1. See Lieberman, Robert C., “Ideas, Institutions, and Political Order: Explaining Political Change,” American Political Science Review 96 (2002): 702Google Scholar. For general discussion of American political development, see Orren, Karen and Skowronek, Stephen, The Search for American Political Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004)Google Scholar.

2. On racial orders see King, Desmond and Smith, Rogers, “Racial Orders in American Political Development,” American Political Science Review 99 (2005): 75–92 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3. The Southern black voting age population of about five million in 1940.

4. On the phases of black voting, see Timpone, Richard, “Mass Mobilization or Government Intervention? The Growth of Black Registration in the South,” Journal of Politics 57 (1995): 425–42Google Scholar. See Lawson, Steven, Black Ballots: Voting Rights in the South (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976)Google Scholar. On early black voting estimates, see Luther Porter Jackson, “Race and Suffrage in the South since 1940,” New South, June–July 1948; Price, Margaret, The Negro Voter in the South (Atlanta: Southern Regional Council, 1957)Google Scholar; The Negro and the Ballot in the South (Atlanta: Southern Regional Council, 1959)Google Scholar; Lewinson, Paul, Race, Class, and Party: A History of Negro Suffrage and White Politics in the South (1932; reprint, New York: Russell & Russell, 1963)Google Scholar.

5. Discussion of the importance postwar party transition discussed in Valelly, Richard, The Two Reconstructions: The Struggle for Black Enfranchisement (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Frymer, Paul, Uneasy Alliances: Race and Party Competition in America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999)Google Scholar; Baylor, Christopher A., “First to the Party: The Group Origins of the Partisan Transformation on Civil Rights, 1940–1960,” Studies in American Political Development 27 (2013): 111–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar. More generally see Klinkner, Philip A. and Smith, Rogers M., The Unsteady March: The Rise and Decline of Racial Equality in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999)Google Scholar.

6. See Mickey, Robert, Paths out of Dixie: The Democratization of Authoritarian Enclaves in America's Deep South, 1944–1972 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015)Google Scholar.

7. See Orren and Skowronek, Search for American Political Development, 96. See also Lieberman, “Ideas, Institutions and Political Order,” 702.

8. Here I draw on Elisabeth Clemens's theory of organizational repertoires and “fit.” See Clemens, Elisabeth S., “Organizational Repertoires and Institutional Change: Women's Groups and the Transformation of U.S. Politics, 1890–1920,” American Journal of Sociology 98 (1993): 755–98Google Scholar. See also Skocpol, Theda, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995)Google Scholar.

9. For further discussion of organizational repertoires, see Clemens, “Organizational Repertoires,” 758–59. On the use of “citizenship,” see Dennis, Michael, “The Idea of Citizenship in the Early Civil Rights Movement,” Citizenship Studies 9 (2005): 181–203 Google Scholar.

10. Civic voluntarism acts as a bridging structure: Engagement in civic voluntarism creates changes in cognition, develops connectedness and networks to others, and provides the skills for political engagement. For further discussion and definition of civic voluntarism, see Verba, Sidney, Schlozman, Kay Lehman, and Brady, Henry E., Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995)Google Scholar, especially p. 20.

11. See Payne, Charles, I've Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995)Google Scholar. For discussion of “cognitive liberation” and the political process model, see McAdam, Douglas, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency 1930–1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982)Google Scholar, especially pp. 48–52. See also Meyer, David, “Protest and Political Opportunities,” Annual Review of Sociology 30 (2004): 124–45Google Scholar; Jenkins, J. Craig, Jacobs, David, and Agnone, Jon, “Political Opportunities and African American Protest, 1948–1997,” American Journal of Sociology 109 (2003): 277–303 Google Scholar. Finally see Parker, Christopher, “When Politics Becomes Protest: Black Veterans and Political Activism in the Postwar South,” Journal of Politics 71 (2009): 113–31Google Scholar.

12. See Verba et al., Voice and Equality, 40.

13. This article draws from the following archival sources: Luther Porter Jackson Papers, 1772–1960, Accession No. 1952-l, Special Collections and Archives, Johnston Memorial Library, Virginia State University, Petersburg, VA; hereafter referred to as LPJ papers. The Virginia Teachers Association Office of the “Civic Education Secretaries Office” 1941–1950; hereafter referred to as VSTA papers. For overview of Virginia political history and African Americans, in addition to Smith, J. Douglas, Managing White Supremacy: Race, Politics, and Citizenship in Jim Crow Virginia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002)Google Scholar, see Larissa M. Smith, “Where the South Begins: Black Politics and Civil Rights Activism in Virginia, 1930–1951” (PhD diss., Emory University, 2001); Buni, Andrew, The Negro in Virginia Politics, 1902–1965 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1967)Google Scholar; Lewis, Earl, In Their Own Interests: Race, Class and Power in Twentieth Century Norfolk Virginia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991)Google Scholar.

14. In addition to Verba et al., Voice and Equality; see also Verba, Sidney and Nie, Norman H., Participation in America: Political Democracy and Social Equality (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987)Google Scholar.

15. For former, see Verba et al., Voice and Equality; for latter, see Burns, Nancy, Schlozman, Kay Lehman, and Verba, Sydney, The Private Roots of Public Action: Gender, Equality, and Political Participation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001)Google Scholar.

16. On Virginia's massive resistance, see Lassiter, Matthew D. and Lewis, Andrew B., The Moderates’ Dilemma: Massive Resistance to School Desegregation in Virginia (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1998)Google Scholar. See also Bartley, Numan, The Rise of Massive Resistance: Race and Politics in the South during the 1950s (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1969)Google Scholar; Ely, James W. Jr., The Crisis of Conservative Virginia: The Byrd Organization and the Politics of Mass Resistance (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1976)Google Scholar; Gates, Robbins, The Making of Massive Resistance: Virginia's Politics of School Desegregation, 1954–1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1962)Google Scholar; James H. Hershman, “A Rumbling in the Museum: The Opponents of Virginia's Massive Resistance” (PhD diss., University of Virginia, 1978); Wilkinson, J. Harvie III, Harry Byrd and the Changing Face of Virginia Politics, 1945–1966 (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1968)Google Scholar.

17. On the “rise and fall of the New Deal order,” see Fraser, Steve and Gerstle, Gary, eds., The Rise and Fall of the New Deal Order, 1930–1980 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990)Google Scholar. For WWII era as a new political order see Orren, Karen and Skowronek, Stephen, “Regimes and Regime Building in American Government: A Review of Literature on the 1940's,” Political Science Quarterly 113 (1998–99): 689–701 Google Scholar. See also Kryder, Daniel, Divided Arsenal: Race and the American State during World War II (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000)Google Scholar. On the importance of World War II in Southern history see Schulman, Bruce, From Cotton Belt to Sunbelt: Federal Policy, Economic Development and the Transformation of the South, 1938–1980 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991)Google Scholar.

18. On the idea that the 1940s is a “lost era” of civil rights activism, see Dalfiume, Richard M., “The ‘Forgotten Years’ of the Negro Revolution,” Journal of American History 55 (1968): 90–106 Google Scholar; Kellogg, Peter J., “Civil Rights Consciousness in the 1940s,” Historian 42 (1979): 18–41 Google Scholar; McCoy, Donald R. and Ruetten, Richard T., “The Civil Rights Movement: 1940–1954,” The Midwest Quarterly (1969): 11–34 Google Scholar.

19. For discussion of educational equalization suits, see Tushnet, Mark V., The NAACP's Legal Strategy against Segregated Education, 1925–1950 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1987)Google Scholar. On anti-poll-tax reform movements see Johnson, Kimberley, Reforming Jim Crow: Southern Politics and State in the Age before Brown (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010)Google Scholar; and Ogden, Frederic, The Poll Tax in the South (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1958)Google Scholar. On the fall of the white primary, see Zelden, Charles L., The Battle for the Black Ballot: Smith v. Allwright and the Defeat of the Texas All-white Primary (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2004)Google Scholar.

20. See Mickey, Robert, “The Beginning of the End for Authoritarian Rule in America: Smith v. Allwright and the Abolition of the White Primary in the Deep South, 1944–1948,” Studies in American Political Development (Fall 2008): 143–82Google Scholar.

21. For voting rates before the Voting Rights Act in addition to Timpone, “Mass Mobilization or Government Intervention?” see also Loren Collingwood and Benjamin Gonzalez, “The Political Process in Florida: Modeling African American Registration Rates Post Smith v. Allwright 1944–1964,” (paper presented at the APSA Annual Meeting, Washington, DC, August 24, 2010). On the impact of the Voting Rights Act on black voting in the South, see Grofman, Bernard and Davidson, Chandler, eds., Quiet Revolution in the South: The Impact of the Voting Rights Act, 1965–1990 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994)Google Scholar.

22. Region wide county-level black voter registration data was collected beginning in 1959 for the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1959, Report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights, Vol. 1: Voting (Washington, DC: U.S. GPO). Voting data for Tennessee was only available in the 1961 report. For other sources of county-level black voter registration information before 1959, see Fenton, John H. and Vines, Kenneth N., “Negro Registration in Louisiana,” American Political Science Review 51 (1957): 704–13Google Scholar; Price, Hugh D., The Negro and Southern Politics: A Chapter of Florida History (New York: New York University Press, 1957)Google Scholar.

23. Matthews and Prothro's survey work conducted in 1960–1961, served as the basis of the first thorough, region-wide analysis. This research however was conducted amid the height of the civil rights movement as white “backlash,” and other types of political mobilization were also unfolding. While their study affords some insight into black political participation, it would be a mistake to assume that the data collected during this moment of highly contentious politics could be used to explain the dynamics of the “forgotten years” of the pre–civil rights movement. Matthews, Donald R. and Prothro, James W., “Social and Economic Factors and Negro Voter Registration in the South,” American Political Science Review 57 (1963): 24–44 Google Scholar; Matthews, and Prothro, , “Political Factors and Negro Voter Registration in the South,” American Political Science Review 57 (1963): 355–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Matthews, and Prothro, , Negroes and the New Southern Politics (New York: Harcourt Brace World, 1966)Google Scholar. See also Matthews and Prothro, “Negro Political Participation Study, 1961–1962” (ICPSR07255-v3, University of Michigan Survey Research Center, Ann Arbor, MI: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research [producer], 1975; [distributor], 2006-08-15), doi:10.3886/ICPSR07255.v3.

24. For the calculator, see Measuring Worth, https://www.measuringworth.com/uscompare (accessed July 2013).

25. For discussion of the specifics of Virginia's poll tax, see Ogden, Poll Tax in the South, 201–15. All inhabitants over 21 were covered, with the only exemptions before World War II being Confederate veterans and their widows, and military pensioners. As a result of the Soldier Voting bill in WWII, active and recently discharged members of the military could vote but only in times of war (Ogden, Poll Tax in the South, 40).

26. See Rosenstone, Steven J. and Wolfinger, Raymond E., “The Effect of Registration Laws on Voter Turnout,” American Political Science Review 72 (1978): 22–45 Google Scholar.

27. With the exception of groups like the VVL and VSTA, state and local evidence of NAACP activity is more easily accessible than records of the myriad local and state-level groups active during the early civil rights movement.

28. On “party in waiting,” see Valelly, The Two Reconstructions, 150. For overview of the NAACP, see also Berg, Manfred, “The Ticket to Freedom”: The NAACP and the Struggle for Black Political Integration (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005)Google Scholar.

29. See Matthews and Prothro, Negroes and the New Southern Politics, 164–66.

30. On “local racial states” see James, David R., “The Transformation of the Southern Racial State: Class and Race Determinants of Local-State Structures,” American Sociological Review 53 (1988): 191–208 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Regional definitions based on data from Rebecca Tippett, “Virginia's Regions” (Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service, University of Virginia, April 14, 2011, (https://coopercenterdemographics.wordpress.com/tag/demographics/). A difference in means test on a variety of demographic and economic variables confirms these intrastate regional differences.

31. On Key's conceptualization of the local racial state and for fuller elaboration of his “racial threat hypothesis,” see Key, V. O., Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1949; new ed., Key, V. O. Jr., with the assistance of Heard, Alexander, Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1984), 5–12 Google Scholar.

32. On the politics of “the hills” see Nixon, H. C., “Politics of the Hills,” The Journal of Politics 8 (1946): 123–33Google Scholar; as well as, Key's discussion of the division of Alabama hill county residents and the state's conservative “black belt.” Key argues that is antipathy to elites, or a “latent radicalism,” did not convert into a willingness to set aside racial hostility; see Key, Southern Politics in State and Nation, 43–46, and especially p. 44.

33. On history of the Byrd political machine, see Heinemann, Ronald L., Harry Byrd of Virginia (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1996)Google Scholar; James R. Sweeney, “Byrd and anti-Byrd: The Struggle for Political Supremacy in Virginia, 1945–1954” (PhD diss., University of Notre Dame, 1973).

34. Key, Southern Politics in State and Nation, 19.

35. State election returns from Heard, Alexander and Strong, Donald S., Southern Primaries and Elections, 1920–1949 (Freeport, NY: Books for Libraries Press, 1970; first published 1950)Google Scholar.

36. See Key, Southern Politics in State and Nation, 24–25, 28–31.

37. On factions and one party rule, see Key, Southern Politics in State and Nation, 298–311.

38. On the struggle of the anti-Byrd, pro New Deal factions, see Koeniger, A. Cash, “The New Deal and the States: Roosevelt versus the Byrd Organization in Virginia,” Journal of American History 68 (1982): 876–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sweeney, James R., “Sheep without a Shepherd”: The New Deal Faction in the Virginia Democratic Party,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 29 (1999): 438–58Google Scholar.

39. On the effect of Roosevelt's lack of support on Virginia's New Deal faction, see Syrett, John, “Ambiguous Politics: James H. Price's First Months as Governor of Virginia,” The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 94 (1986): 453–76Google Scholar.

40. On the transformation of the South, see Wright, Gavin, Old South, New South: Revolutions in the Southern Economy Since the Civil War (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1997)Google Scholar. On the importance of World War II in Southern history, see McMillen, Neil R., ed., Remaking Dixie: The Impact of World War II on the American South (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1997)Google Scholar.

41. On the various anti-Byrd coalitions during the 1940s, Sweeney, “Byrd and anti-Byrd.”

42. In addition to Earl Lewis's discussion of black union activism in Norfolk in In Their Own Interests, see also Honey, Michael K., Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights: Organizing Memphis Workers (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993)Google Scholar; as well as Minchin, Timothy, What Do We Need a Union For? The TWUA in the South, 1945–1955 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997)Google Scholar.

43. Indeed some scholars have argued that an earlier New Deal faction led by Governor James Price was ultimately abandoned by FDR, leading to the collapse of a nascent anti-Byrd coalition. In addition to Sweeney, “Byrd and anti-Byrd”; see also Koeniger, “The New Deal and the States”; Sweeney, “Sheep without a Shepherd”; Syrett, “Ambiguous Politics.”

44. Data on Southern elections calculated based on data drawn from Heard, Alexander and Strong, Donald S., Southern Primary and General Election Data, 1920–1949, ICPSR ed. (Ann Arbor, MI: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research [producer and distributor], 1992), doi:10.3886/ICPSR00071.v1 Google Scholar.

45. Key argues that the anti-Byrd forces were “extraordinarily weak”; with “few leaders of ability,” the anti-Organization forces were “more a hope than a reality” (Key, Southern Politics in State and Nation, 21).

46. See Smith, Managing White Supremacy, 251–53; also Buni, The Negro in Virginia Politics, 142–43.

47. For extended discussion of the dynamics of white politicians’ aversion to as well as their seeking of the black vote see Fenton and Vines, “Negro Registration in Louisiana,” as well as, Clubok, Alfred B., DeGrove, John M., and Farris, Charles D., “The Manipulated Negro Vote: Some Preconditions and Consequences,” Journal of Politics 26 (February 1964): 112–29Google Scholar.

48. In “A Black Counterpublic? Economic Earthquakes, Racial Agenda(s), and Black Politics,” Public Culture 7 (1994): 195–223 Google Scholar, Michael Dawson defines the black counterpublic as a “[s]et of institutions, communication networks, and practices which facilitate debate … and which facilitate the creation of oppositional formations and sites” See also Payne's discussion of “social spaces” for “big ideas” (I've Got the Light of Freedom, 74).

49. Smith, “Where the South Begins,” 26.

50. See for discussion of Southern African Americans and Republican Party politics, see De Santis, Vincent P., Republicans Face the Southern Question: the New Departure Years, 1877–1897 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Press, 1959)Google Scholar; also Mowry, George E., “The South and the Progressive Lily White Party of 1912,” Journal of Southern History 6 (1940): 237–47Google Scholar. See Walton's, Hanes Black and Tan Republicans (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1975)Google Scholar. For discussion of situation in Virginia, see Suggs, H. Lewis, “Black Strategy and Ideology in the Segregation Era: P. B. Young and the Norfolk Journal and Guide, 1910–1954,” The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 91 (1983): 161–90Google Scholar.

51. See Buni, Negro in Virginia Politics, 90–105.

52. For biographical information see “Joseph Thomas Newsome,” 2010 African American Trailblazers in Virginia History, Library of Virginia, accessed June 12, 2012, http://www.lva.virginia.gov/public/trailblazers/2010/honoree.asp?bio=4.

53. For discussion of the Nixon and the West case, see Hine, Darlene Clark, Lawson, Steven, and Pitre, Merline, Black Victory: The Rise and Fall of the White Primary in Texas (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2003): 126–41Google Scholar.

54. For discussion of the West case and the Byrd organization's reaction to it, see Smith, Managing White Supremacy, 199–204; also Buni, Negro in Virginia Politics, 118–21.

55. See Buni, Negro in Virginia Politics, 126–28.

56. For history of the Virginia State Teachers Association, see Picott, J. Rupert, History of the Virginia Teachers Association (Washington, DC: National Education Association, 1975)Google Scholar, and also Jackson, Luther P., A History of the Virginia State Teachers Association (Norfolk, VA: Guide, 1937)Google Scholar.

57. For discussion of political unionism among the VSTA and other black teacher associations, see Dennis, Michael, Luther P. Jackson and a Life for Civil Rights (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2004), 110–120 Google Scholar; Picott, History of the Virginia Teachers Association, 85–120.

58. See also Fairclough, Adam, A Class of Their Own: Black Teachers in the Segregated South (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007)Google Scholar; Fultz, Michael, “African-American Teachers in the South, 1890–1940: Powerlessness and the Ironies of Expectations and Protest,” History of Education Quarterly 35 (1995): 401–22Google Scholar.

59. One early VVL letterhead listed the following organizations as members of the VVL: Petersburg Civic Association; Progressive Vigilantes; G. U. O. of Odd Fellows; Royal Lodge, I. B. P. O. E. of W.; A. F. & A. Masons; I. O. of St. Luke; The Order of Tents; National Ideal Society; Daughters of David; Royal Order of Menelik and Princesses of Abyssinia; Ladies Auxiliary and Imperial Friendly Lyceum; Royal Aces; Alpha Kappa Alpha; Delta Sigma Theta; Alpha Phi Alpha; Omega Psi Phi; Phi Beta Sigma (“The Virginia Voters League, Central Committee,” n.d., Folder 518, Box 18, LPJ papers). It is not clear from the VVL papers what the relationship was between the VVL and other, more conservative Virginia organizations such as the United Civic League and the Virginia Civic League. Even less clear is the relationship of the VVL to the Negro Organization Society (NOS). The NOS was a group associated with Hampton University and inspired by the Tuskegee model. With the exception of a 1978 dissertation, there has been little in-depth scholarly attention paid to this remarkable group. See Elizabeth Cobb Jordan, “The Impact of the Negro Organization Society on Public Support for Education in Virginia, 1912–1950” (EdD diss., School of Education, University of Virginia, 1978).

60. Virginia State College, the state's land-grant institution for African Americans. The creation of the VVL was in some ways not surprising given Jackson's background. As a historian he was actively involved the creation and expansion of the Journal of Negro History, and a fervent believer of Carter Woodson's (its founder) belief that African American progress could not come about without educating both blacks and whites about the true history of Africans in America See Dennis, Luther P. Jackson, 42–66.

61. “Proposal to Expand the Petersburg League of Negro Voters, n.d.,” Folder 517, Box 18, LPJ papers.

62. “VVL Constitution, n.d.,” Folder 517, Box 18, LPJ papers. See also Jackson, Luther Porter, “Citizenship Training—A Neglected Area in Adult Education,” Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 478–79Google Scholar.

63. Following two quotations from “What the People Think about Voting in Petersburg,” Folder 524, Box 18, LPJ papers.

64. “VVL Proposal to Expand, n.d.,” Folder 517, Box 18, LPJ papers.

65. See “Why Negroes Should Vote in Petersburg and How They May Qualify, n.d., 1935,” Folder 525, Box 18, LPJ papers.

66. See Tushnet, NAACP's Legal Strategy, 77–81, 102–104.

67. For discussion of the NAACP's troubled attempt to become a mass-based membership organization, see Berg, Ticket to Freedom, 110–12.

68. Data on membership and chapters drawn from two sources: NAACP chapter data from NAACP Annual Reports, 1939–1952, and membership numbers courtesy of Richard Valelly.

69. For example, in a fundraising letter to Virginia's NAACP members, the VVL stated that it is “an organization specializing on merely one phase of the program of the NAACP. But it is a most important phase” (Jackson Letter to Virginia NAACP officers, December 19, 1943, Folder 513, Box 18).

70. Records from 1945 show that contributions to the VVL came not only from thirty-three of the state's NAACP branches, the Negro Organization Society, the Virginia Teachers Association, twenty city and county Voters Leagues, nine fraternities and sororities, two Elks Lodges, as well small personal contributions (“Receipts for Funds,” September 30, 1945, Folder 514, Box 18). See also Matthews and Prothro, whose research supports this interpretation (Negroes and the New Southern Politics, 164–66).

71. The state of Virginia treats Independent Cities as equivalent to Counties. See Handbook of Virginia History at the Library of Virginia. “Cities of Virginia.” Encyclopedia Virginia. Ed. Brendan Wolfe. 12 Jul. 2012. Virginia Foundation for the Humanities. 18 January 2012 <http://www.EncyclopediaVirginia.org/Cities_of_Virginia>.

72. Data on civic education programs compiled from the LPJ papers and the VSTA papers, especially “V.T.A. Civil Education Records,” Box 29 through Box 34.

73. “New Canton Voters Association Meeting (Minutes),” May 1946, Folder 548, Box 19, LPJ papers.

74. H. W. McNair to Jackson, December 30, 1949, Folder 538, Box 18, LPJ papers.

75. “Instructions to County Chairmen, December 12, 1941,” folder 512, Box 18, LPJ papers.

76. Report from Mrs. Carmen Burnett, Spotsylvania County Civic League, September 1, 1948, Folder 515, Box 18, LPJ papers.

77. See Jackson, “Citizenship Training,” 480; Jackson, “Race and Suffrage,” 9.

78. Letter from H. W. McNair to Jackson, October 9, 1944, Folder 538, Box 18, LPJ papers.

79. “Instructions Relative to Voting Requirements [flyer],” n.d., Folder 516, Box 18, LPJ papers.

80. “How to Qualify for Voting [flyer],” n.d., Folder 516, Box 18, LPJ papers.

81. See Jackson, “Citizenship Training,” 477–87. Voting data collected and reported in annual series, “Negro Voting in Virginia, 1941–1951” (LPJ papers).

82. Both logged and percentage were used, giving substantively same results.

83. The version of the analysis also control for the possible curvilinear effects of black population, with the addition of a variable, black population squared, included. The black population variables were centered to reduce collinearity. The results from this version were nearly identical to the results presented in the table. The latter was kept due to ease of interpretation.

84. A GLS model was used as such a model, unlike a pooled ordinary least squares (OLS) model, controls for unobserved heterogeneity across the units of analysis. To determine which model was appropriate for the analysis (pooled OLS, random-effect, or fixed-effect) a Breusch and Pagan Lagrangian multiplier (BPLM) test and a Hausman test were conducted. The result of both tests indicated that the random-effect model was a better choice than either a pooled OLS or a fixed-effect regression. For discussion of Woolridge, Jeffrey M., Econometric Analysis of Cross-section and Panel Data (Boston: MIT Press, 2001)Google Scholar.

85. Buni, The Negro in Virginia Politics, 156; See also Suggs, Henry Lewis, P.B. Young, Newspaperman: Race, Politics, and Journalism in the New South, 1910–62 (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1988), 146Google Scholar.

86. A “J. W. Logan” was candidate for board of county supervisors in Buckingham County, “but he withdrew as a result of whites and a few Negroes. He is now sorry he withdrew. He encouraged Negroes to become candidates and not withdraw” (VVL, Amelia County, Minutes, March 6, 1949, Folder 523, Box 8, LPJ Papers).

87. Hill worked with NAACP lawyers on the successful Alston v. School Board of Norfolk, VA, which established the principle of equal pay for black and white teachers. See Buni, Negro in Virginia Politics, 147–58; Smith, Managing White Supremacy, 277–81.

88. For discussion, see Buni, Negro in Virginia Politics, 157.

89. For further discussion of the effect of World War II veterans on Southern politics see Parker, Christopher, Fighting for Democracy: Black Veterans and the Struggle Against White Supremacy in the Postwar South (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009)Google Scholar; Brooks, Jennifer, Defining the Peace: World War II Veterans, Race, and the Remaking of Southern Political Tradition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004)Google Scholar.

90. H. W. McNair to Jackson, July 11, 1949; H. W. McNair to Jackson June 24, 1947.

91. Justine Thomas to Jackson, July 22, 1947, Folder 535, Box 19, LPJ papers.

92. “Public Interest Holds throughout Accomac Election [newspaper clipping],” n.d., n.p., 1947.

93. W. Davis to Jackson, July 4, 1943, Folder 539, Box 19, LPJ papers.

94. S. S. Scott to Jackson, December 1948, Folder 590, Box 20, LPJ papers.

95. For this and following quotes, see Clemens, “Organizational Repertoires and Institutional Change,” 792.