The document summarizes events in the Deccan region of India during the reign of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb from 1681-1707. It describes Aurangzeb's plans to defeat the Maratha kingdom by attacking from multiple directions, but he was unable to achieve decisive victories initially. Internecine conflicts weakened the Maratha and Bijapur kingdoms, allowing the Mughals to gain territory. Aurangzeb demanded the Bijapur kingdom submit as a vassal, fueling tensions between the two states as Aurangzeb sought to annex Bijapur.
The document summarizes events in the Deccan region of India during the reign of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb from 1681-1707. It describes Aurangzeb's plans to defeat the Maratha kingdom by attacking from multiple directions, but he was unable to achieve decisive victories initially. Internecine conflicts weakened the Maratha and Bijapur kingdoms, allowing the Mughals to gain territory. Aurangzeb demanded the Bijapur kingdom submit as a vassal, fueling tensions between the two states as Aurangzeb sought to annex Bijapur.
The document summarizes events in the Deccan region of India during the reign of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb from 1681-1707. It describes Aurangzeb's plans to defeat the Maratha kingdom by attacking from multiple directions, but he was unable to achieve decisive victories initially. Internecine conflicts weakened the Maratha and Bijapur kingdoms, allowing the Mughals to gain territory. Aurangzeb demanded the Bijapur kingdom submit as a vassal, fueling tensions between the two states as Aurangzeb sought to annex Bijapur.
I. THE DECCAN After Shivaji's funeral, his younger son Rajaram, a boy of ten, was crowned at Raigarh by his mother Soyra Bai with the help of a party at the capital. But another party in the State was against this succession and Shambhuji, the eldest son of Shivaji and step brother of Rararam, succeeded in securing the throne of his father, overcoming all opposition (18 June, 1680) Rajaram and his mother were imprisoned, but the latter was subsequently put to daath.
Shambhuji continued his father's policy of raiding the Mughul territories in the Deccan, and in the winter of 1680-81, he plundered north Khandesh and the suburbs of Burhanpur. An attempt was also made in November, 1681, to capture the fort of Ahmadnagar, but it did not succeed. He had given shelter to prince, Akbar and promised him Maratha aid in capturing the throne of Delhi. Such was the Mughul-Maratha relation on the eve of Aurangzib's arrival in the Deccan. Reaching there, the emperor made an extensive plan to invade Maharashtra from different directions and launched a vigorous offensive with a view to giving it a stunning blow. Sayyid Hasan 'Ali was sent to north Konkan, Shihab-ud-din Khan with Dalpat Rai to Nasik on the western frontier, Ruh-ullah Khan and prince Shah 'Alam to Ahmadnagar district to guard that side against any possible Maratha attack; and prince Azam was directed to proceed towards Bijapur to cut off any assistance coming to the Marathas from that direction. But in spite of all these, the emperor could not gain anything substantial in 1682, and all the detachments had to be recalled in April, 1683.
Thus, even after a year of his arrival in the Deccan, the emperor could not achieve anything decisive. He was rudely shocked by the unfilial conduct of his son Akbar whom he had loved so dearly. "In truth, he was at this time passing through a domestic and mental crisis; his faith in his family had been totally shaken and he did not know whom to trust or where he would be safe. Hence his policy for some time after was hesitating, suspicious, watchful and seemingly capricious or self-contradictory."! But Shambhuji's invasion of the Portuguese territory at this time and conclusion THE MUGHUL EMPIRE a treaty with the Mughuls gave Aurangzib a temporary respite to think of another offensive against the Marathas.
In the meantime prince Akbar, who had been highly disappointed at the vain expectation of aid from the Maratha King, decided to proceed to the Portuguese territory and thence to sail to Persia for refuge. After leaving his residence at Pali, he went to Banda in Savantvadi and then to Bicholim, about ten miles north of Goa. Purchasing a ship he embarked at Vingurla (November, 1683), but Durga Das and Kavi-Kalash, Shambhuji's prime minister, persuaded him to come back, holding out fresh hopes of support from the Maratha King. He wasted another year (1684) in the Ratnagiri district, making repeated requests to Kavi-Kalash to meet him and decide on future actions. The internal condition of the Maratha kingdom was then extremely gloomy. Neglecting his duties Shambhuji was indulging in luxury of low tastes, and the government was greatly distracted by the jealousy of the Maratha nobility against Kavi-Kalash, who was a Brahman of Kanauj in northern India and hated as a foreigner at the Maratha Court. Added to these, there were rebellions in the State and desertions of officers. In these circumstances, it was not possible for prince Akbar to secure necessary Maratha assistance to fight against his father. Taking advantage of confusion in the Maratha kingdom, Aurangzib started another offensive against it in September, 1683. The Sidi of Janjira was asked to watch the movements of Akbar and prince Shah 'Alam was despatched at the head of a grand army to lead the main attack on the Maratha territory and penetrate into Sá vantvadi and South Konkan. Another detachment under Shihab-ud-din was posted at Poona from which he raided Nizampur in the Kolaba district. Prince A'zam was sent to Nasik for guarding the road to Baglana and Khandesh, while Khan Jahan proceeded from Bidar to Akalkot to prevent any possible aid coming to the Marathas from Golconda and Bijapur, and the emperor himself went to Ahmadnagar.
Entering the Belgaum district Shah Alam captured some forts, cities and a large quantity of booty. Then he crossed the Ramghá t pass, twenty-six miles west of Belgaum, and proceeded into the plains of Savantvadi. After arrival at Bicholim he demolished the mansions and gardens of Shambhuji and Akbar, and planned to occupy Goa by treachery, but this was a serious blunder, as it caused rupture with the Portuguese who stopped supply of grain to the prince by sea. The invading army then moved northwards, sacking and burning the towns and villages, and turning south again, they re 282 AURANGZIB turned to the north of Goa. Their progress was stopped by famine. and so the prince was compelled to return to the Ramghat pass where one-third of his men and a large number of horses, elephants and camels perished through pestilence Harassed by the enemies from different directions the prince reached Ahmadnagar on 18 May, 1684, and judged by the net result of his campaign the achievement was not at all worthy of serious notice. But the Mughuls achieved much better results in other quarters. The Marathas were defeated on several occasions and much of their territory occupied. Many Maratha captains joined the imperialists, and two wives and one daughter of Shambhuji were captured and confined in the fort of Bahadurgarh. After making a vain dash into the Mughul territory in June, 1686, and finding no ray of hope in future, prince Akbar hired a ship at Rajapur and sailed for Persia in February, 1687, reaching the Persian Court at Isfahan in January, 1688. After thus sending him out of the Indian territory. Durga Das returned to Marwar.
During the regime of Sikandar 'Adil Shah (1672-1686), the last of the 'Adil Shahi Sultans, the Bijapur kingdom suffered seriously from various troubles, viz, maladministration and internecine quarrels among the nobles, which paved the way for its final extinction Taking advantage of the rivalry between the Deccani party led by Khavass Khan and the Afghan party led by Buhlul Khă n and eventual disorder in the kingdom, the imperialists, on the request of the Deccani party, then out of power, took up their side, and invading Bijapur took possession of Naldurg and Gulbarga (1677) The condition of Bijapur steadily deteriorated from day to day. On the death of Buhlul Khan on 23 December, 1677, Sidi Masud, another influential Bijapur noble, became prime minister and regent with the assistance of the Mughuls. He made peace with them who imposed terms, suiting their purpose, viz., Bijapur should be guided by the orders of the emperor; it must not form any alliance with Shivaji; and Sikandar's sister, Shahr Banu, popularly known as Padishah Bibi, should be sent to the Mughul court to be married to a son of the emperor (prince Afzamı But Mas'ud could not improve the dilapidated condition of the kingdom. On the other hand, by a secret alliance with Shivaji, he provoked the wrath of the imperialists who invaded Bijapur, conquered some of its territories and made extensive raids on it, sacking and committing excesses. Such was the pitiable condition of 283 THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
the 'Adil Shahi’ kingdom before the arrival of the emperor in the Deccan.
Convinced of the assistance that the Marathas had been getting from Bijapur, the emperor despatched a strong force against it under prince A'zam (1682). But he could achieve very little to his credit; he raided the frontier and occupied the fort of Dharur, about one hundred and forty miles north of Bijapur fort. His feeble campaign was confined to the region north of the river Nira and he was recalled to court (June, 1683).
Finding it impossible to set right the bankruptcy, chronic anarchy and other troubles in the kingdom, Mas'ud left the court in disgust in November, 1683, and sent his formal resignation from his fort of Adoni carly in 1684. Aga Khusrav, who stepped into his posi. tion, died in October of the same year Surrounded by dangers from within and without, specially of Mughul aggression, Sikandar 'Adil Shah took vigorous steps for the defence of Bijapur and entrusted this important task to his brave general and new prime minister, Sharza Khan.
Aurangzib, who had been bent upon annexing this decadent State, wrote to 'Adil Shah, calling upon him “as a vassal, to supply provisions to the imperial army promptly, allow the Mughal troops a free passage through his territory, supply a contingent of 5 or 6 thousand cavalry for the emperor's war with the Marathas, abstain from helping or harbouring Shambhuji, and expel Sharza Khan from his country!"? In the meantime the Mughuls had been appropriating parts of Bijapur kingdom and establishing their outposts in them. Mangalvide and Sangola with their environs were occupied in May, 1684. But the emperor's grim determination to swallow the whole of this State led him to follow a more vigorous policy. Thus a serious rupture with 'Adil Shah seemed imminent. The latter sent a spirited reply to the emperor and acrimonious letters passed between them for some time, the interval being utilized by both the parties for their necessary preparations for the ensuing conflict. On the request of 'Adil Shah, Abu-'l Hasan, the Sultan of Golconda, pro mised to help Bijapur and a Maratha contingent from Shambhuji rea ched it on 21 February, 1685. The Mughul siege of Bijapur fort commenced on 1 April, 1685, and prince A'zam reached there with a large army on 14 June to take over the supreme command of the entire operation. The Bijapur army defended their capital with all their valour and strength and whenever possible, they went out to attack the besiegers, and also succeeded in bringing provisions and reinforcements from outside. In this distress of 'Adil Shah 284
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aid came to him from the Sultan of Golconda, Shambhuji for the second time, and ex- minister Mas'ud who had established himself as a semi-independent ruler at Adoni.
Prince A'zam proceeded close to the fort on 29 June, and within a month, he had to wage three severe battles with the Bijapur army For paucity of provisions a famine broke out in his camp but he continued the siege with determination in spite of his father's direc tion to return. The emperor then sent him all possible relief in regard to provisions, money and munitions with a strong escort under Ghazi-ud-din Firuz Jang. But even after a siege of fifteen months, the fort could not be captured, and discord and jealousy among the officers hampered the progress of the siege-operation Realizing the absolute necessity of his personal presence for the suc cessful prosecution of the siege, the emperor went to the Rasulpur suburb, west of the fort, on 3 July, 1686 The fort was closely be leaguered, and the siege was pressed in right carnest. The em peror himself worked hard in supervising the operations and in fusing fresh spirit into his men. On the other hand, the garrison was suffering badiy from shortage of provisions causing the death of many men and animals There was no possibility of succour from any quarters and the future of 'Adil Shahi monarchy was extremely gloomy. The gurrison lost heart and it shrank to 2,000 men only. It was therefore not worth while to resist any more and Sultan Sikandar surrendered on 12 September, 1686. He left the throne of his ancestors and went to the emperor in his camp at Rasulpur where he was well received He was enrolled as a Mughul peer with the title of Khan, and an annual pension of one lakh of rupees
Aurangzib entered the evacuated city of Bijapur on 19 Sep tember and erased the pictures and Shiah Inscriptions on the walls of the palace and the 'Relic Shrine' (Asar-a- sharif). The kingdom was annexed to the Mughul empire and all the 'Adil Shahi officers were taken over into its (Mughul) service.
Sikandar was at first confined in the fort of Daulatabad and then carried with the camp of Aurangzib as a captive. He died a premature death on 3 April, 1700 Golconda was no less an attraction for the Mughul imperia listic design than Bijapur. For about thirty years after the acces sion of Aurangzib to the throne it enjoyed immunity from attack from the imperialists, as it “had not been so openly hostile to the empire as Bijapur, *** and the Mughuls were pre-occupied with the 285
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'Adil Shahi Kingdom and Marathas. But on the accession of Abu-'l Hasan, the last ruler of the Qutb Shahi dynasty, in 1672, various factors contributed in helping the emperor's policy of aggrandize ment towards this State. Abu-'l Hasan spent his time in the company of courtesans and dancing girls, and the whole administration was practically run by the Brahman Prime Minister Madanna and his brother Akkanna. The predominance of the Hindu influence in the court of Golconda and its alliance with the Mará thá s were highly offensive in the eyes of the emperor. Although compared with Bijapur, Qutb Shah paid his tributes more regularly, he was also long in arrears. The incident which hastened open rupture was the interception of his letter to his agent in the imperial camp in which he had accused the emperor for his attack on Sikandar 'Adil Shah "a helpless orphan", and promised to send an army of 40,000 under Khalil-ullah Khan to the assistance of Bijapur. Offended at this, Aurangzib sent Shah Alam with a large army to launch an attack on Hyderabad (July, 1685), but this army was held up at Malkhed by the Qutb Shahi force for more than two months. In October there was a change in the situation owing to the defec tion of Mir Muhammad Ibrahim, the commander-in-chief of Gol conda, who had been bribed by the Mughuls. This defection not only disheartened his army who fled back to Hyderabad but also made the defence of the latter well-nigh impossible, and the Sultan fled post-haste to the fort of Golconda. Shah 'Alam took posses sion of Hyderabad. Feeling helpless, Qutb Shih submitted and was pardoned by the emperor on the following conditions:-(a) the Sultá n must dismiss Må danna and Akkanna, (b) he must cede Malkhed and Serum to the emperor, and (c) pay one crore and twenty lakhs of rupees in settlement of previous dues and also an annual tribute of two lakhs of hins.
But this peace did not last long. Qutb Shah put off the dis missal of Madanna and Akkanna and at this, the discontented Muslim nobles, headed by Shaikh Minhaj and two widows of 'Abdullah Qutb Shah, caused the murder of both of them in the streets of Golconda; their houses were plundered and the members of their families ruined. Aurangzib was not at all willing to allow Golconda to remain independent, however submissive it might be. On the fall of Bija pur (12 September, 1686) he was free to resume his operations against it, and on 28 January, 1687, he reached the vicinity of Gol. conda. After occupying Hyderabad, the Mughul army laid regular siege to the fort of Golconda (7 February, 1687) in which the
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AURANGZIB Sultan had taken refuge. Encamped north-west of the fort, the emperor personally supervised the operations. But the emperor's arms were paralysed, though temporarily, by bitter personal jealousies in the imperial camp. Shah Alam's softness to save Abu-'l Hasan from utter humiliation on the one hand, and his eagerness to deprive his brother A'zam of the credit of capturing Golconda on the other, led him to indulge in secret negotiations with Qulb Shah's agents. The matter, however, leak ed out and the irate father imprisoned his son with his family and confiscated his property. Moreover many Shiahs and orthodox Sunnis as well were not in favour of this war "between Muslims." But nothing could deviate the emperor from his strong determina. tion and he pushed on the siege in all earnestness, in spite of heavy rainfall, tempest, famine, pestilence, repeated sorties of the enemies and their incessant fire from the walls of the fort. Three inines were carried under the bastions of the fort and filled with gunpowder, but when fired, the first one was misdirected and took the life of 1,100 imperialists, the second produced the same disas trous effect, and the third, when fired, did not explode, as the enemies having discovered it, had filled it with water. The gar rison defended with undaunted heroism and the investment con tinued without any ray of hope. The emperor issued a procla. mation, annexing the Qutb Shahi kingdom, and posted his own officers in all parts of it with a view to stopping supply of provi sions or any other form of relief to the garrison. Despite this, it was not possible to attain success and at last, the imperialists took recourse to bribery. Having been seduced, 'Abdullah Pani, sur named Sardar Khan, an Afghan officer in the fort, opened the pos tern gate on 21 September, 1687, at 3 o'clock in the morning, allow ing the Mughuls to enter into the fort. The only officer who op posed the imperialists was 'Abdur-Razzaq Lari, surnamed Mustafa Khan, who had refused with scorn all the alluring offers of the emperor and fought with uncommon bravery till he was covered with seventy wounds. Abu-'l Hasan met his fate with calmness, consoled the members of his family and then left his palace for good. He was taken by prince A'zam to the emperor who, after accusing him for his cor rupt government and favouring the Brahmans, sent him as a State prisoner to the fortress of Daulatabad with an annual pension of 50,000 rupees. The booty acquired by the emperor at Golconda amounted to about seven crores of rupees in cash, besides other valuables like gold, silver and jewels, and the State was annexed to the Mughul empire. 287
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Aurangzib then took steps to conquer the unoccupied terri tories and forts of Bijapur and Golconda and brought in his posses sion Să gar, Adoni, Karnul, Raichut, Seră , Bangalore, Bankapur, Belgaum, Wandiwash and Conjeevaram in the course of a year.
According to historians like Elphinstone and Smith the annihilation of the Sultanates of Bijapur and Golconda without first crushing the Maratha power with their assistance was impolitic on the part of the emperor. They are of opinion that it "freed the Maratha Chiefs from any fear of local rivalry” which Aurangzib might have used profitably against the Marathas. "But", says Sir Jadunath Sarkar, "this criticism misses the cardinal fact of Deccan politics in the 17th century. From the day when the emperor Akbar launched forth into a policy of conquest south of the Vin dhyas to the day when Aurangzib rode in triumph into the fallen capital of the last of the Qutb-Shahis, the Sultans of Bijapur and Golkonda could never for a moment forget that the sleepless aim of the Mughal Emperor was their final extinction and the annexa tion of all their territories.... A union of hearts between Bijapur or Golkonda and the Mughal empire was a psychological impossi. bility." He holds further that it would not have been possible for the two decadent Sultanates to check the Marathas, who had organized themselves into a powerful national State, more effec tively than the emperor himself could do. The views of Sir Jadunath Sarkar reflect more correctly the real situation in the Deccan than those of Elphinstone and Smith and may be accepted in all fairness.
During the period when the emperor was seriously engaged in utilizing the full military resources of the empire against Bija pur and Golconda, Shambhuji did not make any well-thought-out plan to overcome the Mughul menace that hung so heavily on him and other Deccani powers. While he was plunged into drinking and merry-making at Sangameshwar, twenty miles north-east of Ratnagiri city, without even due care for his own safety, he was surprised and captured by Muqarrab Khâ n, a Mughul Officer, on 1 February, 1689. His Prime Minister Kavi-Kalash and twenty-five chief followers with their wives and daughters were also taken prisoners. Dressed as buffoons, Shambhuji and Kavi-Kalash were brought to the imperial camp at Bahadurgarh in a long procession with drums and trum pets. The emperor offered to spare the life of Shambhují if he would surrender his forts, let him know where he had hidden his treasures and disclose the names of the imperial officers who were 288
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in league with him. Publicly insulted and degraded, and driven to despair, he disdainfully rejected the offer of life, abused Aurangzib and asked for one of his "daughters to be given to him as the price of his friendship."? After severe torture for more than three werks. both Shambhuji and Kavi-Kalash were put to a cruel and painful death on 11 March, 1689.
On the capture of Shambhuji, his younger brother Rijaram was enthroned at Raigarh on 8 February. The imperialists soon land siege to it, but Rajaram managed to escape out of it in the guise of a hermit and went to Gingee 11 November). Rargarh fell on 19 October, and Shivaji's surviving widow's and other members of the Maratha royal family including Shambhuji's son, Shalu, ir boy of seven, were taken prisoners. "Thus, by the cud of the year 1689. Aurangzıb Wis the ul rivalled lord paramount of Northern Indu and the Deccan alike, Adil Shah, Qutb Shahi, and Rajah Shambliuji had all fallen and their dommons had been annexed to his empire." "All seemed to have been gained by Aurangzıb now, but in reality all was lost. It was the beginning of lus end. The sad dest and most hopeless chapter of his life now opened. The Mughal empire had become too large to be ruled by (ne man or from one centre l lis cnemies rose on all skies, lie could do feat but not crush them for ever Lawlessness reigned in many parts of Northern and Central India. The administration grew slack and corrup! The endless war in the Deccan exhausted his treasury. Napolcan I used to say, 'It was the Spanish ulcer which ruined me. "The Deccan ulcer ruined Aurangzib."*, The emperor's long stay in the Deccan (for quarter of a con tury) with best of his officers, and his prolonged wars there with consequent drain of wealth and man-puwer, leaving the adminis tration of provinces in Northern India in charge of second-rate officers with limited resources and insufficient troops, ushered in dis astrous consequences for the cmpire. Centrifugal forces were let loose by the emperor's long absence from the capital and the lack of a strong administration at the centre. Besides the risings in the Já t territories, Rajasthan, Bundelkhand and Malwa, rebellions broke out in Gondwana, Bihar and Bengal, resulting in utter law. lessness and anarchy which ultimately sapped the foundation of the Mughul empire. 289 V.,
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II. NORTH INDIA After Aurangzib's departure to the Deccan the Mughul officers continued to be in possession of the cities and strategic places of Marwar, but the Rathor patriots who occupied the hills often came down to the plains, attacked the Mughul outposts, cut off their con voys, and rendered communication and cultivation almost impos sible. From 1681 to 1687 it was a people's war in Marwar carried on by the Rá thor patriots under different leaders without any cen tral authority and common plan of action, as Ajit Singh was a minor and Durga Das absent in the Deccan. Their primary aim was to wear out the imperialists by their guerilla tactics. Durga Das re turned from the Deccan in 1687 and then conducted the operations ugainst the imperialists. With the aid of Durjan Sal Hara of Bundi, the Rathors not only obtained some brilliant successes in Marwar, but also defeated the governor of Ajmer and raided the Mughul territories in Mewat and the neighbourhood of Delhi But it was not possible for them to recover Marwar whose Mughul governor, Shuja'at Khá n, maintained the imperial hold on it by arms as well as by his clever policy of paying the Rathors chauth or one-fourth of the imperial custom-duties on merchandise.
The emperor was anxious to bring back Akbar's daughter Saliyat un-nisa and son Buland Akhtar, both of whom had been left with the Rathors by their father in 1681. After successful negotiations by Shuja'at Khan with the internicdiary of the historian Iswar Das Nagar, Safiyat-un-nisa was delivered to her grandfather in 1696, and the emperor Wis delighted to learn that Durga Das had made necessary arrangements for her education in Islamic theology by appointing a Muslim mistress from Ajmer. In 1698 Buland Akhtar was also delivered to his grandfather. As a result of all these, Durgă Das was appointed a mansabdar of three thousand and the commandant of Patan in Gujarat, and Ajit Singh received the parganas of Jhalor, Sá nchor and Siwá na as his jayir, with a mansub in the imperial army, but did not get back his kingdom.
The last stage of the struggle lasted from 1701 to 1707, at the end of which Ajit Singh marched in triumph 10 Jodhpur, the capi tal of Marwar. Although a reconciliation had been made between the Mughuls and the Rathors, as mentioned above, it did not last long as the two parties were distrustful of cach other Aurangzib ordered the governor of Gujarat either to arrest Durga Das or kill him. Alarmed at this information, the Rathor hero rode away to Marwar, and joining Ajit Singh, again took up arms against the Mughuls. But they could not achieve anything to their credit and 290
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there were serious disagreements between Durgă Das and his master for the imperious temper and want of tact of the latter. On the other hand, surrounded by enemies on all sides, Aurangzib made peace with Ajit by giving him Merta as bus jagir (17041, In the following year Durga Das also offered luis submission to the cm. peror who gave him back huis rank and post in Gujarat. But in 1706, taking advantage of a Mará thă invasion in Gujarat, followed by a serious defeat of the Mughuls, Ajit and Durgi Das once more raised the standard of rebeilion. Unable to cope with his enemies, the latter fled to the Koli country, but Ajit defeater Mulikam Singh of Nagaur who had fought on behalf of the Mughuls Recening in formation of Aurangzib's death in March, 1707 Ajit Singh rude with his forces to Jodhpur, and defeating the Mughul army of occupation, took possession of it The Rathor arny also recovered Sojat, Pali and Merta, and thus after long and sustained efforts, the valiant Rathurs succeeded in getting back their motherland from the clutches of the Mughul imperialists The effect of the Rajput wars of Aurangaby was disastrous to the empire. They not only cost heavy losses of men and money but the imperialists could not also eventually achieve the desired success. “Damaging as this result His to imperial prestige', its material consequences were worse Sol" It was all act of poli tical indiscretion on the part of the emperor to provoke the two leading Rajput clans mto hostility and thus lose their devotel and gallant service in the north-west frontier or in the Deccan. The examples of the Rathors and Sisodias were followed by the Hira and Gaur clans and the trouble then spread to Malwa also, ondan gering the most important lughul roined through Maluu to the Deccan The spirit which Gukla had infused among the Jats did not go in vain. Capable leaders like Rajarim of Sinsani and Rum Chehrã of Soghor stepped into his place. They trained their men in open warfare, built mud-lurts in inaccessible forests and carried on plundering raids even in the suburbs of Agrit. Rajaram attack ed and killed the famous Mughul commander Uighur Khun (16871. He also plundered the tomb of Akbar at Sikandra, and according to Manucci, dug out the bones of the great imperor and burnt them.!" In July, 1688, while fighting for ir party in an internecine war between two Rajput clans. he was killed by a Mughul mus keteer fighting under the Mughul fau jdar of Mewat who had taken up the cause of another rival party. The Jat strongholds of Sin sani and Soghur were then captured by the imperialists in 1690 and 1691 respectively. 291
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Rajă râ m's place was occupied by his nephew Churaman who strengthened his army, and committing daring raids on the Mughuls, increased his resources. About 1704 he re- occupied Sin sani but lost it again in October, 1705. He continued his resist. once against the imperialists with great patience and courage even after the death of Aurangzib. By uncommon tenacity and firm de termination, the Jats eventually founded a powerful kingdom of their own, viz., that of Bharatpur which the Mughuls were unable to subdue. Another outbreak of a serious nature was led by Chhatra Sal, the son of Champat Rai of Orchha, in Bundelkhand. He had served as a petty captain in the Mughul army under Raja Jay Singh and fought creditably in the Deccan. But inspired by Shivaji's ex ample, he made up his mind to follow a similar adventurous life and carve out an independent kingdom for himself. He sought service under the Maratha hero, but according to his advice, re turned to his own country where the Hindus had been seething with discontent against Aurangzib's religious policy of intolerance and destruction of temples, and were in need of a strong and cap. able leader. They received him cordially and clected him king of Bundelkhand. He defeated the Mughuls and raided Dhamoni and Sironj and began to realize chauth from the neighbouring Mughul territories, The emperor's preoccupation in the Deccan gave him an opportunity to further his designs and he captured Kalinjar and Dhamoni. His raiding activities extended throughout Malua and finding it diffi cult to check his rebellious movements, the emperor made peace with him, appointing him a mansabdor of 4,000 with a post in the Deccan. But after the death of Aurangzib in 1707, he came back to Bundelkhand to resume his activities for the establishment of an independent kingdom. Pahar Singh, a Gaur Rajput petty chieftain in Western Bundel khand, raised the standard of rebellion in 1685 and plundered the villages of Malwa. Although he was defeated and slain, the rising continued under his sons Bhagwant and Devi Singh, and then by other leaders. The hostile activities of this Gaur family were eventually stopped by granting them service under the imperial government (1692). In Bihar, a rebellion was led by Ganga Ram Nagar, the re venue officer of the estates of Khan Jahan, in Allahabad and Bihar, while the Khan was serving in the imperial army in the Deccan. Sacking the city of Bihar, Ganga Ram besieged Patna, but was ulti 292
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mately forced to leave Bihar. He then went to Malwa and looted
Sironj in October, 1684, but died soon after.
About the middle of the seventeenth century two kingdoms, Deogarh and Chandă , came into importance in Gondwana. Both these States had enormous wealth which roused the greed of the emperor whose religious bigotry, moreover, influenced his policy towards them. Even conversion of the Deogarh Raja to Islam did not improve his position. At last he raised the standard of rebel lion, and in alliance with the Marathas, fought against the imperia lists in 1701, and though defeated, did not submit. On the death of Aurangzib, he was successful in extending his kingdom.
In Bengal the English East India Company rose in arms against the Mughuls. The grievances of the English included the demand by Mughul authorities of an ad valorem duty of 31 per cent. on the actual merchandise imported, in licu of the lump sum of Rs. 3,000 per annum into which it had been commuted during the viceroyalty of prince Shuja', unauthorised and illegal exactions and oppressions of the local officials. The English, unable to redress all these alleged grievances, resolved to protect themselves by force. The war broke out in October, 1686. After a few skir mishes the English left Bengal for Madras February, 1689). Eventually, in 1690 peace was concluded between the Mughul gov ernment and the English; and at the invitation of Ibrahim Khan, Viceroy of Bengal, Job Charnock, the new English Agent, settled at a place now known as Calcutta (24 August, 1690).
III. THE TRIUMPH OF THE MARATHAS
It is a pity that Aurangzib could never gauge the real strength of the Marathas, neither in the early stage of their rise nor in the subsequent stage of their growth. He had heen acquainted with the uncommon audacity and daring exploits of Shivaji as far back as 1657. The Maratha chies then raided not only the Mughul dis tricts of Ahmadnagar and Junnar but also sacked the rich city of Junnar. He was then routed and Aurangzib got him within his reach but did not take necessary steps to prevent his future growth. Even after his accession to the throne, Aurangzib did not proceed to the Deccan till 1681, although, in the meantime, alarming news of the subversive activities of the Maratha chief had reached him on many occasions. His long dependence on his officers in that faroff region against such a subtle adversary was not at all justified and Shivaji thus got ample opportunities to fulfil his cherished ambi tion of establishing a powerful national State. It does not also 293
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speak well of the efficiency of the Mughul government that such an inveterate enemy of the empire could escape from the vigilance of the imperialists' It was not till the flight of prince Akbar to the court of Shambhuji that the emperor considered it necessary to proceed to the Deccan in person. But by that time the Marathas became tow powerful to be subdued and, in spite of the execution of Shambhuji, the Marathas were up in arms against imperial aggression for the preservation of their national independence. Aurangzib was slou to realize their unusual potentiality and dug his own grave, fighting against them.
In 1690 and 1691 the emperor devoted his attention chiefly to wards taking possession of the southern and castern portions of the late Bijapur and Golconda States But he was soon faced with the 'people's war' in Maharashtra After the fight of Rajaram to the fort of Gingee, it became the centre of Maratha activities in the cast coast, while in the west, Maharashtra proper, resistance to the Mughuls was organized by the leaders there. In the eastern theatre of war Prahlad Niraji was the King's supreme agent, and in the west, t he Maratha leaders were Ramchandra N. Bavdekar, Shankarji Malhar and Parashurim Trimbak. Ramchandra Bavde kar was createsi dictator (Hukumatincihi with full authority over the commanders and other oflicials in Maharashtra. Two generals of outstanding ability, Dhana Jadav and Santriji Ghorpare, con ducted operations against the imperialists, moving from one theatre of war to another in the Deccan. By their guerilla tactics, they inflicted heavy losses on the Mughuls who, being unable to ascer. tain the movements of their enemies, were thrown into freat con fusion "The difficulties of Aurangzib", says Sir Jadunath Sarkar “were multiplied by this disappearance of a common head and a central governinient among the Marathas, because every petty Mara. tha captain now fought and plundered in a different quarter on his own account The Marathas were no longer a tribe of banditti or local rebels, bui the one dominating factor of Deccan politics, and an enemy all- pervasive throughout the Indian peninsula, elusive as the wind, the ally and rallying point of all the enemies of the Delhi empire and all disturbers of public peace and regular adminis tration throughout the Deccan and even in Malwa, Gondwana and Bundelkhand The imperialists could not be present everywhere in full strength; hence, they suffered reverses in places """!
Rajară m had been besieged in the fort of Gingee by the Mughul commander Zu-'l- Figå r Khan in September, 1690 But the latter could not blockade this vast fort complately and hence sup. plies to it could not be prevented. On the other hand, the Mara 294
AURANGZIB
tha bands roying around cut off the supplies of the Mughuls and harassed them in all possible manner. Finding the position intoler able, Zu-'l-Fiqar Khan gave up the siege and asked for reinforce ments which reached him in December, 1691. The siege was un successfully renewed in the following year, and it was abandoned on two more occasions under difficult circumstances, the imperia lists having suffered awfully due to repeated attacks of the Mari tha army under Dhana and Santa. Zu-'l-Fiqar renewed the siege in earnest in November, 1697, and captured it on 8 January, 1698. Rajaram escaped and fled first to Vellore and afterwards 10 Vishalgarh
But the Mughul-Maratha war did not cease with the fall of Gingee, and it continued in the western theatre.
Despite the severe shock to the Marathas caused by the capture and execution of Shambhuji and flight of Rajaram to Gingee, they ere long recovered from despondency and, on 25 May, 1690. gained their first important success near Sü tara where the Mughul general Sharza Khan was captured with his family and entire camp and baggage by the joint actions of Ramchandra, Shankarji. Santã and Dhana. After this, Ramchandra and Shankarji regained the for tresses of Pratapgarh, Rohiri. Rajgarh and Torna in the same year and Parashuram recovered Panhala in 1692 By surprise attacks, Santa and Dhana harassed the imperialists with a view to wearing them out as far as possible. After dividing his forces Santă sent 4,000 cavalry under Amrit Rao to raid Beră r and he himself pro eceded with 6,000 cavalry towards Malkhed, collecting chanth The Mară tha roving bands were active throughout 1694 and 1695, making the position of the Mughuls very miserable in December, 1695, Santa surprised the Mughul general Qü slin Khan who had been directed to intercept him while carrying a rich booty to north western Mysore. Inflicting a severe defeat upon him, the Mară tha general plundered his camp, and one-third of his army fell during the encounter or retreat Qasım Khan committed suicide and the rest of his army had to give up all they possessed and pro mised a ransom of twenty lakhs of rupees in January, 1696, Santa achieved another success over the Mughuls by defeating and slaying the Mughul general Himmat Khan and plundering his baggage.
But a civil war between Santa and Dhana weakened the strength of the Marathas and gave the Mughuls a temporary respite. Both these generals were rivals for the post of the commander-in. chief (Senapatii Though Santa was a general of extraordinary 295
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capacity and dash, he was ill-tempered and insubordinate which gave great offence to Rajaram and his nobles at Gingee, the result of which was that he (Santa) was attacked by his king and Dhana near Conjeevaram (May, 1696). But Santa succeeded in defeating both of them. Unfortunately, in another battle between the two rival generals in the Satara district, Santa was defeated owing to the defection of most of his followers for his insolence (March, 1697). Deserted by his followers, he fled from the battlefield, but was murdered in June while taking his bath near the Mahadev hill (in the Satara district).
In July, 1697, the imperialists suffered great misery due to the heavy flood of the Bhima river which washed away their camps ü t Podgã on and Islá mpuri, and except the fall of the fort of Gingee in January, 1698, nothing of importance happened in re. gard to Mughul-Mará thâ contest for some time more. In 1699 when, after making plans for raids through Khandesh and Berar, Rajaram marched out of the fort of Satara, he was intercepted four miles off Parenda by the imperialists under Bidar Bakht, and after a sanguinary battle, was defeated and driven towards Ahmadnagar. Although thc Mará tha king's raid into Khandesh and Berá r was thus nullified, one division under the leadership of Krishna Så vant plun dered certain places near Dhamoni.
Rajaram died at Sinhgarh on 2 Maren, 1700, and a dispute over succession arose between Shivaji III, the son of the senior widow Tá ră Bă i, and Shambhuji II, the son of Rajas Bai, another wife of the late King. Through the ability and influence of his mother, Shivaji Ill was recognized as King, but he was a minor, and the real power passed into the hands of his mother whose uncommon bravery, strength of character, power of organization and admi. nistrative ability saved the Marathă State from the awful crisis.
Although during the past decade the Mughuls had conquered Kalyan and some other places in the northern Konkan, they could not achieve as much success as they should have gained in view of internal dissensions in the Maratha State. Aurangzib could not see any ond of his war in Maharashtra, and so, in May, 1695, he sent his son Shah Alam to northern India to take over charge of the Punjab, Sind and Afghanistan, while he established his own headquarters at Brahmapuri in the heart of the Maratha country for more vigorous operations against the enemies. But even then he was unable to attain the desired result. By their guerilla tactics the Marathas made the life of the Mughuls extremely misera ble and forced them to be on the defensive in Maharashtra and 296
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Kannada. Unable to follow the rapid movements of the enemies, the imperialists became bewildered and terror-stricken. Many Mughul officers were compelled to agree to pay chanth to the Mari thas, while some others entered into private understanding with them for sharing the plunder of the imperial territories. Sir Jadu. nath Sarkar correctly depicts the Mughul posilion when he says, “The Mughul administration had really dissolved and only the presence of the emperor held it together, but merely as a phantom rule,'12
In these circumstances Aurangzib decided to besiege and cap ture the Maratha forts in person, one after another, but this policy also did not succeed, as when he occupied one fort, another went out of his possession, and this continued till the rest of his life, undoing his labours and huge expenditure of money and loss of lives. "His soldiers and camp- followers suffered unspeakabic hard ship in marching over flooded rivers, muddy roads and broken hilly tracks; porters disappeared, transport beasts died of hunger and overwork, scarcity of grain was ever present in the camp and the Maratha and Berad 'thieves' (as he officially called themi not far off. The mutual jealousies of his generals ruined his cause or de layed his success."!!! Five years and a half (1699-1705) he spent in besieging the eight Maratha forts, Satara, Parli, Panhå la, Khelna (Vishalgarh), Kondhana (Sinhgarh), Rajgarh, Torni, Wá gingera. and five other places of less importance.
After making necessary arrangements for fighting the Marathi loving bands, he proceeded to Sã tara, capturing Basantgarh on the way. The fort of Satara fell on 21 April, 1700. After this, Parli and Panhala were captured by bribery in June, 1700, and May, 1701, respectively. Khelna (Vishalgarhi and Kondhã na Sinh garh) were also captured, not by arms but by gold, and they fell in June, 1702, and April, 1703, respectively. Rajgarh, Torna and Wagingera were taken possession of between 16 Fehruary, 1704, and 27 April, 1705. The long and continuous hard labour of the ernperor even in the ripe old age was too much for him to hear and he fell very ill while encamped at Devapur, on the bank of the Krishna, after the capture of Wá gingera. But he recovered from this illness, and proceeded slowly to Ahmadnagar, arriving there on 21 January, 1706. His long warfare in the Deccan for a quarter of a century resulted in utter desolation of the country and caused indescrib able misery to the people. Manucci, an eye-witness, says, "Aurang 297
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zib withdrew to Ahmadnagar, leaving behind him the fields of these provinces devoid of trees and bare of crops, their places be ing taken by the bones of men and beasts. Instead of verdure all is black and barren. There have died in his armies over a hun dred thousand souls yearly, and of animals, pack-oxen, camels, clephants, etc., over three hundred thousand. In the Deccan pro vinces from 1702 to 1704 plague (and famine: prevailed. In these Two years there expired over two millions of souls.":4 The Mará thá s followed the emperor during his journey to Ahmadnagar, attacking his men from the rear and cutting off their food supplies. By this time they became very powerful and were no longer a band of plundering light horsemen: they were equip ped with artillery, musketry and other necessaries of a regular army like the Mughuls. They succeeded in establishing their mastery not only over nearly the whole of the Deccan but also in some places of Central India. Unable to cope with them, the imperialists were forced to be on the defensive In 1706 the Marathas raided Gujarat and plundered Baroda which was then a rich trading cen tre. Even the emperor's camp at Ahmadnagar was not immune from attack, and it was besieged in May, 1706, when they were driven back with great difficulty. The province of Aurangabad was ravaged on many occasions, and a large Mughul convoy was plundered on the way from Aurangabad to Ahmadnagar, Dhana attacked Berir and Khandesh. Thus the long and continuous en deavours of the emperor to crush the Marathas proved futile and Maratha nationalism flourished with all its vitality as a triumphant force. In the midst of these confusions and disorders, suffering from bereavements due to the death of two beloved daughters, one daughter-in-law one sister and two nephews, and deep anxieties for the gloomy future of the empire, specially because of an appre hended civil war among his sons, Aurangzib breathed his last in his nineteenth year at Ahmadnagar in the morning of 3 March, 1707 (Friday). He was interred near the tomb of saint Shaikh Zain-ul-Haqq at Khuldabid, four miles west of Daulatabad.
IV. GENERAL REVIEW
1. The Empire Before the death of the emperor in 1707, the Mughul empire consisted of twenty-one provinces or sibas, of which one was Kabul, fourteen were situated in northern India and six in the Deccan. The provinces in northern India were Agra, Ajmer, Allahabad, 298
AURANGZIB
Awadh, Bengal, Bihar. Delhi, Gujarat, Kashmir, Lahore, Multan, Tatta (Sind), Malwa. Orissa; and those in the Deccan were Berar. Khandesh, Aurangabad, Bidar or Telirgina, Bijapur and Hyderabid. The empire extended from Kubul and Kashmir on the north-west to Chittagong and the Monas river (west of Gauhati, on the north east; on the west coast, it extended to the northern frontier of God und on the south, ils boundary stretched to the Coleroon river { 'north of Tanjore, but the emperor's authority was disputed in Maharashtra, Kannada, Mysore and castern Karnatakil Excluding Kabul (Afghanistan, the land revenue of the empire about 1690 was nearly thirty-three crores and furtv five lakhs of rupees Other important sources of income to the government were zakrit inthe from the Muslims), jizya (poll-tax from the Ilindus), customs duty. salt tax and spoils fron war. Aurangzib was a believer in the Islamic theory of laxation and }(*c* remitted those taxes which were not sanctioned by the Islamic law. The imposition of the jizya on the Hindus compensated to a certain extent the loss of revenue on account of the abolition of many illegal taxes and abwabs.
The volume of foreign trade of the Mughul empire was 100 inconsiderable to form an important factor in its economy The principal exports from Indict were common (non costly caller calicoes), plain or printed, muslin or very fine cotton fabrics, silk, indigo, saltpctre and pepper Small quantities of white sugar from Hooghly and slaves from Bengal and Madras were also exported Eesides, towards the end of the scienteenth century "silk taffetas and brocades began to be exported in large quantities, and it llis tinct improvement in the dyeing and serving of silk Kits affected in Bengal by the English Company "" The man wirts into the country were silver and gold un Spiel, copper, lead, high-clasi woollen clothing from Europe (specally Francei, glass-ware, :DICAS, viz., cloves, nutmegs, vinnanion and cardamom from the Dutch In dies, superior variety of tobacco from America, horse's from Persia and Khurasan, slaves front Abyssinia indi wine and curiosities from Europe. Besides, fresh and dried fruits from Central Asia and Prosti musk and porcelain from China, preurls from Bahrein 1 Persian Gulf and Ceylon, and elephants from Pegu and Ceylon were also imported into this country. But, on the whole, the total volume of import trade was small and the government income from import duty was about thirty lakhs of rupees only per annum Indian economy was basically self-sufficient and India had a favourable balance of trade. Whatever was imported was paid for by export of cotton goods supplemented by a small variety of raw produce the traders had 299
THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
to import precious metals into India to pay for commodities export «d from India.
2. Personality of Aurangzib Aurangzib was a man of small stature with olive-
coloured skin and a large nose. In his old age he had white round beard. He led a very siniple, well-ordered and pious life, slept little and worked so hard even in his extreme old age that it was a wonder to his con temporarics. He held daily courts, sometimes twice a day, besides wednesday trials, and worked to the minute details, even personally writing orders on letters and petitions and dictating official replies. The Italian physician, Gemelli Carcri, who came to India during his rcign and saw him in 169.7, "admired to see him cndorse the petitions for those who had business with his own hand, without spectacles, and by his checrful smiling countenance seem to be pleased with the employment.*** He had a wonderful memory and retained almost all his facul ties intact to the end of his life, cxccpt slight shortage in bearing and lameness of the right leg due to an accidental dislocation in Octo. ber 1700, and unskilful treatment of the doctor.
Ile was an expert calligraphist, had a passion for reading books and maintained his studious habit till the last day of his life, utiliz ing the meagre leisure that he could get in the midst of his ex licmcly busy official duties. He was not only a master of Arabic and Persian but could also speak Turki and Hindi fluontly. "His extensive correspondence proves his mastery of Persian poetry and Arabic sacred literature, as he is ever ready with apt quotations for embellishing almost every ane of his letters.... To his initiative and patronage we owe the grcatest digest of Muslim law made in India, which rightly bears his name.--the Fatawa-i-Alamgiri and which simplified and defined Islamic justice in India even after.
"Besides book-learning, Aurangzib had from his boyhood culti vated control of speech and action, and tact in dealing with others. As a prince, his tact, sagacity and humility made the highest nobles of his father's Court his friends, and as Emperor he displayed the same qualities in a degrec which would have been remarkable even in a subject."7
He was free from the habit of drinking wine, and other habi tual vices of his contemporaries. The number of his wives was within the Qura'nic limit of four; of them Dilras Banu and Auran gabadi Mahal died in 1657 and 1685, respectively; Nawab Bã i led a 300
AURANGZIB
retired life at Delhi after 1660, and Udaipuri was his only com panion after the death of Aurangabadi in 1685. He was ever faith ful to his conjugal love, and weakness for women never tarnished his name. He was a devout Muslim and followed all the precepts and observances of his religion with smcerity and strictness His stern and austere mode of living according to the injunctions of Islam was highly admired by his co-religionists who looked upon him as zinda pir or living saint. But the way in which he secured the throne is hard to defend It is true that, possessed of financial and military resources, and in the absence of the law of primogeniturc, the Mughul princes were generally eager to establish their claim to the throne by the trial of strength, and instances of cruclties to vanquished claimants are not wanting; but such precedents do not in any way exonerate Aurangzib from severe condemnation for his treatment to his bro. thers and father. Only this much may be said in lus favour that he did not kill his father, instances of which, though rare, are not altogether wanting in history. He possessed uncommon physical strength and unusual bra very, of which he gave proof oven at the age of fifteen when he faced a furious clephant alonc. Added t o these, he had dogsted tenacity, coolness of temper, presence of mind, rapidity of move ment and a calculating spirit which are so necessary for an efficient general, and these gave him success in the battles against his bro thers. He braved all risks with a cheerful mind and coolness of temper, and encouraged his men even in the midst of luckest dan gers. When, on the night previous to the battle of Khajuha, Jasvant Singlı deserted him with his Rujput followers, committing depredu tions, he received the information with coolness, and without the least excitement, took steps to maintain his own positio!) and pre vent confusion spreading among the rest of his army. In the thick ness of fight next day he extricated himself and his inen from critical situations with his unusual coolness of temper and eventually came out successful. As an expert strategist, he took advantage of any opportunity which he could get out of the mistakes and weaknesses of his ad versaries. He did not also hesitate to take recourse to stratagem and political cunning to serve his own end, as was found during the Rathor-Siśodia alliance with his rebellious son Akbar. By a false letter to the latter and contriving to let it fall into the hands of the Rajputs, he turned the whole table against his enemies. He was a skilful diplomat whose subtle activities were too much for 301
THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
his enemies to cope with. A man of inflexible determination, he used to cling to his object with extraordinary patience till his en. deavours were crowned with success. An indefatigable worker like him never felt satisfied without personally accomplishing the duties of the State even to the minute details as best as he could, according to his own ideas and likings, with the least dependence on others. But in doing so, he forgot the limitations of his own capacity for work and such a spirit more. over engendered in him too much of self-confidence and suspicion of others, even of his own sons "Tlie mnevitable result of this sus picious nature was over-centralization of power and excessive inter. ference by the emperor which destroyed the initiative and sense of responsibility of luis ministers and other high officers, and reduced them to the position of clerks, merely to register his will and follow his dictates. As a natural consequerce, deterioration in efficiency of adıninistration crept in, specially with his growing old age.
He retained the military character of his government from the beginning to the end, and did not chalk out any well-planned pro framme either for the social and economic welfare of his subjects or for their cultural regeneration by the advancement of learning and development of arts, such as music', painting and architecture. He ought to have realized that such an empire resting vi mere physical force cannot last long wild signs of its decay and dismemberinent were visible even during his lifetime.
As a tool of the orthodox reform movement, and obsessed by it narrow conception
without due consideration for the welfare and stability of the empire consisting of men of diverse castes, creeds and religions, he adhered to the policy detrimental to it, paying the way for its downfall. He cannot be called a benevolent despot as he had no solicitude for the well-being of all his subjects, irres pective of caste, creed or religion. In utter disregard of the interests of the overwhelming majority, he performed his duties in a way which showed that, as an emperor, his main consideration was for the Sunni Muslims only. Such discriminatory policy proved fatal to the empire. He never understood the cterial truth that there cannot be a great or lasting empire without a great people, that no people can be great unless it learns to form a compact nation with equal rights and opportunities for all."" "In spite of his untiring labours”, says Dr. Yasin, “Aurangzib was a colossal failure and we find that during his time people were neither good men nor good Muslimis: he being the only good Musal man but a bad ruler of a state of composite races, creeds and cultures. 302
AURANGZİB
Aurangzib's recipe might be excellent from the view-point of a Mujaddid; but it
killed the patient nevertheless In striving after the substance of Islam, Aurangzib reduced the Muslim empire to in shadow before he breathed his last leaving legacy of communal bitterness to posterity."'?'
Aurangzib was not a political genus and lackeri the qualities of a true statesman who could imitiate it policy and mae't lows for moulding the life and thought of his contemporaries as well its of future generations. lle could realize the fuulity of lus work he fore his death and, full of remorse, he wrote to prince Aram "The days that have been spent except in austerities have left only re gret behind them. I have not at ill done any (true government of the realm or cherishing of the peasantry. “Life, so valuable, has gone away for nothing
3. India at the end of churungio's reign Taking a broad View of the state of things at the timeli vsi Aurangzib, with which the period dealt with in this volume temes to an end, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that m pite of brilliant qualities of head and heart which enableri that c' mperor to extend the Mughul empire over the whole of Decran and South India, the grave defects of his character are mainly responsible for the sudden collapse of the mighty empire which the cluded nearly the whole of India and Afghanistan. Like waves in the ocean the Mughul empire reached the highest point only to break it, ind Aurangzib must share both the credit and discredit for the same, at least to a very large exten t. But it will not merely the full of all cmpire but also the end of an epoch which ushered in a preto of decline and distress after a century of peace and prosperity -- berne rally speaking —"under the strong and wise government of three generations of emperors before Aurangzıb. Peace and security-- "the sole justification of the Mughul empire". 110 longer existed in India at the time of Aurangzib's death Political imrest and insecure roads ruined agriculture', trade in industry in it large part of the country. "The financial exhaustion of the inipire in these endless wars left Government and privale (6?rs alike foo poor to repair buildings and roads worn out by the lapse of time." "The labouring population suffered not only frun violent capture, forced labour, and starvation, but also from epidemics which were very frequent during these campaigns" "The starving and cxas perated peasantry took to highway rubbery as the only means of living." "Trade almost ceased in the Deccan during the unhappy 303 THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
quarter of a century." When Aurangzib retired from his last cam paign in the Deccan in 1705 "the country presented a scene of utter desolation", of which a vivid picture has been drawn by two eye witnesses, the foreign traveller Manucci, a passage from whose writ ings has been quoted above, and Bhimsen. Arts and crafts could flourish only in the walled cities, and in some regions, both in Deccan and South India, "village industries and industrial classes together died out.” Even the provinces in North India, where peace prevailed, in Bengal for example, the absence of a strong central Government gave a golden opportunity to the Provincial Governors to make their fortune by fleecing the traders, merchants and craftsmen in various ways, and few of them failed to make good use of it. The sad picture, of which this is merely an outline. has been brilliantly drawn by the greatest Indian historian, Sir Jadunath Sarkar, in the last two chapters of his monumental work, the History of Aurangzib, in live volumes. The readers may form from them a fair idea of the state of things in India in the year 1707 with which this volume closes.??
1. J. N. Sarkar, A Short History of Aurangab. p 279 2 J. N. Sarkar, History of
Aurangzib, Vol IV (1930), p. 368. 2a Ibid, p. 405 3 Mountstuint Elphinstone, The Hastory of India (6th Edition), p 649 4 V. A. Smith. The Oxford History of India (310 Exlition), p 421, 3. J N. Sarkar, History of Aurangab, Vol IV, pp. 5-6 6 Ibid, pp 67. 7 Ibid, p 479. 8 Ibid, p. 484. 81 J N Sarkar, Studies in Mughal India, p 50. 9. J. N. Sarkar, History of Arrangzıb. Vol. III, p. 424. 10 Storia do Muyor, N Manucci, translated by W Irvine. II. 320 11 CHI, IV, p. 290. 12 Ibid, p 296 13 Ibid. 14 Quoted in CHI, IV, p 300. 15 J N Sarkar, A Short History of Aurangzıb, p. 458 16 Churchill's Voyages, IV, 222. 17. J. N. Sarkar, History of Aurangzili, Vol 1 (1924), p. 475. 18 Ibici. p 495 19. Mohammad Yasın, A Social History of Islamic India, P 171. 20. J N. Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, Vol V, p 259 21. The Editor is responsible for this para which is based on Chapter LXII of the last volume of the History of Aurangzıb by Jadunath Sarkar. The passages within quotation marks are froni pp. 440-45. For the account of Manucci, Storia do Momor, Vol. IV. p 252 Two passages from the Persian work, Nushka-s- Dilkusha by Bhinzsen are quoted in CHI, Vol. IV, p 300.
30 4 CHAPTER XI
THE SIKHS
1. The Muslim Oppression in the Punjab at the tune of Ninak
Reference has been made abover to the religious doctrines preached by Ná nak 11469-1538, and other medieval suunts like Chaitanya, hus contemporary: and Kabır wiwm lie ucknowledged is his spirituirl guide. All of the foundert eparate religious secis which flourish even today. But there is one fact of great significance which distinguushes the followers of Naiseth from those of the other two. These latter have all along been members of purely religious sects, bui lhe political and military inchili 'ments of the Siklis, as the followers of Nanak arr cullert live largely overshadowed their re ligious outkok and spritual character. The latter aspect, namely the religious crolution of Siklusn Uhich took place under Ná nak and the Gurus 1111 sull'edhini it the littlet, will be discussed in the Chapter on religion, while the risip and growth of the political and military polier of the Sikhs under the same Gurus form the subject matter of this Chapter. Broadly speaking, the political-cum-military power of the Siklis Inay be regarded as a reaction against the intolerability and bigotry of the Musliin ruicis leading to the oppression of the lindus? As such, this require's a little claboration, with special reference to the I'unjab. The Muslims of Central Asia had been "luiring and ruling over the Punjab, the homeland of the Sikhs, for nearly five liuridire years before the foundation of Sikhism The Punjab suffered the most as all the foreign invadmg borde passed through it to the rich plains of the Gaiga or to the south. Nearly scienty Muslim invasions? had taken place during five hundred years preceding Ninak. The lot of the Hindus during this long period was one of great misery and suffering. Forcible conversion, destruction of blindu temples, imposition of taxes like the jizyc and pulgrimage tax upon the Hindus, and restrictions upon the building of non teniples and re pairing old ones were only some of the disabilities under which the Hindus were groaning “Throughout the journey from the coast to Fatehpur, for instanca the Fathers found that the Hindu temples had been destroyer by the Mohammedans! As a rulc, Hinclus were not given generally any post of respon sibility in civil and military administration. They could be employ THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
ed only in the lowest posts in the revenue department, because they were familiar with the intricacies of local record-keeping. Hindus were called Kufirs or infidels. At times, restrictions were imposed upon them in the matters of diet, dress and transport, so that they could easily be distinguished from Muslims and could be treated ac cording to their inferior status. They were required to put marks on their foreheads or clothes. Even during the reign of Akbar, Husain Khü n, Governor of Lahore, had decreed that “the Hindus should stick patches of different colours on their shoulders, or on the bottom of their sleeves, so that no Muslim might be put to indignity of showing them honour by mistake. Nor did he allow Hindus to saddle their horses but insisted that they use packsaddles when rid ing.'' in general, Hindus could not wear rich clothes and ride on fine horses. In Dera Ghazi Khan district a Hindu could ride only on a donkey.
Ná nak was twenty years old when Sikandar Lodi 11489-1517) ascended the throne. Even as a prince, Sikandar wished to prohibit the llindus from bathing in the sacred tank of Thaneswar." As a king, he broke into pieces the idols of the temples of Jwalamukhi and Kangra and gave them to butchers to be used as weights. He Turbade Hindus from bathing at the ghats on the Yamuna. Barbers were ordered not to shavc Hindus. Hindu temples were destroyed on a large scale and Hindus were forcibly converted to Islam. Justice was publicly denied to them. Law of blasphemy was strictly enforced, and for any criticism of Islam capital punishment was in flicted. Bodhan, a Brahmin, was executed by Sikandar Lodi for say. ing that Hinduism was as good as Islam.? Bribery and corruption were rampant. Nanak observed. "Justice hath taken wings and fled." "This age is like a drawn sword, the Kings are butchers; goodness has taken wings and flown.'" "There is no one who re ceiveth or giveth not bribes, the King administers justice only when his palm has been greased (filled).''
Guru Nanak was also an eye-witness to the treatment meted out to the people by Babur when he invaded India in 1521. Nanak was at Sayyidpur, now called Eminabad, 80 kilometres from Lahore, in the Gujranwala District. Babur ordered a general massacre of the people and thousands of persons were taken prisoners. The bar barous treatment of prisoners, in the camp, particularly of women, broke the tender heart of Ná nak. In his agony he even took God to task. He said:
"Thou. O Creator of all things, Takest to Thyself no blame:
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Thou hast sent Yama disguised as the great Moghal, Babur. Terrible was the slaughter, Loud were the cries of the lamenters. Did this not awaken pity in Thee, O Lord? Thou art part and parcel of all things equally, O Creator: Thou must feel for all men and all nations. If a strong man attacketh who is equally strong. Where is the grief in this, or whose is the grievance? But when a fierce tiger preys on the helpless cattle, The Herdsman must answer for it."!!
Babur exempted Muslims from the payment of stamp duties which Hindus alone paid.!? His officers demolished Hindu temples and constructed mosques in their places at Sambhal,! Chanderi and Ayodhya, and broke to pieces Jain idols at Urva near Gwalior. 14
11. Martyrdom of Guri Arjun During the pontificate of the third Gurü , Amar Das (1552-74), the Sikhs had to suffer a great deal of annoyance and oppression from the local Muslim population. But though urged by his dis ciples to stand up against the tyranny, the Guru refused, saying, “it is not proper for saints to take revenge." The liberal-minded Akbar was very sympathetic to the Sikhs, but far different was the attitude of his successors. It has already been related how the fifth Guru, Arjun (1581-16061,15 was executed by Jahangir for help ing his rebellious son Khusrav with money. This event proved to be the turning point in the attitude of the Sikh Gurus towards the Muslim rulers. They resolved not to submit meekly to their op pressions but to defend their rights by arms, and thus began the process of transformation of the Sikhs into a military power. In view of this, the whole incident must be described in some detail, even at the risk of some repetition, in with special reference to the attitude of Jahangir towards the Sikhs.
Khusrav had already met Guru Arjun in the company of his grandfather, Akbar, and when after the unsuccessful rebellion against his father, Jahangir, he fled to the Punjab, he waited on Guru Arjun at Taran Taran. The interview is thus described in the autobiography of Jahangir:
"In these days when Khusrav passed along this road, this foolishly insignificant fellow (Arjun i proposed to wait upon him. Khusrav happened to halt at the place where he lived. He came and met him. He discussed several matters with him and made on 307
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his forehead a finger-mark in saffron, which in the terms of Hindus is called Qashqa and is considered propitious.??? Applying the tilak implied only honourable reception and not blessing the Prince with sovereignty. Mohsin Fani says that the Gurů offered prayers for the Prince. The prayer indicated a wish for the safety of the individual, as the Prince was on his journey, and not for his cause. The Guru was an embodiment of moral vir tues and could not bless a son in rebellion against his father. He would not forget the case of his own older brother who had revolted against his father. The Gurú could never contemplate involving himself in the struggle for the throne. This was a political matter and the Guru had nothing to do with it.!".
The Prince then beuged the Guru to help him with money. Guru Arjun replied that his money was meant for the poor and not lor princes. Khusri humbly pleaded that he was also very poor, nicedy, forlorn and in distress, and did not possess aven travelling expenses for his proposed flight to Kabul. The Guru was moved at the Prince's Soir plight, humility and the dangerous state he was 11. being hotly pursued by the Mughul army and the emperor him self. According to Macaulifie, Khusrar was provided with a few thousand rupees. Beni Prasad in his History of Jahangirl's puts thus amount at Rs 5,000 -
After the capture of Khusrar, Jahangir wreaked fus rengeance on his supporters and followers. The list of Kliusrar's supporters submitted to) Jahangir contained the name of Guru Arjun. Accord ing to the Sikh tradition, the emperor's wrath Has aroused by Diwan Chandu Shah whose offer for the marriage of lus daughter with the Guri's son, llar Govind, had been carlier turned down. This might be one of the factors. Jahangir himself was opposed to Guru Arjun, possibly because of his manner of living and the decpest devotion of his disciples. He writes in his Menoir:
"A Hindu named Arjun lived at Govindwal on the bank of river Beas in the garb of a sami and in ostentation As a result many of the simple-minded Hindus as well as ignorant and foolish Muslims had been persuaded to adopt his way of living and he had raised aloft the standard of sainthood and holiness. He was called Guru. From all sides cowboys and idiots be came his fast followers. This business had flourished for three or sour generations. For a long time it had been in my mind to put a stop to this vain affair (dukan-r-batilor to bring him into the fold of Islam."}
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Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindı (1546-16241, the head of the Naqsh bandi order, was extremely jealous of Gurű Arjun's popularity and power. He greatly incited Jahangir, when he halted at Sirhind in pursuit of Khusrar, against the Guru.
Guru Arjun was summoned to Lahore, fined iwo lakhs of rupees and ordered to cfface certain verses in the Adi Granth. The Guru declined to do cither. Jahangir writes: "I ordered that he should be summoned Hai residences, canips and sons were given over to Murtaza Klan His property and cash were confiscated. I issued instructions that he should be put to death by torture ** Mohsin Fani, who was born only nine years later, in 1615 A D., writes that Guru Arjun was tied in the burning sun over hot sand and was tor tured.23 The sci crest heat of May overhead. hot sand under hun and boiling water thrown on his naked body cirused blisters all over On 30 May. 1606, he took leave to bathe in the cold water of the Ravi flowing just below the Fort where he was kept il prisoner. reciting his own composition, Sukhmani, and repeating God's Name. he had a dip, but being exhausted and famishe, le collapsed in water. He has only 12 vears old then
The Sikh tradition considers it an ucl of religious persecution only. It is true that the Sikhs at this time formed only a religious Society. They had no political consciousness. So the question of having any political aspirations does not arise. The authority of the Mughul (mperors was fully accepted and implicitly obeyed. The Sikh allegianc'p to the State was complete Akhor's patronage to the Sikh Gurus His highly appreciated and their loyalty to the Mughul empire was firm. It is also a fact that Jahangir wa's biased against the Sikh religion in spite of this, in matters religious, he held, on the whole, liberal VICWS 1f Guru Arjun had not embroiled himself in the Khusrav affair, it appears likely that the imperor would not have taken any notice of the Sikli movement le did 100 persecute the Sikhs Beni Prillad !his 11110111 of Jahangir declares it a political execution. Sir Jadunath Sarkar writes: “Arjun in it weak inument bless ed the banners of Khusrau, the rival of Jahangir for the Mughal throne, and even gave money help to that prince On the defeat of the pretender. Jahangir fined the Guru two lakhs of rupees for his disloyalty to the king de jure. The Gurú refused to pay the fine and stoically endured imprisonment and torture which were the usual punishments of revenue defaultors in those days. Worn out by being forced to sit in the burning sand of Lahore, he died in June 1606."14
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his forehead a finger-mark in saffron, which in the terms of Hindus is called Qashqa and is considered propitious.??? Applying the tilak implied only honourable reception and not blessing the Prince with sovereignty. Mohsin Fani says that the Gurů offered prayers for the Prince. The prayer indicated a wish for the safety of the individual, as the Prince was on his journey, and not for his cause. The Guru was an embodiment of moral vir tues and could not bless a son in rebellion against his father. He would not forget the case of his own older brother who had revolted against his father. The Gurú could never contemplate involving himself in the struggle for the throne. This was a political matter and the Guru had nothing to do with it.!".
The Prince then beuged the Guru to help him with money. Guru Arjun replied that his money was meant for the poor and not lor princes. Khusri humbly pleaded that he was also very poor, nicedy, forlorn and in distress, and did not possess aven travelling expenses for his proposed flight to Kabul. The Guru was moved at the Prince's Soir plight, humility and the dangerous state he was 11. being hotly pursued by the Mughul army and the emperor him self. According to Macaulifie, Khusrar was provided with a few thousand rupees. Beni Prasad in his History of Jahangirl's puts thus amount at Rs 5,000 -
After the capture of Khusrar, Jahangir wreaked fus rengeance on his supporters and followers. The list of Kliusrar's supporters submitted to) Jahangir contained the name of Guru Arjun. Accord ing to the Sikh tradition, the emperor's wrath Has aroused by Diwan Chandu Shah whose offer for the marriage of lus daughter with the Guri's son, llar Govind, had been carlier turned down. This might be one of the factors. Jahangir himself was opposed to Guru Arjun, possibly because of his manner of living and the decpest devotion of his disciples. He writes in his Menoir:
"A Hindu named Arjun lived at Govindwal on the bank of river Beas in the garb of a sami and in ostentation As a result many of the simple-minded Hindus as well as ignorant and foolish Muslims had been persuaded to adopt his way of living and he had raised aloft the standard of sainthood and holiness. He was called Guru. From all sides cowboys a nd idiots be came his fast followers. This business had flourished for three or sour generations. For a long time it had been in my mind to put a stop to this vain affair (dukan- r-batilor to bring him into the fold of Islam."}
308 THE SIKHS
came to occupy a kind of a separate State within the Mughul State, the position of which was securely established by the fiscal policy of Guru Amar Das and Guru Arjun and his own armed system.
Har Govind established congregational prayers which not only added to the religious fervour of the Sikhs, but also strengthened the spirit of amity and cooperation among them. According to Mohsin Fani, when a Sikh wished for God's favour or gist, he would come to an assembly of the Sikhs and request them to pray for him. Even the Gurú himself asked the Sikh congregation Sangat or Anjuman-e-Sikhan) to pray for him."
The royal style and warlıke activities of the Guru once more aroused the anger of Jahangir Mohsin Fan writes: “He (llar Govind) had to contend with difficulties. One of them was that he had adopted the soldierly lise, wore a sword against the practice of his father, kept a retinue, and took to hunting The Emperor de manded the balance of the fine which he had imposed on Arjun Mal. He sent Har Govind to Gwalior and kept him there for twelve years. Even saltish food was not allowed to him. During that period Sikhs and Masands used to go there and pay homage below the walls of the fort. At last the Emperor graciously set him free."31) This legend of twelve years' period of the Guru's captivity is not accepted by some writers on the ground that six children were born to him by his three wives in 1613, 1615, 1617, 1618, 1619 and 1621.31 They hold the view that though he was sentenced to twelve years' imprisonment, he was set free after three years in 1612. Ils fellow-prisoner in the Gwalior fort, the Raja of Kahlur (Bilaspur), had offered shelter to the Guru's family in his State Har Govind's disciples selected a site between the Siwalik Bills and river Sutlej and named it Kiratpur. Here they constructed some buildings, and it was to this place that the Gurú returned immediately after his battles with the Mughuls.
During his captivity Guru Har Govind had learnt some ele mentary lessons in the art of diplomacy from his fellow prisoners, all of whom belonged to high aristocratic families. After his re lease in 1621, therefore, we find Har Govind playing the role of a friendly collaborator of Jahangir. Mohsin Fani says: "Hargovind was always attached to the stirrup of the victorious Jahangir."32 It is surmised that the Guru was invested with some sort of super visory powers by the emperor over the Punjab affairs and was given command of a Mughul contingent consisting of 400 horse, 1,000 foot and 7 guns. In addition to this, Har Govind's personal contin gent swelled considerably. Pathan mercenaries from the north- west 311 THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
his forehead a finger-mark in saffron, which in the terms of Hindus is called Qashqa and is considered propitious.??? Applying the tilak implied only honourable reception and not blessing the Prince with sovereignty. Mohsin Fani says that the Gurů offered prayers for the Prince. The prayer indicated a wish for the safety of the individual, as the Prince was on his journey, and not for his cause. The Guru was an embodiment of moral vir tues and could not bless a son in rebellion against his father. He would not forget the case of his own older brother who had revolted against his father. The Gurú could never contemplate involving himself in the struggle for the throne. This was a political matter and the Guru had nothing to do with it.!".
The Prince then beuged the Guru to help him with money. Guru Arjun replied that his money was meant for the poor and not lor princes. Khusri humbly pleaded that he was also very poor, nicedy, forlorn and in distress, and did not possess aven travelling expenses for his proposed flight to Kabul. The Guru was moved at the Prince's Soir plight, humility and the dangerous state he was 11. being hotly pursued by the Mughul army and the emperor him self. According to Macaulifie, Khusrar was provided with a few thousand rupees. Beni Prasad in his History of Jahangirl's puts thus amount at Rs 5,000 -
After the capture of Khusrar, Jahangir wreaked fus rengeance on his supporters and followers. The list of Kliusrar's supporters submitted to) Jahangir contained the name of Guru Arjun. Accord ing to the Sikh tradition, the emperor's wrath Has aroused by Diwan Chandu Shah whose offer for the marriage of lus daughter with the Guri's son, llar Govind, had been carlier turned down. This might be one of the factors. Jahangir himself was opposed to Guru Arjun, possibly because of his manner of living and the decpest devotion of his disciples. He writes in his Menoir:
"A Hindu named Arjun lived at Govindwal on the bank of river Beas in the garb of a sami and in ostentation As a result many of the simple-minded Hindus as well as ignorant and foolish Muslims had been persuaded to adopt his way of living and he had raised aloft the standard of sainthood and holiness. He was called Guru. From all sides cowboys a nd idiots be came his fast followers. This business had flourished for three or sour generations. For a long time it had been in my mind to put a stop to this vain affair (dukan- r-batilor to bring him into the fold of Islam."}
308 THE SIKHS
"gained some success at first." About this time the Guru was to celebrate the marriage of his daughter Enormone quantities of sweets were prepared on this occasion Just then a Mughul force attacked him. After a sharp scumle tlie Gurú retired to Jhabă l, cighi miles south-west of Amritsar. where he performed the nuptial ccic mony in haste on the fixed day of the marriage The Mughuls fell on the sweets like a bird of prey When they were surfislerd. Guru Har Govind suddenly fell on them. killing many inulin their com mander Mukhlis Khan.
The Guru's famc spread far and wide. “Min nuen rame to enlist under the guru's banner. They said that 110 one else had power to contend with the Emperor.*** Har Gurind retired to the northern parts of Amritsar district There lie selected a sile for his residence. A township sprang up soon after and 11a called Sri Hargobindpur.
The matter renained at a standsull fer a l'oliple of years when Har Govind was again involved in trouble with the Liliore Gover nor. One of the Guru's most devoted disciples named Sidh or Sadhuranı, had been sent to Central Asia 10 bring fiorses "I On huis return journer he was accompanied by Mohsın Funi fren Kabul to Punjab. Sadh !rad three fine Iraq, horses with him Two of them, nanied Gulbigli und Dilbagh, were seized by Khalil Bek," the Lahore Governor. A devoted Sikli. Bidhi Chand, in disguise took up service in the Lahure fort it's a groom In course of 1111e he managed to cscape with both the horses. A force was respatched innst Hai Govind who retired to Laharu and repulsed the Mughul contingent Expecting reprisal. the Guru took shelter in the Likh Jungle lyn between Firozpur ind Bhatinda. As anticipated, it strong contingent of the Governor of Jullundur pursued the Gurú into the impenetrable retreat. The Sikhs lay in ambush and defeater the enemy, but at the loss of 1,200 Sikh soldiers
This victory emboldened the Guru, who not returned to Kartar. pur near Jullundur. Painda Khin desorted the Guru and took up service under the Lahore Governor. An (xpedition under the com. mand of Mir Badehra and Painda Khan was slepitchrigainst the Guru. They were joined by the Jullundur troops The Gurú had only 5.000 soldiers with him * In a hard-fought battle both the enemy commanders were killed. One soldier with a strawn sword rushed upon the Guru He warded off the blow and then assaulted him exclaiming. “not so, but the sword is used thus," and with one stroke cut off his head.
313 THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
his forehead a finger-mark in saffron, which in the terms of Hindus is called Qashqa and is considered propitious.??? Applying the tilak implied only honourable reception and not blessing the Prince with sovereignty. Mohsin Fani says that the Gurů offered prayers for the Prince. The prayer indicated a wish for the safety of the individual, as the Prince was on his journey, and not for his cause. The Guru was an embodiment of moral vir tues and could not bless a son in rebellion against his father. He would not forget the case of his own older brother who had revolted against his father. The Gurú could never contemplate involving himself in the struggle for the throne. This was a political matter and the Guru had nothing to do with it.!".
The Prince then beuged the Guru to help him with money. Guru Arjun replied that his money was meant for the poor and not lor princes. Khusri humbly pleaded that he was also very poor, nicedy, forlorn and in distress, and did not possess aven travelling expenses for his proposed flight to Kabul. The Guru was moved at the Prince's Soir plight, humility and the dangerous state he was 11. being hotly pursued by the Mughul army and the emperor him self. According to Macaulifie, Khusrar was provided with a few thousand rupees. Beni Prasad in his History of Jahangirl's puts thus amount at Rs 5,000 -
After the capture of Khusrar, Jahangir wreaked fus rengeance on his supporters and followers. The list of Kliusrar's supporters submitted to) Jahangir contained the name of Guru Arjun. Accord ing to the Sikh tradition, the emperor's wrath Has aroused by Diwan Chandu Shah whose offer for the marriage of lus daughter with the Guri's son, llar Govind, had been carlier turned down. This might be one of the factors. Jahangir himself was opposed to Guru Arjun, possibly because of his manner of living and the decpest devotion of his disciples. He writes in his Menoir:
"A Hindu named Arjun lived at Govindwal on the bank of river Beas in the garb of a sami and in ostentation As a result many of the simple-minded Hindus as well as ignorant and foolish Muslims had been persuaded to adopt his way of living and he had raised aloft the standard of sainthood and holiness. He was called Guru. From all sides cowboys a nd idiots be came his fast followers. This business had flourished for three or sour generations. For a long time it had been in my mind to put a stop to this vain affair (dukan- r-batilor to bring him into the fold of Islam."}
308 THE SIKHS
office under Jahangir and Shah Jahan was a fine stroke of diplo macy and political sagacity. It disarmed suspicion of the local Go vernment and afforded him an excellent opportunity to augment his military resources. The organisational evolution of Sikhism from the standpoint of religion and spiritualism was almost complete dur ing the time of Guru Arjun. The execution of Guru Arjun and Guru Har Govind's imprisonment had clearly shown that a hard lot was in store for the new religion. Gurú Har Govind had a clear conception of the changing circumstances, and had realised the necessity of playing an active role in the political life of the com munity. He had a clear conception that militarily he had little chance of success against the unlimited resources of the Mughul empire. Yet he considered it beneath his dignity to accept a passive role, which was nothing short of degradation. He inaugurated å policy which was sure to lead the most down-trodden people slowly but surely to political and military advancement. But his conten poraries failed to comprehend it, and they misunderstood him and misrepresented his work. In reality, Gurú Har Govind rendered a unique service to his country by showing the true path of deliver. ance from political bondage. After all, spirituality must inspire a person to resist the wrong with courage and boldness Not much is known of the next two Gurus, Har Rai (1644-61) and Har Kishan (1661- 64), grandson and great-grandson, respective ly, of Har Govind.
IV. Guru Tegh Bahadur (1664-75 1 Tegh Bahă dur, the youngest son of Har Govind, succeeded Har Kishan in 1664. At this time, Aurangzih was determined to costa blish an Islamic State in India and took various repressive measures against the Hindus, which have heen mentioned in detail in Chapter VIII, Section III. Kalimat-i-Tayyibat says that a Sikh temple in a village in the Sirhind Division was turned into a mosque 4"Many other Gurdwaras were demolished " During Aurangzib's stay in the Punjab in 1674-5 local officials terrorised the Hindu population and converted them to Islam in large number. In Kashmir thousands of Pandits were forced to embrace Islam. This aroused the intensity of Guru's love for religious freedom. In order to infuse courage in the hearts of the Hindus and his disciples he undertook a tour of the East Punjab telling them neither to fear nor frighten others This created confidence and courage in the minds of the people. Some of the Kashmiri leaders in sheer helplessness called on Guru Tegh Bahadur and told him of their sad plight. He advised them to inform the emperor, through their governor. to convert Tegh Bahadur first and then all of them would embrace Islam."
315 THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
his forehead a finger-mark in saffron, which in the terms of Hindus is called Qashqa and is considered propitious.??? Applying the tilak implied only honourable reception and not blessing the Prince with sovereignty. Mohsin Fani says that the Gurů offered prayers for the Prince. The prayer indicated a wish for the safety of the individual, as the Prince was on his journey, and not for his cause. The Guru was an embodiment of moral vir tues and could not bless a son in rebellion against his father. He would not forget the case of his own older brother who had revolted against his father. The Gurú could never contemplate involving himself in the struggle for the throne. This was a political matter and the Guru had nothing to do with it.!".
The Prince then beuged the Guru to help him with money. Guru Arjun replied that his money was meant for the poor and not lor princes. Khusri humbly pleaded that he was also very poor, nicedy, forlorn and in distress, and did not possess aven travelling expenses for his proposed flight to Kabul. The Guru was moved at the Prince's Soir plight, humility and the dangerous state he was 11. being hotly pursued by the Mughul army and the emperor him self. According to Macaulifie, Khusrar was provided with a few thousand rupees. Beni Prasad in his History of Jahangirl's puts thus amount at Rs 5,000 -
After the capture of Khusrar, Jahangir wreaked fus rengeance on his supporters and followers. The list of Kliusrar's supporters submitted to) Jahangir contained the name of Guru Arjun. Accord ing to the Sikh tradition, the emperor's wrath Has aroused by Diwan Chandu Shah whose offer for the marriage of lus daughter with the Guri's son, llar Govind, had been carlier turned down. This might be one of the factors. Jahangir himself was opposed to Guru Arjun, possibly because of his manner of living and the decpest devotion of his disciples. He writes in his Menoir:
"A Hindu named Arjun lived at Govindwal on the bank of river Beas in the garb of a sami and in ostentation As a result many of the simple-minded Hindus as well as ignorant and foolish Muslims had been persuaded to adopt his way of living and he had raised aloft the standard of sainthood and holiness. He was called Guru. From all sides cowboys a nd idiots be came his fast followers. This business had flourished for three or sour generations. For a long time it had been in my mind to put a stop to this vain affair (dukan- r-batilor to bring him into the fold of Islam."}
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Mughuls. A better time could not be expected to fulfil his life's mission, and the Guru was not the man to miss it. lle had first tried to instill his ideas into the heart of the warrior class of Rajputs of the Siwalik Hills. He soon discovered that the caste-ridden and class- dominated Rajputs would not respond to bus appeals and would not fit in his ideology. He therefore turned his attention to the downl trodden masses. He believed that he would be able to achieve his objective by stirring the latent faculties of the human will winch possessed the elasticity of rising tvile lollilist H indi Hellas sunk ing to the lowest depth. The Guru tiada full use of ilir strong senti ment which had been inanilesting itself in the Sikh ( munity in the form of sincere devotion and loving obedience for the person of the Guru.
The Guru, while reading the Purinas liad been deeply truck hy the idea that God had been sending a 5:1120117 at critical times to save the virtuous and destroy the pitil.coers" He believed he had been seni for the same purpose. This is proved by two savings of the Guru in Bichutra Nului (erdig to one.''the Curi was in a state of communio11wth God when he heard the divine tonnant, and the other contains his acceptance of the mission and adniontions to his disciples to fulfil it". In the Chanel Charitru ine Guru hall's that in the past God had depuled Durga 10 chestros the evil doces."" and this duty had now been assigned to him! He was career to get her bless ings. He sang "the praises of Chandi so that the night be chanter for warlıke purpuses, and that even cowards on hearing her story Inight obiilin courage and the hearts of the brave beat With fourfold enthusiasın. Such being the achievements of a woman, what might hiot a brave man to accomplish*; The learned Pachts in the ser vice of the Guru advised him to perform the grand crremony of Homa. "He invited Pandit Kesho from Benares to conduct the care mony on the hill of Nainadevi,"4. close to Anandpur The (cremony began on the Durga Ashtami day, two days before Duschiru festival in October, 1698, and lasted for full six months. At ille cluse of this period the sacred days of the worship of goddess' Varritzats i began on 21 March, 1699. “When all the ghes and incoise had been hurnt. and the Pandit had ured himself out by mumbling mantras by the million without being able to produce the goddess, the Guru came forward with a naked sword and, flashing it before the assembly, declared: “This is the goddess of power''? Thus took place on 28 March, 1699. the Durga Ashtami day.
The congregation was then asked 10 move to Anandpur where on the New Year Day of ist Baisakh, 1750i, Vikrama Samvat, (30 March, 1699, he would create a new nation. All the persons would 317 THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
be fed from Gurú ka Langar and after the grand function they would be entertained to a sumptuous feast. Thousands of persons assembled there. The Gurú remained absorbed in meditation and contempla tion. On the morning of 30 March, he sought God's blessings and entered a specially constructed canopy where a huge congregation was seated. The Gurú delivered the most stirring speech on saving religion which was in great peril, and about his divine mission. The Guru first dwelt on the Government policy of religious persecution. He then explained why, in order to safeguard their spiritual and tem poral rights, the people should not depend on the sovereign or princes, but take up this duty themselves. They should individually feel for the national wrongs done, and collectively organise means to with stand it. "The Kul (Age) had reached such a stage that success would come only if a brick could be returned with a stone."60 Humi lity and service alone were not adequate in this age. To goodness was to be added not only condemnation of evil but also destruction of the evil-doers. Love of a neighbour must accompany the punish ment of the trespasser. Service of saints implied annihilation of tyrants as well. Helping friends meant harming enemies too. God, Guru, and the Sword formed the Holy Trinity in place of Brahma, Vishpu and Śiva to lead to victory. The age when salvation was needed after death had passed. Salvation was to be obtained in this very life, here and now.
In his ecstasy the Guru sang the praises of the sword. "God subdues enemies, so does the sword; therefore the sword is God, and God is the sword."" Addressing the sword he said: “I bow with love and devotion to the Holy Sword. Assist me that I may complete this work. Thou art the subduer of countries, the Destroyer of the armies of the wicked.
I bow to the Sword and Rapier which destroy the evil.
Thy greatness is endless and boundless; No one hath found its limits. Thou art God of gods, King of kings, Compassionate to poor, and Cherisher of the lowly, '142 After this stimulating oration, the Gurú flashed his sword, and said that 'every great deed was preceded by equally great sacrifice; the Holy Sword would create a heroic nation after supreme sacrifice.' He then inquired if anyone in the congregation would offer his head 318 THE SIKHS
in the service of God, Truth and Religion. This sent a thrill of hur ror in the audience, and there was no response to the first and even to the second call, repeated in a sterner voice. At the third call one Dayaram, a Khatri of Lahore, rose in his seat and expressed his will ingness to lay down his life. He was led into the adjoining tent and asked to sit there quietly. The sword-blade was dipped in a caul dron of blood of goats, and the Guru, returning to the assembly with the dripping sword in his hand asked for another head. Dharamdas, a Jat, offered his head and the same procedure was repeated. After five menó } had offered to make the sacrifice and been taken away, the Guru re-entered the assembly room with all of thein, dressed in the same kind of fine clothes, and gave them a baptism called pahul of water sweetened with sugar cakes and stirred with a double edged dagger. They were designated Five 'Beloved Ones' and termed 'Khalsa.' Each of the five letters in the Persian word Khalsa has a signi ficance. The first two, kh and a, stand, respectively for Khud or one self and the Akal Purkh (God). The third letter, 1, signifies Labbaik, meaning the following questions of God: "What do you want with me? Here am l. What would you have?," and the reply of the Singh (devotee): “Lord, give us liberty and sovereignty." The fourth letter, s, signifies Sahib (Lord or Masteri. The last letter is written either as a or, more usually, h. The former signifies Azadi or freedom and the latter refers to Huma, a legendary bird.
Guru Govind Singh provided his followers with five jewels which were within reach of everybody. They were five K's-Kesh or long hair, Kangha or comb, Kirpan or sword, Kara or steel brace let, and Kachcha or a pair of knicker-bockers.thi Their salutation was to be
Wah-e-Guru ji ka Khalsa Wah-e-Guru ji ki Fateh.45
Guru Govind Singh enjoined that every Sikh must fight against cruelty and tyranny, and should help the poor and protect the weak. He inspired them with the belief that every Singh serving the Panth was bound to be victorious, and while engaged in a righteous cause was to consider himself a tower of strength equal to the power of one lakh and a quarter hosts. He must always be prepared to lay down his life because his victory lay in the moment of his death.
The creation of the Khalsa was an epoch-making event in the religious and political history of the country. It marked the begin ning of the rise of a new people, destined to play the role of defenders
319 THE MUGHUL EMIPIRE
against all oppression and tyranny. The severities of the high caste people over their brethren, the Sudras, were set at naught as soon as one joined the ranks of the Khalsa, where all were equal and ready to render one another all help and useful service Their main problem was to destroy the organised oppression and the tyrannical despotism (if the Jughul Government. It was a gigante task for the small community of the Khalsa Under the direction of the Guru, the Khalso took up the profession of arms and the results were most surprising the people. Jouliest of the lou, who had lived for cen juries in a state of servility 1:0!iurned iniu doughty warriors, the praises of whose playstallie' and valour were sung by all the world, including their bull('st foe's
In archios tu cuboillip the 100+;g's of self-res present and the spirit of Billund (11:11:17; (! Grund Saglı severely dealt with the institu 110111 of 1741(bis om inthien- collectors on this occasion. For some time predst they had berumi katibin, korrupt and ready, and treated the Sikis siit! (0:16mmit inte stillerce Niall!!! pop them reted is Gurus and kept ::ll the olierings for 114 clipsWill this money they in sulgeri in possess : 110 do (!:( I literaria !!Vron's Guru Govind did not belirle!!} chest..!".“!!!some on! rom)!!!, ille others. He also ignored the propre et lois (in!] loss Bugt!!!!! beings Nor did die feel free lol lol !!! ! ! vf the A10: lle forth With abolished class willin' onci ins:! Ucl the Sikhs to make vifcrings personally in the Gurů (in the cifrasion of a vist or at the time of general gittering on the sins of Darsibh and Diuili"" Thereby not only me the Sikhs lieu'd from lunulation, but a close personal con tact Has a torblished then the Guru and his disciples
Then beginnt i serio'as balles in which ile Gurú hall often to face he:rl' orda bu in many culses the victory was on the side of the Khalsa nandur was five mes investeri. Tlie most serious siege took pl.:('flittie', 'lumni of 1704 Under orders of Aurangzib. Vazir Khan, the Governor of Sulinemade full preparauons to wipe out the Khals. The invernor of Lahore, several rajas of the Kangra hills, and whos! of neighbouring Nawabs and Tigirdars joined the experi1110n inandpur His her legal Provisions ror short and there were frivylient desertions this juncture Vazir Khan opencd nc. Lotiations for Gurus safe pillon Slemn assurances were given on the Quriin. ind ill illtograph later from Aurangzib was produced is a proof of the Governors sucrer oath Final agreement was irrived it about the middle of December. 1704. The Guru sent ladies and his two younger sons under proper escort towards Nahan :11 Sumur State The second batch of evacuees along with his two 320 THE SIKHS
elder sons and a small number of followers under the Guru hinsell came out of the fort.
Unluckily torrential rain began. The ruer Sarsa was heavily flooded. Both the parties were held up on its bank amidst bitter cold and rain and wind. The enemy considered it a Godsend to efface the Guru and his followers. They threw their solemn pledges 10 the winds, and made a vehement assault on the Guru at nightfall. In the confusion and darkness, the Guru's mother and has two younger sons, Zorawar Singh (born 16961 and Fateh Singh (born 1699) were separated. They fell into the hands of the Governor of Sirhind. The children were pressed tu enibrace Islă m. They spurned the offer and were bricked up alive in the fort wall, and then beheaded on 27 December. 1704.
The Guru and his two elder sons, Ajit Singh (born 1686) and Jujhar Singh (born 16901, managed to cross the river Sarsa, with only forty followers - The current swept away many of them as well as a large number of the Guru's manuscripts and his own com positions, not to speak of other property. They took shelter at Chamkaur in a mud-built house which was inmediately besieged. In the struggle that ensued on 22 December, 1704, the Gurú lost both of his sons, three of the 'Beloved Ones' and thirty-two other followers. Govind Singh was left with only five Sikhs, who in ac cordance with his earlier commandment assumed the role of the Guru in the interest of the Panth and ordered him to escape. The Guru did so in the disguise of a Muslim saint.
lis wanderings fruni Chamkaur to Nander, about 1500 miles away, present a tale of many hairbreadth escapes, unparalleled sufferings, marvellous courage and inflexible determination. Near Machiwara, he was found lying hidden in bushes, exhausted with liunger and fatigue, by two Pathans, Nabi Khan and Ghani Khan. They entertained him and escorted him safely to a distance of about 40 miles. Rai Kalha of Jagraon kept him as a guest and then let him pass through his territory in safety. Sikh stragglers began to join him. A short engagement, the last, was fought in the wastes of Firozpur distriet. In it forty deserters from Anandpur, smitten with remorse, fought desperately, and were all killed. A tank was constructed in their memory called Muktsar or the reservoir of sal vation. While at Dina. the Gurú received a letter from Aurangzib demanding his presence at his Court in the Deccan to account for his doings. To this he gave a spirited reply in Persian verse con taining 111 couplets called Zafarnama or Epistle of Victory. In it he bitterly criticised the emperor for the persecutions, wrongs and 321 VE 21, THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
sufferings infucted upon him and his father. He justified his revolu tionary activities by saying: "When all the remedies have failed, it is lawful to resort to the sword.“ Guru Govind Singh halted at Talwandi Sabo, now known as Damdama Sahib, for nine months. At this place he completed Adi Granth by adding 116 hymns composed by Guru Tegh Bahadur, including one couplet alleged to be his own composition. His own Granth called the Dasam Granth was also given a shape here. The Guru was a prolific writer. Many of his manuscripts were lost while crossing the river Sarsa. The rest were included in the Dasam Granth. It consists of several parts, each in a different language hut all in Gurmukhi script. The Hikiyats and Zafarnama are in Persian. Jap, Akü l Ustat, Chaubis Avtá r, Brahma Avtar, Rudia Avtá r, Krishna Avtir, Rumu Artur. Śri Mukhilak Swayyas, Pakhyan Charitra and Bichitra Naçak are in Brajbhisha, i e. pure Hindi Chancli ki Var is in Lanhde Punjabi, while a number of hymns are in pure Punjabi. At Talwandı, Guru Govind received a reply to his letter address ed to Aurangzib. The emperor expressed regret for the Guru's suffer ings and invited him to meet him. The Guru was anxious to get Vazir Knan punished for his atrocities, and also wanted to study on the spot in what manner the Marathas under Tara Bai were harassing the emperor. He conveyed his acceptance of the invita tion and set out on his long journey. He was in Rajasthan when he heard that Aurangzib had died on 3 March, 1707. He turned back towards Agra. Auiongzib's eldest son, Mu'azzam, 65 years old, had come from Kabul to Delhi and declared himself emperor under the title of Bahadur Shah. The Gurú pressed Bahadur Shah to punish Vazir Khan. "The Emperor asked him to wait for some years until his government was fully established."?! The Guru was asked to go with the emperor to the Deccan. He, therefore, joined his camp accompanied by his wife. Sahib Devi, some infantry and two to three hundred cavalry." Finding the emperor unyielding, the disappoint ed Guru left him in despair at Nander, the headquarters of Madho Das Bairagi, alias Banda Bahadur. He reached there in August, 1707, and stayed for over a year. Banda was sent to the Punjab to chastise Vazir Khan of Sirhind, while Mata Sahib Devi returned to Delhi.
On the other hand, Vazir Khan was also plotting against the Guru's life. Two Pathầ n boys, who were in the service of the Guru, were set on him. One day finding him alone, they severely stabbed 322 THE SIKHS
him in August, 1708. The condition of the wounds grew worse in October, 1708. The Gurü realized that his end had come. He call. ed together his disciples and gave them his last injunctions. He told them that everything in this world happened according to the will of the Almighty. He expressed satisfaction at the fulfilment of his mission. As the Guruship was hereditary in his family, and he had lost all his children, Guru Govind Singh thought it best, in order to avoid all possible family feuds as well as impostors in future, not to vest this high office in any person, and abolished it as summarily as he had done in the case of Masunds. He declared that he was entrusting the Khalsa to the care of Akal Purkh (Godi. In matters spiritual the Holy Granth would be their guide, while their secular affairs would be regulated by holy panchayats meeting before the sacred Granth. He instructed them that whenever any important question affecting the Panth was to be decided, u Sikh congregation was to be held, and from the whole assembly five persons were to be elected to settle the issue in the counsels of Five Beloved Ones he would be present in spirit. Their verdict called Gurumaia was to be regarded as the judgment of the Guru It was to be passed by the whole assembly, and its execution was binding upon the whole Panih. Any infringement was to be considered sacrilegious. He asserted that God had destined the Khü lső to be the future rulers of the country, and for the realisation of this object they inust continue the struggle unabated
Following the practice of Hindu saints and sages who at the divine call would sit in a samudhu and expire, the Guru bad prepared à funeral pyre within an enclosure. He banned admission into it. With folded hands he bade a dramatic farewell by uttering the salutation which he had himself coined. “Wah Guru Ji ka Khulsii, Wah Guru Ji ki Fateh," quietly walked away, entered the walled sence and bolted its door from inside. The congregation stood aghast. In a while the pyre was seen ablaze, 74 and amidst tears and sobs of the assemblage softly rose the dirge of Sat Sri Akü l (The Immortal Almighty is Truci. This happened on 7 October, 17087 The Guru had not yet completed forty-two years of his life.
"Thus we see," says Sir Jadunath, “that the Mughal Govern ment under Aurangzıb did succeed in breaking up the guru's power. It robbed the Sikhs of a common leader and a rallying centre."*76 It should be remembered, however, that immediately after Guru Govind's death, equally dynamic leadership, of course in affairs mun dane, and with much greater success, was provided by Banda Baha dur. Guru Govind Singh's desire, "Mother dear, I have been con
323 THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
sufferings infucted upon him and his father. He justified his revolu tionary activities by saying: "When all the remedies have failed, it is lawful to resort to the sword.“ Guru Govind Singh halted at Talwandi Sabo, now known as Damdama Sahib, for nine months. At this place he completed Adi Granth by adding 116 hymns composed by Guru Tegh Bahadur, including one couplet alleged to be his own composition. His own Granth called the Dasam Granth was also given a shape here. The Guru was a prolific writer. Many of his manuscripts were lost while crossing the river Sarsa. The rest were included in the Dasam Granth. It consists of several parts, each in a different language hut all in Gurmukhi script. The Hikiyats and Zafarnama are in Persian. Jap, Akü l Ustat, Chaubis Avtá r, Brahma Avtar, Rudia Avtá r, Krishna Avtir, Rumu Artur. Śri Mukhilak Swayyas, Pakhyan Charitra and Bichitra Naçak are in Brajbhisha, i e. pure Hindi Chancli ki Var is in Lanhde Punjabi, while a number of hymns are in pure Punjabi. At Talwandı, Guru Govind received a reply to his letter address ed to Aurangzib. The emperor expressed regret for the Guru's suffer ings and invited him to meet him. The Guru was anxious to get Vazir Knan punished for his atrocities, and also wanted to study on the spot in what manner the Marathas under Tara Bai were harassing the emperor. He conveyed his acceptance of the invita tion and set out on his long journey. He was in Rajasthan when he heard that Aurangzib had died on 3 March, 1707. He turned back towards Agra. Auiongzib's eldest son, Mu'azzam, 65 years old, had come from Kabul to Delhi and declared himself emperor under the title of Bahadur Shah. The Gurú pressed Bahadur Shah to punish Vazir Khan. "The Emperor asked him to wait for some years until his government was fully established."?! The Guru was asked to go with the emperor to the Deccan. He, therefore, joined his camp accompanied by his wife. Sahib Devi, some infantry and two to three hundred cavalry." Finding the emperor unyielding, the disappoint ed Guru left him in despair at Nander, the headquarters of Madho Das Bairagi, alias Banda Bahadur. He reached there in August, 1707, and stayed for over a year. Banda was sent to the Punjab to chastise Vazir Khan of Sirhind, while Mata Sahib Devi returned to Delhi.
On the other hand, Vazir Khan was also plotting against the Guru's life. Two Pathầ n boys, who were in the service of the Guru, were set on him. One day finding him alone, they severely stabbed 322 THE SIKHS
him in August, 1708. The condition of the wounds grew worse in October, 1708. The Gurü realized that his end had come. He call. ed together his disciples and gave them his last injunctions. He told them that everything in this world happened according to the will of the Almighty. He expressed satisfaction at the fulfilment of his mission. As the Guruship was hereditary in his family, and he had lost all his children, Guru Govind Singh thought it best, in order to avoid all possible family feuds as well as impostors in future, not to vest this high office in any person, and abolished it as summarily as he had done in the case of Masunds. He declared that he was entrusting the Khalsa to the care of Akal Purkh (Godi. In matters spiritual the Holy Granth would be their guide, while their secular affairs would be regulated by holy panchayats meeting before the sacred Granth. He instructed them that whenever any important question affecting the Panth was to be decided, u Sikh congregation was to be held, and from the whole assembly five persons were to be elected to settle the issue in the counsels of Five Beloved Ones he would be present in spirit. Their verdict called Gurumaia was to be regarded as the judgment of the Guru It was to be passed by the whole assembly, and its execution was binding upon the whole Panih. Any infringement was to be considered sacrilegious. He asserted that God had destined the Khü lső to be the future rulers of the country, and for the realisation of this object they inust continue the struggle unabated
Following the practice of Hindu saints and sages who at the divine call would sit in a samudhu and expire, the Guru bad prepared à funeral pyre within an enclosure. He banned admission into it. With folded hands he bade a dramatic farewell by uttering the salutation which he had himself coined. “Wah Guru Ji ka Khulsii, Wah Guru Ji ki Fateh," quietly walked away, entered the walled sence and bolted its door from inside. The congregation stood aghast. In a while the pyre was seen ablaze, 74 and amidst tears and sobs of the assemblage softly rose the dirge of Sat Sri Akü l (The Immortal Almighty is Truci. This happened on 7 October, 17087 The Guru had not yet completed forty-two years of his life.
"Thus we see," says Sir Jadunath, “that the Mughal Govern ment under Aurangzıb did succeed in breaking up the guru's power. It robbed the Sikhs of a common leader and a rallying centre."*76 It should be remembered, however, that immediately after Guru Govind's death, equally dynamic leadership, of course in affairs mun dane, and with much greater success, was provided by Banda Baha dur. Guru Govind Singh's desire, "Mother dear, I have been con 323
THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
63. The third was Sahib Chand, a barber of Nangal Shahidan of Hoshiarpur District, The fourth was Himmat Chand Kahar (water-carrier) of Sangatpura in District Patiala, and the fifth was Mohkam Chand Chhimba of Buria in Ambala District. (Ganda Singh, Mikhiz-i-Tauarikh-i-Sikhan, i, 8). 64. In many of these external observances a deep purpose can be traced. Guru Govind Singh wanted to make the Sikhs a fighting people, and therefore he deemed it necessary that their heads should be properly guarded from sword cuts and lathi blows by means of long hair and turbans. Comb was required to keep beards in proper shape so that they would look impressive and manly. The steel bracclet was a constant renunder to a Sikh that his spirit was equally strong and unbending. Kirpå n was for self-defence as well as for the protection of the weak and the oppressed he oppressed 1 The Kachha was more suitable and more con venient for fighting purposes than the long dhoti of Hindus and loose trousers of Muslims. Above all, the Guru aimed at giving his Sikhs a separate identity which he could not conceal for fear of death, and would remain steadfast and stable. 65 It means: *This Khá lsõ is Thy Own, O Lord, and so is the Victory." The idea was to keep the Sikhs in a buoyant spirit, because by this mode of salutation a strong link was established between the Khalsn and Victory, these two being the offspring of the Lord 66. Khazan Singh, History and Philosoploy of the Sihn Religion, · 181 67. Ten battles are recorded by the author of the Battles of Guru Gobind Singh. which were fought by the Gurú after weating thc Khalsa Of these, five took place at Anandpur, two at Chamkaur, and the re:4 at Nirmoh. Basali and Muktsar Cl. Sunder Singh, 32-68. 68. Sir Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit. p 158 fi! Guru Govind Singh hints at it in his letto addıessed to Aurangzib, calleet Zafarnama, This niunher is given by Guru Govind Singh in Zafarnama 71 Khazan Singh, op cit., I 196-7 72 Khafi Khan, 652. M'Gicgoi, 1,99 73. In India 'five' has been the sacred number from time immemorial "Panchon men Parmeshwar hai" is an old saying, indicating the presence of Divinity in fivc. Panchayats, or councils of five ciders, were common in northern India 74 Khazan Singh, op cit., 1, 201-4. 75 The date is given by i Banerjee in 18 October, 1708 (Erolution of the Khalsa. II, p. 151), and November, 1708, by Jinjunath Sarkar (CHI, IV. p 3221 (Editor) 76 J N. Sarkar, op. cit., P 159.
326
CHAPTER XII
HINDU RESISTANCE TO MUSLIM DOMINATION
I. MEWAR
Their finest hour With the death of Maharana Sanga, a new chapter opens in the history of Mewar. The unfortunate country suffers from weak adi ministration, disputed succession, and invasion, first by Gujarat and then by a far more formidable foc. Akbar, who after winning over a few chieftains of Rajasthan, sets out to conquer Mewar, the last bastion of Hindu power in North India. Here the great Emperor is faced by the determined resolution of one man, Pratip Singh, and all the resources of the vast Mughul empire cannot force this great Maharana of Mewă r to bow his head to the alien Mughul ruler. The Maharana loses battles, but never gives up the principle for which he stands— independence, and he regains for posterity the soul of India. The great Shivaji will be proud to claim him as lus ancestor, and the revolutionary movement in Bengal in the twentieth century will draw inspiration from his untiring fight against foreign domination. With Maharana Sanga the pomp and splendour of Mewar as a political power passes away-under Mahariinu Pratap it hlazes into a glory that can never fade.
Ratna Singh (1528-1531) Maharana Sanga had seven sons (by different wives), four of whom had predeceased him and his eldest surviving son, Ratna Singh, succeeded to the throne (1528). But before his death Maharana Sanga had promised Karmavati, the step-mother of Ratna Singh, the fort of Ranthambhor to her sons. Vikramaditya and Uday Singh, and she took possession of that fort in the name of her minor sons, with her brother Sü rya Mal of Há da (or Hara) clan as their guardian. She also took away with her the golden crown and belt which the Maharana had taken from the Sultan of Malwa
Soon after his accession, Ratna Singh demanded the golden crown and the belt and also requested Karmavali and her sons to return to Chitor. She refused to do either and opened negotiations with Babur.' She offered Pã bur Ranthambhor and the golden crown and belt in exchange of Bayana and agreed to accept his overlord 327
THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
ship. Later on Babur records that he agreed to help Vikramaditya to gain his father's kingdom.? These negotiations led to no other result than to increase the hostility between Ratna Singh and Surya Mal. But other events de manded his attention. Chand Khâ n, the brother of Sultan Bahadur of Gujarat, was given asylum at Malwa, and Sultan Mahmud of Malwa refused to surrender him to Bahadur. He worsened his position by attacking Mewar at this time to regain some territories lost to Malwa during Mahirana Sanga's time. Ratna Singh had little difficulty in throw ing out the invaders, after which he invaded Malua and reached Sá rangpur. In the meantime, Sultan Bahadur of Gujarat had started his campaign against Malwa and opened negotiations with the Maha. Tani. Later, the Maharini visited Bahadur's camp and received from the latter "thirty clephants, many liorses and one thousand five hundred dresses of gold brocade"? Thereupon the Maharana re turned to Mewar, leaving some of his officers and soldiers with Bahá dur, to help him against Sultan Mahmud of Milwa. But the trouble with Surya Mal, the guardian of Ratna Singh's step-brothers, increased, and ultimately the latter began to haich plans to murder him lle is saud to have invited Surya Mal to a hunt near Bundi. One day they went out for pig-sticking with a few ottendants. Suddenly Ratna Sigh attacked Surya Mal and in the schille that followed both of them died (1531)
Vlcramidt t ( 153 1-1536 ) After Ratna Singh's death, his step-brother Vikramaditya as (ended the throne of Mewar. He is described in all the Rajasthan chronicles and traditions as a stupid young man, who replaced body guards with wrestlers, and so insulted the nobles that they left the court in disgust The tales of his stupidity may be exaggerated. but his ineptitude soon showed itself with fateful consequences for Mewar.
Sultan Bahadur of Gujarat, determined to punish Silahdi for having Muslim women in his seraglio, invested the fort of Raisen." When their condition becane precarious. Silahdi's son Bhupat went to Mewar for help and Vikramaditya advanced with a large force. Bahadur Shah first sent a force under two officers to contain the Rana, but later thought his presence absolutely necessary and left Raisen and joined his force which was opposing Vikramaditya. Vikramaditya seems to have taken alarm, and sent two persons to
328
HINDU RESISTANCE TO MUSLIM DOMINATION
Bahadur's court, ostensibly to parley, but in reality to find out the Muslim strength. On their reporting that the Gujarat army was greatly superior, Vikramaditya lost heart and immediately fled to Chitor. He was closely pursued by the Gujarat army. but Bahadur decided to capture Raisen first, which he did soon after. Chanderi Bhilsa, Gagraun and other places fell to Bahadur after the conquest of Raisen, while Vikramaditya allowed his army to be immobilized in the fort of Chitor All this time Bahadur was actively preparing for the siege of Chitor by collecting troops, arms, irtillery and am munition Bahadur sent an advance army under his officers (1532) and when this advance force arrived at Mandasor, they were met by Vikramaditya's envoys, who agreed to code to Bahadur whatever the Rana held of Malwa and further stipulated that "whatever tribute may be imposed on him he will pay, whatever duty is imposed on him he will perform, and he acknowledges himself a subject of the Sultan, and will never be disobedient "
In the meantime, stung by Vikramaditya's insult, some of his nobles, headed by
Medini Rai of Chanderi and Narsing Der la neplies of Maharana Sanga i had joined Bahadur, and the latter, apprised of the division among the Mewar nobles and remembering the Rini's attempts to help the besieged garrison of Raisen, refused to accept the terms and ordered his general to advance. This lie did, (X pecting an attack by the Runa,but he was allowed to invest Clutor without any opposition 11533) Soon the Muslims Curried for it, near the fort and captured two of its outer sur In vull dir Karmavati send envoys to Humayun for help Ultimately, in desperation, Karmavati, who had saved Bahadur's life when as a prince he was in exile at Mewar. ilfipealert to him, promising to cede the conquered districts of Malwat, and surrender the golden crown and belt of Malwa kings, and give him ton ele. phants and 100 horses and one hundred lakhs of mahs" Bahadur accepted these terms and returned to Gujarat 24 March, 1533) which had during his absence been invaded by Nizam Shah Peace between Mewar and Gujarat was. however, short, as faced with a hostile Mughul power, Bahadur felt the urgency of possessing the strong fort of Chitor, or at least to crush the power of Mewar to such an extent that there could be no combination of Mughuls and Sisodias against him. Thus he sent a strong force under Tatar Khâ n Lodi (a grandson of Sikandar Lodii and others towards Agra and the Punjab and himself proceeded to invest Chitor The energetic measures adopted by Humayú n foiled Baha. 329
THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
dur's ambitious plans, Humayü n moved through Malwa to Sarang pur,
capturing on his way the fort of Raisen. At this point Bahă dur took counsel of his officers as to whether to raise the siege of Chitor and face Humayun, or continue the siege. His counsellors correct ly advised him to concentrate his energies on capturing Chitor, as Humayun was not likely to attack him while he was fighting a 'holy war' against the infidels. This prediction proved remarkably accurate, and Humayun, after advancing up to Gwalior, calmly awaited there the result of the grim tragedy that was unfolding at Chitor, for reasons discussed in the next chapter.
The Rajput soldiers were not prepared for the second siege of Chitor. The nobles, alienated by the buffoonery of Vikramaditya, had retired to their fiers. So when the news of the Gujarat army's advance towards Chitor came, the fort was hardly in a state of de sence. In this grave predicament, the Queen-mother issued a stir ring appeal to the nobles. "Up to now Chitor has remained in the possession of the Sisodias", Karmavati wrote to the nobles, “but now it seems the day of her destruction has arrived. I am handing over this fort to you, preserve it if you can, deliver it if you inust Remember, even if your king is worthless, the destruction of the royal dynasty can only bring disgrace to you."lo The nobles gallantly responded to this call. They found, how. ever, that the provisions could not last for more than a few months, and a council of war decided to defend the fort to the last, but to remove Vikramaditya and his younger brother Uday Singh to Bundi.
This flight of Vikramaditya from the besieged fort has been a matter of reproach but there is no doubt that the decision to re move him to a place of safety was the correct one. Chitor was doomed, and if he had died sword in hand, in a final sortie, the Sisodias would liave for ever perished as the Chahamana Hammir of Ranthambhor Indeed, one of the fatal defects in Hindu defence had been up to now their suicidal reliance on the so-called impreg nable strongholds As Klauswitz remarked, a besieged garrison is us helpless as a narooned man-of-war. This dictum was fully rea lized later by Maharani Pratap, who never allowed the mobility of his action to be impeded by the fear of losing a fortress. For the present, the Mewă r nobles stuck to their ancient military tradition, hut forbore from sacrificing the life of the king and the next heir. around whom alonc, in case of defeat, the nation could rally again." The rest of the story can be bricfly told. Bahadur's artillery, directed probably by Turkish gunners, breached part of the bastion. 330
HINDU RESISTANCE TO MUSLIM DOMINATION
The garrison defended bravely, but when they found all further re sistance helpless, the women under Ranı Karmavati performed the jauhar and the soldiers rushed out of the fort and died fighting to a man (1535). Chitor thus fell to Bahadur, but it is significant that the Muslini historians do not speak of his capturing any spoils Possibly the treasures had been removed from the fort when Vikramaditya left it. However, soon Bahadur had to ficc before the advancing Mughul army, and the Sisodias recaptured Chitor, and Vikramá ditya returned to his capital, However, Vikramaditya had learnt nothingand while the nobles were alarmed at his conduct of government, he took into his confidence, Vanavir, the natural son of Maharuna Sanga's eldest brother Prithviraj. He had been banished from Mcwar by Mü ha. rá na Sanga and had taken refuge at Gujarat, but now sinding the time propitious returned to Chitor. Soon he gained the confidence and favour of Vikramaditya and one day finding an opportunity murdered him (1536). Vanavir next went to the room of prince Uday Singh to murder the last rightful claimant to the throne. But here he was foiled by the devotion of a woman whose name has become a byword for loyalty. Uday Singh, at this time a boy of fourteen, was under the care of his childhood nurse Panna. As soon as Panna came to learn of Vikramaditya's murder, she managed to send Uday Singh out of the fort and placed on the bed her son who was of the same age. Soon after. the regicide entered the room, sword in hand, and asked Panna where Uday Singh was. Silently she pointed at the bed on which her son was sleeping, and Vanavir murdered the boy Panna then left Chitor and took Uday Singh to Kumbhalmer
Vanavir 11536-1540) ; Vanavir s usurpation lasted for about
four years (1536-401. The Rajasthă n chronicles are silent about his achievements, if in deed he had had any to his credit His heinous deed and low origin must have made him odious to the proud nobles, and ultimately trouble broke out due to his crude insistence in proclaiining his equality with the high- born nobles by attempting to force them to eat the left-over food from his plate suchchishịa i During this time, Panna had enlisted several nobles to Uday Singh's cause, and arranged his marriage with the daughter of Akhairaj. This added to Uday Singh's prestige and gave a lic to Vanavir's propaganda that he was not the real prince. Uday Singh 331
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then issued an appeal for help and soon not only the nobles of Mewă r, but some other chieftains, too, joined under his banner. Vanavir sent an army to stop Uday Singh's progress. At a battle fought near Maholi, this army was routed, and Uday Singh proceeded towards Chitor, which surrendered after a brief resist ance. There are conflicting reports about Vanavir's end; according to some sources he died fighting, while others relate that he escaped into obscurity (1540).12
Uday Singh ( 1540-1572 The early years of Uday Singh's reign were spent in fruitless wars with Maldev of Marwar This struggle between Mewar and Má rwar may have been caused by an attempt to establish ultimate authority in Rujasthan, but the events which led to these wars were as petty as the battles were futile Rao Malder of Murwar wanted to marry his beautiful sister-in law, but her father objected and liad her married to Uday Singh. A war followed in which Má lder was defeated. However, Mewar and Marwar soon after had to face a formid able foe, Sher Shah He first defeated Maldev, and then turned to wards Chitor While he was a few miles from Chitor, Uday Singh sent him the keys of the fort as a token of humble submission. This satisfied Sher Shah, who left Mewar in virtual possession of the Mahirindii
Uday Singh's next war also concerned a woman. After Sher Shah's death, his governor of Mewat, Haji Khan, driven away by the Nughuls, found refuge at Ajmer, where he was attacked by Maldev. lle appealed for help to Uday Singh who immediately responded, and rescued Haji Khan. Uday Singh, however, then demanded his price, which was the favourite mistress of the fugitive Afghan. He refused to surrender her, and made a bold stand with his few thou sand followers, and defeated Uday Singh In spite of these seemingly stupid warfares, Uday Singh did turn his attention to establishing a second capital, and to excavating a lake which still bears his name He had apparently understood the danger of staking the fortunes of his country on the defence of a fortress, which could not be defended in the face of a determined foe. In the meantime, Akbar had ascended the throne (1556). Six years later, he married the daughter of Raja Bharmal of Amber and his grandson, Man Singh. joined the Mughul army. Thus began a 1.32
HINDU RESISTANCE TO MUSLIM DOMINATION
memorable policy as a result of which pilgrim tax on the Hindus was abolished in 1563 and the hated jizya in 1564. This undoubtedly ameliorated the condition of the Hindus within the empire, and won him the friendship, esteem and devotion of niany Hindu chiefs of Rajasthan. But Akbar, unlike Sher Shah, aimed at the complete subversion of the independence of Rajasthan !! Abu-'l-Fazl's narration of the causes which led to the Mewar campaign are too naive and may be rejected. It is definite; how ever, that Akbar started on his famous campaign in 1567, and on October 23 of the same year formed his camp near lidapur With in a month the investment of Chitor was complete According to Kavıraj Shyamaldas, when l'day Singh received the news of Akbar's approaching mvasion, he called a council of wir The nobles pointed out the condition of the army, which had not yet recovered from the Gujară t wars, and was not in a condition to fight the Mughuls. Ther, therefore, advised the Maharana to take refuge, along with the princes, in the hills. leaving a garrison at Chitor. After some discussion, Uday Singh accepted the advice of his councillors, and leaving 8000 soldiers to guard Clutor, left for the hills, and ultimately reached Rajpipla, the capital of the Guhilots of Rewakanta.lo Akbar seine Husain Quli Khan to capture the Mahirană , but he failed 17 It was found impossible to capture Chitor by assaults whuch were repulsed with heavy losses, so Akbar raised batteries and laid mines to breach the walls. However, “on Tuesday, February 23, 1568, Akbar noticed at the breach a person wearing a chief's cuirass who was busy direct ing the defence." Akbar aimed at him and his shot struck the chief, who was Jaimal, the commander of the garrison According to the Muslim historians, Jaimal died and the other officers, despairing of success, had their women and children per. form the right of jauhar, and opened the gates of the fort the nexi morning and died fighting in According to Kaviraj Shyamaldas, however, Jaimal was wounded in the leg, and called a council of war. He explained to them that the stores were exhausted, so it was preferable for the women and children to perform the jauhar and the men to fall on the enemy and die fighting." Most pro bably, the provisions in the fort were exhausted, the Mughul pre parations were almost complete, and on the top came Jaimal's acci dent. All these factors seem to have influenced the decision of the besieged generals. 333
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then issued an appeal for help and soon not only the nobles of Mewă r, but some other chieftains, too, joined under his banner. Vanavir sent an army to stop Uday Singh's progress. At a battle fought near Maholi, this army was routed, and Uday Singh proceeded towards Chitor, which surrendered after a brief resist ance. There are conflicting reports about Vanavir's end; according to some sources he died fighting, while others relate that he escaped into obscurity (1540).12
Uday Singh ( 1540-1572 The early years of Uday Singh's reign were spent in fruitless wars with Maldev of Marwar This struggle between Mewar and Má rwar may have been caused by an attempt to establish ultimate authority in Rujasthan, but the events which led to these wars were as petty as the battles were futile Rao Malder of Murwar wanted to marry his beautiful sister-in law, but her father objected and liad her married to Uday Singh. A war followed in which Má lder was defeated. However, Mewar and Marwar soon after had to face a formid able foe, Sher Shah He first defeated Maldev, and then turned to wards Chitor While he was a few miles from Chitor, Uday Singh sent him the keys of the fort as a token of humble submission. This satisfied Sher Shah, who left Mewar in virtual possession of the Mahirindii
Uday Singh's next war also concerned a woman. After Sher Shah's death, his governor of Mewat, Haji Khan, driven away by the Nughuls, found refuge at Ajmer, where he was attacked by Maldev. lle appealed for help to Uday Singh who immediately responded, and rescued Haji Khan. Uday Singh, however, then demanded his price, which was the favourite mistress of the fugitive Afghan. He refused to surrender her, and made a bold stand with his few thou sand followers, and defeated Uday Singh In spite of these seemingly stupid warfares, Uday Singh did turn his attention to establishing a second capital, and to excavating a lake which still bears his name He had apparently understood the danger of staking the fortunes of his country on the defence of a fortress, which could not be defended in the face of a determined foe. In the meantime, Akbar had ascended the throne (1556). Six years later, he married the daughter of Raja Bharmal of Amber and his grandson, Man Singh. joined the Mughul army. Thus began a 1.32
HINDU RESISTANCE TO MUSLIM DOMINATION
the Mughuls, while the other chiefs of Rajasthan were sending their daughters to the Mughul harem.??
Pratap Singh 11572-15971 Uday Singh left twenty wives and
twenty-five suns, of whom the eldest was Pratap Singh. Before his death, however, le numi. nated his ninth son Jagmal as his successor Jagmal actually as cended the throne while Pratá p and the other nobles went to per. form the funeral rites of the deceased monarch. On their return. however, the nobles forced Jagmal to abdicate and offered the throne to the rightful successor, Pratap Singh, and he accepted it Jagmal went to Ajmer, joined Akbar, and received a portion of Sirohi, but later died fighting with its rightful chieftain. Maharana Pratap Singh ascended the throne on 1 March, 1572. and the famous battle of Haldighat was fought in June, 1576. We do not know what measures he adopted to meet the Mughul menace during these four years of real peace which he was to enjoy is a king. If, however, his later operations are any indication, he uti lized this period to consolidate his regime and prepare for the in. evitable struggle. We have therefore to anticipate the future events in order to form an idea of his activities during this period. The Mewar army at the battle of Haldighat was quite sormid able and in every way a match for the Mughul army Evidently long time must have been spent to raise and equip this army, and get the support of Afghans like lakim Sur Pathan, who fought for Mewar at Haldighat. But even more important was gaining the support of the Bhils, who from now on steadfastly helped the Maharanas of Mewar, and made possible the guerilla warfare after the battle of Haldighat.' This broad imaginative policy not only served the cause of Mewar's independence, but made its young king a real national leader. One can only imagine the flush of enthusiasm among the Bhils when for the first time they were recognized as fighting partners by the proud ruling Kshatriyas. During this period the Maharanu was also planning the war against the Mughuls. It is remarkable that after the battle of Haldi ghat, Man Singh could find no trace of the Maharana, his family or his nobles. Actually when Man Singh reached Gogunda, Maha rana's temporary capital, the day after the battle, the town was deserted, and soon the supply of the Mughul army was cut off and the soldiers had to subsist mainly on fruits. It is no doubt possible that from the battlefield the Maharanå had rushed to Gogunda, col. lected his family, found out an inaccessible hide-out, and then col. 335
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lected his men and begun to harass the Mughul army. It is, how ever, not unlikely that the Maharaná had carefully planned his course of action in case he lost the battle of Haldighat. That is, he had learnt not to stake a kingdom on the outcome of a single battle, and this alone can satisfactorily explain the reason of his leaving the field before the battle was over at Haldighat.24 Another point is the Maharara's consolidation of his financial resources. Tod has given wide currency to the story that after the battle of Haldighat, he was fleeing from one place of concealment to another in conditions of abject poverty. MM. Ojha has shown that these stories are myths. Not only the Maharana but Amar also had enough financial resources to continue the struggle till 1614. It is remarkable indeed, as MM. Ojha points out, that though Chitor was occupied by Bahadur and later by Akbar, no Muslim historian describes any treasure having fallen into their hands. The obvious inference is that Uday Singh had secreted the wealth accumulated by Kumbha and Sanga and the Maharana made judicial use of it.27 It may thus be concluded, that from 1572 to 1576, the Maha runa attempted to consolidate his position, marshal his resources, build an army and make adequate arrangements for defence in case the Mughuls defeated his field force. As long as Akbar sent him diplomatic missions, he behaved with them correctly, but refused to surrender any of hus sovereign rights. Akbar therefore decided to declare war against him, and selected Man Singh as the command ing general.?" The battle of Haldighat was fought on 21 June, 1576. The Maharani had originally taken his position in the ghati which could be reached by a narrow and rugged path about a mile and a half long. Man Singh waited for him in the plain below, and in the morning of 21 June the Maharana came out and attacked the Mughul army. As Man Singh had arranged his army in battle array, it is evident that the Maharana's attack had lost the element of surprise. Still, in the first flush of attack, his ariny practically broke through the Mughul army, but the rout was stopped by Man Singh and a few intrepid officers. There was a personal encounter between the Maharana and Man Singh. But while Man Singh, on an elephant, ducked and avoided the Maharana's javelin, Pratap's famous horse, Chetak, which had placed its forelegs on Man Singh's elephant was struck by the sword which the huge beast carried in its trunk. Chetak immediately turned and fled, and with his last breath car ried his master out of danger. The Maharana's army seems to have followed him, but we do not hear of captives. The total number of dead was, according to 3.36
HINDU RESISTANCE TO MUSLIM DOMINATION
Badauni, five hundred, of whom 120 were Muslims and the rest Hindus. As considerable number of Hindus fought on the Mughul side, it would appear that the casualties on each side were almost equal. The day was so hot that pursuit of the Mewar army was im possible. Next day Man Singh occupied Gogunda, the Mahirina's temporary capital. The town had already been evacuated, still about twenty soldiers who had been left to guard the palace and the temple died fighting to satisfy their honour. "The Amirs, as security against a night-attack on the part of the Rana, barricaded the streets and drew a trench and a wall of such a height that horse men could not leap over it, round the city of Kokandah, and then settled down quietly." But the danger to the Mughul army came from another side. The Maharana сut all supplies to Gogunda, and soon they were reduced to living on meat and mangoes. Akbar was not satisfied with the results of the battle. He was vexed with Man Singh for “having abandoned the pursuit of the Rana, and so allowing him to remain alive"! Later September. 1576) when "news arrived of the distressed state of the army of Kokandah (Gogunda), the emperor sent for Man Singh, Asal Khan and Qazi Khan, to come alone from that place and on account of certain faults which they had committed, he excluded Man Singh und Asaf Khan ( who were associated in treachery) for some time from the court."32
Though Man Singh was restored to favour, the condition in Mewar being far from satisfactory, Akbar himself left for Gogunda from Ajmer on 11 October, 1576, with a large army." But before he left, "the roads of ingress and egress from the Rana's country were closed."*+ The Maharunui retired before the Mughul army in to the hills and Qutb-ud-din Khan, Raja Bhagwan Das. Man Singh and other imperial officers were sent in pursuit to capture him As Narayan Das of idar had joined the Maharuna, another army was sent against him. idar was occupied after a stubborn fight." Akbar himself came to Mohi (near Nathdwara) and appointed officers to guard that place and Madarıya (near Chitori "Similar. ly, brave men were appointed to other places in order that when ever that wicked strife-monger (Rana Partab) should come out of the ravines of disgrace, he might suffer retribution. *** But the army which was sent against the Maharana was unsuccessful, and its two commanders, namely, Qutb-ud-din Khan and Raja Bhagwan Das returned to Akbar who was at this time in Udaipur. They were at first censured but later pardoned," and soon after another 337 1.8.-23.
THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
lected his men and begun to harass the Mughul army. It is, how ever, not unlikely that the Maharaná had carefully planned his course of action in case he lost the battle of Haldighat. That is, he had learnt not to stake a kingdom on the outcome of a single battle, and this alone can satisfactorily explain the reason of his leaving the field before the battle was over at Haldighat.24 Another point is the Maharara's consolidation of his financial resources. Tod has given wide currency to the story that after the battle of Haldighat, he was fleeing from one place of concealment to another in conditions of abject poverty. MM. Ojha has shown that these stories are myths. Not only the Maharana but Amar also had enough financial resources to continue the struggle till 1614. It is remarkable indeed, as MM. Ojha points out, that though Chitor was occupied by Bahadur and later by Akbar, no Muslim historian describes any treasure having fallen into their hands. The obvious inference is that Uday Singh had secreted the wealth accumulated by Kumbha and Sanga and the Maharana made judicial use of it.27 It may thus be concluded, that from 1572 to 1576, the Maha runa attempted to consolidate his position, marshal his resources, build an army and make adequate arrangements for defence in case the Mughuls defeated his field force. As long as Akbar sent him diplomatic missions, he behaved with them correctly, but refused to surrender any of hus sovereign rights. Akbar therefore decided to declare war against him, and selected Man Singh as the command ing general.?" The battle of Haldighat was fought on 21 June, 1576. The Maharani had originally taken his position in the ghati which could be reached by a narrow and rugged path about a mile and a half long. Man Singh waited for him in the plain below, and in the morning of 21 June the Maharana came out and attacked the Mughul army. As Man Singh had arranged his army in battle array, it is evident that the Maharana's attack had lost the element of surprise. Still, in the first flush of attack, his ariny practically broke through the Mughul army, but the rout was stopped by Man Singh and a few intrepid officers. There was a personal encounter between the Maharana and Man Singh. But while Man Singh, on an elephant, ducked and avoided the Maharana's javelin, Pratap's famous horse, Chetak, which had placed its forelegs on Man Singh's elephant was struck by the sword which the huge beast carried in its trunk. Chetak immediately turned and fled, and with his last breath car ried his master out of danger. The Maharana's army seems to have followed him, but we do not hear of captives. The total number of dead was, according to 3.36
HINDU RESISTANCE TO MUSLIM DOMINATION
passes and roads were under Mahanana's control to such an extent as to strike terror in the Mughul army. This was practically the last expedition undertaken during Akbar's reign against the Maharana. The most powerful monarch of the world relentlessly attempted to destroy one man, and he braved all adversities to energe trium phant. It is related in the Rajasthan chronicles that the Maharana adopted extreme measures to deny the Mughuls all forms of provi sions. Death was the penalty for anyone who cultivated land for supplying the Mughul army. The result of this order was that the peasants left Mewar, and the Mughul garrisons had to get their provisions from Ajmer. It is related that a Mughul garrison com mander induced a peasant to grow some vegetables for him. At night the Maharana went there and executed the man. The Ră ja sthan chronicles also tell of many exploits of the Maharana and his officers. Of these the most notable was 25 lacs of rupees and 20,000 ashrafis looted from Malwa.47 On another occasion, Prince Amar Singh attacked a Mughul camp and captured the wife of the Khă n Khanan, but after treating her with due honour returned her to her husband.48 These incidents are not corroborated by any Mughul source, which is not surprising. Nor do the Mughul historians give any account of the Maharana's activities for gradually extirpating the Mughul garrisons, and freeing his country from the invaders, so that before his death, all Mewar except Ajmer, Chitor and Mandal. garh was in his hands. But the country was devastated, first, by a. decade of constant fighting and deliberate destruction by the Mughul army, and secondly by the Maharana's stern order, according to the Rajput chronicles, for not cultivating the land. We may also imagine that a large number of people died of hunger, malnutrition and disease, and many peasants must have left Mewar and settled in peaceful neighbouring countries. These effects were felt keenly in the next reign. It is related that one day while hunting, the Maharana struck his own bow and was wounded. This wound proved to be fatal, and he died on 11 Magh Shukla, 1653 V.S. (29 January, 1597), at the age of fifty-eight.49 Thus died the greatest hero of medieval India, the bravest of the brave whose sturdy frame was exhausted by almost two de. cades of constant fighting. We may here quote V. Smith's fitting epitome of his reign: “The emperor desired the death of the Rana and the absorption of his territory in the imperial dominions. The 339
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lected his men and begun to harass the Mughul army. It is, how ever, not unlikely that the Maharaná had carefully planned his course of action in case he lost the battle of Haldighat. That is, he had learnt not to stake a kingdom on the outcome of a single battle, and this alone can satisfactorily explain the reason of his leaving the field before the battle was over at Haldighat.24 Another point is the Maharara's consolidation of his financial resources. Tod has given wide currency to the story that after the battle of Haldighat, he was fleeing from one place of concealment to another in conditions of abject poverty. MM. Ojha has shown that these stories are myths. Not only the Maharana but Amar also had enough financial resources to continue the struggle till 1614. It is remarkable indeed, as MM. Ojha points out, that though Chitor was occupied by Bahadur and later by Akbar, no Muslim historian describes any treasure having fallen into their hands. The obvious inference is that Uday Singh had secreted the wealth accumulated by Kumbha and Sanga and the Maharana made judicial use of it.27 It may thus be concluded, that from 1572 to 1576, the Maha runa attempted to consolidate his position, marshal his resources, build an army and make adequate arrangements for defence in case the Mughuls defeated his field force. As long as Akbar sent him diplomatic missions, he behaved with them correctly, but refused to surrender any of hus sovereign rights. Akbar therefore decided to declare war against him, and selected Man Singh as the command ing general.?" The battle of Haldighat was fought on 21 June, 1576. The Maharani had originally taken his position in the ghati which could be reached by a narrow and rugged path about a mile and a half long. Man Singh waited for him in the plain below, and in the morning of 21 June the Maharana came out and attacked the Mughul army. As Man Singh had arranged his army in battle array, it is evident that the Maharana's attack had lost the element of surprise. Still, in the first flush of attack, his ariny practically broke through the Mughul army, but the rout was stopped by Man Singh and a few intrepid officers. There was a personal encounter between the Maharana and Man Singh. But while Man Singh, on an elephant, ducked and avoided the Maharana's javelin, Pratap's famous horse, Chetak, which had placed its forelegs on Man Singh's elephant was struck by the sword which the huge beast carried in its trunk. Chetak immediately turned and fled, and with his last breath car ried his master out of danger. The Maharana's army seems to have followed him, but we do not hear of captives. The total number of dead was, according to 3.36
HINDU RESISTANCE TO MUSLIM DOMINATION
Bhagwan Das, at this time were plotting to join Amar, but their plans leaked and Jahangir ordered them to be arrested. All of them died resisting arrest.57 Some time in March, 1606, came the news that Parviz had suc. ceeded in dislodging Amar from Mandal." But then Khusrav's re bellion broke out and Jahangir ordered Parviz to return to the capi tal leaving the direction of the campaign in the hands of officers."9 However, before Jahangir's letter of recall had reached Parviz, Amar opened negotiations on the basis that instead of himself and his eldest son Karna, one of his younger sons should wait upon Parviz, and due to the exigencies of the situation Parviz agreed, and brought Bagha Singh, a younger son of Amar, with him and presented him to Jahangir at Lahore. However, nothing seems to have come out of Bagha Singh's visit for, soon after, Jahangir ap. pointed Mu'izz-ul-Mulk bakshi of the army against the Maharani and sent him there.fi Nothing, however, came out of these expeditions. According to the Rajasthan chronicles, Parviz had set up Sagar at Chitor as the Rana, but he could attract only a few followers, and ultimately had to leave Chitor ignominiously. So in 1608, Jahangir selected Mahabat, one of the most famous Mughul generals, to lead an ex. pedition against the Maharana. Mahabat had under him 12.000 horse, 500 ahdis, 2000 musketeers, with an artillery of 70 to 80 guns mounted on elephants and camels. Two million rupees were order ed to be sent with this army. Mahabat's rank was also raised and he was honoured with a robe of honour, a horse, a special ele phant and a jewelled sword.“ Evidently, Mahabat Khan's campaign was unsuccessful, and he was recalled in March, 1609, and 'Abdullah Khan, who was cxalted with the title of “Firuz-jang" sent in his place. The Rajasthan sources claim that a night attack took Mahabat Khá n completely by surprise and he had to flce leaving his camp and equipment which were looted by the Mewar soldiers. 'Abdullah opened his campaign with some initial success, and occupied Chavand and Merpur.67 His rank was raised to 5000 personal.6% He was, however, sent as governor of Gujarat in 1611 und at his request Raja Basu was appointed to the command of the Mughul army in Rajasthan. But apparently he also did not meet with any striking success. He was recalled and Khan A'zam Mirza 'Aziz Koka sent in 1613 to replace him. Khan A'zam apparently felt the need of assistance, so at his instance Jahangir sent Khurram with 12,000 horse to take the nomi 341
THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
nal command against the Maharana and himself advanced to Ajmer to
"defeat and beat back the rebel Rana Amar Singh."70 Soon, however, the old courtier fell out with Khurram, and Jahă ngir's remonstrations being of no avail, Khan A'zam was recalled and Khurram left in charge of the operations. Some time before March, 1614, Khurram obtained some notable success against the Maha rana and sent Jahangir seventeen captured elephants including one called " Alam-guman, of which the Rană was very fond."?! About Khurram's campaign, Jahangir writes: "My son of lofty fortune, Sultan Khurram, by dint of placing a great many posts, especially in some places where most people said it was im possible to place them on account of the badness of the air and water and the wild nature of the localities, and by dint of moving the royal forces one after another in pursuit, without regard to the heat or excessive rain, and making prisoners of the families of the inhabitants of that region, brought matters with the Rana to such a pass that it became clear to him that if this should happen to him again he must either fly the country or be made prisoner. "72 From the Rajasthan chronicles it is learnt that the condition of the Mewar army was desperate. All provisions and sources of supply were exhausted, and there was even a shortage of weapons. For food they mostly had to depend on fruits. But what hurt them most was, as Jahangir relates, Khurram's inhuman practice of making prisoners of the women and children. Shyamaldas relates that one day the nobles represented to the crown- prince, Karna, that they had been fighting for forty-seven years, under hard con ditions. Now they were without food, dress or even weapons, and the Mughuls were capturing their children and forcing them to be come dancing girls or slaves. They were prepared to die; each family had lost at least four members in the war; still they would fight, but it seemed to them that even their death could not pre vent their family honour from being stained; it was therefore pre ferable to come to some arrangement with the Mughuls, on the basis of Karna's personal submission to the Mughul Emperor. As in the Mewar order of precedence, the crown-prince occupies a position lower than that of the chief nobles, such submission would not be too dishonourable. Karna agreed with the nobles, but ac cording to Shyamaldas, he was afraid that Amar would not enter tain any proposal of initiating peace talks. So it was decided to send two nobles, namely, Subhakarna and Jhala Haridas to Khur ram without the knowledge of the Maharana.?? Khurram immediately sent the two Mewar envoys to Ajmer with his personal diwá n, Mulla Shukra-Ullah and his major-domo, 342
HINDU RESISTANCE TO MUSLIM DOMINATION
Sundardas, who, after the treaty with the Maharină was concluded, were honoured with the title of Afzal Khan and Ray Rayan. Jahangir readily ratified the terms and issued a farman with the mark of his palm.74 Khurram sent the farnun to Amar, and according to Shyamaldas it was at this time that he came to learn that the nobles headed by Karna had been negotiating with the Mughuls. The Maharana at last realized the realities of the situation and accepted the terms.75
On 18 February, 1614, Amar with some of his nobles visited Khurram and gave him a large ruby and seven clephants 76 Khur ram, in return, gave him a "superb dress of honour, a jewelled sword, a horse with a jewelled saddle, and a private clephant with silver housings," and the Maharana's hundred nobles who had accompanied him received one hundred robes of honour, fifty horses and twelve jewelled daggers 77 After Amar had left, Prince Karna arrived at Khurram's camp, and received various presents. The same day Khurram and Karna started for Ajmer
Jahangir received Karna as gracefully as possible, and tried to soothe his
feelings by heaping on him all kinds of presents. Hardly a day passed when he did not give the Prince some present as a token of his favour 7* Karna even had the unique honour of being present in the "darbar in the female apartments" when Nur Jahun presented him a rich dress of honour, a jewelled sword, a horse and saddle, and an elephant.7" In addition to what Khurram and Nü r Jahă n gave him, Karna received from Jahangir cash and jewel lery worth 200,000 rupees, besides 110 horses, five elephants and ten Arabian hunting dogs. After Karna left, his son Jagat Singh, then a boy of twelve, came to represent him while Jahangir was still in Ajmer, and Jahangir had to be satisfied with that."
Shyamaldas compares the Mughul-Mewar war with the Anglo Afghan war, and in many respects the comparison is an apt one. The Maharana regained the whole of Mewar, parts of which ever since the days of Uday Singh had been under t he Mughuls. The only restriction to his sovereignty was that the fort of Chitor could not be repaired. The obligation on the Maharana's part was to send a contingent of troops, but it was sent on rare occasions. Maharana Pratap had fought for independence, his son retained the substance of independence by sacrificing some of its external attri. butes. In exchange, he gained the much-needed peace to restore the country to the level of civilized existence and gather strength for Maharana Raj Singh to fight against Aurangzib. It has some times been questioned whether Maharana Pratap would have accepted 343
THE MUGHUL EMPRE
this treaty; it is equally open to question as to whether Akbar would ever have offered such terms. As Shyamaldas remarks, the land between Chitor and Udaipur was soaked with the blood of Mewar and Mughul heroes. Both sides were eager to come to terms, and the treaty does honour to both the parties who can claim to have displayed statesmanship of the highest order. The remaining years of Amar Singh's reign were uneventful. It is said that he felt the insult of accepting a Mughul farman so keenly, that he retired to his private chamber, leaving the adminis tration in the hands of the heir-apparent, Karna. He died on 26 January, 1620.42
Kama Singh (1620-16281 Karna was in charge of the administration
during his father's reign when it had been his endeavour to resettle the villages and set up again the regular administrative machinery by appointing local officials. He also took in hand the reconstruction of palaces and temples. In short, his entire energy was applied to improving the condition of war-devastated Mewar, and in this lie was highly successful. His relations with the Mughul court continued to be normal till the outbreak of Khurram's rebellion in 1622. It appears that his brother Bhim Singh, who was possibly serving under Khurram in the Deccan, joined the Prince at the outbreak of the rebellion.k? Bhim Singh was one of the chief lieutenants of Khurram during the rebellion. He captured Patna and later died fighting gallantly at the battle of Jaunpur. 84 After his defeat at the battle fought near Bilochpur (1623), Khurram entered Rajasthan and plundered Amber. His subsequent movement till he reached Mandu is not recorded by any Muslim historian, but the Rajasthan chronicles record that Karna granted him asylum at Udaipur, where he stayed for about four months.85 After Jahangir's death, Shả h Jahan returned to Agra via Gogunda where he met Karna and valuable gifts were exchanged (1 January, 1628). As usual, Shah Jahan's gifts were costly. The Maharana's younger brother, Arjun Singh, accompanied Shah Jahan to Agra. A few months later Karna died (March, 1628).
Jagat Singhs (1628-1652) We do not know Karna's motive in helping the rebel Khurram. However, with the accession of his son Jagat Singh a change is per 344
HINDU RESISTANCE TO MUSLIM DOMINATION
ceptible in the policy of Mewar. Jagat Singh started his reign bi interfering energetically in the affairs of Deolia, with the result tha Shah Jahan ultimately intervened and restored it to its rightfu owner. Jagat Singh then sent an expedition to Dungarpur whicl sacked the capital. He also sent forces to bring Sirohi and Banswari under his control. To please Shah Jahan he sent him a mission wit) some presents, and this seems to have served its purpose. But under the terms of the treaty he had to maintain 1000 troops with the Mughul army, and this he did after several reminders. However, ir direct contravention of the terms of the treaty he began to repair the fort of Chitor. Thus it appears that Mewar was again preparing to renew the struggle
Jagat Singh is famous in the annals of Rajasthan for his charity sind building activities. He died on 10 April, 1652.
popair wori Ashi
Singh and media after his deangh had starea det of Chito he gratish hitor, ante seni Delhi on quite Raj Singh (1652-16801 Maharana Raj Singh succeeded his father, Jagat Singh, in 1652 at the age of twenty-three He was duly recognized by Shah Jahan but very soon friction arose over the repair of Chitor fort. As has been stated above, Jagat Singh had started the repair work which was taken up after his death by Raj Singh Possibly both Jagat Singh and Raj Singh counted on the gratitude of Shah Jahâ n, but the emperor of Delhi was quite a different man from the fugitive prince. He left Delhi on 24 September, 1654, to visit Ajmer, and from there sent Sa'dullah Khan with an army of 30,000 troops to Chitor, and ordered Shayista Khâ n to be ready to come to Mewar in case of necessity, and Aurangzib to post his son Muhammad with 1000 soldiers at Mandasor. But Raj Singh submitted, and Sa'dullah Khă n completed the destruction of Chitor's fortifications without any opposition. In the meantime, Raj Singh sought the protec tion of Dara, who was possibly instrumental in inducing Shah Jahan to send to Mewar a Brahmin envoy called Chandra Bhã n. It appears from Chandra Bhan's reports to Shah Jahâ n that the Maharana's faults had been to have repaired Chitor, to have appointed in Mewar service persons who had left the imperial service without permission, and to have failed to maintain at full strength the contingent of 1000 soldiers which under the treaty Mewar had to supply to the imperial army. The result of Chandra Bhá n's diplo matic mission was that the Maharana sent his eldest son, aged about six years, to wait on Shah Jahan. Shah Jahan gave the young prince the usual presents and named him Saubhagya Singh, but took away from Mewar certain districts and attached these to Ajmer." 345
THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
Raj Singh could not forget this disgrace which at that time he was unable to wipe off. But his opportunity came a few years later when Shah Jahá n fell ill 16 September, 1657) and his sons rebelled. On the Dussera day 118 October, 1657) the Maharana began to pre pare his army, and in November, advancing from Udaipur, sacked Khairabad, and imposed levies on Mandal, Pur, Banera, Shahpur and several other places which were included in the Mughul dominion.
Soon after, the rebel Aurangzib started a correspondence with the Maharina, and seems to have received his tacit support in ex change for a promise to restore to Mewar the four districts which Shah Jahan had taken away from him." When Aurangzib occupied Agra after the battle of Samogarh, the Maharana sent his son Sultan Singh," to wait on him. Aurangzib received the prince very fraciously and gave him the usual presents, but what is more im ortant he issued a farman bestowing on the Mahatina the districts of Badnaur, Mandalgarh, Dungarpur, Banswara, Basabar and Gyă spur. The Maharina's rank was also raised to 6000 of which 1000 personal was also do aspa and se aspar' Soon Dara pathetically appealed in vain to the Maharina for help.+
But an incident happened 116601 within a few years of the accession of
Aurangzih which changed the relation between the two. Princess Charumati of Kishangarh, also known as Rupamati, was be trothed by her brother to Aurangzib She, however, hated the idea of marrying a Muslim and wrote to Raj Singh to rescue her. Ac cordingly Raj Singh came with his army, and forced her brother to marry her to him Aurangzib's reaction to this was to detach Gyá spur and Basabar from Mewâ r and assign them to Raval Hari Singh of Deolia The Maharana appealed against this decision, but it had no effect " It is apparent that Raj Singh accepted the deci sion of Aurangzib, and this incident did not lead to any conflict as is sometimes supposed, but this took place in consequence of Aurangzib's attitude towards Marwar
II. MARWAR After the death of Maharaja Jasvant Singh in December, 1678, Aurangzib appointed Muslim officers to administer Marwar and on 9 January, 1679, himself set out for Ajmer to supervise the annexa. tion of the Rathor State. High officials were sent to capture the treasures of the late Maharaja and destroy the temples. No resist ance was offered to these acts of vandalism, possibly because the Rá thor officers who were capable of defending their country were serving with their king in Jamrud and were at this time escorting
16
HINDU RESISTANCE TO MUSLIM DOMINATION
two of Jasvant's widows, who were enceinte at the time of his death. The two queens gave birth to two posthumous sons at Lahore, and the news reached Aurangzib on 26 February, 1679. The Rathor ministers pleaded in vain for the recognition of the succes. sion of Jasvant's new born son Ajit, to his father's dominion, the other son having died a few days after birth Aurangzib paid no heed to these appeals, but having completed the arrangements for the occupation of Marwar returned from Ajmer to Delhi on 12 April, 1679, and on that day reimposed the jizya on the Hindus after a century of abeyance. On 26 May, in return for a succession fee of 36 lakhs of rupees Indra Singh, a grand- nephew of Jasvant, was invested as the Raja of Jodhpur, but the Mughul administrators and generals were retained there.
In the meantime, the faithful Rá thors brought their infant king and his mother to Delhi (June, 16791 and represented lus cause to Aurangzib. Aurangzib ordered the infant Ajit to be brought up in his harem with a promise that he would be admitted to the Mughul peerage when he came of age, and, according to one contemporary historian, offered the throne to Ajit on condition that lip became a Muslim.!?
The Rathors, who claimed to be the descendants of the great Rashịrakuļas,
were seized with consternation, but it was in this hour of peril that they proved their noble descent Fortunately they were guided by a brave hero of sturdy spirit, namely Durga Das, son of Jasvant's minister Askaran With the chivalry and courage of his ancestors he added a genius for organisation and statecraft worthy of a Mughul minister. He saw through Aurang. zib's wretched diplomatic promise, and begged for delay promising to present Ajit to the court when he came of age. Soon Aurangzib lost patience and on 15 July sent the Provost of Delhi and the Captain of the imperial guards to seize the queens and Ajit and lodge them in the prison of Nurgarh But the astute Durgu Das was ready The Mughul comman ders, who had the wisdom not to provoke the impetuous Rajputs, first tried to persuade them to deliver their queens and Ajit peacc fully. This having been answered with a sharp volley of musket fire, the Mughuls also opened fire in self defence Then Durga Das's plan--hatched in secret and almost incredible in character-was put into operation and took the Muslims by surprise Suddenly a gate of the mansion opened and Raghunath Bhatti, with one hundred troopers, rushed out in a wild "death-defying" charge, before which the Muslims quailed. Seizing the oppor 347
THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
hall, Rahe mansio his follow tunity, Durga Dã s with the rest of his followers and the queens in male attire, slipped out of the mansion and took the road to Jodhpur. For an hour and a half, Raghunath dyed the streets of Delhi with blood, but at last he fell with all his comrades. Then the Mughuls set out in pursuit but in the meantime the fugitives had covered nine miles, when the Mughuls overtook them. Then Ranchhor Das Jodha turned round to check the pursuers with a small band of troopers. And they too resisted the Muslims to the last man. The Mughuls then took up the pursuit again and this time, while the rest continued their journey towards Jodhpur, Durga Das turned round with fifty troopers and fought till all but seven of them died. It was almost evening and at last the tired Mughuls gave up the pur suit and wearily made their way back to Delhi, while Durga Das and his comrades safely carried the royal party to their destination.98 But, as has been related above, Jodhpur was under the effec tive control of the Mughuls, so Durga Das turned to the only power ---Mewar--which could come to their aid.
to Delhi to the courhan on 23 protest
Mewar and the Mughuls During this period, Raj Singh, who was busy in developing his country, tricd to maintain cordial relations with Aurangzib. While Aurangzib was grabbing Jodhpur, the Maharana did not protest. On his way back from Ajmer, Aurangzib sent a farman on 23 March, 1679, asking Raj Singh to send his son to the court. Accordingly, prince Jay Singh was sent to Delhi where he was received by Aurangzib in the usual manner (11 April, 1679). In the meantime, however, Aurangzib had imposed the jizya and soon after demand ed the Maharara to impose it in Mewar.in The only path of duty open to a Rajput was, however, shown by Aurangzib himself. He had given a foretaste of his religious bigotry and fanaticism by breaking some of the most famous temples of Rajasthan and then carrying the images to Delhi where they were placed before the mosques as steps so that they might be trod den by the faithful.iol Mewă r had not yet been invaded by the Muslims, but the annexation of Marwar would enable the Muslims to outflank the country and enable them to enter Mewar through the Arå valli passes. Indeed, the Maharana seems to have envisaged some danger and closed the Deobari pass with huge walls and por. tals as early as 1674.102
Last Muslim Invasion of Rajasthan The Rathors on arrival at Jodhpur began
their struggle to throw out the Muslim invaders, which lasted till the death of Aurangzib 348
HINDU RESISTANCE TO MUSLIM DOMINATION
(1707), with varying success on either side. It is not possible to give here the details of this heroic struggle, and only the main points may be noted. With the arrival of Durga Das, Marwar burst into fames. Aurangzib realized that his hope of ruling Mă rwar with the supine Indra Singh as the nominal king under a Mughul faujdar was no longer possible. So he dethroned Indra Singh, recalled the faujdar, Tahir Khan, in disgrace, and set up a milkman's son as the real Ajit in Delhi.
After completing his political preparations, Aurangzib sent Sarbuland Khan
with a large army (17 August, 1679) and himself followed a fortnight later to exercise the overall command from Ajmer. Unfortunately, the Muslims were not the only enemy of the Rathors. Fissiparous tendencies developed inside Marwă r, and the Gurjara-Pratiharas, the ancient enemy of the Rashtrakutas, took this opportunity to recover their ancestral stronghold of Mandor. It was later recaptured by the Rathors.
But the Mughul invasion backed by resources of the vast em pire could not be checked. The great battle of this war took place near the Lake Pushkar, where the Mairta Rá thors tried to bor the advance of Mughul troops and save the Varaha temple. After three days of continuous fighting, mounds of dead bodies remained to proclaim the valour of the Hindu heroes who had died to the last man to save the temple (19 August). Thereafter, no more pitched battle was fought. Guerilla warfare began.
Soon the pretence of ruling Marwar in the name of the im postor was given up and the State was divided into regular admi nistrative units, each under a Mughul faujdar, and prince Akbar was ordered to put down the resistance. This he attempted to do by advancing from Ajmer towards Mairta, which route even today is marked by the cenotaphs of Ră thor soldiers, a mute reminder that they were not overawed by the overwhelming odds against them. "As the cloud pours water upon the earth, so did Aurangzib pour his barbarians over the land. ...Jodhpur fell and was pillaged; and all the great towns in the plains of Mairta, Didwana and Rohit. shared a similar fate. The emblems of religion were trampled under foot, the temples thrown down and mosques erected on their sites.'*103
Aurangzib then turned to Mewă r which indeed had become the Rathor base of operations. He wrote three letters to the Maharaná reminding him of their past good relations, upbraiding him for shel 349
THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
tering Ajit and threatening him with dire consequences if he con tinued to support the Jodhpur prince. The Maharana sent polite but firm replies that the terror of Muslim invasion would not force him to swerve from his path of duty.it
Aurangzib realized that to crush the determined Sisodia-Rathor opposition, quick
and decisive action was necessary. So he called lus son Mu'azzam from the Deccan, and Muhammad A'zam from Bengal, his other son Akbar being already with him. Tahavvur Khâ n, the governor of Ajmer, Hasan Ali Khan, the governor of Ratanpur, and Muhammad Amir Khan, the governor of Ahmedabad, were given subsidiary commands to open the mountain passes and maintain the lines of communications The Muharina on his part took up his position on the crest of the Aruvallis ready to pounce on the Mughuls whenever he thought fit. The rough circle formed by the massed hills of Mewar, stretch ing from Udaipur westwards to Kumbhalmer, and from the Rajsamu dra lake southwards to Salumbra, formed a vast natural fort with thiree gates, opening east, north and west through which the defen clers could sally out and fall upon any isolated enemy outpost or detachment. In short, the Mughul army was stretched along a long are of which the Maharani occupied the short base. To reach him it was necessary to break through the three passes of Udaipur, Raj samudra and Deobari. The Mughul armies of Mewă r and Marwar were divided by the Aravallis, and as the passes were controlled by the śiśodias the Mughuls had to make a long and toilsome detour in transferring troops from Chitor to Marwar. Thus, while Aurangzib attempted to crush the enemy under the weight of his superior num ber and artillery, the Maharană took the fullest advantage of the terrain and adopted a strategy which enabled a small number of de termined men to hold out against heavy odds. As we shall see later, the Mughul soldiers, always ready to fight in the open, would refuse to enter the defiles and narrow passes of the Aravalli. The Maharana also evacuated all the big cities and as much of the plains as possible. Aurangzib struck the first blow. He left Ajmer on 30 November, 1679, and met with little effective opposition. The deserted pass of Deobari was occupied on 4 January, 1680, and soon after he entered the empty city of Udaipur. He systematically destroyed the country side and broke the temples. A detachment under Hasan 'Ali Khan was sent into the hills to trace the Maharana. For some time this detachment was lost, but ultimately traced and reinforced. They succeeded in inficting a defeat on the Maharana, and capturing his camp and property. In 350
HINDU RESISTANCE TO MUSLIM DOMINATION
the meantime, Chitor was occupied, and Aurangzib visited it at the end of February, destroying sixty-three temples there. His task thus finished, Aurangzib returned to Ajmer on 22 March, leaving Akbar in charge at Chitor, satisfied, like the Mughul commanders before him, that with the capture of the cities, and establishment of some isolated Mughul garrisons, the enemy resistance would come to an end. It just began.
With the departure of Aurangzib, the Maharana launched his attack. The isolated Mughul outposts, always a source of weakness, were so harassed that the Mughul officers refused to command them. The Mughul supply trains and escorts also were attacked so success fully that soon the Mughul soldiers refused to enter any pass. Heavier attacks were also launched, including a serious reverse suffered by Akbar at Chitor. At the same time raids were carried into the neighbouring Mughul provinces of Malwa and Gujarat. The invad ing army of Gujarat under prince Bhim Singh liberated idar, and plundered Vadnagar, Vishalnagar and some other rich cities of Gujarat including Ahmadabad, collecting much booty. In revenge for breaking the temples, Bhim Singh destroyed one big and thirty small mosques.in
Aurangzib recognized that his plan of defeating the enemy by holding on to
strategic points and devastating his country had failed. He was particularly disappointed by the reverses which Akbar suffer ed at Chitor, so the latter was transferred to Marwar and a new plan adopted. Prince A'zam, who had replaced Akbar at Chitor was ordered to advance by way of the Deoburi pass and Udaipur--Prince Mu'azzam from the north by way of Rajsamudra, and Akbar from the west through the Deobari pass It was expected that the con certed action would drive the Mahiran out of his mountain strong. hold and eventually lead to his capture. However A'zam and Mu'azzam failed to achieve their objective July, 1680).
Akbar, goaded by Aurangzib, made progress slowly and at a heavy loss. Now the Maharana and Durga Das adopted new tactics. Akbar's second in command, Tahavvur Khá n, had been ordered by Aurangzib to win over as many śiśodia and Rathor nobles as possi ble. Thus he came into contact with them and formed with them a plot to declare Akbar the emperor of India, and soon the Prince was won over. Aurangzib also seems to have opened peace pro. posals, 106 but while these negotiations were proceeding Maharana Raj Singh died on 1 November, 1680,107 and was succeeded by his son Jay Singh. 351
THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
Jay Singh (1680-1698) The death of Rit Singh temporarily stopped
the negotiations, but soon after it was taken up On 11 January, 1681, Akbar joined the Sisudias and the Rü thors, and issued a manifesto deposing his father and crowning himself emperor. The next day he started for Ajmer to wrest the Mughul crown from Aurangzib
If this foolish and indolent prince had not delayed on his way 10 Ajmer in merry-making, the history of India might have been different for, when the news of Akbar's rebellion reached Aurang. Lib at Ajmer, he had only a few soldiers with him. But every day's delay afforded hum time to bring in reinforcements.
It took Akbar a fortnight to cover 120 miles that separated him from his father Even so, before he could take any decisive action his hopes were foiled by an astute trick Tahavvur Khan's father in-law wrote him a letter that if he came over to Aurangzib he would be pardoneri, otherwise lus women would be publicly outraged and his sons sold for the price of dogs This unnerved Akbar's chief commander and he secretly left the camp and reached the Mughul camp where he was soon murdered. In the meantime, a letter addresser 10 Akbar by Aurangzib was made to fall in Durga Das's hands in which Aurangzib thanked the prince for bringing the Raj. puts to their doom and gave him further instructions for the next clay's battle so that the destruction of the Rajputs might be complete. Durgă Dus went to find out the truth from Akbar but learnt that 1.0 was asleep He next sent men to call Tahavvur Khan, but dis covered that he had left for the imperial camp This confirmed their suspicion and the Rajputs in a body rode off
Durga Das, under the circumstances, was quite justified in leav ing Akbar to his fate But the next morning when the prince woke lip he found himself left with a few hundred followers. He there. fore turned round and followed Durga Das, with whom he was able to establish contact after about a day. Durga Dá s also had by that time realized the trick that had been played on them and was re turning to protect Akbar, for Durga Das's honour demanded that Akbar should be saved at all costs Akbar first went to Mewă r, but the Maharani refused to grant him asylum,'' so Durga Das most chivalrously agreed to escort him to the only court in India which could afford him protection--that is Shambhuji's. After many hair breadth escapes from the Mughuls, Durga Das conducted Akbar to Maharashtra, and there this gallant man stayed till 1687 to help the cause of the Mughul prince 352
HINDU RESISTANCE TO JUSLIM DOMINATION
Though Akbar's adventure had failed, in a sense it helped the Rajputs.
Aurangzib's attention was diverted towards the south, and he was forced to come to terms with Mewar
Mewar ands the war
While Akbar was proceeding against Aurangrib. i contingedit of the Mewar
army under Daval Dis advanced to attack prince Izan's army Dayal Das was defeated and forced to flee after killing in wife, lest she should be captured by the Mughuls !
This action took place in the first week of February 1681, ind shortly A zam sent the Sisodia prince Shyam Singh, son of prince Garıb Das and grandson of Maharin Karn, to open negotiations with Mewar 1. lle advised the Maharini to conclude peace as Aurang zıb was nost likely to offer filwaurable terms Down vieu of Akbar: rebellion and the approaching rainy season Jar Smgh, therefore, sent some of his nobles tv Ajmer, and hy 23 February, the negotiat tions had so far progressed that Aurangaib sent it ("{}}calatori f12r man to Jay Singh, icrepiting his peace offerind directing him to Visit Prince A'zam. thus fulfilling the terms of flops treaty entered into by Khurram !! According to Shyamaldas, it has at this timethat Akbar was cornered hy the pursuing Mughul forces and Arami wrote it letter to Jav Singh asking him to arrest Akbar, and if possible to kill lum 'Therefore Jury Singh decided 104 to permit Akhir (ntor Mesir is stated above
The terms of the treaty Will soon illranged and were is follow's.. 1 The Maharini would do to Aurligvib the pilla connes of Mandal, Pur and Bednor in lieu of the lisyu demanded from his kingdom ? "The Mughuls would withdraw from News:1 ind the condi. tion obtaining at the time of invasion khas to be restored 3 The Maharana was not 10 recruit any Rithor or deserter from the Mughul army. 4. Ajit would be recognized its vassal Raja and mansalidar when he came of age. The treaty was concluded between Jay Singh and Prince Mu hammad A'zam on 24 June. 1681, with the usual pomp and ex change of presents, and soon after Aurangzih sent to the Maharani the customary robe of condolence for his father's death. 353 V.L, -73
THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
Thus the war in Mewar ended but the war in Marwar continued for another three decades which will be described in a subsequent section
Sir Jadunath Sarkar has stigmatized Jay Singh for his "signal incapacity” and the lack of military skill and the organizing genius of his great father But Sir Jadunath also writes that “the Rajput war was a drawn game so far as actual fighting was concerned, but its material consequences were disastrous to the Maharana's sub jects. They retained their independence among the sterile crags of the Aravallis, but their cornfields in the plains below were ravaged by the enemy. They could stave off defeat but not starvation. The Mughals, on the other hand, might fail to penetrate into the hills of Kamalmer; their outposts might be surprised and convoys cut off oc casionally but they held the low country and received supplies from all parts of the empire."!13 It seems that because Mewar had surrendered three districts in licu of jizya, the Maluirana refused to send the 1000 troopers which kas Mewar's contribution to the Mughul army. There is a letter in the Udaipur archives dated 7 August, 1684, in which Prince Muham mad A'zam informs the Maharana that he will get back the districts which had been forfeited on account of the jizya if he immediately sent 1000 horse to the south 1.4 It appears. however, that nothing came out of this arrangement, and Pur, Mandal and Bednor were not restored to the Maharana," possibly because the Maharana had not sent the contingent. In 1690, the Maharana entered into a new arrangement under which he agreed to pay one lakh of rupees as jizya and receive back Pur and Bednor and his manşab was to be increased by one thousand. 116
With the conclusion of peace, Jay Singh turned his attention to the administration of the country and to several irrigation projects, of which the most important was lake Jaysamudra, said to be one of the largest artificial lakes in the world. The last years of his reign were clouded by the rebellion of his oldest son Amar Singh, and he had to enlist the help of Durga Das and the Rathors to recover his kingdom. The nobles, however, were able to effect a rapprochement between the father and the son, but the latter had to be granted a considerable independent jagir (1692). Jay Singh died on 9 October, 1698, and was succeeded by his son Amar Singh II, whose history really belongs to the period covered in the next volume.
354
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Marwar and the Mughuls In the previous section it has been related that Mewar entered into treaty relation with the Mughuls in 1681, but this did not end the war in Marwar. For though there was a clause in the above mentioned treaty under which Ajit was to be recognized as the vassal chieftain when he came of age, for the present Aurangzib persisted in ruling Marwar through his own Muslim officers. The people of Marwar refused to accept their rule, resulting in continued warfare for practically three decades (1681-17071. through his for the presennized as the
The history of this warfare can be conveniently divided into four periods, namely (11 from 1681 to 1687, during which period Durga Das was in the Deccan; (ii) from 1687 to 1696 during which period Durga Das and Ajit were fighting against the Mughuls; (iii) from 1696 to 1701, a period of truce; (IV) from 1701 to 1707, renewal of the struggle and final liberation of Marwar.
(il 1681-1687 Durga Das, as has been stated, felt it 10 be his duty to escort prince Akbar to a place of safety. As Shambhuji was the only king who could shelter Akbar. Durga Das and a band of Rathors escorted the prince to Maharashtra, cluding his pursuers with great skill. Though many Rathors returned to Marwar, Durga Dá s felt honour bound to guide and help the unlucky prince, and stayed with him till the latter, despairing of Mară tha help, left for Persia in February, 1687. Soon after Durga Das returned to Marwar. During this period, the Rathor nubles without any central authority had been fighting the Mughuls whenever and wherever possible. They were joined in 1681 by Mahakam Singh of Mairta who left the Mughul service to join the national struggle, and the Bhati tribe of Jaisalmer in 1682. The result of this sporadic but continuous warfare is graphically described by a bard: “An hour before sunset every gate of Maru was shut. The Muslims held the strongholds, but the plains obeyed Ajit .. The roads were now im passable." join the nsult of this d an
(ii) 1687-96 Durga Das, as stated above, returned to Marwar in 1687 and was joined by Hada Durjan Sá l, the foremost noble of Bü ndi. To. gether they slaughtered or drove away most of the Mughul garri sons in Marwar and carried their raid into the imperial territory menacing even Delhi. However, they declined any engagement with the regular army that was sent against them from Delhi, and re 355
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turned to Marwar via Sirhind. Near Mandal, Durjan Sá l died in action, and Durga Das returned to Marwar, probably after sacking Mandal, Pur and Malpura. In 1690, Durga Das signally defeated the governor of Ajmer and rendered Marwar so unsafe that Shuja'at Khan, the governor of Gujarat (to which province Marwar was now attached), had to take personal charge of affairs in Jodhpur. He took reconciliatory mea sures, granting land to some Rathor nobles and thus winning them over-while strong forces were sent to check the activities of Durga Das. It was, however, impossible to guard adequately the route over which trade passed from Gujarat to North India through Mar war. So Shuja'at Khan first tried to come to an understanding with the Rathors by paying them one-fourth of the imperial customs dues on all merchandise, and later attempted to divert the trade through peaceful Mewar.'17 In 1691, the Mughuls gained some respite as Durga Das and his Rathors went to help Mahiruna Jay Singh suppress the rebellion of his son, and in 1692 the Mughuls themselves began overtures for peace for the return of Prince Akbar's children (a son and a daughter) whom he had left at Marwá r. But nothing came out of these negotiations as Aurangzib refused to yield to any of Durga Das's demands. So in 1693 the war began again and Ajit guided by Durga Das began to cause disturbance, lit but Shuja'at Khan, aided by other Mughul officers, forced Ajit and Durga Das to flee back to the hills. This was the last Mughul victory in Marwar. The situation in the Deccan had become desperate and there was no chance of send. ing fresh troops to the north. Secondly, Aurangzib became extreme ly anxious to get back his grand-daughter, Safiyat-un-nisa, and nego tiations for this purpose began in 1694. The niggardliness and ob stinacy of old Aurangzib protracted the negotiations till 1696, when Durga Das sent her to Aurangzib unconditionally. When the young princess arrived, Aurangzib immediately thought of making arrange ments for teaching her Islamic scriptures, but she informed him, that that part of her education had been carefully attended to by Durga Das, who had secured for this purpose a Muslim woman from Ajmer, and that she (the princess ) knew the Qur'an by heart. Nothing could please Aurangzib more, who in a rare moment of generosity, wanted to grant whatever Durga Das demanded. So it was arranged by the intermediary, Iswardá s Ná gar, the historian, that Durga Då s should get a mansab and a money allowance, to which the emperor readily agreed, provided he brought back Akbar's son, Buland Akhtar.
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The negotiations, however, dragged for another two years as Aurangzib refused to accede to Durga Das's demand for restoring Jodhpur to Ajit. Aurangzib's idea was to purchase Durga Das by the offer of a rich manşab and money, but the honest Rathor spurned all proposals which involved the betrayal of the cause of his master's heir.
Unfortunately, however, Ajit longed for peace. In 1696, he had married the niece of Maharana Jay Singh and now he became eager for a settled home and income. So in 1698, Durga Das agreed to surrender Akbar's son, Buland Akhtar, in consideration of Ajit's receiving the parganas of Jhalor, Sá nchor and Siwă nü as his jagit and a mansab in the imperial army.
Durga Das, in accordance with the terms of the treaty, escorted Buland Akhtar to the court at Islampur on the Bhima. After the prince had been presented to his grandfather, Durga Das was called. As he was about to enter the audience hall, he was ordered to be ushered in unarmed like a prisoner. Without a moment's hesitation, the great soldier unsheathed his sword and the grand Mughul per mitted him to enter fully armed. Only, as he approached Aurang. zib's thronc a minister tied his wrist with a silk handkerchief, a theatrical gesture indicating captivity, and lcd him to the throne. The Emperor "graciously ordered Durgu Das's arms to be untied. appointed him a commander of 3,000 horse (nominal rank), pre sented him with a jewelled dagger, a gold pendant (padak) and a string of pearls, and advanced him one lakh of Rupees from the imperial treasury."'!19
(iii) 1696-1701 This was a period of comparative quiet during which Durgă Dă s joined the Mughul service, and in order to keep him out of Mcwar, Aurangzib posted him as the faujdas of Patan, that is Anahilapataka, the former capital of the Chaulukyas. In October, 1700, Ajit peti. tioned the Emperor for some cash or jagir, in exchange for which he offered to come to the court. But he never came to the court, pro bably suspecting treachery though repeatedly summoned to do so. As will now appear, Ajit and Durga Das, who also kept himself away from the court, had good grounds for their suspicion. After the death of Shuja'at Khă n (9 July, 1701), Aurangzib sent his son Muhammad A'zam as the Governor of Gujarat with instructions to send Durga Das to the court, and, if he refused, to kill him. Accord ingly, A'zam summoned Durga Das to Ahmadabå d which the latter 357
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obeyed and A'zam made preparations for murdering him on his arrival to pay the customary respects. It so happened that the day fixed for the interview was a dvadaśi, and Durga Dá s had fasted the day before. So he wanted to go to the prince after taking his meals, but the latter, impatient of delay, began to send him messengers in succession, bidding him to come. This put the wary soldier on the alert and without breaking his fast, he set fire to his camp and equipage and left for Marwar.
A force was immediately sent to overtake Durga Das. As this body drew near, his grandson begged his permission to fight an action to stop the pursuers and receive his first battle scars. Probably the gallant boy wanted to emulate his grandfather's famous rear guard action ncar Delhi. He succeeded in stopping the pursuers at the cost of his life.
(iv) 1701-1707 On arrival at Marwar, Durga Das joined Ajit and
the struggle began again. But this time Marwă r was exhausted, many Rathor nobles took service under the Mahariri of Mewar and some even with the Mughuls, and above all, difference broke out between Durga Das and Ajit who had no further use for his loyal servant. This shows not only Ajit's stupidity, but the degeneration of the Rajasthan princes, who were no match for the Mughuls, Aurangzib took the fullest advantage of the situation and when in November, 1705, Durga Das, unable to maintain himself in barren independence, made his submission, Aurangzib promptly restored him his old manşab and post in Gujarat.
However, Durga Das never forgot his life's cause. Next year (1706) the Marathas inflicted a crushing defeat on the Mughuls in Gujarat, and Ajit renewed the struggle for independence. Durga Das again left the Mughuls and joined Ajit.
Aurangzib took the usual measure for suppressing the Rathors, and while scattered actions were being fought in that unhappy country he breathed his last on 3 March, 1707. This happy news reached Ajit on 17 March, and he immediately took the road to Jodhpur. He expelled the Mughul commandant of the garrison and took possession of the city from which the Muslims filed in all direc tions in Hindu garb. "The fort of Jodhpur was purified with Ganges water and tulsi leaves".13Ajit Singh sat on his ancestral throne and Durga Dá s's life- task was crowned with success.
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III. MAHARASHTRA AFTER SHIVAJI (1680-1707)
Shambhuji (1680-1689) The death of Shivaji (1680) was followed by internal
dissen sions in the newly created Maratha State. He had not named any successor and his eldest son. Shambhuji, aged 23 years, was the natural choice. But, as mentioned above (pp. 273-4), his licentious character, and particularly his defection to the Mughuls, irritated his father who virtually kept him a prisoner in the fort of Pan. hala. On the other hand, the only alternative to Shambhuji was Rajaram, son of queen Soyră Bă i, a boy of ten, whose accession would mean a long regency of his mother, who did not possess the requisite qualification for the task. But as the two highest minis ters of Shivaji, namely Moropant Pingle, the Peshun, Prime Minister) and Annaji Datto, the Suruis, (Finance Minister), both supported Soyra Bas, she had not probably much difficulty in con vincing most of the generals and ministers, present at the capital, that the accession of Shambhuji kould mean a great disaster to the State. So Rajaram was proclaimed king and crowned at Raigarh on 21 April, 1680. It was, however, soon apparent that the people in general and the army outside the capital did not like this change in the normal order of succession Apart from this, there was per haps a far more serious--one might say ominous--cause for the split in public opinion in regard to the succession. This has been sum med up by Sir Jadunath Sarkar in the following words: “The council of regency as constituted at Raigarh meant Brahman rule, and the commander-in-chief la Maratha by caste) was not prepared to take his orders from a priestly Mayor of the Palace, any more than another Senapati of the Maratha rcalın, Khande Rã o Dhabare. was fifty years later."! In any case, Shambhuji's supporters, particularly soldiers, daily increased in number and he made him self free by killing the Killahdar of Panhala. He not only made himself master of Panhala but consolidated his possession of the South Maratha country and South Konkan and openly declared himself King. In the meanwhile the two ministers, mentioned above, who supported the cause of Rajaram, had advanced towards Panhala to check him. They were disheartened to hear of the rapid success of Shambhuji and hesitated to attack him. But at the end of May, Senapati Hambir Rã o Mohite, who was near Panhala and had joined Shambhuji, arrested the two great ministers, Annaji and Moropant and took them as captives to Shambhuji. "There all the army chiefs assembled and recognized Shambhuji as their king."'22 The Peshwa recanted and Shambhuji took him into savour, while Annaji was thrown into prison. Shambhuji then advanced with 359
THE MUGHUL EMPIRE
5,000 soldiers, which increased to 20,000 during the march, and entered Raigarh without any opposition (18 June, 1680). He treat cd Rajară m with kindness and acted for the first few days with "combined vigour and thoughtfulness". 123 He formally ascended the throne on 20 July, 1680, and his coronation ceremony was per formed with great splendour on 16 January, 1681.
Shambhuji enjoyed a fairly long respite from the attack of his great enemy, the Mughuls, for, as mentioned above,124 Aurangzib had then concentrated "all the military resources of the Mughul empire” in Mewar. The Mughul army in the Deccan continued the campaign in a somewhat leisurely fashion and Shambhuji showed a great deal of activity during the first three or four years of his reign. This is all the more remarkable as the new king had to face a lot of troubles at home caused by dissensions in his own family and the Government at Raigarh
As mentioned above, Shambhuji had imprisoned Annaji Datto, one of the chief conspirators who planned to oust him from the throne. But he not only released the traitor, but also appointed him Account ant-General, a post second only in importance to that of the Peshwa. But, far from appreciating the generosity of the king, Annaji lost no time in hatching a conspiracy with Snyra Bai and some other leading men to murder Shambhuji by poisoning his food. There is also a story to the effect that the conspirators approached the Mughul prince Akbar who, as mentioned above, fled from Rajputana and was given asylum by the Maratha king But, so the story runs, Akbar not only refused to join, but informed Shambhuji about it. Whatever we may think of this story, there is no doubt that there was such a nefarious plot but it was detected in time and Shambhuji took terrible vengeance upon the conspirators. Eight ringleaders were trampled under feet of the clephants and twenty more were sentenced to death. Opinions differ regarding the fate of the prime mover Soyra Bai. She was “charged with having poisoned her hus band (a year and a half carlier), and was put to a painful death, through poison (according to the Bombay factory report) or by star vation (according to Chitnis)".125 All these took place in October, 1681, and were followed by terrible persecution of the Shirkés, the family of Soyra Bai's father. “Their property was seized, many of their meinbers were killed, and the rest fled to Mughal territory, en. tered the imperial army, and tried to carry on their blood-feud with him (Shambhuji) to the end of his days.''26
All this was merely a foretaste of what happened almost throughout the reign of Shambhuji. This was largely due to the 360
