that contemporary identity based student movements are primarily cultural movements as the traditional caste and class analysis becomes redundant to explain such contemporary collective action. The book establishes these unique resistances as New Social Movements and claim that these movements contribute to the democratization of institutional spaces. In this context, the volume provides a conceptual debate on contemporary cultural politics among university students.

The process of globalisation has made an unprecedented change in indigenous people's lives worldwide. However, the degree of exploitation and marginalisation vary from State to states and tribal group to group. It examines that younger age group is more than 40%, the majority of Adivasis are illiterates. More than 70 per cent of samples are male and married, and they follow a nuclear family system. Fifty-three per cent of Adivasis are residing in small huts, their religion is Hindu, and they speak the Telugu language. Sixty per cent of respondents are cultivator with below three acres of land, and their annual income is below 14,000/ rupees. It shows that majority of Adivasis are in poverty. Twenty-three per cent of the respondent is suffering from Anaemia health problems, followed by 19 per cent of Blood Pressure, 15 per cent Diabetes, 13 per cent Tuberculosis, Nine per cent Gynecological problems, in the study area. The globalisation has adversely impacted socioeconomic aspects, including marriage, dressing patterns, and food habits of Adivasis in the study area of Telangana State, India.

This paper explores the process of legitimation involved in the struggle for secession in Telangana, India.  It argues that this was focussed on the securing of justice in a) gaining access to resources (the legitimation of risk) and b) the exercise of political power (the legitimation of democracy). The plight of Telangana demonstrates the historical and contextual nature of legitimacy. The paper asserts that the ongoing struggle to legitimate risk and democracy will be constitutive of the norms and values of the new state, influencing the way in which exposure to risk is differentiated, and democratic legitimacy defined.  It suggests that, although contextualized, local struggles to legitimate risk and democracy represent a microcosm of a wider global legitimation process which is constitutive of world society and the search for justice in a world at risk.

The demand for the creation of a social-democratic Telangana initially resulted in a geographical Telangana. Now the same region, with its matrix of caste, Hindutva and nation, is encountering the idea of a Hindu nation. If the idea settles, there is a great possibility that any prospects for bettering the lives of the traditionally oppressed will diminish.
The social-democratic forces in the state must understand the perils that are revealed in Dubbak and challenge the bigoted notion of social democracy.
https://thewire.in/politics/telangana-dubbak-by-poll

Telangana Grameena Bank is the one of the best Government Bank in Telangana State. This study assumes a significant part in recognizing main considerations and issues those helps in reception and impediment of the versatile banking in Telangana Grameena Bank. Banking is one of the biggest monetary organizations which routinely investigate the chance of innovation to give better client administrations. All the way through the extended term, banking has risen higher than on or after a conservative corporeal model of clients lining for management in the banks to present financial anywhere banks be able to be reach anytime for their management. Innovation assumes a significant part in financial area Mobile banking is typically accessible on a day in and day out premise. This innovation assists us with saving our time and give offices to get the data about our record, exchange and move the cash starting with one record then onto the next account from anyplace and whenever however there is issue in client reception, client doubt on the versatile financial security. This is a major issue before versatile banking. Versatile Banking is an arising substitute channel for giving financial administrations. A solid and sound financial framework is significant necessity for monetary development. The primary target of this paper is to neglect about portable banking, issues and challenge in versatile banking in Telangana Grameena Bank.

The available literature on the Telangana movement offers historical, political, and economic perspectives that define Telangana as a ‘back- ward’ region and the movement as an offshoot to this backwardness. The backwardness generally discussed pertains to the economic standing of the people of Telangana. From the vantage point of a fresh perspective, this chapter uses regional culture to understand the emergence of the mass movement. It explores the context in which the idea of statehood for Telangana took shape and discusses how the movement can be understood as a new social movement.The chapter also attempts to understand the contours of the movement’s history in terms of how the culture of Telangana was marginalized, and how Telangana activists, especially employees and students, mobilized against the dominant Andhra culture, leading ultimately to widespread, robust cultural assertion.

In India, the dissemination and reception of Marxism as a philosophy in general and Marx's Capital as a text in particular did not happen in a linear and homogeneous fashion. It entailed a complex and heterogeneous process, amidst contestation from multiple socio-political groups' movements towards transformation from historically
ordained pre-modern graded inequality, in the form of Brahminical patriarchy, to emerge into the modern egalitarian socio-political subjectivity.
This paper will investigate the historical background of why and how Marxism disseminated in India through the dominant regional languages in line with the rise of the different regional linguistic movements. In this context, the paper will examine the specific case of Telugu language formation and the translation of Marxist thought into Telugu. I shall contextualize the translation of Marxist thought into Telugu in the
backdrop of the fetishization of the language through Bashabhimaanam by the regional elite at the cost of suppression of the larger social formation in order to determine their regional hegemony. The paper will also examine the politics of translation of Capital in the light of the nexus between the pan-Indian English-educated nationalist elite and the English-educated Telugu regional elite. Finally, the paper will study the relation between the politics of translation of Capital and the communist movement in Telangana.

This article argues that taking territory into account is essential to understand the change in the scale and nature of caste dominance in contemporary India. The demonstration is based on an analysis of the socio-spatial trajectories of the Kammas - a dominant caste from Coastal Andhra, where they continue to own most of the land, even though they have migrated in large numbers towards the interior and southern regions of the Indian peninsula, both to newly irrigated areas and to the cities. The key positions they occupy in the politics and economy of Andhra Pradesh confer upon them a hegemonic character. However, this hegemony is threatened by the growing resistance of Dalits to caste and class oppression, while Kamma cultural domination, long contested in Telangana, is now challenged by the formation of the new state.

The importance of education in the process of economic, political and social change has been widely recognised and well documented all over the world. The changes in the educational system should also reduce the social gaps by enabling proper recognition to whatever extent one is able to pursue or acquire a skill. The tribal community all over India have been subjected to various forms of deprivation such as alienation from land and other resources. Although certain constitutional safeguards are provided, there has been no economic, social and political mobility across this community. The Scheduled Tribes remain abysmally backward and socially excluded, still living in harsh environs. Education is one of the most important means to improve tribal personal endowments, build capabilities, overcome constraints and in the process, enlarge available set of opportunities and choices for a sustained improvement in well-being. As per Article 45 of the Constitution of India, Universalisation of Elementary Education is a Directive Principle of State Policy that underlines the need to provide free and compulsory education for all children up to the age of 14 years. In this paper an attempt is made to examine government policies for tribal education, tribal population and literacy rate and issues and challenges of tribal education.

‗Enlightened One‘ was alive Buddhism came to the region of Telangana. It flourished
and spread under the patronage of the Ikshavaku dynasty who was ardent Buddhist followers.
Most of the marvelous Buddhist structures were built during this period. Buddhism held sway in
this region for many centuries. Many Buddhist sites were discovered across Telangana, which
divulged a wealth of artifacts that speak volumes of the ancient Buddhist culture.1

Abstract
Like other “regional” cinemas of southern India, Telugu cinema too has grown on the strength of its
intimate linkages with both language politics and the linguistic state. In the more recent past, the relatively
stable, if contentious, equilibrium between cinema, the linguistic state, and its official language was
disrupted by a political movement demanding the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh, which coincided with
the proliferation of post-celluloid forms and modes of engagement with the moving image. This movement
foregrounds the importance of region—understood as territory—as the site for nurturing, but
more importantly producing, “cultural” differences among speakers of a single language. Telugu cinema
came to be imbricated with a political mobilization engaged in, and driven by, the production of cultural
difference, while the Telugu film industry as a whole came under sustained attack by activists and politicians
supporting bifurcation for prejudicial and stereotypical representations of Telangana. The article
focuses on a curious aspect of the movement for a separate Telangana state: the hypervisibility of communist
and radical left propaganda forms, to examine how a minor film genre became a resource for the
production of a territorially bound political community that reinforced the cultural logic of the linguistic
state even as Andhra Pradesh, which was once ruled by a film star-turned-politician, was bifurcated.

The paper explores the demand for separate Telangana State out of Andhra Pradesh. In the process an effort is made to find out the legitimacy of the claims made by the supporters of Telangana state. Recent India has witnessed an upsurge in the demand for the creation of new states. Though such demands has not been new one as the history of India shows ample of such examples where the regions have been demanding separate statehood. The change that has surfaced now is the shift in the nature of these demands. Earlier the reorganization was insisted on the basis of language and ethnicity but now the claims are made more on the grounds of administrative efficiency and economic development. The unequal development of regions, unequal access to political power and introduction of economic reforms has all led to the demands for the creation of new states.

In order to counter the Bharatiya Janata Party’s agenda of communal polarisation, the Telangana Rashtra Samithi, led by K Chandrasekhar Rao, articulated what it called “Adhyatmik Hindutva.”  Notwithstanding the inclusive character of this conception, its electoral feasibility and social desirability remain questionable.
https://www.epw.in/journal/2020/7/commentary/between-adhyatmik-and-political-hindutva.html

This article analyzes the changes and continuities in various social movements in a South Indian region over the past 70 years, from the peasant armed struggle that started in the princely State of Hyderabad to the agitation that led to the formation of the Telangana State in 2014. The aim is to assess what these movements achieved and to understand how they are connected to each other. I argue that while there is a strong continuity between the peasant uprising of the 1940s and the ongoing Maoist guerrilla struggle in their militant agrarian agenda as well as forms of organization, the statehood movement for a separate Telangana is far less radical both in terms of means and ends. While the carving of Telangana out of the united Andhra Pradesh State challenged the economic power and cultural hegemony of the Andhra elites, the promise of a democratic Telangana has been belied with little evidence so far of the new government's intent to change the relations of domination and subordination within Telangana society and how institutions of the State relate to citizens. The emancipatory potential of a regionalism of the oppressed has thus given way to a mere territorial reorganization of power.

The left mobilization which claims to have transcendental vision—to go beyond capitalism—is in decline. This can be seen across India. The question to be asked, then, is why has it been declining/weakening? The paper attempts to find an inconclusive answer because among many variables such as the changing material realities that might be producing conditions, temporarily, to weaken the revolutionary consciousness it looks at only one. It tries to grapple with the ongoing debate that the left has historically neglected caste and gendered dimension within both its organizational and political agenda. This exercise is undertaken with reference to the Telangana region. As stated this is a partial exercise because there are many more variables responsible for the weakening/ decline of the movements.

This chapter seeks to explore changing forms of Maoist mobilization in the plains of northern Telangana from the 1970s onwards. Bringing to view mutually constitutive relations between Maoist mobilization, the state and agrarian change, this chapter challenges the dominant view of the decline and collapse of the Maoists in northern Telangana.I argue that prevailing scholarly accounts leave unexplored patterns of mobilization and demobilization that are crucial to a comprehensive understanding of the Telangana case. Presenting empirical material in the form of oral historical narratives, I show that the disintegration of landlordism in the region profoundly affected the Maoist movement and gave shape to subsequent developments. This chapter thus seeks to show the value of centering regionally specific processes of state formation and agrarian political economies in analyses of Maoist trajectories in India.

Nene Balanni (meaning ‘I’m the Strength’) is a Telugu volume composed on the life history of Mrs T N Sadalakshmi, one of the prominent unnoticed lady politicians of India from the state of Andhra Pradesh. The author of the volume Mrs Gogu Shamala chose Mrs Sadalakshmi with great admiration and got determined to compose her life history.

All teachers in Medak, Telangana who undergo pre-service training through D.Ed, B.Ed or M.Ed degrees receive training on the topic of classroom management as a part of their  curriculum. The process by which teachers and schools create and maintain appropriate behaviour of students in a classroom and are able to teach all students together in an effective manner is called classroom management. We wanted to find out how effectively the teachers are able to translate their training on classroom management into the real life classroom situation. We aimed to identify the problems teachers encounter in employing the classroom management techniques in the real life classroom situation and ways this can be addressed.

and Keywords The available literature on the Telangana movement offers historical, political, and economic perspectives that define Telangana as a 'backward' region and the movement as an offshoot to this backwardness. The backwardness generally discussed pertains to the economic standing of the people of Telangana. From the vantage point of a fresh perspective, this chapter uses regional culture as a vantage point to understand the emergence of the mass movement. It explores the context in which the idea of separate statehood for Telangana took shape and discusses how the movement can be understood as a new social movement. The chapter also attempts to understand the contours of the movement's history in terms of how the culture of Telangana was marginalized and how Telangana activists, especially employees and students, mobilized against the dominant Andhra culture, leading ultimately to widespread, robust cultural assertion.

Why the Madiga people use dry food, the Madiga's almost daily food hunters from the century's, the Madiga people closely related natural resources. Madigas traditionally lived in hamlets outside mainstream village life. Before the twentieth century in the Period of Kakatiyas these are closely related on the local traditional working of leather goods as per the lake of Ganapuram village and Seven Temple group showing culture of the local and including of Madiga community it is shown Inaholu Inscription , and also in the period both British administration and Nizam " s administration began to employ them as village messengers. Madigas lived by tanning the leather and it was the ―duty‖ of the Madiga family to provide Chappals and other leather goods to the upper caste families with whom they were tied. Madigas contributed a lot to the music and dance. The origin for the Jazz drums comes from the primitive but exact rhythm and beat producing ―Thappeta‖ tanned skins covered on the wooden round frames and were played by beating them with two sticks. The sound variation they bring by warming them when the weather is wet and humid. A few households of Madiga, Arundhatiya, Jaggali and Jambuvulu in different regions of Telangana , Andhra Pradesh. The latter three communities appear to be satellite communities to Madiga. The name Madiga has been derived from the word Ma diguvaru (people next to us) used by Malas to identify these people. In course of time, the name Ma diguvaru became Madiga. One of the brief story related Chinnayya was asked to take care of the divine cow, Kamadhenu. Having tasted the milk of the cow and finding it to be very delicious, he desired to taste the flesh of the same. He implemented his wicked desire. But the dead body was so heavy that even the gods could not move it. So Siva thought of Jambavanta who was doing penance and called him by the term " Mahadigaru " (a great one who came down).Jambavanta thus received the name Mahadiga or Madiga and attended to the called of Siva. He moved the dead body and cut it into pieces Chinnayya was asked to dress the beef and Siva invited all the Gods to a feast. He moved the dead body and cut it into pieces Chinnayya was asked to dress the beef and Siva invited all the Gods to a feast. While cooking, Chinnayya in order to put off the effervescence, spat into the cooking pot. This was noticed by the Gods who left the dining hall. Siva became angry and crushed Chinnayya them by assigning them to the lowest cast. Jambavanta's descendants are called as Madigas while those of chinnayya are known as Malas. As Jambavanta consumed the leavings of Chinnayya and took water after him, the Madigas are regarded as inferior to Malas. The above narrated three stories find place in Hassan's note on Madiga (Hassan S.S., Volume I.-pp 409-420). Why they people use dry food, the Madigas almost daily food hunters from the century's, the Madiga people closely related natural resources.

This research paper explores the programs and schemes for integrated and all-round development of students in Scheduled Castes in Telangana. The Scheduled Caste Development Department dedicated to the integrated and overall development of Scheduled Castes. According to the 2011 census, the scheduled caste's population in the state is 54.32 lakhs, which accounts for 15.43 % of the State's total population. According to the 2011 census, the literacy rate is 66.46%. The literacy level is low among Scheduled Castes with 52.52%. The drop-out ratio is high in Scheduled Castes compared to that of all communities. Many studies revealed that there is the high rate of wastage, stagnation, and inequality of the opportunity. The Indian Constitution states that India as a welfare state. With the salient features in the Preamble and the Directive Principles, The Telangana Scheduled Caste Development Department dedicated to the integrated and overall development of the SC community. The main objectives of the Department are educational advancement, socio-economic development, welfare, and protection of scheduled castes and implementation of programs. With the spirit striving towards the objectives, the government is implementing schemes and programs. They are Pre and Post metric Hostels, Ananda Nilayams, Pre and Post metric Scholarships, Telangana Study Circle, Best Available Schools, Financial Aid to SC Advocates, Scheme of Upgradation of Merit, Ambedkar Overseas Vidya Nidhi.

This paper explores the process of legitimation involved in the struggle for secession in Telangana.  This is undertaken through examining the perspectives of participants in the build-up to secession in three Telangana villages.  The paper argues that demands for secession focussed crucially on a) gaining access to resources as a means of alleviating risk exposure (the legitimation of risk); and b) the exercise of political power in the attempt to secure resources as the means to alleviating risk (the legitimation of democracy).

Given that the new state has been in existence for over a year, the paper seeks to provide a reminder of the hopes, dreams and expectations which formed the basis of the struggle for a new state.  It argues that these should serve as an reference point to the government in the complex task of securing its legitimacy in Telangana. It also suggests the need for longitudinal research into legitimacy in Telangana as part of an ongoing concern with the legitimation of risk and democracy in this volatile and vulnerable region.

"Around thirty thousand employees of state enterprises were relieved of the jobs owing to industrial sickness or privatization in Andhra Pradesh. These units in some locations were hub of the economic activity in the region and consequently with their closure a larger section of the population in the area are adversely affected. Job loss issue is a new social problem in the context of globalization and privatization and needs to be acknowledged as an important area of policy concern and social action. The problem is not confined to mere government enterprises but also the private sector.

The status of post job-loss livelihoods, especially in weak economies like the Antargaon situation, is important to understand how the life world is redefined by the social status of the affected sections. Many have been relocated with the repatriates going to Tamil Nadu and some members of their family still living in Antargaon expecting payment of arrears and reopening of the unit. There is severe immiserisation and casualisation towards downwards mobility including occupational shift towards farm employment. Local workers have attempted find livelihoods in wage labour, farming, caste occupations and petty trade. Incomes have drastically fallen down compared to their earlier earnings.

Job loss is both economic and social problem. Some of the public enterprises have social obligations besides economic functions. The issues of job loss as an emerging social problem is examined in the context of Andhra Pradesh and a detailed assessment of the complexity is presented based on the case study. After a decade the government had paid job severance compensation and offered vocational training measures to the affected workers still living in Antargaon and surrounding area. Capacity building and job loss trauma mitigation measures need to be local and cultural specific in order to be effective. The paper also examines the pattern of changing livelihoods owing to closure of an enterprise and draws conclusions for strengthening the community effort in addressing the new social problem."

[Published in Joshua Neves and Bhaskar Sarkar, eds. Asian video cultures: in the penumbra of the global. Duke University Press, 2017.]

What might the study of media forms and their consumption tell us about modes of political participation? My case study is the mobilization centred on the politically moderate demand for the formation of the Telangana state within India. This was no uprising against a dictatorship or the first baby step towards a democratic government. The duration and scale however was impressive even by Indian standards. The mobilization coincided with large scale digitization of " content " and rapidly increasing levels of access to the internet in India. Most importantly, it was accompanied by a spurt in online activity that was for the most part generative of a lot of content that Lawrence Lessig would call "crap". This chapter looks at pro-Telangana YouTube videos and asks whether and how they are political.

Hyderabad, India has undergone tremendous change over the last three centuries. The study seeks to understand how and why Hyderabad transitioned from a north-south urban morphological directional pattern to east-west during from 1687 to 2019. Satellite-based remote sensing will be used to measure the extent and land classifications of the city throughout the twentieth and twenty-first century using a geographic information science and historical-geographic approach. This approach provides the basis for a structured archival historical-geographic analysis. Focusing on Hyderabad, India from 1687 to 2019, the objectives of this research are to: (1) delineate and quantify the geographic extent of built-up urban area using scanned historical maps and remotely sensed imagery; and (2) evaluate spatial patterns of change in urban area extent and form. Results indicate that historical factors such as the initial Qutb Shahi urban design, industrialization, the 1908 flood, early twentieth century pandemics, and globalization have shaped the extent and spatial patterns of Hyderabad urban form over time.

It is an axiom of early postcolonial Indian history that Nehru and his statist conception of nationalism and of economic development dominated the political and economic life of India. As such, scholars have assumed, Gandhian ideas, especially radically non-statist answers to the problems of development, lost influence in this period. This article explores Gandhian economic thinking, in the form of the Bhoodan Movement and three of the thinkers on sarvo-daya economics in the 1950s: Vinoba Bhave, K.G. Mashruwala and J.C. Kumarappa. It goes on to demonstrate the complex relationship that these men and their ideas had with Nehru and various levels of the Indian state. It argues that the non-statist ideas remained important in the development of the postcolonial Indian nationalism.

Decentralised Governance and Devolution of Funds to the Panchayats in India-A Critical Analysis of Two Indian States•
Dr. M.Gopinath Reddy 
Bishnu Prasad Mohapatra
Abstract
Decentralised Self-Governing Institutions have been playing a significant role in the matters of poverty alleviation and rural development in India. The increasing nature of the rural development programmes in India has pronounced the significance of these institutions as institutions of self-government. The debates on the devolution of powers to the Panchayats since the last two decades received enormous attention because of the increasing role played by these institutions in planning and implementation of the development programmes in rural India. However, the issues of finance have been continuously abating the functioning of these institutions as institution of self-government. State level experiences show that devolution agenda including the agenda of fiscal devolution and tax decentralisation has not been taken up sincerely in the many states including the state of Andhra Pradesh and Odisha. The institutionalisation of the State Finance Commissions (SFCs) and recommendations of the SFCs are not taken up seriously which has also affected the fiscal devolution process. However, the recent endeavour on the devolution of funds and management of own revenues of the Panchayats have provided some positive results despite huge mismatches among the different indicators of devolution.
Based on the above mentioned scenario, the present paper critically reviews the status of the fiscal devolution to the Panchayats in the state of Andhra Pradesh and Odisha. This paper focuses on the four broad aspects of Decentralised Governance and Fiscal Devolution such as (i) evolution of the local governments and devolution of powers in Andhra Pradesh and Odisha, (ii) Panchayats and status of fiscal devolutions in these two states, (iii) the process of allocation of funds to the panchayts under the various flagship programmes and  (iv) current trends and pattern of fiscal transfer to the panchayats in the context of the recommendations of the SFCs. Examining the secondary data and synthesising the field experiences, this paper tries to explore the evolution of the fiscal decentralisation regime in both the states since the post-73rd constitutional amendment act period to the current era of devolution. Particularly, in the context of the enactment of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act (CAA) and institutionalisation of the SFCs, both the states have taken the fiscal devolution agenda seriously. However, in the case of Andhra Pradesh, tax decentralisation and own revenue of panchayats seem to be in improved stage in comparison with Odisha. The paper concludes that “both the states need to strengthen the own revenue of panchayats based on the recommendations of the Finance Commissions of the respective state”. Devolution of funds to the panchayats from the state plan fund should be realistic and based on normative approach.     
Key Words: Decentralisation, Fiscal Devolution, Panchayats, Andhra Pradesh, Odisha

An ethno-medicinal investigation was conducted to highlights the traditional knowledge of medicinal plants being used by the tribe in West and South district of Tripura. This paper provides information about the different uses of plants used in their primary health care system. Tripura is a small north-eastern state of India and also a part of both Himalayan and Indo-Burma biodiversity region. It is a goldmine of medicinal plants and use of different plants in tribal traditional heath care systems has long history. Nineteen different tribes in Tripura, depend on natural resources at a great extent. This paper documented 113 medicinal plant species from 56 families along with their botanical name, local name, family name, habit, medicinal parts used, and traditional usage of application. The dominant families are Euphorbiaceae (7 species), Apocynaceae (6 species), Fabaceae and Rubiaceae (5 species each), Caesalpiniaceae, Asteraceae, Liliaceae and Verbenaceae (4 species each), Combretaceae, Labiatae, Malvaceae, Rutaceae and Zingiberaceae (3 species each). Tribes of Tripura have rich traditional knowledge on plant based medicine. Different parts of the plants in crude form/plant extracts/ decoctions/infusion or pastes are employed in diverse veterinary and human diseases by the tribe’s of Tripura in daily life.