‫ﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬

‫ﺩﻋﻡ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻸﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‬

‫‪The Support of United Nations Entity for Gender Equality‬‬

‫‪and the Empowerment of Women to Gender Development‬‬
‫‪Priorities in Governmental Sector in Post Oslo‬‬

‫ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺭﻫﺎﻡ ﺠﻌﻔﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺇﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺓ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺠﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺒﻴﺭﺯﻴﺕ – ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻭل‪2012 -‬‬

‫ﺃ‬

‫ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ‬

‫ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺩﻋﻡ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻸﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‬

‫‪The Support of United Nations Entity for Gender Equality‬‬

‫‪and the Empowerment of Women to Gender Development‬‬
‫‪Priorities in Governmental Sector in Post Oslo‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺭﻫﺎﻡ ﺠﻌﻔﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺇﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺓ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺠﺎﺩ‬

‫‪ 6‬ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻭل ‪2012‬‬

‫ﻗﺩﻤﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻜﻤﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻝﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ – ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺒﻴﺭﺯﻴﺕ‬
‫ﺝ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻫﺩﺍﺀ‬

‫ﻱ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﻴﻤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﺩﻱ ﻭﺠﺩﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺨﻭﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺨﻭﺍﺘﻲ؛ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺃﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴل ﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺘﻲ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺩ ‪‬‬
‫ﺩﻋﻤﻬﻡ ﻭﺘﺸﺠﻴﻌﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤـﺎ ﺃﺘﻭﺠـﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﺸـﻜﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘـﺩﻴﺭ ﻷﺼـﺩﻗﺎﺌﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺼﺩﻴﻘﺎﺘﻲ ﻭﺯﻤﻼﺌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻤﻬﻡ ﻭﺘﺸﺠﻴﻌﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﺨﻼل ﺇﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﻝﻠﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺠﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﺼـﻠﺔ ﺇﺭﺸـﺎﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﺎﺘﻬـﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻴﻤـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺠﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴل ﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺨﻭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺨﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻓـﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤـﺔ ﺘﺼـﺭﻴﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺘﻤﺕ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺘﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻌﻲ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﻋﺒﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﺸﻜﺭﻱ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭﻱ ﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺨﻭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺨﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏـﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼـﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺘﻤﺕ ﻤﻘـﺎﺒﻠﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝـﺫﻴﻥ ﻗـﺩﻤﻭﺍ ﻝـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻹﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻨﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﺭﺒـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﻋﻥ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﻜﺭ ﻝﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴـﻴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻬﻡ ﻭﺩﻋﻤﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩ‬

‫ات‬
‫ﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻫﺩﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﳒﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ‬
‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‬
‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﻭﺇﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪ 1.1‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪ 2.1‬ﺇﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‬
‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪ 3.1‬ﺇﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺠﺩﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫‪19‬‬ ‫‪ 4.1‬ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ‬
‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ‬
‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ‬
‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻜﻭﻝﻭﻨﻴﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺃﺜﺭ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‬
‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻬﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺩﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻨﻲ‬
‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻜﺒﺔ‬
‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1964‬‬
‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﻝﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻜﺴﺔ ‪1987-1967‬‬
‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ‪1993-1987‬‬
‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ‪ ,1993‬ﻭﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ‪ :‬ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫‪68‬‬ ‫‪ 1.4‬ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻀﻤﻥ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻩ‬

‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬

‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﻨﻘﺩ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫‪73‬‬ ‫‪2.4‬ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫‪89‬‬ ‫‪ 3.4‬ﻨﻘﺩ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ ‪ :‬ﻋﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫‪93‬‬ ‫‪ 1.5‬ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ )ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨﻔﻴﻡ(‬
‫‪94‬‬ ‫‪ 2.5‬ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫‪97‬‬ ‫‪ 3.5‬ﻋﺭﺽ ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻤﻊ ‪106‬‬
‫ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‬
‫‪110‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﻓﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ‪111‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪115‬‬ ‫ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫‪117‬‬ ‫ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﻙ ﻭﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫‪120‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺘﻤﺔ‬
‫‪124‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ‬
‫‪124‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪131‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭ‬

‫ﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ )ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨﻔﻴﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻴﺔ ) ‪United Nation‬‬
‫)‪ ،( Development fund for Women (UNIFEM‬ﻫﻭ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﻤل‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺯﻭﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺘﻜﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﺯ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ .‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺴﻡ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2011‬ﻝﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪UN Women \United ) ،‬‬
‫‪. (Nation for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻁ ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻝﻭﻨﻴﺎﻝﻲ – ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ‪" :‬ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻏﺎﻝﺒ ﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﻁﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻨﺎﺱ ﻝﻬﻡ ﻋﺭﻕ ﻭﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﺎﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌ ‪‬ﻤﺭﺓ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻭﻤﻌﺘﻤﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌ ‪‬ﻤﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴ ﹰﺎ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌ ‪‬ﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﻤﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬
‫)‪(Blauner, 1969,395‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ "ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺩﺭ‪" :‬ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﻨﺜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻜﺘﺴﺏ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺘﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺒﻤﺭﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺘﺒﺎﻴﻨ ﹰﺎ ﺸﺎﺌﻌ ﹰﺎ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺤﺩﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠل‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻨﻅﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺇﻝﻴﻨﺎ ﻜﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺭﺠﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻌﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭﻨﺎ ‪/‬ﺘﺼﺭﻓﺎﺘﻨﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ( ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻭﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻻ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺘﻤﺎﻴﺯ ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺍﺠﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﺤﺴﺏ ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻔﻬﻡ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺍﺠﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺒل ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺩﺭ‪ :‬ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺘﻨﺸﺄ ﻋﻥ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻝﻠﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﺅل ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺯ‬

‫‪ -‬ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺘﻨﺸﺄ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﻁﺒﻘ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﺠﻨﺩﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠل‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺘﺭﺘﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻴﻌﺩ ﻤﺤل ﺘﺴﺎﺅل ﺃﺒﺩﹰﺍ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒ ﹰﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺭﺩ ﻓﻌل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﻨﻰ ﺒﺎﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ‪...‬ﺍﻝﺦ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﻝﻔﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﻌﻘﺩ ﻗﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻝﻔﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻴﻠﻭل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2000‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺒﺩﺕ ‪189‬‬
‫ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﻀﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﹰﺎ ﺒﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﻝﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻠﻤﻭﺴﺔ ﻭﻫﺎﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﺒﺤﻠﻭل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .2015‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ‪147‬‬
‫ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﺘﻤﺭﻴﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺒﺎﻹﺠﻤﺎﻉ‪ .‬ﻭﺤﺩﺩﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‪ ،‬ﻝﻴﺱ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻭل‬
‫ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻫﻲ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺘﺸﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‪ :‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل‬
‫ﻭﺃﻋﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺯﻝﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴ ﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻝﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﺘﻜﻭﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﻜﺎﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺫﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﻭﺜﻴﻕ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻭﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﻤل ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻷﻏﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪ ,‬ﻭﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ‪‬ﻴﻌﺒﺭ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ,‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺩﺭ ﻭﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻘﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺠﺏ ﻗﻀﺎﺀﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺎﺤﺔ )ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺭﺽ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺤﺼل ﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﺅل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻭﻓﻕ ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﺡ‬

‫‪ -‬ﺇﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻝﻔﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻓﻌﺎل ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺭﺒﻁ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺎﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺒﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻁﺎﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﻀﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻁ ﻴﻭﻓﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﻲ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﻓﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻷﻏﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺘﻤﻜﻥ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺩﻤﺠﻬﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎﻫﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺸﻤل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﻀﻤﻨ ﹰﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺄﺨﺫ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺼﺭﻴﺢ ﺒﺎﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ)‪ :(1995‬ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ؛ "ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺠﺴﺎﻡ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺘﻌﻨﻰ ﺒﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﺼﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻡ ﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺘﻠﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺎﻝﺒ ﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻁ‬

Abstract

This research looks at the issue of the nature of gender priorities in governmental
sector post Oslo. This study examines if those priorities implemented by
governmental sector and funded by UN women are similar to the gender priorities
in post conflict and state building despite the continuity of the Israeli occupation to
the Palestinian Occupied Territories (OPT).This research seeks to answer the
question:“ are gender priorities implemented by governmental and funded by UN
women similar to gender priorities of post conflict and state building?”The
research examines how gender priorities of both Palestinian governmental sector
and UN women have aligned or not .In addition, the research delves into the
impact of political conditions including the establishment of Palestinian National
Authority, the emergence of the second Intifada and wining of Hamas of the
elections in 2006 on changing the nature of gender priorities and continuity of
delivering assistance by UN women to Palestinian governmental sector.

Through document reviews and interviews, the research presents both the
Palestinian and UN women gender priorities in the governmental sector post Oslo,
before the second Intifada, after second Intifada and after the winning of Hamas
for the Palestinian legislative elections in 2006.Thirteen people who were
interviewed represent the women non-governmental organization , ministries of
women affairs, social affairs and agricultural in the Palestinian technocratic
government and ministries of women affairs and social affairs in the government
in Gaza in addition to UN women technical experts working in the offices of
Palestinian ministries and UN women polices and planning manger. Interviews
provided critical insights on the nature of gender priorities in Palestinian
government sectors and reasons for the existence of those priorities and their
alignment with the priorities of UN Women and how the political conditions affect
the delivery of assistance provided by UN women to governmental sector.
‫ﻱ‬

The research findings show that the gender priorities in Palestinian governmental
sector are similar to gender priorities of post conflict and state building .However,
despite the close match between Palestinian gender development priorities in PA
successive governments and the last technocrat government, there is no alignment
with Palestinian gender priorities in governmental sectors in Gaza. In addition, the
political conditions have a clear impact on directing the delivery of assistance
provided by UN Women to Palestinian governmental sectors.
‫‪1‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‬

‫ﺘﻡ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1993‬ﺒﻌﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻋﻘﻭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﻼل ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻝﻘﺩ ﺸﺠﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺘﺠﻨﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻝﻠﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺸﻜﻭﻜﹰﺎ ﺘﻠﻑ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻅل‬
‫ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺜﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ؛ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ُﺃﺴﺴﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ُﺃﺴﺱ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺤﻔﻅ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﻨﺎﺒﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﻜﻴﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻝﻘﺩ ﺃﺼﺩﺭﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻨﻔﺫ ﺒﻌﺩ؛ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺏ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻀﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺠﺯ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺸﻤل ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﺤﺴﺏ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻭﻗﻔﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻋﺎﺠﺯ ﹰﺓ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺠﺯﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻤﺜل ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻕ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺴﺘﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﺅل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ‪ :‬ﻫل ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴـﺔ ﺒﻌـﺩ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﺸـﺎﺒﻪ ﻤـﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴـﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺒﻌـﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻨـﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴـﺩ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻝﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻠﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺘﻤـﺭ ﺨـﻼل ﺴﻠﺴـﻠﺔ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﺍﻷﻓﻌﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﻝﻸﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫)‪(Mertus and Helsing, 2004. 9. 10‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﺯﺩﻴﺎﺩ ﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻴـﻪ ﺍﻝﻨـﺯﺍﻉ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﻤﺨﻔﻴ ﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺸﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻜﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺤﺩﺙ ﻤﺎ ﻓﺠ ‪‬ﺭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺘﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺸﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺴـﺒﺏ‬
‫ﺁﺜﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺩﻤﺭ ﹰﺓ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺜﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ؛ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺃﻭﻀـﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﻭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺼـﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﺴـﻼﻡ ﻓـﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠـﺔ ﻤـﺎ ﺒﻌـﺩ ﺍﻝﻨـﺯﺍﻉ‬
‫) ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻤﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﺸﻜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺒﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫‪2‬‬

‫ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻨﺎﺯﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﻘﻭﺍﺕ ﺤﻔﻅ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﻁﺭﺱ ﻏﺎﻝﻲ ﻫﻲ‪" :‬ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻜﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻭﺘﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺩﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝ ‪‬ﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻀﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺄﺴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺸﻤل ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻭﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻤﺜل‪ :‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﺴﻠﻴﺢ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻨﺎﺯﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﻤﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻜﻥ ﻝﻸﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻌﻭﻴﺽ ﺍﻝﻼﺠﺌﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻝﻠﻁﻭﺍﻗﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ"‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻁﺎﻕ "ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ" ﻭ"ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎﻝﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭ"ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ" ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ )‪(Ghali, 1992. 15,21,55‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺴﺱ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ؛ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻀﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﺇﻀﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺘﻡ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﺩﻫﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺯﻉ ﺴﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺘﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺯﺍﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻝﻐﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻴﺠﺏ ﺘﻭﻓﺭﻫﺎ ﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺃﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ )‪.(OCED, 1997‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴـﺎﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺁﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻜﻭﺘﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﺘﻤﺜﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺭﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺴـﺠﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻨـﺎﺨﺒﻴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺘﻬﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ )ﻜﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﻤﺴﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝـﺔ؛‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﻨﺯﻉ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻭﺘﺠﻤﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻤﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻲ ﺇﻀـﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺼﺩﻴﻘﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻤﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ )‪(Kathleen, M.Jennings,2003.3‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺴﺘﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﺅل‪ :‬ﻫل ﺘﻌﺎﻤﻠﺕ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺩﻋﻡ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1993‬ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪،‬‬
‫‪3‬‬

‫ﻤﺘﺠﺎﻫﻠ ﹰﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻜﺸﺭﻁ ﻜﻭﻝﻭﻨﻴﺎﻝﻲ‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻡ ﻫل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺘﻤﻭل ﻭﺘﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻔﺭﺯﻩ ﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‬
‫ﻤﺘﺠﺎﻫﻠﺔ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺴﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺠﺩﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺩﻋﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻫﻲ ﺸﺒﻴﻪ‪ ‬ﺒﺄﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻓﺤﺹ ﻨﻭﻉ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻋﻭﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺴﺎﺒﻘ ﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﺴﻤﻪ ﻝﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪-‬ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺠﺎﺩل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺒﺩﺀ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﻁﻁ ﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻨﺎﺀﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺴﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻤﺩﻯ ﻭﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺴﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﺤﺹ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻨﺩﻝﻌﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪.2000‬‬
‫‪4‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻷﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﻭﺇﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‬
‫ﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺭﺽ ﺇﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻠﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻤﻌﻘﺩ ﻜﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺒﺎﺭﻴﺱ)‪ ،(1‬ﺤﻭل‬
‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2005‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻴﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻠﻘﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺤﻭل ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻼﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻝﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻜﺎﻝﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﻭﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻓﻀل ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺩﺍﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺀ ﺴﻴﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺘﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻪ ﺇﻴﺼﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺇﺸﻜﺎﻻﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﺒﺤﻴﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﺴﻴﻴﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼ ﹰﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‬
‫ﻭﻤﺎ ﺘﺒﻌﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺴﻨﺄﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻜﺭﻫﺎ ﻻﺤﻘ ﹰﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪ 1.1‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ‪:‬‬
‫ﻋ ‪‬ﺭﻓﺕ ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ )‪ (The Development assistance Committee (DAC‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪(Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development :‬‬

‫)‪ (OCED‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﹸﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻜﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،(2)،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻀﻤﻥ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻠﻘﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺤﺴﺏ‬
‫ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‪)،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺘﻭﻝﻰ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺒﺎﺭﻴﺱ‪ :‬ﻫﻭ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﻤﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻠﻘﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2005‬ﺒﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺃﻜﺜـﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴـ ﹰﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺇﻴﺼﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺒﺎﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴـﻴﺎﻕ " ﺯﻴـﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﺜـﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻼﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﺴﺭﻴﻊ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻝﻔﻴـﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺎﺼـﺭ‬
‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪DAC glossary:www.oced.org/glossary 2‬‬
‫‪5‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻜﺄﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻔﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﻤل ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻲ)‪.(OCED)(3‬‬

‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑﹲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔﹲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔﹲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔﹲ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪:‬‬

‫• ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﻝﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺇﺤﻴﺎﺀ ﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻼﻋﻨﻔﻴﺔ ﻝﺤل ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫)‪.(Brynen,2000.26‬‬
‫• ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺴﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ )‪.(Suhrke and Buckmaster, 2005. 738‬‬
‫• ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﺘﻘﺩﻭﻥ ﻝﻠﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﻜﻥ)‪.(Kang & Meernik, 2004. 155‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻫل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺴﺎﻋﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ؟ ﻭﻫل ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﻓﻘ ﹰﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ؟ ﺃﻡ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ؟‬
‫ﻭﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺒﺘﺴﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝﻬﺎ ﻜﺄﺩﺍﺓ ﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻤﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،(Oxfam, 2007) ،‬ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻺﻁﺎﺤﺔ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﻓﺯ )ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻹﻏﺎﺜﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﻓﺯ‪) ،‬ﻗﻁﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺒﻘﻁﻌﻬﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺃﺩﺍﺌﻬﺎ ‪(Uvin, 1999. P7).‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﻴﺴ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﺒﺤﺠﺔ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﻭﺍﺭﺉ ﺒﺘﺠﺎﻫل ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻴﺴﺘﻌﻤل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻜﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺴﺨﻁﻬﻡ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺭﻀﺎﻫﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻤﺎ‪ .(Uvin, 1999. P8) ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﺴﻬل ﻗﻭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻨﺎﺯﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ"ﺃﺩﺍﺓ‬
‫ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻭﺠﻬ ﹰﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻗﺎﺌﻡ"‪.(Lasenskey & Grace, 2006. 16) .‬‬

‫‪DAC glossary:www.oced.org/glossary3‬‬
‫‪6‬‬

‫‪ 2.1‬ﺇﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻭﺘﺩﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺜﺭ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺩﻓﻘﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺒﻌ ﹰﺎ ﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﻘﺩ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻤﺩﺭﻴﺩ ﻝﻠﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1991‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻝﻌﺒﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻗﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺒﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻓﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻁﺭﺍﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﻡ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺴﻭﺭﻴﺎ ﻭﻝﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ‬
‫)‪(4‬‬ ‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻓﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺒﻌﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺒﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻗﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻝﻠﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺒﻠﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1993‬ﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻗﻴﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .1994‬ﻭﺭﺤﺒﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ‬
‫ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻜﺈﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻱ ﺭﻴﻔﻴﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،(5)1998‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻨﺼﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺤﺏ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻗﻭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ‪ %13‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﻘل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﻓﺸل ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺎﺌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﺩﺜﺎﺕ ﻜﺎﻤﺏ ﺩﻴﻔﻴﺩ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2000‬ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻻﻴﺔ ﻤﻴﺭﻻﻨﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﻨﺩﻝﻌﺕ ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻴﻠﻭل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2000‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺘﻭﺼل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺩﺜﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻁﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻼﺠﺌﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ ﺃﺭﺌﻴل ﺸﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺠﺩ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻑ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﻭﺠﺔﹲ ﻋﺎﺭﻤﺔﹲ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠ ﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ‪).‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺴﻭﻴﺩ‪.(33،2002،‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﺴﺎﺒﻴﻊ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻭﻥ )ﻴﻤﺜﻠﻭﻥ‪ 24‬ﺩﻭﻝﺔ(‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻋﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺼﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1993‬ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎ ‪‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﻋﺩ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﻝﺩﻋﻡ‬

‫‪ .4‬ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺸﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻁﻠﻊ ‪ ، 1991‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺃﺕ ﺒﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤل‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺁﺏ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) . 1991‬ﺍﻷﺩﻫﻤﻲ‪(1999،‬‬
‫‪ .‬ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻱ ﺭﻴﻔﻴﺭ ﻫﻲ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻌﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺃﻱ ﺭﻴﻔﻴﺭ ﻤﻴﺭﻴﻼﻨﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻭﻗﺩ‬
‫‪5‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﺒﻨﻴﺎﻤﻴﻥ ﻨﺘﻨﻴﺎﻫﻭ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺎﺴﺭ ﻋﺭﻓﺎﺕ ﺒﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ ﺒﻴل ﻜﻠﻴﻨﺘﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪. (Ross,2004,405). 1998‬‬
‫‪7‬‬

‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ‪‬ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺴﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺠﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻴﻠﻤﺴﻭﺍ ﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﻤﻰ "ﻋﻭﺍﺌﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ" ﻜﺎﻝﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻻﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻠﻐﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﺤﻭﺍﻝﻲ‪ 2.4‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻻ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺃﺸﻬﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻨﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ‪) .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﻴﻡ‪.(1، 2005،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻊ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻀﺎﻋﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﻝﺘﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 1‬ﺒﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﺭﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴ ﹰﺎ ﺴﻨﻭﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺘﺼل‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 500‬ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﻤﺎﺱ‬
‫)‪:(2005‬‬
‫"ﺃﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴـﺙ ﺘـﻡ ﺘﻭﺠﻴـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺀ ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ﻭﺨﻠﻕ ﻓﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴـﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺠل"‪ (Mas, 2005. P1).‬ﻝﺼﺭﻑ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﺎﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﻠﻴﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻝﻘﺩ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺫﻝـﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻗـﺕ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 6‬ﺒﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺼﻑ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻤﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) .2004‬ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻓﻠﺴـﻁﻴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫‪ .(103 ،2005‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺸﻬﺩ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2006‬ﺍﺯﺩﻴﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻨﻔﺎﻕ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﺤﻭﺍﻝﻲ ‪ 1.3‬ﺒﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﻡ‬
‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻗﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻝﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻗﺘـﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌـﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻔﻭﻀـﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺘﺒﻌ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻀﻡ ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺭﻭﺴﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺴـﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺴﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﻫـﺩﻑﹲ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺤﻔﻅ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺨﻠﻕ ﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ﻭﻅـﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺸـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻬـﺩ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴـﻕ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺩﻭﻝـﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺒﻠ ﹰﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ )‪(Le More, 2005. 39‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺯﻋﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻗﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻝﻌﺒﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺄﻫﻴل ﺒﻌﺽ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺯﻭﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﻴﺯﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫‪8‬‬

‫ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺂﺨﺫ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺨﺫﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﻗﺩﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺘﺒﻌﻴﺘﻪ ﻝﻼﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻓﺸﻠﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺃﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬
‫ﺠﺯﺀﹰﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ‪‬ﻴﺨﺼﺹ ﻝﻠﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺠﺎﻨﺏ‪) .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﻴﻡ ‪.(1 ،2005 ،‬‬

‫ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻜﻭﻝﻭﻨﻴﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﻘﺩﻤ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺨﺎﻀﻊ ﺘﺤﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻴﺤﻤل ﺼﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻴﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺏ ﻝﻐﺎﻝﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻤﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺼﻌﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻜﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻨﺎﺯﻋﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﺯﺍل ﻋﺎﻝﻴ ﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻴﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺘﻪ ﺴﺎﺭﺓ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﻫﻭ‪":‬ﺇﻋﺎﻗﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺤﺠﺯ "ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ" ﻝﻭﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻔﻜﻴﻜﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻔﺸل ﻓﻘﻁ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ "ﺇﻋﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ"ﺒل ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻴﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻼ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻴﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻘﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻓﻌ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺸل ﻭﺇﻀﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺒﻔﻌل ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻭﺒﺭﻭﺘﻭﻜﻭﻻﺕ ﺒﺎﺭﻴﺱ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺸﻜﻠﺕ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺍﺕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﺤﺘﻔﺎﻅ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻺﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﻭﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﺃﺒﻁﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻭﺒﺭﻭﺘﻭﻜﻭﻻﺕ ﺒﺎﺭﻴﺱ )‪. (Roy, 1999. 68‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ‬
‫ﻭﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺇﻋﺎﻗﺔ"ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ" ﻗﺩ ﻴﻔﻬﻡ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺘﻪ ﺒﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﻑ ﺘﺤﻤل ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻤﻌﺎ ﹴ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺸﻬﻴﺭ ﻜﻭﺯﻨﺘﻴﺱ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻴﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻹﻓﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻴﺤﻬﺎ‬
‫‪9‬‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻜﻨﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻪ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻀﻌﻑ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺨﻠﻔﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﺄﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺘﻘﺩﻤ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻝﺤﻅﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻓﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺨﻠﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻗﺩﺭﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﻜﺭﻡ‪ (14،1991،‬ﻭﻜﻠﺘﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺘﻴﻥ ﺘﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻱ )ﺍﻝﻤﺴ ‪‬ﻴﻁﺭ( ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻀﻌﻴﻑ )ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻊ(‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ‬
‫ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻜﻠﻲ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻀﻌﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻜﻠﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺃﻡ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝ ‪‬ﺒﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻝﻬﻴﺎﻜل ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺨﻠﻔﺔ‪) ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻔﻜﻴﻜﻪ ﻝﻜﻭﻨﻪ ﻤﻜﻴﻔ ﹰﺎ ﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴ ‪‬ﻴﻁﺭ(‪ .‬ﻭﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺤﺠﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺸﻭﻩ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﹰﺎ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﻑ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﻤﺔ ﻷﻱ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻝﺘﺭﺍﻜﻡ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺎل )ﻤﺜﺎل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﻴﻠﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺎﻝﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺨﺏ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻊ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ"‪(Roy, 1999. 64).‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺤﺠﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺒﻘﺕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺎﻩ‪ ،،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻋﺎﻗﺕ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻭﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻲ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻜﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻡ ﺭﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺒﻔﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﻝﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﺨل‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻤﻼﺌﻤﺔ ﻗﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﻡ ﻋﻤﺎل ﺤﺭﻓﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺤﺭﻓﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻋﻤﻕ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻝﻠﻌﺒﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻝﻸﺴﻭﺍﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺤﺠﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﻴﺩﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻁﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻡ ﺘﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺄﺴﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﺒل ﺘﻀﺎﻋﻔﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻤﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺨﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻜﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ(‪.‬‬
‫‪10‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀـﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴـﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻴﺼـﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻁ ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻝﻭﻨﻴﺎﻝﻲ – ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ‪ ":‬ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻝﺒ ﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﻁﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻨﺎﺱ ﻝﻬﻡ ﻋﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺴـﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺴﻴﺎﺴـﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌ ‪‬ﻤﺭﺓ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺘﺎﺒﻌ ﹰﺔ ﻭﻤﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﹰﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌ ‪‬ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝـﺔ ﺍﻷﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻘﻠﻴـﺩﻴ ﹰﺎ ﺇﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌ ‪‬ﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﻤﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼـﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼـﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ"‪ ،(Blauner , 1969. 39).‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺴـﻴﺎﻕ‬
‫ﻜﻭﻝﻭﻨﻴﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴـﻠﻭ ﺃﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺇﺠﻤﺎﻉ ﺸﻔﻭﻱ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺤل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﺠﻤﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺘﺘﻨﺎﻗﺹ ﺸﻴﺌ ﹰﺎ ﻓﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻡ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨـﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴـﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﻷﻭل ﻤﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1991‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒل ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﺒﺄﺸﻬﺭ ﻋﺩﻴـﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻺﻏـﻼﻕ‬
‫ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺜﻼﺜﺔ‪ :‬ﺇﻏﻼﻕ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻏﻼﻕ ﻜﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻏﻼﻕ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻴـﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺭﻭﻀﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻀﺎﺌﻊ ﻭﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻏـﺯﺓ ﻭﺇﺴـﺭﺍﺌﻴل‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﺯﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺍﻓﻕ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻑ ﻭﺘﻔﺘﻴﺵ ﻁﻭﻴل ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻨﻘـﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺒﻭﺭ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤل ﻷﻱ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻓﺭﻀﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﺤـﺩﺙ ﻤﺘﻁـﺭﻑ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺨل ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻓﻬﻭ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﺩ ﻝﻠﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)‪(UNSCO, 1997. 42‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻙ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﺫﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻤﺒﺭﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل‬
‫ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺭﻭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﻭ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻭﺴﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻁﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺯل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .1967‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﻝﻲ ﻤﻊ ﺘﻔﻭﻴﺽ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻻ ﺘﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺍﻨﺴﺤﺎﺏ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ‬
‫"ﺃ" ﻭ"ﺏ" ﻭ"ﺝ"‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ "ﺃ" ﺘﻌﺎﺩل ‪ %18.2‬ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻀﻁﻠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ "ﺏ" ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺎﺩل ‪ %22.8‬ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻀﻁﻠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﺘﺤﺕ‬
‫‪11‬‬

‫ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﻴﺵ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﺘﺼﻨﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ"ﺝ" ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻘﻊ ﺘﺤﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺒﺎﺤﺘﻼل ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2002‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﺯﺍل ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺘﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺠﺯ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﺸﻭﺍﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﻭل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻴﺎﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‪(Nabulsi, 2005. 121). ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﻴﺩ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺴﺘﻌﻤل ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﻙ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻜﺈﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻹﺠﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻨﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻁﻤﺢ ﻝﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻭﻀﻌﹰﺎ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔ ﹰﺎ ﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﻠﻡ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻝﻸﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻌﺭﻀﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﻓﻘﻁ؛ ﺒل ﺇﻥ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻠﻴﻥ ﻴﺤﺫﺭﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻗﺎﺌﻤ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻌﻴﻕ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻴﺏ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻻﻨﺴﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻝﻘﻠﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪(Le More, 2005. 39).‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻌﻠﻪ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﺃﺩﺍ ﹰﺓ ﻹﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ‪.‬‬
‫)‪ ،(Anderson, 2005. 152‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺸل ﻓﻲ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‬
‫ﻴﻤﻠﻙ ﺨﻴﺎﺭﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﺇﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻁﺅ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﺫﻡ ﻭﺘﻔﻜﻴﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﻔﺎﺀ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ )‪ (Le More, 2005. 40‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ؛ ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺎﻋﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻋﺎﻗﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤل ﻨﺘﻴﺠ ﹰﺔ ﻝﻐﻴﺎﺏ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺤﻭل ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﺘﻨﻤﻭﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺁﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﺴﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺘﻨﻤﻭﻱ ﻤﺘﻔﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺩﻯ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻐﻴﺎﺏ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻀﻌﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ‪).‬ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪(137 ،2004،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻝﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ‬
‫ﺤﻘﻘﺕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﺨﺼﻭﺼ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ‬
‫‪12‬‬

‫ﺃﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻊ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻝﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺸﻤل ﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻀﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺸﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ)ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ (123، 2004 ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﻁﻼﻗﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺘﻔﻌﻴل ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻀﻌﻑ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺤﺴﺏ ﺃﺨﺭ‬
‫ﺃﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2011‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺼﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2012‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺘﺼل ‪ %16.6‬ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﻤل ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎﺯﺍﻝﺕ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﺘﺯﻴﺩ‬
‫ﺒﺄﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ‪ 4‬ﺃﻀﻌﺎﻑ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ‪ ،%69‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺠﻭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﻝﺕ ﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ‬
‫ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺒ ﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﻊ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺠﻭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺸﻜل‬
‫ﻤﻌﺩل ﺍﻷﺠﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ ‪ %84‬ﻤﻥ ﻤﻌﺩل ﺍﻷﺠﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺭﺠﺎل ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .2011‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻻ ﺘﺯﺍل ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ %28‬ﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2011‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻓﻭﺼﻠﺕ‬
‫‪ ). %19‬ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،(2012‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ‪ %15‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﺃﺴﻬﺎ ﺇﻨﺎﺙ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ‪ %206‬ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ‪ %12.5‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺃﺸﺩ ﻓﻘﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺒﻠﻐﺕ‬
‫ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺸﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ‪ %3.2‬ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ‪ %2.2‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻼ ﺘﺯﺍل ﻤﺘﺩﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ‪ %13.2‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺯﻴﺩ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺼل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ ‪ %14.9‬ﻭ‬
‫‪ ، %12.1‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﺘﺼل ‪ %11.3‬ﻭﺘﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺒﻠﻐﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %12‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﻭﺍﻝﻲ ‪ %10‬ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪) .‬ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪. (2012،‬‬

‫‪ 3.1‬ﺇﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺠﺩﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻨﻔﻲ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﺘﺠﺎﻫﻠ ﹰﺔ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﻴﺯ‬
‫ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺯﺍل ﺘﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ‬
‫ﻝﻴﺱ ﺒﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻻ ﺘﺯﺍل ﺃﺩﺍ ﹰﺓ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﹰﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫‪13‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻤﻜﻨﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭ ﺠﻌل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺃﺩﺍ ﹰﺓ‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﺩﺍ ﹰﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﻤﻭ ﻭﺍﻻﺯﺩﻫﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻁﺭﺤﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻫﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫل ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕﹲ ﺸﺒﻴﻬﺔﹲ ﺒﺄﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﺜﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺠﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺨﺒﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻡ‬
‫ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺘﻬﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺴﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪) ،‬ﻜﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ( ﻭﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﻤﺴﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺤﻤﺎﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻝﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﻭﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺘﺘﺩﺍﺨل ﻤﻊ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﻫﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻨﻘﻴﺽ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻹﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻫﻭ ﺸﺭﻁ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ‬
‫ﻴﺠﺏ ﺘﻨﻅﻤﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁﻬﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻝﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺃﻱ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻋﻜﺴﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺘﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻁﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺒﺩل ﻤﻥ ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺌﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺴﻠﺴﻠ ﹰﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺩﺍﺨﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﻓﻜﺭﺓﹲ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔﹲ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﻜـﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﺩﻑ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﻭﻴل ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻨﺸـﺎﻁ ﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ‪ ،(Kothari and Minogue, 2002. P. 12) ،‬ﻭﻜﻔﻜـﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻘﺩ ﻅﻬﺭ ﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤـﺭﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﺒﺎﺭ ﹰﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺃﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻅﻤﻴﻴﻥ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻓﻴﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﻝﻘﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﹰﺎ ﺒﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴـﻴﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻭﺍﺼـﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻤـﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻭﺴﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺩﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻡ )‪،(McMichael, 2004. P. 19‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁﺕ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﺯﺩﻫﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﻓﻬﻤ ﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻌـﺎﻝﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ ﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻝﻨﻘل‬
‫‪14‬‬

‫ﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝـ ‪‬ﺔ ﻝﻠﺤـﺎﻕ ﺒـﺎﻝﻐﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻘـﺩﻡ‬
‫)‪ ،(McMichael, 2004. P. 23‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﺤﻘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﻝﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺒـﺭ ﻋـﻥ‬
‫ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺠﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋـﺎﻝﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺼﺩﻴﺭ ﻭﺨﺼﺨﺼـﺔ ﺍﻝﺨـﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﻱﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ )‪(MchMichael , 2004. P. 155‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺒﻨﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻜﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺃﺼـﺒﺤﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺩﺀ ﺒﺈﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻜﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻫﺎﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫)‪ (UNDP, 1990; UNDP, 2007. P. 34‬ﻝﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻤﺎﺭﺘﻴﺎ ﺴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﻤﻥ ﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺠﺩﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ "ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺤﺭﻴـﺔ"‪.‬‬
‫)‪ ،(Sen, 1999‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻻ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﻓﻘﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﺒﺈﻋﻁﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺴﻴﻊ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﻴﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻬل‬
‫ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺵ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺎ ﹰﺓ ﻤﺯﺩﻫﺭ ﹰﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻅﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘـﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺴـﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻜـﺎﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴـﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ )‪(Stewart and Deneulin, 2002; Evans, 2002‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴـﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻜﻤـﺎ ﻴﻌ ‪‬ﺭﻓﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ‪":‬ﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﺴﻴﻊ ﺨﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜـﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺒﻼ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺨﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻫـﻲ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﻴﺤﻴـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺤﻴﺎ ﹰﺓ ﻁﻭﻴﻠ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﺤﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﺘﺴﺏ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ )ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻴﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝـﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻤﻌﻴﺸﻲ ﻜﺭﻴﻡ ﻻﺌﻕ" )‪ 3‬ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ‪ : (104 ،1993،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻁـﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨـﺎﻤﺞ‬
‫ﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ " :‬ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻭﺴﺎﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﺴﻴﻊ ﺨﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻭﺴﺎﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺨﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻫﻨـﺎﻙ‬
‫ﺨﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺼـﻭل ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺨل‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘـﻰ‬
‫ﻻ‪،‬‬
‫ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﻨﺘﺞ ﻭﺨﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﻋﻭﺍﺌـﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻌـ ﹰﺎ ﻋـﺎﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻭﺴﺎﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ )ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻷﻤـﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ‪ .(105-108،104-107 ،1993،3،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ‬
‫‪15‬‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺩﻝﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﺩل ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺼـﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻔـﺭﺩ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﻹﺠﻤﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ )ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ‪.(100 ،1993،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﻬﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﹰﺓ ﻤﻌﻘﺩ ﹰﺓ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺒﺸﻜل ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﺼﻭﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻜﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺸﻜل ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺴﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺼﺨﺼﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺩﻋﻭ ﻝﻠﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ )‪ ،(Center for International Development, 2003‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﺃﻗﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺕ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﺜﺒﺘﺕ ﻓﺸﻠﻬﺎ )‪.(Green, 2001. P. 25‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﺘﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﺭﺼ ﹰﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻝﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺃﻓﻀل ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬
‫ﻴﺸﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﺩل ﻭﻓﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻭﻻﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‪) ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﻤﻌﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺔ(‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ)ﻤﺜل ﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕﹲ ﻋﺎﺩل ﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺌﺼﺎل ﺍﻝﺠﻭﻉ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ )ﻤﺜل ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻜﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺼل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻜﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻔﺠﻭﺍﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺩﺨل ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻘﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻔﻭﺍﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺒﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺇﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻤﻊ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺍﺠﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻼﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻨﺴﺒ ﹰﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﹰﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻜﺄﻤﺭ‬
‫ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺴﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﹰﺎ ﻭﺜﻴﻘ ﹰﺎ ﺒﻭﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺒﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻭﻗﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻜﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﻴﺘﻌﺫﺭ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﺴﻭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪16‬‬

‫ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺴﺒﺒ ﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻤل ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺤﺴﺏ ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ )‪ (1995‬ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﻌ ‪‬ﺭﻑ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫"ﻜﻴﺎﻥ )ﺃﻨﻅﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ( ﺘﻌﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻝﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺴﺌﻭﻻ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻭ‪/‬ﺭﺼﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻡ ﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻭﺭﺼﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻡ ﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ )ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨﻔﻴﻡ‪،2001،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺴﺅﻭ ﹰ‬
‫‪. (31‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﺨﻁﻁﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻫﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺘﺒﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺠﺴﻡ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺴﺎﻋﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﺄﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻹﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺠﻭﻫﺭ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﻜﺩﺕ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻜﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺯﻭﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺘﻘﻊ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﻝﻺﻴﻔﺎﺀ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻜﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬
‫ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻜﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ‬
‫‪17‬‬

‫ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻘﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﻭﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺤﻘﻭﻗﻬﺎ‪.(UNIFEM, 2007. 12) ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺴﺘﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻱ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﻘﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﻭﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺘﺒﻌﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭ ﻝﻸﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ﻗﺼﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺠل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻁﻭﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻷﺠل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﺩل ﻤﻥ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻝﻤﻨﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﻭﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺴﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﻔﺤﺹ ﻤﺩﻯ ﻭﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺒﺄﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺤﺩﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﻀﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ‪‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2009-1997‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺴﺘﻠﻘﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻭﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺠﻭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻸﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﻘل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺴﺘﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻫﻡ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺘﺒﻌﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭ ﻝﻸﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺃﺜﺭ‬
‫ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺸﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺤﻴﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ ،2006‬ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ﻗﺼﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺠل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻁﻭﻴل ﺍﻷﺠل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻝﻤﻨﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻗﻑ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺴﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﻔﺤﺹ ﻤﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺒﺄﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺤﺩﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﻀﻌﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻯ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ .2009-1997‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ‪ :‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻱ ﻤﺩ ‪‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻴﺼﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ ،2009-1997‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺴﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﻺﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺤﺩﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺤﺩﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫‪‬‬
‫ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺘﻨﺩﺭﺝ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺇﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪2009-1997‬؟‬
‫‪18‬‬

‫• ﻜﻴﻑ ﺃﺜﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴـﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﻭﻓﻭﺯ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁـﺎﻉ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻭﺇﻁﻼﻕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻝﻌﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2003‬ﻭﻜﻴـﻑ ﺭﺩﻫـﺎ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺤﺩﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫• ﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ ،2009-1997‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ‪‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﻀﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ؟ ‪.‬‬

‫ﻯ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺼﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻝﻸﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫• ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻱ ﻤﺩ ‪‬‬

‫ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ ،2009-1997‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺴﺒﺒﻴﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺒﺩﺀ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪،1997‬‬
‫ﺃﻱ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺴﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺴﻼﻡ‪ ‬ﻨﺴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻻﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺭﻭﺤﺔ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ ﺘﺸﺒﻪ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺇﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻫل ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤـﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻁﻭﻴل ﺍﻷﻤﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤـل ﻫﻴﺌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻼﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﻴﺘﻡ ﺩﻋﻤﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺴﺘﻔﺤﺹ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺤﺩﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺸﻤل ﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،(2003-1998) ،‬ﻭﺨﻁـﺔ ﺍﻹﺼـﻼﺡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ ﻝﻌـﺎﻡ ‪،2007‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1997‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻸﻋﻭﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺜﺔ ‪ ،2010- 2008‬ﻭﺨﻁﻁ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺴﺘﺘﻡ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪19‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﺴﺘﺠﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨـﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻭﻉ ﻭﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸـﺭﻭﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻔﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻜﺎﺀ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪.‬‬

‫‪ 4.1‬ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺃ( ﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻘﻨﻴﺘﻴﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺘﻴﻥ ﻝﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺃﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺃﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻻ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﻝﻠﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺼﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺭﺍﺽ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻭﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﻭﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻘﺭﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻁﺭﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻴﺔ )ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺄﻁﺭ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺠﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .1997‬ﻭﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )‪ ،(2003-1998‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ ،2007‬ﻭﺨﻁﺔ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻸﻋﻭﺍﻡ ‪ ،2010-2008‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺭﺯ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ‪ :‬ﻓﺘﻡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺘﻭﻅﻔﻬﻡ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻤﺜﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺸﺭﺡ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭل ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺘﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ‪ ،1997‬ﻭﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫‪20‬‬

‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺸﺭﺡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻲ ﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻤﺜﻠﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺸﺎﺭﻜﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ ﻋﻤل ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻤﺜﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‬
‫‪.‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺠﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺠﺭﻴﺕ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻤﺜﻠﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺕ ﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻝﻔﺤﺹ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺏ( ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ " ﺍﻝﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ" "ﻓﺎﻝﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻫﻡ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭﻭﻥ ﻤﺅﺜﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﺭﺯﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﺨﺭﻁﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻬﻡ" ﻭﻴﺘﻡ‬
‫ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﺒﻨﺎﺀﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻜﻬﻡ ﻝﻠﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪(Rossman and Rallis, 2003. 192).‬‬

‫ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﻡ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻝﺘﻤﺜل ﻤﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺘﻭﻅﻔﻬﻡ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻤﺜﻠﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻜﺄﺤﺩ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻜﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻬﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﻭﻝﻭﻥ ﻤﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺘﻤﺕ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻴﻤﺜﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻼ ﺒﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫‪ -1‬ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻷﺨﺫ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻘﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ‬
‫ﻝﺸﺭﻜﺎﺌﻪ ﻝﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻝﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺤﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺴﻴﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺠﺯﺀﹰﺍ‬
‫ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﺩﻋﻡ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻤﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪21‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﺒﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻀﻁﻠﻊ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -3‬ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﺩﻋﻤﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪) .‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺜﻴﻕ ﻭﻻﺴﻴﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻤﺩﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﻫﻲ ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺸﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻭل ﻭﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ (‪.‬‬
‫‪ -4‬ﻤﻤﺜﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻜﺔ ﻝﻠﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -5‬ﻤﻤﺜﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﺝ( ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﻹﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻝﺘﻭﻀﻴﺢ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻤل ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺭﻕ‬
‫ﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻭﺍﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻼﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺩﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻤﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺢ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻲ ﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﻤﻊ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺁﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻤﻭﻥ ﻓﺎﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺕ ﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻤﺎ ﻜﺘﺏ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺘﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻭﺭﺒﻁ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻹﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﻭﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ ،2009-1997‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺒﺎﺭﻴﺱ ﻭﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺃﻜﺭﺍ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﻨﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2008‬ﺤﻭل ﺃﺴﺱ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪.‬‬
‫‪22‬‬

‫ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺒﺎﺭﻴﺱ ﻭﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺃﻜﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﺤﻭل ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺒﺎﺭﻴﺱ ﻫﻭ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﻤﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻠﻘﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2005‬ﺒﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺇﻴﺼﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪‬ﻴﻘﺼﺩ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ " ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻼﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﺭﻴﻊ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﻝﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻫﻲ ﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻻﺒﺘﺩﺍﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺨﻔﻴﺽ ﻤﻌﺩل ﻭﻓﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻬﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﻓﻴﺭﻭﺱ ﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘﺴﺒﺔ‪/‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻴﺩﺯ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻼﺭﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺒﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺸﺭﺍﻜﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ..‬ﻭﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺒﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻠﻘﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ‪ ، (OECD, 2007. P. 16).‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ"‬
‫ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﺎﻝﺔ ﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻜﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺌﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻜﺎﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻫﺎ" )‪ (OECD, 2005. P. 9‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻜﺎﺀ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﺘﻭﻝﻲ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ)‪.(OCED, 2007. P. 16‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻓﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﻝﺩﻋﻤﻬﻡ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻝﻺﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﺭﻜﺎﺀ )‪ ، (OECD, 2005‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺘﺒﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻝﺘﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻜﺔ‪ (OECD, 2005. P. 20) .‬ﺃﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻓﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻀﻤﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺘﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﻓﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺤﺎﺴﺏ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺭﻜﺎﺀ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺤﻭل ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪(OECD, 2007. P ).‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻁﻭﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ )‪( Development Assistance committee (DAC‬ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ‬
‫)‪(Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development‬‬ ‫ﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫)‪ (OECD‬ﻭﻭﻗﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ‪ 35‬ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﻨﺤﺔ ﻭﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﻨﺤﺔ ﻭ‪ 26‬ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﻭ‪56‬‬
‫ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﺘﻠﻘﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ)‪. (OECD website, 2010‬‬

‫ﻻ ﻴﺯﺍل ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺒﺘﻜﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﺯﺍل ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ‬
‫‪23‬‬

‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺯﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺴﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻬﻤﻴﺵ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺴﺎﺀﻝﺔ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﻗﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻻ ﺘﺩﻤﺞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻭﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻙ ﻗﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻠﻙ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺴﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )‪.(UNIFEM, 2008. 97‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﺭﻓﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺤﻭل ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺭﺯ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺒﺎﺭﻴﺱ ﺤﻭل ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻜﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻨﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2008‬ﺼﺭﺤﺕ ﻤﺩﻴﺭﺓ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫)ﻴﻭﻨﻔﻴﻡ( ﺃﻨﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺩﻱ‪" :‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻤﻜﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﻝﻔﻴﺔ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻌﺭﻀﺔ ﻝﻠﺨﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ )ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺃﻨﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺭﻨﺕ ‪ ،(2008‬ﻭﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﻱﺀ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺒﺎﺭﻴﺱ ﻝﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﻝﻔﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺸﻜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﹰﺎ ﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻔﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴ ﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻭﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻤﺘﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل‬
‫ﻝﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻜﻬﺎ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻝﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﻭﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻷﻏﺭﺍﺽ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻠﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻭﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﻴﺘﻡ ﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ ﻭﺇﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ )‪.(Radelet, 2004‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺘﻡ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺒﺎﺭﻴﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺃﻜﺭﺍ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2008‬ﻝﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺇﺭﺸﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻤﻜﻨ ﹰﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺇﻥ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻜﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻠﻘﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﻫﻭ‬
‫ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺴﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻴﻌﻴﻕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺉ ﻝﻠﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﺘﺴﺭﻴﻊ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺒﺎﺭﻴﺱ ﻭﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺃﻜﺭﺍ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﻴﻤﺜﻼﻥ ﺃﻁﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﻤﺒﺎﺩ ً‬
‫ﻜﺄﻭﻝﻭﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺭﺼﹰﺎ ﻝﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻝﺸﺭﺍﻜﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫‪24‬‬

‫ﻜﻼ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻨﻴﻥ ﺴﻭﻑ ﺘﺩﻋﻡ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺽ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜل ﺒـ )ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺏ )ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺇﺸﺭﺍﻙ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ(‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺃﻜﺭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2008‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬
‫ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺼﺎﺩﻗﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻲ ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺀﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻓﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﺒﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴـﺯ ﻗـﺩﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻭﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺩﻋﻡ ﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻜﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺒﻨـﺎﺀ ﺇﺴـﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﺜل ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ)‪ (6‬ﻝﻠﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﻝﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺭﺒﻁﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﻭﺇﺸﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﺸـﻜل ﺨـﺎﺹ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﻱ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺠﻴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻨـﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺒﺭﻝﻤﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻜﺔ)ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﻉ ﺃﺼﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺠﻤﻊ ﻭﺇﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺼـﻨﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‪(OECD, 2008) .‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺒﻪ" ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭل ﺒﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺘﻤﻭﻴﻠﻪ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻜﺔ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ "ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﻝﻶﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﻝﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ‬

‫‪.6‬‬
‫ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﻫﻭ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1995‬ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﺤﻭل ﺇﺜﻨﺎ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻭﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨﻔﻴﻡ‪10. . 2000 ،‬‬
‫‪25‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﻭﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ )‪ (7‬ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬
‫)ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺃﻜﺭﺍ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ( ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺘﻡ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺤﻭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻜﺔ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺤﺎل ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‪،‬‬
‫ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺸﺭﺍﻙ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪).‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ(‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﻏﻡ‪ :‬ﻓﺴﻴﺸﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل‬

‫ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﺯ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ‬
‫ﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺩﻗﻴﻕ ﻭﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺠﻴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﺒﺠﻌل ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝﻬﻡ ﺘﺘﻼﺀﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﺒﺅ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻫﻭ ﺠﺯﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﻏﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﻏﻡ ﺴﻴﻘﻠل ﻤﻥ ﺘﻜﺎﻝﻴﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻘﺎﺕ‪).‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ(‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‪ :‬ﻓﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻭﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‬

‫ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﻝﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺴﻴﻭﻝﺩ ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻓﻀل ﺤﻭل‬
‫ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﺸﻤل ﺃﻁﺭ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﻠﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻗﺎﺒﻠ ﹰﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﻴﺘﻡ ﺠﻤﻊ ﻭﺘﻌﻤﻴﻡ ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻭﻨﺸﺭ ﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﺼﻨﻔﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ‬
‫ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻜل ﻗﻁﺎﻉ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻡ‬
‫ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻤﺴﺘﺠﻴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪).‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ(‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ‪ :‬ﻓﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﻡ ﻋﺭﻀﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﻭﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ‪‬ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫‪ .7‬ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ ﻫﻲ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ (‪ ،‬ﺃﻗﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ 1979‬ﻭﺘﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻴﺒﺎﺠﺔ ﻭ‪ 30‬ﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺴﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺘﺔ ﺃﺠﺯﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﻤﻥ ‪ 16-1‬ﺃﺴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﻝﻼﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺼﻌﺩﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻀﻤﻨﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺍﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫﻫﺎ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ(‪.‬‬
‫‪26‬‬

‫ﻭﺠﻤﻊ ﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻤﺴﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻜﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻔﺠﻭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪) .‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ(‬

‫ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻠﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﺘﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺠﻌل ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﻩ ﺘﺒﻌ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻸﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﻤﺘﻐﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ )‪ ،(Siad, 2005. P. 100‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻝﻘﺩ ﺃﻋﻁﻴﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺘﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺼﺒﺢ‬
‫ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻔﺘﺢ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﻨﺨﻠﺔ )‪" :(2004‬ﺤﺩﺩﺕ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1993‬ﺴﻴﺎﻗ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﺘﺩﺨل ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻐﺎﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻐﻠﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺌل‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻠﻐﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺒﺎﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺘﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻓﻊ ﺒﺎﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﻴﺎﺕ ﻴﺘﻌﻴﻥ ﺘﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻨﻲ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺘﺴﻨﻰ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺼﺒﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ")ﻨﺨﻠﺔ‪.(184 ،2004 ،‬‬

‫ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﺄﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺸﺒﻴﻬﺔ ﺒﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻻ ﺘﺒﺭﺯ ﻓﻘﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﻝﻠﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺘﺩﻓﻊ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﻭﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﻤﻼﺌﻤﺔ ﺨﻁﻁﻬﺎ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﺒﻪ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ‪‬ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻭﻫﻤ ﹰﺎ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﺘﻐﺎﻀﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﺒﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺘﻪ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪27‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻜﺈﻁﺎ ﹴﺭ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻹﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺸﺒﻴﻬﺔ ﺒﺄﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭﻴﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﻤﺎ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﻹﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﻨﻔﻲ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﻭﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﺒﻌ ﹰﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻠﻘﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﺔ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‪:‬‬
‫‪ -1‬ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺒﻕ ﺫﻜﺭﻫﺎ‪:‬‬
‫• ﻤﺩﻯ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﺩﻯ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺘﻠﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2‬ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺸﻤل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻁﻭﺭﺕ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺃﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪:‬‬
‫• ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺒﻨﻴﺕ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻜﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺸﺭﺍﻙ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻁﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪28‬‬

‫• ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻁﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻔﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺠل ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺴﺘﺴﺘﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻘﻨﻴﺘﻴﻥ ﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﻭﻫﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻤﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻤﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﻫﻲ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺸﺎﺌﻌﺔ ﺘﺴﺘﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻤﻀﻤﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻼﺤﻅﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺴﻴﺘﻡ ﺃﺨﺫﻫﺎ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ‪ :‬ﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻀﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺄﺨﻭﺫﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ؟‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ ‪ :‬ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺴﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻪ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﺨﺫ ﺍﻝﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ؟‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻓﻬﻲ" ﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﻭﺍﻹﺭﺠﺎﻉ" ﻭﺴﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬

‫ﺇﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﻓﺤﺹ ﺸﻤﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ‪ :‬ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﻜل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻝﻔﺤﺹ ﺸﻤﻭﻝﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤل ﺘﺼﺤﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻭﺇﻀﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ‪ :‬ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﻤﻭﺍﻀﻴﻊ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪-3‬ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﻭﺍﻹﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﻭﺍﻹﺭﺠﺎﻉ ﻫﻭ ﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻤﻭﺍﻀﻴﻌﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﺴﻴﺘﻡ ﺇﺭﺠﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻀﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻨﻔﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺠﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ‪ :‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﻭﺘﻔﺤﺹ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺘﺼﻨﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﻓﺭﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﺘﺼﻨﻴﻔﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻨﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻋﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -5‬ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﻀﻴﻊ ﻭﻤﺤﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻬﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺴﺠﻴل ﻭﺘﺩﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻜﺭﺭﺓ ﻭﻤﺤﺘﻭﻯ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﻀﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﺴﻴﺘﻡ‬
‫ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻋﻨﺼﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺒﺎﺭﻴﺱ ﻭﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺃﻜﺭﺍ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﻤﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺘﻠﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺒﻨﺩ ﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ‪:‬‬
‫‪29‬‬

‫ﻤﺤﺘﻭﻴﺎﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ • ﻤﺩﻯ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻭﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤـﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤـﺎﺌﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫• ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺩﻤﺠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺒﻨﻴﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪.‬‬
‫‪-‬ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ‬
‫ﻴﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺘﻌﺯﻴـﺯ ﻭﺒﻨـﺎﺀ ﻗـﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝـﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠـﺎل ﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻕ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﺒﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨـﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝـﻰ ﺇﺸـﺭﺍﻙ ﻤﺅﺴﺴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ‪ -‬ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ‬
‫ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺠل ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺘﺤﺭﻴﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪30‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﻼﺼﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﻋﻨﺼﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺤﺘﻭﻴﺎﺘﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺴﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻫﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﻁﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﻭﻤﻌﻴﻘﺎﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺴﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺇﺒﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﻷﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﻸﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺒﺭﺯﺕ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺴﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻭﺯ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺤﻭﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‬
‫‪31‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬

‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺕ ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺜﺭ ﺘﻠﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﺫﺭﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺫ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻠﻌﺒﻪ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﻝﻸﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻠﻘﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺸل ﺘﻠﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻻﻓﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﻤﻔﻭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻜﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻼ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻁﺭﻗﺕ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻭﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻠﻘﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻠﻌﺒﻪ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻨﺎﻗﺸﺕ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺠﻤﻌﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﻭﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ‬
‫ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺨﺎﺹ ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻠﻌﺒﻪ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻨﺎﺩﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻁﺭﻗﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﻜﺎﺘﺒﺘﻴﻥ ‪ (2009) Marcia E.Greeberg and Elian Zuckerman‬ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ "ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ " ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﺏ‬
‫ﺃﺨﺫﻫﺎ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻋﻤل ﻝﻔﻬﻡ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻭﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻭﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ؛ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺯﺩﻫﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺘﺒﺘﺎﻥ ﺃﻤﺜﻠ ﹰﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻭﺃﺼﻐﺭ‬
‫‪32‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺩﻤﺕ ﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﺨﺫﻫﺎ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻹﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺘﺒﺘﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺼﺎﻨﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﻌﺎﻤﻠﻭﺍ ﺒﺒﻁﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺠﺎﺩل ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺘﺒﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺃﻤﻭﺭ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺃﻱ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺠﺎﺩل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻤﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺴﺘﺯﻴﺩ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻨﺸﻭﺏ ﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺴﻴﻌﺯﺯ ﻭﻴﺤﺴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‪.(Greenberg and Zuckerman, 2009. 3).‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺍﺡ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺘﺒﺘﺎﻥ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻤﺒﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﻭﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﺜل؛ ﺍﻓﺘﻘﺎﺭ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﺄﺨﺫ‬
‫ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ؛ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻷﻭل‪:‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺘﺴﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﻭﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﻀﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺒﻌ ﹰﺎ ﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻌﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﻴﻭﻓﺭ ﻓﺭﺼﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻺﻨﺎﺙ ﻝﺘﻭﻝﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻘﺘﺼﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺘﺤﺴﻥ‬
‫ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻗﺒل ﻭﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺒﺎﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺘﺭﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻗﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﻫﻭ ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﻴﺸﻤل ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﺏ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻅﻬﺭ‬
‫ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﺒﺎﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺼﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺭﺍﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻬﺩﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻫﻭ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻓﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻴﺠﺏ‬
‫‪33‬‬

‫ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﺯﺀ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺸﻤل ﺍﺴﺘﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺯﺯ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪).‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪. (10‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺤﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻬﻭ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺸل ﻓﻲ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻴﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﻠﻴل ﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻭﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ‪.‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻨﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻌﺯﺯ‬
‫ﻭﻴﺤﺴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻠﺢ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‬
‫ﺘﺘﺨﺒﻁ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﺸل ﻓﻲ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻭﻥ؛ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤل ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﻝﻐﺔ ﺒﻴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ‬
‫ﺃﻨﻪ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻔﺸل ﻓﻲ ﺩﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﻘﻭﺽ ﻋﺎﺌﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﻭﺍﺌﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ‬
‫ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﻫﻭ ﻗﻠﺔ ﻁﺎﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻀﻁﻠﻊ ﺒﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ؛ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺃﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻹﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪).‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ(‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻬﻭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺒﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻴﺴﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﻝﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﻝﺘﺤﻭﻴل ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﻴﻔﺔ ﺘﺴﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﻋﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺴﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻭﺼﺎﻨﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﻭﺼﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻭﺼﺎﻨﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺒﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﺔﹲ‬
‫ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔﹲ ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻗﻀﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻭﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ ﻭﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻜﺎﻝﻴﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻭﻓﺎﻋل ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ‪.‬‬
‫‪34‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺼﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺠﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ‬
‫ﻤﻔﺼﻠﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻼﺌﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻭﺼﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺒﺘﺨﺼﻴﺹ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻝﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻀﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﺩﺩ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺼﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺫﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺸﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺒﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺤﻭﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺤﻭل ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺘﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﻥ ﻴﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻀﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻭﺼﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻠﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻤﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻝﺞ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺼﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺩﻤﺠﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻬﻡ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺤﻭل ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺩﻤﺠﻬﻡ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺠﺭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺯﻤﺒﻴﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ ":‬ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﻭﺏ ﺩﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ" ﻝﻠﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ‪Sally Baden‬‬
‫)‪ ،(1997‬ﻭﻤﻭﺯﻤﺒﻴﻕ ﻫﻲ ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻤﺭﺕ ﺒﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻤﺴﻠﺢ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻔﺭﻴﻠﻴﻤﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻝﺭﻴﻨﻤﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1992‬ﻋﻨﺩ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻵﺜﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺯﻤﺒﻴﻕ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻭﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ ﻝﻸﺴﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﺩﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺭﺃﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﺍﻷﻴﺘﺎﻡ ﻜﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻬﺠﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺨﻁﻔﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻨﻀﻤﺎﻤﻬﻡ ﻝﻠﻘﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻬﻤﻴﺵ ﻫﻲ ﻤﻌﻘﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻫﺎﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ‬
‫ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﻜﺘﺤﻭل ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ )ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺎﺒﺎﺕ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻴﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺭﻴﺭﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ‬
‫‪35‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺩﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺁﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺘﻤﺩﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻋﺒﺎﺀ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻠﻘﺎﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﺘﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻫﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻀﻁﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺒﺭﺯ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻱ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻝﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ‬
‫ﺒﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺘﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻋﺭﻀﺔ ﻝﺘﺠﺭﻴﺩﻫﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺘﻬﻥ ﻜﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻻﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺍﺡ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺒﺈﻁﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﻀﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﻭﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺓ‘)‪ .(Baden, 197. 21‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺯﻤﺒﻴﻕ ﺴﺎﻋﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺴﺩﻱ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻀﻁﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﻻﻏﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺭﻜﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺁﺜﺎﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻀﺤﺎﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺘﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﺒﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺸﻜل ﺨﺎﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‬
‫ﻼ ﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ‬
‫ﻝﺠﺯﺀ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻫﻘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺘﺩﻤﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺃﺼ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‪(Baden, 1997. 55 ).‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺠﺯﺀﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺃﻁﺭ ﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻋﻤل ﻭﺇﺭﺸﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻝﻠﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺄﺜﺭﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺭﻭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﺯﺀﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻋﻤل ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺨﺭﺠﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺢ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺯﻭﺩ ﻗﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺠﺎﺩل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﻝﺩﻋﻡ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻘﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ؛ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﺭﻯ ﺁﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻵﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﺭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜ ٍ‬
‫ﺘﻭﻀﻴﺢ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺤﺎﻭل‬
‫ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﻭﻝﻲ ﻜﻀﺤﺎﻴﺎ ﺤﺭﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺼﺎﻨﻌﺎﺕ ﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﻭﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ‬
‫ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻵﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻜﻴﻑ ﻴﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﺸﻜل ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺨﻼل ﻓﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻔﻜﻴﻙ ﻭﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻬﻴﺎﻜل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺭﻴﺭﻜﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻝﻔﻬﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻓﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺘﺠﺎﺩل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻤﺞ ﻭﺍﻹﻏﺎﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺘﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻌﺯﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ‪،‬‬
‫‪36‬‬

‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل ﺇﻥ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺘﻼﺕ ﻏﺎﻝﺒ ﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺴﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺘﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﻴﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻤﺞ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Baden, 1997. 95‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺸﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺄﺜﺭﺕ ﺒﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﻓﺭﺓ ﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻡ ﺠﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺃﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺸﻜل‬
‫ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺃﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺃﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻔﻌﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ ﻭﻤﺩﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻭﺒﺎﺘﻭ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﺩﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﻤﻨﻔﺫﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻡ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﺜﺭﻫﻡ ﺸﺨﺼﻴ ﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺭﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ )ﻜﺎﻝﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺄﺜﺭﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻬﺠﻴﺭ ﺨﻼل ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺘﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺸﺘﺭﻜﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺘﺎل(‪ .‬ﻝﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺸﺒﻪ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ ﻝﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﺠﺯﺌﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﺠﺭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﻭﺒﺎﺘﻭ‪(Baden, 1997.3) .‬‬
‫ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻁﻭﺍﺭﺉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻤﺞ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ " ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴل" ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻠﻴﺢ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻤﺞ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻭﺯﻤﺒﻴﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺒﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺢ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﻘﺎﺘﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺨﺼﺼﺕ ﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺘﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻝﻡ‬
‫ﻴﺘﻡ ﺩﻤﺞ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻷﻝﻭﻴﺔ ﹸﺘﻌﻁﻰ ﺩﺍﺌﻤ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻫﻴل‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻭﺼﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻁﺎﻕ؛ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‬
‫ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻨﻅﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل‬
‫ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻼﻕ ﻝﻠﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﻠﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺯﻤﺒﻴﻕ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﻜﺱ‬
‫ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻬﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ )ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ( ﻜﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻬﻤﺸﺔ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﻏﺎﺜﻲ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺉ‪ ،‬ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫‪37‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻬﻤﻴﺵ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻋﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪.(Baden, 1997. 94).‬‬

‫ﻭﺃﻭﻀﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻀﻌﻴﻔ ﹰﺔ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻬﻴﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺭﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﻓﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺠﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻀﻌﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻬﻴﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻋﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻤﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﻭﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻡ ﻻ ﻴﻨﺒﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺼﻭﺭﻫﻡ ﻝﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‬
‫)‪ .(Baden, 1997. 87‬ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﻨﻘﺹ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺒﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺘﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻀﻌﻔ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻭﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﻫﻲ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺩﺭﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ‬
‫ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻔﺼﻠﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻗﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﻪ ﻻﺴﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻭﻓﺭ ﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﻜﺴﺏ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻀﺌﻴﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﺭﻭﺽ ﻭﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻫﻭ ﺇﺭﺙ ﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ‪.‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺒﺤﺎﺠﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ؛ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻴﺩﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺤﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻤﺎﺸﻰ ﻤﻊ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﻭﻁﻤﻭﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﺤﺎﺠﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﺃﻨﺸﻁ ‪‬ﺔ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺔ ﻝﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻝﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺃﺜﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻜﻤﻴﺔ‪.(Baden, 1997. 96).‬‬

‫ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﻓﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﺩ ‪‬ﺩ ﻜﺒﻴ ﹴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‬
‫ﻼ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺎﻁﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻜﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻝﻜﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺵ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﺩﺩﹰﺍ ﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪.(Baden, 1997. 96).‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻭﺽ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻀﻌﻴﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺯﻤﺒﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺴﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻓﻌﺎل‪ .‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻬﻡ ﻭﺼﻭل ﻝﻠﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻲ ﻷﻨﺸﻁﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻀﻌﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫‪38‬‬

‫ﻝﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺤﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﻗﺭﻭﺽ ﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻭﺽ‪ .‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺃﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻤﺘﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻭﺽ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﺨﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺍﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﻀﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻁﺎﻗ ﹰﺔ ﻜﺎﻤﻨ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺨﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﻤﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺢ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻏﺎﺜﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻬﻴﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺨﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻭ ﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺠﻴﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺠﻬﻭﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﺭﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫‪‬ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺘﺯﻭﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻻ ﺘﺯﺍل ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺤﺎﺠ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ‬
‫)ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ ﻭﻨﻘل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ(‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺤﺎﺠ ﹰﺔ ﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻨﺸﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻀﺭﺍﺌﺏ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Baden, 1997. 97‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺨﺭﺠﺕ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ؛ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺍﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻭﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻜﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻬﺠﺭﺓ ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﺨﺎﺹ ﺤﻭل ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺼﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﺸﺭﻭﻁﻬﺎ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺄﺨﺫ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺘﺼﻤﻴﻤﻬﺎ )ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﻭﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل(‪.( Baden, 1997. 98-99).‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻨﺘﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻤﻭﺯﻤﺒﻴﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬
‫ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﺨﺫﻩ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻁﺭﻕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل‬
‫ﻝﻠﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻭﺃﺜﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻤﺜل ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ )‪ ،(2004) (Agens Kalungu-Banda‬ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ " ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻜﻭﺴﻭﻓﻭ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ )‪ (2004) (Deniz Kandioty‬ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ"ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻴﻠﺒﻲ ﺃﺴﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ"‪ ،‬ﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﻭﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫‪39‬‬

‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻗﺼﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺠل ﻻ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﺫﺭﻱ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒل ﺃﻜﺩﺕ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ‪ (2004) Kalungu‬ﻨﺎﻗﺸﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻭﺴﻭﻓﻭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1999‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ "ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻜﻭﺴﻭﻓﻭ"‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻓﺤﺹ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻔﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻬﺩﻓﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻻﻀﻁﻼﻉ‬
‫ﺒﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ )ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻜﻭﺴﻭﻓﻭ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻹﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻔﻌﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ )‪ .(Kalungu, 2004. 33‬ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﺎﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ؛ ﻭﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻔﻌﻴﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺸﻤل ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﺒﻐﺽ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﻭﺇﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﻝﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﺇﺭﺸﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻔﻌﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻜﻭﺴﻭﻓﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺠﻴﺠﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺒﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﻋﺸﺭﺓ ﻤﻼﻴﻴﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻭﺴﻭﻓﻭ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ 1999 ،‬ﺘﺤﺕ‬
‫ﺇﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺎﻗﺩﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻜﺴﻔﺎﻡ ﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻨﻴﺎ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺅﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺅﻫﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻔﻌﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ‬
‫ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻜﻭﺴﻭﻓﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺠﻴﺠﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺩﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﻭﻜﺴﻔﺎﻡ ﺤﻭل ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻔﻌﺎﺕ ﺒﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻜﻭﺴﻭﻓﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻔﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ) ‪.(Kalungu , 2004. 33‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺠﺎﺩل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﻹﻨﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠـﻕ‬
‫ﺒﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻔﻌﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺴﻠﺒﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻔﺫﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻫـﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺒـﺎﺩﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻤﺒﺭﺭﺓ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺒﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﺌﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻤـﺩ‪،‬‬
‫‪40‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻔﻌﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺴﺒﺎﻕ ﻭﺼـﺩﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺒﺴﺭﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻴﻔﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻜﻭﺴﻭﻓﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠـﺔ ﺇﻝـﻰ‬
‫ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺸﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺘﻔﻌﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﻴﺘﻡ ﻋﻼﺠﻬـﺎ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸـﺭﻭﻉ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺇﺸﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻔﻌﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﺒـﺭﺍﻤﺞ‬
‫ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻜﻭﺴﻭﻓﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻤﺴـﺅﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﻜﺴـﻔﺎﻡ ﻫـﻭ‬
‫ﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺠﻭﺍﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺏ ﺠﻤﻊ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻐﻠﻕ ﻹﺸﺭﺍﻜﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻔﻌﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻤﻁﻠﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻜﻭﺴﻭﻓﻭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺸﺒﻴﻬﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻭﺴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻨﻔﻴـﺫ ﻤﺒـﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻨﺴـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻜﻭﺴﻭﻓﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻭﺼﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻔﻌﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻷﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺴـﺘﻌﺯﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺠﻌل ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻭﻀﻭﺤ ﹰﺎ ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻭﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﺒﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﺒﻠﻎ‬
‫ﻀﺨﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺎل ﻝﻴﺘﻡ ﺇﻨﻔﺎﻗﻪ ﻀﻤﻥ ﻭﻗﺕ ﻗﺼﻴﺭ ﻫﻭ ﻝﻴﺱ ﺘﻭﺠﻬ ﹰﺎ ﺼﺤﻴﺤ ﹰﺎ ﻝﺘﺴﻬﻴل ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻝـﺩﺍﺌﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻭﺴﻭﻓﻭ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺼﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻨﺴـﺎﺀ ﻜﻭﺴـﻭﻓﻭ‬
‫ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﻝﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ﻭﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺵ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Kalungu, 2004. 39‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﺯ ﻜﺎﻨﺩﻴﻭﺘﻲ)‪ ،(2004‬ﻓﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﻝﺔ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ "ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻴﻠﺒﻲ ﺃﺴﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﺎﻝﺔ ﺘﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺠﺫﺏ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻤﺴﻴﺴ ﹰﺔ ﺒﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻀﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﻝﻡ ﻴﺴﺒﻕ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﺜﻴل ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ‬
‫ﺠﻴﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﺘﺭﺸﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻝﻠﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻌﻬﺩ ﺒﺘﻤﻭﻴﻠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺸﺎﺌﻊ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺘﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫‪ .1325‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﺘﻭﻀﻴﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻨﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﺄﺨﺫ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﺒﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻋﻜﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻀﻌﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻬﺩﻓﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻫﻡ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻋﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻝﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ‬
‫‪41‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺎﻝﻔﺎﺕ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺯﻤﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻀﻤﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ‪.(Kandiyoti, 2004. 134),‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺠﺎﺩل ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺠﻭﺓ ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺒﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺤﺩﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻴﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻀﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻁﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﻘﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺘﻘﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻠﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻙ ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻝﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺭ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻨﺎﺯﻋﺔ ﻴﺠﻠﺏ ﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﹰﺎ ﻤﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻻ ﻭﺴﻁﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﺤﻠﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﻫﻲ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ؛ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻘﺭ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺩﻋﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻴﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺠﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻨﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻼ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻔﻜﻜﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻀﺌﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺁﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ – ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ( ﺘﻼﻗﻲ ﻗﺒﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻔﺘﻘﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﺌﻲ ﻓﻌﺎل ﻴﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﻜﻭﻙ ﺤﻭل ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻡ‬
‫ﻓﻬﻤﻬﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻀﻴﻕ ﻜﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﻴﺘﺒﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻁ‬
‫ﺴﻴﻔﻭﺽ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺘﻜﻨﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻭﺍﻋ ﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺎﻝﻔﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻌﺩﻯ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﻤﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ‪ .‬ﻭﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺴﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﻅﻬﻭﺭ "ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺨﺭﻓﺔ" ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﻜﻴﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻤل ﻓﻲ ﻁﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﺩﻨﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭﺓ )‪.(Kandiyoti, 2004. 135‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺠﺭﻴﺕ ﺤﻭل ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝـ )‪(2005) (Lina Abirafeh‬‬
‫ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ" ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ"‪ .‬ﻝﻘﺩ‬
‫ﻋﺎﺸﺕ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻭﻋﺸﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﺎﻤ ﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻓﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺃﺨﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻝﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺠﻌﻠﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻓﻐﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻭﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪42‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﻻ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻨﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪.(Abirafeh, 2005. 17 ).‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻓﻬﻲ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺃﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺠﺭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺎﺒﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺸﻬﺭﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻴﻘﺎﺭﺏ ‪ 50‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﻭﻤﻬﻨﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﺤﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻤﺜﻠﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺅﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻔﺫﻱ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﺅﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﻐﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻓﻐﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻔﻌﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻔﻌﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺠﻤﻊ ﺘﻐﺫﻴﺔ ﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﻭﻹﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺃﻓﻀل ﻝﺘﺼﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺒﺘﻠﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻐﺫﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﻭﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻘﺼﺩ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ )ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ‪.(Abirafeh, 2005. 5 ).‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭﺕ ﺤﻭل‪ :‬ﺃﻨﻪ ﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺨﻠﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﺫﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ .‬ﻓﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻓﻐﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻫﻥ ﻴﻁﺭﺤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻗﻊ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺤﻔﺯ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺒﻭﺵ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺕ‬
‫ﻝﺘﺒﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻓﻐﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻋﻤﻴﻠﺔ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺩ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺒﻨﻴﻭﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻕ ﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﻋﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﻤﺨﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺜﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﻙ ﺤﻭل ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻔﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﺃﺨﺫ‬
‫ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻴﺴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜ ٍ‬
‫ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻫﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺠﺏ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻻ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﻜﻼ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻤﻬﻤﺵ‬
‫)‪.(Abirafeh, 2005. 19‬‬
‫‪43‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻫﻲ ﺃﺭﻀـﻴﺔ ﻏﻴـﺭ ﺜﺎﺒﺘـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻌﻤل ﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺜﺒﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺘﺤﺩﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻷﺸﻜﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺭﻴﺭﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺠﻠﺏ ﻓﺭﺼ ﹰﺎ ﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل‪ ،‬ﻓﻘـﺩ ﺘﺘﻐﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﻻ ﺘﺴﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻔﺘﻘﺩ ﻝﻠﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪) ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﻀـل‬
‫ﺘﻭﻅﻴﻔﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺒﺤﺎﺠـﺔ ﻝﻔﻬـﻡ ﺸـﺎﻤل ﻝﻠﺴـﻴﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﻬﻡ ﺴﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻤﻨﻊ ﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻁﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻬﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺃﻓﻀل ﻝﻠﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﻴﺩ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻭﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺃﻅﻬﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل‬
‫ﻴﻤﺘﻠﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﻡ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﻝﻠﻨـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﺘﺎﺌﺠﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ ﺃﺸـﺎﺭﺕ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺇﻴﺠـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺃﻓﻀل ﻝﻠﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺨﺎﺼ ﹰﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺘﺴﻬﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺴـﻴﺨﻔﻑ ﻤـﻥ ﺘﻭﺠﻬـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨـﺎﻓﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺴـﺎﺩ‬
‫)‪.(Abirafeh, 2005. 24-25‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻠﻌﺒﻪ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﻝﺩﻭل ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺃﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺤﺹ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻭﻝﻬﺎ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺒﻬﺎ )‪ ،(2010) (Donah Baracol Pinhao‬ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ " ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﺤﻭل ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺃﺴﻴﺎ"‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺒﺤﺜﺕ ﺘﻠﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﺒﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺩﻭل ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺃﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل ﺍﻝﻔﻴﻠﻴﺒﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻨﻐﺎﻓﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺎﻴﻼﻨﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻴﺘﻨﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻤﺒﻭﺩﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻴﻤﻭﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪44‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﻴﻌﻤل ﻀﻤﻥ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺘﻴﻥ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻤﺎ ﺩﻤﺞ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﻋﻡ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻔﺤﺹ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﺒﻌﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﻔﺤﺹ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﻝﻺﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻔ ﹰﺎ ﻤﻘﻨﻌ ﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻜﺎﻓﻴ ﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻫﺎﻤﺸﻴ ﹰﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻜﻴﻑ ﻴﺘﻡ‬
‫ﻼ ﻓﻌﺎ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﻋﺎﻤ ﹰ‬
‫ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪.(Pinhao, 2010. 5 ).‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺩﻭل ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺃﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺤﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﺎﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﺴﺎﺴ ﹰﺎ ﻤﻭﺤﺩﹰﺍ ﺘﻠﺘﺯﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺒﻤﻭﺠﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻴﻔﺎﺀ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻨﺤﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻷﻥ ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ ﻫﻲ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ‪ ‬ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻝﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺠﺯﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻓﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺃﺴﻴﺎ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺭﺯ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻌﺩﻡ ﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ‪ .‬ﻭ ‪‬ﺒﻨﻴﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺍﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻝﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻹﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺏ ﺩﻭل‬
‫ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺃﺴﻴﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺩﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪،2009‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻅﻬﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺃﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺩﻭل ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺃﺴﻴﺎ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﺩﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﺠﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ‬
‫ﺘﺒﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1995‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻨﻰ ﺒﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﺭﺒﻊ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)‪( Pinhao, 2010. 7‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺤﺜﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻀﻁﻠﻊ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﻜﺎﻑ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻘﻨﻊ ﺃﻭ ﻫﺎﻤﺸﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺒﺤﺙ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ‬
‫‪45‬‬

‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺒﻲ ﻻﻋﺏ ﻓﻌﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺠﻭﺍﻨﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪.(Pinhao, 2010. 3).‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﻴﻀﻁﻠﻊ ﺤﺎﻝﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﺎﻤﺸﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺃﻁﺭ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻔﺼﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻝﻺﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻤﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺨﺼﺼﺕ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬
‫ﻀﺌﻴﻠ ﹰﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨ ﹰﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺨﺼﺼﺕ ﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻔﺘﻘﺩ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺴﺏ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻭﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﺴﻬﻠﺔ ﻭﺴﺭﻴﻌﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻤﻨﻔﺭﺩﺓ ﺘﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺭﻋﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺘﺭﺍﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺭﻯ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻜﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻜﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻜﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻭﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﺃﻭ ﺒﻨﺩ ﻤﻨﻔﺼل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺯﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪.(Pinhao, 2010. 11-12).‬‬
‫ﺃﻭﺼﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺸﺭﻴﻜ ﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻫﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻷﺨﺫ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺃﺴﻴﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺩﻭل ﻤﻭﻗﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﺜل‪ :‬ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤل‬
‫ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺴﻬﻴل ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺯﻭﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﻓﺯ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻹﻁﻼﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻤﻭﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺒﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺃﺴﻴﺎ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻁﺭ ﻋﻤل‬
‫ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﻨﻁﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﻓﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻨﺸﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﺎﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺯﺍل ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻤﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﻴﻕ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻴﺸﻭﺵ ﻭﻴﻌﻴﻕ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺒﻔﻌل ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻼﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺩﻭل ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺃﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻼﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﺘﻤﺭﻴﺭ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻴﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺯﺯ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﺒﺎﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﺒﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫‪46‬‬

‫ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻷﺨﺫ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺠﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺩﻭل ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺃﺴﻴﺎ‪(Pinhao, 2010. 14-15).‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻭ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻊ ﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻔﻭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ" ﺨﺭﻴﻁﺔ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺭﺴﺎﺌل ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ" ﻝﻠﺒﺎﺤﺜﺘﻴﻥ‬
‫‪.(2008) Letty Chiwara and Maria Karadenizli‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌ ﹰﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺒﺭﺯﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭﺕ ﺤﻭل ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺜﻨﻲ ﻋﺸﺭ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻨﺩﻭﻨﻴﺴﻴﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻴﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻨﻐﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺜﻴﻭﺒﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺎﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻴﺒﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺩﻭﺭﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻴﺭﺍﻝﻴﻭﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻨﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻏﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺯﻏﺯﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻜﺭﺍﻨﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻭﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻴﻘﺩﻡ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌ ﹰﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‪ .‬ﻭُﺃﺠﺭﻴﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻜﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻠﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺘﻨﻔﺫﻩ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻭﻀﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨﻔﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻊ ﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺩﻤﺞ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺤﻭل‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻹﻴﺼﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻁﺭﻕ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﺠﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‪( Chiwara and Karadenizli, 2008. 3).‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻤﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺃﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﻓﺭﺓ ﺤﻭل ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻗﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﹰﺎ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ ﺤﻭل ﺘﺩﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻹﻨﻔﺎﻕ ﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻨﻘﺼ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫‪47‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺼﻭﻝﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻁﺭ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻨﻘﺼﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺯﻨ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻭﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‪.‬‬
‫)‪. (Chiwara and Karadenizli, 2008. 7‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ؛ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﺤﺴﻥ ﻤﻠﺤﻭﻅ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻤﺞ‬
‫ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﺒﺨﺭ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺜﻤﺎﻨﻲ ﺩﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺍﺜﻨﻲ ﻋﺸﺭ ﺩﻭﻝـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺸﻤل‪ :‬ﻨﻴﺒﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺎﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺜﻴﻭﺒﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﺩﻭﻨﻴﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻴﺭﺍﻝﻴﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺯﻏﺯﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻨﻐـﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺩﻭﺭﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻭﺴﻴﻊ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﻱ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺃﻓﻀـل ﻓـﻲ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴـﺎﺕ ﻤﺴـﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨـﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺸـﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﻑ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺘﺒﺨﺭ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺯﺍﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻜــﻤﻥ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸـﻤﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ ﺘﻤﻜـﻨﻬﻡ ﻤـﻥ ﺩﻤـﺞ ﺃﻫـﺩﺍﻑ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﺅﺸـﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺴـﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻁﺭ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻹﻨﻔﺎﻕ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Chiwara and Karadenizili, 2008. 8‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﻤﻼﺌﻤﺔ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﻭﻁﻨﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻔﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺠﻴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻤﺨﺭﺠﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺠﻭ ﹰﺓ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺨﺼﻴﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻴﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻴﺭﺍﻝﻴﻭﻥ ﺴﺎﻫﻤﺕ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻋﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻜﺄﺴﺎﺱ ﻝﻌﻤل ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻤﻨﺴﺠﻤﺔ ﺤﻭل‬
‫ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ؛ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻴﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻜﺭﺍﻨﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻨﻐﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺩﻭﺭﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻔﺫﹶﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل؛ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‬
‫‪48‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺸﻜل ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺸﻴﻭﻋ ﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ)‪.(Chiwara and Karadenizili, 2008. 16‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺫﻜﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻴﻠﺘﺯﻤﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺒﺈﺩﺍﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻝﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺘﻠﺘﺯﻡ ﺒﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺃﻁﺭ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻗﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻹﻴﺼﺎل‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻭﻤﺨﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺴﺘﺠﻴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻁﺭ ﻋﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﻴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺼﻠﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﻤﻜﺎﺘﺏ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺯﺍل ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ )‪.(Chiwara&Karadenizli, 2008. 21-22‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻁ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺀﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﺨﺭﺍﻁ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﺎل ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺃﺜﻴﻭﺒﻴﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻋﺯﺯ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺀﻝﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻘﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺸﺭﻜﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﻡ‬
‫ﻋﺭﻀﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﺀﻝﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺼ ‪‬ﻤﻤ‪‬ﺔ ﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺘﻨﻔﻴـﺫ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺀﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺤﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴـﺔ ﻝﻠﻤـﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝـﻴﺱ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺤﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻵﻝﻴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼـﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻁﺎﻝﺒﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴـﺎﺀﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫـﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻤﺤـﺩﻭﺩ ﺒﺴــﺒﺏ ﻗـﺩﺭﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴــﺔ ﺫﻝـﻙ ﺍﻝـﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﻋـﺩﻡ ﺘـﻭﻓﺭ ﺃﻨﻅﻤـﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺀﻝﺔ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴـﺯ ﻤﺸــﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫)‪(hiwara & Karadenizli, 2008. 23‬‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺤﻭل ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺸﻜﺎﻻﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬
‫ﺘﻌﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻤﺕ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻠﻘﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﺕ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ‬
‫‪49‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﻓﺭﺓ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺤﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻤﺕ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺄﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﺕ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ " ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﺨﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ " ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ" ‪ "،‬ﺒﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻝﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺔ ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻭﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ" ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ " ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ‪ :‬ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻗﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺸﺭﻜﺎﺀ ‪:‬ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ " 2003-1999‬ﻝﻠﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﺭﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺠﻌﻔﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺒﺤﺜﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺘﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫‪ ،2003-1999‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺒﺤﺜﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻤﻼﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﺨﺎﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻌﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﻺﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺅﺍل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ‪ :‬ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻭ‬
‫ﻤﺩﻯ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ .2003-1999‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻊ ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻝﻺﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻤﺜﻠﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺠﺎﺩﻝﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻤﻊ ﺇﺴﻬﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻜﻼ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻠﻘﻲ )‪ .(Jafari, 2006. 25‬ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻠﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﻙ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ‬
‫ﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻫﺩﻑ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‬
‫ﺩﻋﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ‪.(Jafari, 2006. 41) .‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺒﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺴﺘﺠﺏ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻗﺒل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .2005‬ﻜﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻝﻸﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ‬
‫‪50‬‬

‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل ﺨﻠﻕ ﻓﺭﺹ ﻋﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺉ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﺼﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻗﺩ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺩ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻭﺜﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﺘﻴﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻠﻜﻬﺎ ﻤﺩﻴﺭ ﻭﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻲ ﺒﻌﺜﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪.( Jafari , 2006. 53).‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ " ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ " ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺁﻴﻠﻴﻥ ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ )‪ (1996‬ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﻭﻨﻘﺩ ﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1994‬ﺘﺤﺕ ﻋﻨﻭﺍﻥ " ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ "ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻋﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﺜﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1993‬ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻻ ﺘﺤﺘﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻤﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺒﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺃﻱ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭﻫﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺘﻬﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺤﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻀﻁﻠﻊ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻜﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻤﺎﻨﺤﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻤﺩﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺯل‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺄﻤﻬﺎﺕ ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺫﻜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻌﻤل‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝ ‪‬ﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻥ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺴﺱ‬
‫ﻝﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﺭﻯ ﺘﻨﻤﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺘﻠﺒﻲ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻻ ﻴﻠﺘﺯﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺒﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﻀﻊ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ " ﺘﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ" ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺠﺎﺩل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻜﺎﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺘﺭﺤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﺒﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺘﺭﺤﺔ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻝﻨﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻪ‪).‬ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(23 ،1996،‬‬
‫‪51‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻜﺘﺎﺏ " ﺒﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻝﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺔ ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ " ﻝﺴﺎﺭﻱ ﺤﻨﻔﻲ ﻭﻝﻴﻨﺩﺍ ﻁﺒﺭ )‪ ،(2006‬ﻓﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻨﻴﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻀﻤﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻗﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭ ‪‬ﺒﻨﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﻭﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﺃﺠﺭﻴﺕ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﻭﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀﻫﺎ )‪ (2001-1998‬ﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﺘﻡ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻤﻥ ‪ 33‬ﺠﻬﺔ ﻤﺎﻨﺤﺔ ﻭ‪ 45‬ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺃﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻠﻘﺎﺀﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻭﻻﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻬﺭﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻭﺼﻑ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﺀ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻤﻼﺌﻤ ﹰﺔ ﺘﻤﺎﻤ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻸﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻠﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻗﺒﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺘﺒﺎﺩل ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺍﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﺘﻨﺩﺭﺝ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺠﺩﻝﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺴﻊ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻘل ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺤﻨﻔﻲ ﻭﻁﺒﺭ‪(88 .2006،‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﺘﺒﻌﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺸﻤﻭﻝﻲ ﻴﺄﺨﺫ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﻝﻠﺤﺭﻜـﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴـﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴـﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻭﻝﻬﺎ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻗﺒل ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔـﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴـﻠﻭ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺤﻨﻔﻲ ﻭﻁﺒﺭ‪.(87.2006،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﺠﻨﺩ ﹰﺓ ﻤﺸﺎﺒﻬ ﹰﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﺼﻠﺤ ﹰﺔ ﺘﺘﻤﺎﺸﻰ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﻓﻌﺔ ﺴﺒﻘﺕ ﻭﺘﻭﺍﺯﺕ‬
‫ﻤﻊ ﻭﺼﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺎﻋﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺘﺤﻭل ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻝﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﻀﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﺨل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‬
‫‪52‬‬

‫ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﻀﻁﻠﻊ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴـﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴـﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻭﻝﺕ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻨﺴﻭﻱ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﻓﻌﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺴـﺎﻋﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭل ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴـﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﻓﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺤﻨﻔﻲ ﻭﻁﺒﺭ‪.( 105-104 .2006 ،‬‬
‫ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﺭﻴﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﺒﺏ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻫﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﻝﻴﺱ‬
‫ﻀﻤﻥ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺃﻓﻀل ﻝﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﺘﻔﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺤﻭل ﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺸﺒﻴﻬﺔ ﺒﺄﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻤﺘﺠﺎﻫﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺤﺎل ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺴﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺘﻁﺭﻕ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺎﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺘﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺘﻬﺎ ﻹﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺨﻁﻁ ﻭﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺼﺎل ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃُﺠﺭﻴﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻷﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﺕ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﻓﺭﺓ ﻓﻠﻡ ﺘﺘﻁﺭﻕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﺎ ‪‬ﻴﻤﻴﺯ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﹸﺘﻌﺩ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﻀﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺄﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺸﺒﻴﻬﺔ ﺒﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻁﺭﺤﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺘﻠﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪53‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻜﻭﻝﻭﻨﻴﺎﻝﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻﺒﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﻤﻥ ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﻴﺘﻜﺭﺭ‬
‫ﺫﻜﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﻝﻠﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺎﻋﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﻁﺭﺡ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻅﻬﺭ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺴﻊ ﻋﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ" ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﻓﺭﻨﺴﻲ ‪‬ﻴﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﺠﺴـﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺴـﺘﻌﻤﻠﺕ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺩﻻﻝﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻠﻭﺍﺘﻲ ﺃﻜﺩﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺫﺭﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﻤـﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺜـﻡ‬
‫ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺘﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺒﺎﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻅﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻥ ﻫﻲ ﻨﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺠﻨﺴﻬﻥ ﻜﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ .‬ﻭﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺼﻭل ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺠﻤﻴﻌ ﹰﺎ ﺘﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺇﻨﻬـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻀﻁﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒـﺔ ﺒﻀـﻤﺎﻥ ﺤﻘـﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤـﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻬـﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﻨـﻑ ﻀـﺩﻫﺎ"‪.‬‬
‫))‪.(Pilcher and Whelehan, 2004. 84‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻌ ‪‬ﺭﻑ ﻜﻭﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺠﺎﻭﺭﺩﻴﻨﺎ )‪ (1986‬ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ " :‬ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ ﺒﺎﻀﻁﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻀﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺘﻀﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ "‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺠﺎﺩل ﺠﺎﻭﺭﺩﻴﻨﺎ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺎل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﻻ ﺘﻌﺎﻝﺞ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻜﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺘﺤﺩﻯ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻀﻁﻬﺎﺩ‪ .(Jayawardena, 1986. 2).‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺘﻀﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‬
‫ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪54‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ "ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﺘﻠﻙ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻌﺭ‪‬ﻑ ﺠﺎﺩ )‪ (2003‬ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺌﺢ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺒﺭﺕ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻀﻌﺕ‬
‫ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓ ﹰﺎ ﻭﺨﻁﻁ ﹰﺎ ﻭﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤل ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﺘﻭﺍﻜﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭ ﺒﺘﺸﻜل ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1964‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﻌﻠﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻫﺯﻴﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺤﺯﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﻀﺎﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺴﺱ ﻝﺼﻼﺕ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﻨﺸﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺼﻌﺏ ﻓﺼل‬
‫ﺘﺸﻜل ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﻤﺭﺍﺤﻠﻪ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻫﺎ "‬
‫)ﺠﺎﺩ‪.(51: 2003 ،‬‬

‫‪ 1.3‬ﺃﺜﺭ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﻐﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁﺕ ﺒﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻝﻘﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺩﺀﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻀﺭ‪) ،‬ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺃﺒﻭ ﻋﻭﺍﺩ ‪ ،(7 ،2007،‬ﺇﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﻨﻀﺎﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻨﺒﺜﻕ ﻋﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺘﻡ ﻁﺭﺤﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺌﻤ ﹰﺎ ﻜﺭﺍﻓﺩ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺠﺫﻭﺭ ﻁﺭﺡ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻜﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻝﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ )ﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪. (122 .1999 ،‬‬
‫ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻸﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻁﺭﺤﺘﻬـﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜـﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴـﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻜﻭﻝﻭﻨﻴﺎﻝﻲ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺴﺘﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺜـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝـﻙ ﻝﺘﻭﻀـﻴﺢ ﻫـﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﻴﺘﻜﺭﺭ ﺫﻜﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل‪ .‬ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﺍﻝﻌـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻝﻸﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻁﺭﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻝﻘﺩ ﻝﻌﺒﺕ ﻜل ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﺯ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﻁﺭﺡ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺘﺄﺜﺭﺕ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺴﻴﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴـﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫‪55‬‬

‫ﻻ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﻓـﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﻠﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺼﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴـﺎﺕ ﺨﺎﺼـﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺒﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﻁﺭﺤﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴـﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺭﺕ ﺒﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜـﻭﻤﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺘﺠﺎﻫـل‬
‫ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻜـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺘﺩﺓ ﻤـﻥ ‪ ،2009-1997‬ﺃﻱ ﺒﻌـﺩ ﺘﺸـﻜﻴل ﺍﻝﺴـﻠﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﺎﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ 2.3‬ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻬﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺩﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻨﻲ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺍﻨﺒﺜﻘﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘـﺄﺴﺱ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻲ ﺍﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠ ﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺩﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻨﻲ )‪،(1948-1918‬‬
‫ﺒﻤﻭﺠﺏ ﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻋﺼﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .1922‬ﻭﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻨﻴﺎ ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺒﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻭﻋﺩ‬
‫ﺒﻠﻔﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻘﻀﻲ ﺒﺠﻌل ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﻁﻥ ﻗﻭﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﻴﻬﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩﺕ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻬﺠﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻴﻬﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻏﺎﺜﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻴﻨﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﺇﻏﺎﺜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺘﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﺌﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻥ ﻀﺩ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺩﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺭﺴﺎل ﺭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﻭﺇﻝﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬
‫ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺘﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ ﺒﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻝﻐﻨﻲ ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫)‪) (Fleischman, 2000. 17‬ﺠﺎﺩ‪32 . 2003 ،‬؛ ﻤﻜﺎﻭﻱ ‪. (Gluck, 1995. 6) ، (2 .2002‬‬

‫‪ 3.3‬ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻜﺒﺔ ‪:1948‬‬

‫ﻭﻨﺸﺄﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻨﻜﺒﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1948‬ﻝﻘﺩ ﺩﻤﺭﺕ ﻨﻜﺒﺔ ‪1948‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻔﻜﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫‪56‬‬

‫ﻓﻘﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻼﺠﺌﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺘﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻠﺠﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻁﺒﻘ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻝﻐﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻤﺘﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻝﻴﺸﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻼﺠﺌﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻴﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻼﺠﺌﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺃﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻼﺠﺌﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺠﻭﺍﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻬﺠﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺩﻨﻬﺎ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻜﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻴﺘﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻼﺠﺌﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻴﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ‪) .‬ﻤﻜﺎﻭﻱ‪.(2002،‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺨﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1950‬ﻭﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﻤﻴﺯﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺎﻕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ ﻤﺜل ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺙ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ‬
‫ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻡ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ‬
‫ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺕ ﺒﻌﺩﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ )ﺭﻨﺩﺓ ﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ ‪.(29 ،2008،‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻁﺭﺡ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺘﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﻴﺎﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺨﻴﻤﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻘﻴﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺭﻭﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﺜﻠﺕ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺝ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﻤﻬﻥ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺘﻨﺎﻤﻲ ﺍﻹﻗﺒﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻜﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ )ﺠﺎﺩ‪ ،(42 .2000 ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻨﺨـﺭﺍﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺠﺎﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻨﺨﺭﺍﻁ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺴﻬﻡ ﻓـﻲ ﺘﻐﻴﻴـﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺃﻱ ﺘﺤـﺩ ﻝﻘـﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺘﻘﺎﻝﻴﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺅﺸﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻔﺼل ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﻻ ‪‬ﻴﻠﻐﻲ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺤﺼﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻨﺨﺭﺍﻁﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝـﺫﻱ‬
‫ﺘﻤﺜل ﺒﻜﺴـﺭ ﺤﻠﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴـﻴﺎﺴـﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻐﻠﻑ ﺒﻐﻼﻑ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫)ﺠﺎﺩ‪.(43-42. 2000 ،‬‬
‫‪57‬‬

‫‪ 4.3‬ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ‪1965‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫‪:1964‬‬
‫ﺩﺨﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺨﺎﺼ ﹰﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1964‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺤﻭﻝﺕ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺤﺭﺏ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1967‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻨﺼﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﺸﺭﺍﻙ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻝﻠﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻋﺩ ﹰﺓ ﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺒﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ .1965‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﺜﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻼ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨل ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﺈﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻤﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪) ،‬ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ‪ .(2003 ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺤﻭل ﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ ﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴ ﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﺤﻴ ﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴ ﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻝﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻬﻥ ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻕ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ‬
‫ﺒﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻝﻺﺴﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ )‪،(Gluck, 1995. 7‬‬
‫)ﺇﺴﻤﺎﻋﻴل‪ ،2001 ،‬ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ .(2006 ،‬ﻭﻋﻤل ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ )ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،(2006 ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺤﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻴﺎﻁﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻤﺭﻴﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﻴﺘﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺸﻔﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ)‪.(Gluck, 1995.7‬‬
‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺘﺎﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺒﻨﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻨﻅﺭﺕ ﻝﻪ ﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻼ ﻝﻺﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺨﻭﻓﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺇﺒﻌﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻴﻌﻤل ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﻭﺤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻤ ﹰ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻴﺴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺒﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻌﺭﻀﺕ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﺔ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﺴﻤﻴﺤﺔ ﺨﻠﻴل ﻝﻺﻗﺎﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺒﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻴﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺜﺭﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻀﻌﺎﻑ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﻌﺏ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺘﻌﺒﺌﺘﻬﻥ )ﺠﺎﺩ‪. (66 .2008 ،‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻤﺜل ﺒﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻭﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻼﺠﺌﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺃﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ‪ .‬ﻋﻤل ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀﺍﺘﻬﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﺌﻠﻴﺔ؛ ﻝﻜﻥ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬
‫ﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﻴﻎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻤﻠﻙ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ ﺃﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺎﺘﻬﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪58‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻭﺤﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻫﻭ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﻤﺜﻴل ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻠﺒﻴﺘﻪ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ )‪.(Sayigh , 1993.177‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻨﺨﺭﺍﻁ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﻝﻡ ‪‬ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻋﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﺤﻭﺫ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻭﻝﻰ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ‬
‫ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺴﺎﻋﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﺴﺏ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﺒﺭ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺠﺎﺩ‪" :‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻻﻨﺨﺭﺍﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻜﺴﺭ ﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴ‪‬ﻐﻠﻑ ﺩﺍﺌﻤ ﹰﺎ ﺒﻐﻼﻑ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗ‪‬ﺒل ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻨﺨﺭﺍﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻻ ﺒﺄﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﻭﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻌﺒﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) ."1967‬ﺠﺎﺩ‪. (43 ،2000 ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺯﺍﻝﺔ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﻭﺩﻤﺞ ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻤﻅﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻁﺭﺤﺕ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﻴﺴﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻀﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ‪-‬ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﺘﺢ‪ -‬ﻝﻡ ﻴﻁﺭﺡ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺩﺃ ﺠﻴل ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺸﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻁﺭﺡ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺈﺼﻼﺡ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﺃﻓﻀل‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﺠﻌل ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﺠﺘﻴﺎﺡ ﻝﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1982‬ﻭﺨﺭﻭﺝ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻭﻨﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺃﻓﺭﻉ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻝﻺﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺒﻴﺭﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﻓﺄﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﻻ ﻴﺸﻜل ﺇﻻ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻀﻴﻘﺔ‪.( Gluck, 1995. 8) .‬‬

‫‪ 5.3‬ﻝﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻜﺴﺔ ‪:1987-1967‬‬

‫ﻝﻡ ﺘﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻝﻸﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ ،1967‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻭﻋﻴ ﹰﺎ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫)‪ .(Gluck, 1995.8‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1971-1970‬ﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺸﺎﺭﻜﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﺴﺏ ﻜﻌﻀﻭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻭﻅﻔﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻜﺎﺘﺏ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ‪ .(Sayigh, 1993.186) .‬ﻭﺸﺎﺭﻜﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪59‬‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﻼﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻝﻠﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬
‫ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺸﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺭﻯ ﻭﻤﺩﻥ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺜﻘﻔﺎﺕ ﻭﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻁﻰ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﺤﺩﺓ‪) ،‬ﻤﻜﺎﻭﻱ‪.(2002،‬‬
‫ﻭﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺃﺭﺒﻊ ﻝﺠﺎﻥ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻔﺼﺎﺌل ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺸﻁﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻠﻭﺍﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﺘﻠﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻨﺒﺜﻘﺕ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻊ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﻌﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ُ .‬ﺃﺴﺴﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺍﻝﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﻝﺠﺎﻥ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻊ ﻝﻠﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﻝﺠﺎﻥ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻊ ﻝﻠﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﻝﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.(Kawar , 2001. 21) .‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻨﻀﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺸﻁﺎﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﻏﻼﻕ ﺃﺒﻭﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎﻤﻬﻥ ﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻴل ﺍﻝﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻝﻠﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻴل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺘﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺸﻁﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺨﺭﺍﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﻗﺎﻋﺩ ﹰﺓ ﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﻌ ﹰﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺕ ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ‬
‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺔ ﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻭﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺭﻴﺎﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﻥ ﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻬﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻌﺒﺌﺘﻬﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﺴﺘﻬﺩﻓﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺘﻘﻠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻬﺩﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻀﺭﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﻭﺭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺤﻔﺯﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪) .‬ﺠﺎﺩ‪ ،(57 :2003 ،‬ﻭﺠﻤﻌﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﺎﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻜﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﺠل ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺠﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺒﺘﻔﻌﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺜﺎﺭﺓ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﺠل )ﻫﻨﺩﻴﺔ‪1999 ،‬؛‬
‫ﻤﻜﺎﻭﻱ‪2002 ،‬؛ ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪(2006 ،‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﺘﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﺤﻭل ﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺨﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻝﺘﻭﺴﻴﻊ ﻗﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻱ ﺇﺸﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺌﺢ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺩﺭﻜﺕ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺸﺭﺍﻜﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺯﻭﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺄﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻜﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﺌﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺯﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻀﺎﻤﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪60‬‬

‫ﻝﻠﻤﻌﺘﻘﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻴﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ )‪،(Gluck, 1995.8‬‬
‫)ﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(31 .2008 ،‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻫﺩﻓﹰﺎ ﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺸﺭﺍﻜﻬﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ؛ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺤﻤﻠﺕ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻨﺒﺜﻘﺕ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﻐﻰ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ‬
‫ﻝﻡ ﺘﻔﺴﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻹﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻀﻌﻔﺕ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻘل ﺍﻝﻔﺌﻭﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺼﻔﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ )ﻫﻨﺩﻴﺔ ‪.(1999‬‬

‫‪ 6.3‬ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ‪:1993-1987‬‬

‫ﺍﻨﺩﻝﻌﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1993-1987‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻔﺠﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻭﺍﺌﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﻓﻲ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﺭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﻤﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻤﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﺍﺌﺏ ﻝﻼﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻹﻀﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻋﺘﺼﺎﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﺍﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤ ﹰﺔ ﻝﻼﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻝﺴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺴﺎﻋﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﺎﻋل‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺜﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﺸﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺼﻭﺭ ﻭﺤﺠﻡ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪) ،‬ﺠﺎﺩ‪ .(62 .2000 ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺩﺨﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﺯﺩﻴﺎﺩ ﺜﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺸﺎﻁﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺘﺴﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺤﺘﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻜﺎﻨ ﹰﺔ ﻤﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﹰﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺭﺴﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﻤﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﺜل‪ :‬ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻴﺴﺎﺭﻱ ﻤﺴﻠﺢ‬
‫ﺤﻴﻥ ﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺼﻑ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻤﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻝﻠﺴﺠﻥ )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪،(116-115 .2004 ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺸﺎﺭﻜﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻝﻘﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻨﻭﺩ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺠﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺭﻕ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻅﺎﻫﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎل ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺃﺠﺴﺎﺩﻫﻥ‪) ،‬ﺠﺎﺩ‪62 .2003 ،‬؛ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،(115 .2004 ،‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1987‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻁﻐﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺃﺭﺒﻊ ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﻝﻼﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪) ،(Holt , 1996. 193) ،‬ﻨﺎﺼﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ ‪ ،(34 .2008،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪61‬‬

‫‪ 1‬ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ‪:1993-1987‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻤﺘﺩﺕ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1988‬ﺘﻤﻴﺯﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻔﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻜﺎﺘﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺎﻝﻑ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺌﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﺸﺎﺭﻜﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜ ﹰﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﹰﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺭﺠﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭﻫﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺼﺎﺩﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻝﺭﻓﻊ ﻭﻋﻴﻬﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻗﻬﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪) ،‬ﺤﻤﺎﻤﻲ‪ ،(74 .1991 ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺘﻤﻴﺯﺕ ﺒﻐﻴﺎﺏ ﻫﻴﻜل‬
‫ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ ﻝﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﺘﻁﺭﺡ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺃﺠﻨﺩ ﹰﺓ ﻨﺴﻭﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺭﺕ ﻜل ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺠﺎﺩ‪":‬‬
‫ﺒﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ – ﺃﻭﺍﻤﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ – ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺇﺘﺒﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺤﻭﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺩﺍﺨل ﻫﻴﺌﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺘﻀﻴﻕ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺤﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻔﻭﻗﻲ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺴﻨﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﻷﻡ"‪) .‬ﺠﺎﺩ‪.2003 ،‬‬
‫‪.(63‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻼﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬
‫ﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻝﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺘﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1988‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1989‬ﻓﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺸﻁﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻜﺘﺴﺒﻨﻬﺎ ﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺘﻬﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﺨﺭﺍﻁﻬﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭﻱ ﻝﻼﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻔﻭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺒﻠﻐﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺫﺭﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1988‬ﻤﻨﺫ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﻴﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ).1989‬ﺠﺎﺩ‪.(63 ،2000 ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻝﻬﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺤﻤﻠﺔ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﺭﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻅﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻭﻋﻬﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺨﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻼﺠﺌﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻤﺼﻤﻤﺔ ﻝﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﻜﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺼﻔﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺯﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺇﻏﻼﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻁﻼﻕ ﺸﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺼﻨﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻏﺫﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻁﻼﻕ ﺤﻤﻼﺕ ﻤﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻀﺎﺌﻊ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﺭﺤﻰ ﻭﺍﻷﺴﺭﻯ )‪.(Jad, 1995. 235‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻨﺘﻴﺠ ﹰﺔ ﻝﻀﻌﻑ ﻭﺘﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺤﻘﻘﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺘﺴﺎﺅل‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺃﻭﺠﺩ ﺸﻌﻭﺭﹰﺍ‬
‫‪62‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺫﻤﺭ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺯﻱ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻏﺯﺓ ﺨﻼل ﺼﻴﻑ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1988‬ﻭﺘﺄﺨﺭ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻷﺨﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )ﺤﻤﺎﻤﻲ‪74،1991،‬؛ )‪(Glavanis, 1996. 176‬؛ ﺠﺎﺩ‪.(68.2000،‬‬

‫‪ 2‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻱ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1988‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺃﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﻓﺘﻤﻴﺯﺕ ﺒﺘﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻱ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺜﺭ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻋﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1988‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻀﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﻨﺎﺸﻁﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻼﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ‪ .(Holt, 1996. 194).‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻁﺭﺡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺃﺠﻨﺩ ﹰﺓ ﻨﺴﻭﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﻤﺴﺎﺤ ﹰﺔ ﻝﺠﺩل‬
‫ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﺭﻋﺎﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﺌﻠﻲ‪ ،(Gluck, 1995. 10) .‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﻁﺭﺃ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻌﻁﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻜﻭﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﻝﻬﺠﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻝﺘﺸﻜل ﺤﺯﺏ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻝﻬﺠﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻝﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺤﺯﺏ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻊ ﺘﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ )ﺠﺎﺩ‪ ،(65 ،2003،‬ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠ ﹰﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺘﺭﺍﻜﻡ ﻭﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭ ﻭﻋﻲ ﻨﺴﻭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺘﻡ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺃﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺘﺴﻤﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻘﻼﻝﻴﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻀﻠﺕ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪) ،‬ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺨﺭﻭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﻝﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺒﺤﺜﻴﺔ ﻹﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪) .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪.(116 . 2004 ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،(Holt, 1996. 196) 1993‬ﺘﺒﻌ ﹰﺎ ﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﺃﻱ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺭﻴﺤﺎ ﺃﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺜﺎﺭ ﹰﺓ ﻭﺇﺒﺭﺍﺯﹰﺍ ﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺭﺠﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻝﻭﺤﻅ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺩﻴﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻠﻘﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﻤﻭﺍﻀﻴﻊ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﺩﻻﺕ ﺘﺴﺭﺏ ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺨﻨﺔ ﻝﻌﻼﺝ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻝﻤﺎﺕ )‪.(Gluck, 1995. 10‬‬
‫‪63‬‬

‫‪ 7.3‬ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ‪ 1993‬ﻭﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺍﻨﺘﻘل ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻝﻠﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻀﻌﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺠﺯﺀﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻀﻌﻑ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺴﺒﺒ ﹰﺎ ﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﺍﻝﻜﻭﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﻴﺩ ﹰﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺤﺯﺍﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻥ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺯﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭﻱ‪) .‬ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ .(2001 ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﻥ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﻬﻤﻴﺵ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻫﺎﺏ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﻌﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭﺍﻨﻲ ‪) ،(2001‬ﺤﻨﻔﻲ ﻭﻁﺒﺭ‪ 104 .2005،‬؛ ﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.(Jad, 2009. 3) ،(95.2003،‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺍﻨﻘﺴﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺅﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1993‬ﻭﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﻓﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﺘﻌﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻥ‬
‫ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻜﺎﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ )‪ .(Gluck, 1995. 11‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﺭﻓﻀﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﺠﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﺘﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل‬
‫ﺘﻤﺭﻴﺭ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻁﻌﻥ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻔﺼﻠﺔ ﻝﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺒﻠﺔ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺘﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺍﺤﺎﺕ ﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﻭﺍل ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻓ ﹰﺎ ﺤﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺘﻴﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﻝﺘﻤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺒﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺎﺩﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻴﺩﺓ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻴﺩﺓ ﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﺘﺘﻁﻠﻊ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﻯ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﻜﺎﺴﺏ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ )‪.(Gluck, 1995. 11‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻤﻴﺯﺕ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﺒﺎﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫‪64‬‬

‫ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ )ﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ .(2008 ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﻴﺯﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺤﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﺜﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻜﺄﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﻼﺀﻡ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻤﻴﺯﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﺘﺩﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫‪.(Kawar, 1998. 234) 1994‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪،1967‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ‪ ،1948‬ﺤﺴﺏ ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺃﺒﻭ ﻋﻭﺍﺩ ﻫﻲ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻤﺘﺸﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺘﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻤﻴﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻬﻤﺎ "ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ” ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻨﻴل ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل‪ ،‬ﻭﺜﺎﻨﻴﻬﻤﺎ‬
‫"ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ" ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺘﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﺜﻘﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺜﻘﻴﻑ ﺤﻭل ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻜﺂﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﺴﺎﺀﻝﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺔ )ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺃﺒﻭ ﻋﻭﺍﺩ‪(15 .2007 ،‬‬
‫ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺘﻤﻴﺯﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺒﺎﻓﺘﻘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﻭﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻁﺭﺤﺕ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﻓﻭﻗﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻤﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺭﺡ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻭﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻼﺀﻡ‬
‫ﻤﻊ ﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻭﻝﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻻ ﺘﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺨﻴﻤﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﻓﻌﺔ‪) .‬ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪2006،‬؛ ﺇﺴﻤﺎﻋﻴل‪ .(2006 ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭل ﺒﺩﺃ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺯﺍﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻊ ﺘﺤﻭل‬
‫ﻨﺤﻭ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻨﺴﻭﻱ ﺘﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﻓﻌﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﹸﺍ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ؛ ﻤﺜل ﺤﻀﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻴﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﺨل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ )‪.(Jad, 1995. 243‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻁﺭﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1993‬ﻭﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ‪ ،1996‬ﻭﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻀﻌﺔ ﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺒﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻌﺘﻤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻬﺎﻤﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﺄﻫﻴل ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫‪65‬‬

‫ﻝﻠﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ )ﺴﻨﻴﻭﺭﺓ‪.(19 .2001،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺨﺫﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺯﺍﻤﻥ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1995‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃًﺼﺩﺭ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺤل ﻴﺎﺴﺭ ﻋﺭﻓﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1994‬‬
‫ﻗﺭﺍﺭﹰﺍ ﻴﻘﻀﻲ ﺒﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺤﻀﻴﺭ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ‪) ،‬ﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 3‬ﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،(1994‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻀﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﻀﻭﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻤﺜﻼﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻺﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻔﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1996‬ﻭﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠل‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1996‬ﺒﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﻭﺤﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻝﺼﺎﻨﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺼﻠﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2000‬ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻥ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺘﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ‪ ) .‬ﺴﻨﻴﻭﺭﺓ ‪.(20 .2001،‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺩﻋﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﺈﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1996‬ﻭﺤﺩﺩﺕ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺭﺅﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻜﻤﺤﺭﻙ ﻝﺘﻀﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻝﺠﺴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺠﻭﺓ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪) .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪.(272 .2003،‬‬
‫ﻭﺴﺘﺘﻡ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫‪66‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﻼﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺍﺘﺴﻤﺕ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻹﻏﺎﺜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻴﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺩﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻜﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ؛ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ‬
‫ﺒﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺎل ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﻀﻭﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻁﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭﺕ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺩﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻜل‬
‫ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﺜﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺭﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺜﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﻁﺭﺡ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻀﺤﻰ ﻭﺍﻀﺤ ﹰﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻀﺤﺕ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﻁﺭﺡ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺸﻜﻠﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺸﺭﻴﻜ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻨﻰ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺴﺘﺩﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ‬
‫ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﺎﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪67‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‬
‫ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺴﻴﻌﺭﺽ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻫﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﻤﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺴﻴﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺘﻭﻀﻴﺢ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻠﻌﺒﻪ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ "ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺒﻤﻭﺠﺏ ﻤﻌﺎﻫﺩﺓ ﺘﻌﻘﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺩﻭل" ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻴﻌﺒﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻫﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺘﺸﻜل ﻭﺠﻭﺩﹰﺍ ﻗﺎﺌﻤ ﹰﺎ ﺒﺫﺍﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻴﺘﺄﻝﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ"‪.(Martin, 1982. 50).‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﻨﺸﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻫﻭ" ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺼﻤﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻡ ﺃﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺎﺩل ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻓﻲ ﻭﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﻜﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﻭﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻜﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺸﻜل ﺠﻭﻫﺭ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﻅﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻠﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻓﻴﻪ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﻝﻸﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺤﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺒﺴﻴﻁﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪.(Kratochwil&Ruggie, 1997. 35) .‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻡ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻴﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺩﻤﺞ ﺴﻴﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﻜﻤﻔﺎﺘﻴﺢ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪68‬‬

‫ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ‬
‫ﻤﻊ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻴﺭﻜﺯﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺤﺩﻭﺙ‬
‫ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﻝﻠﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺴﻤﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺠﺯﺀﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪.(33 ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺘﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺠﺴﺎﻡ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻤﻊ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ‪ .‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺄﻱ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻠﺯﻡ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻻ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻴﻘﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺒﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﻠﺘﺯﻡ ﺒﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫)ﻤﻴﺭل‪.(364 ،1986،‬‬

‫‪ 1.4‬ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﻁﻭﺭﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺒﻨﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺸﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1948‬ﺃﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺁﺜﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺤﺎﻓﺯﹰﺍ ﻝﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﻤﻥ ‪ 30‬ﻓﻘﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﻁﻭﺭﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺎﻫﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺒﻤﻭﺠﺒﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻫﻲ ﻝﺠﺎﻥ ﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﺃﺩﻭﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻫﺩﺍﺕ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﻤل‬
‫ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﺃﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻨﺘﻬﺎﻜﺎﺕ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﻤل ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺤﺘﻭﻱ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪).‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪.(2006،‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻀﻤﻥ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪:‬‬

‫ﻼ ﻭﻤﺭﺸﺩﹰﺍ ﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺤﻴـﺙ‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺩﻝﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺘﺭﺸﺩ ﻜل ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻐﺫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤـﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻓـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺤل‪ .‬ﺃﻱ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ‬
‫‪69‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﺎﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴـﺎﻥ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺸـﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﻴـ ﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴـﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺌﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻤﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻭﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺤﻘـﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴـﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(UNIFEM, 2007. 1‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻤﺅﺴﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻜل ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﻁﺭﺓ ﻫﻭ ﺤﺎﻤل ﻝﻠﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ‬
‫ﻻﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻭﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﺘﻘﻬﻡ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﻭﻭﻜﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻭﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻤﺤﺔ ﺃﻱ‬
‫ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺃﻭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﺎﻗﺔ ﺤﺭﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻝﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺸﻤل ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺒﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﹸﺘﺠﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﻭﻜﻼﺌﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﻜﺎﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻴﺸﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻔﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻭﻤﺩﺍﻓﻌﻲ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﻭﻓﺎﺀ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ‬
‫ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻬﻜﺔ ﻝﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﻬﻡ ﻭﺸﻜﻭﺍﻫﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ‬
‫ﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻗﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﻴﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺘﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻝﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﻓﻌﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻝﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪.( UN, 2003.4) .‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺼﺩﺭﺕ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2003‬ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﻔﺫﻫﺎ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻨﻘﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -1‬ﻴﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‬
‫ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫‪-2‬ﺇﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺴﺘﺭﺸﺩ‬
‫ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -3‬ﺴﻴﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﻤﻥ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻷﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻝﻠﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﺤﻘﻭﻗﻬﻡ )‪.(UNIFEM, 2007. 19‬‬
‫‪70‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺒﺩﺃ ﺘﻘﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻘـﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻴـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴـﻴﺎﺴـﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺴـﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻝﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺒﺩﺌﻴﺎ ﺤﺼﺭﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺞ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻘﻴﺕ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻝﻌﻘﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺼﺎﺤﺒﻪ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ .‬ﺜﻡ ﺠﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1986‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻭﻓﺔ ﻫﻨـﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺠﻴـل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴـﻴﺎﺴـﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﺭﻭﻓﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺠﻴل ﺍﻷﻭل ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﻘـﻭﻕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﺭﻭﻓﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺠﻴل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﺒﺕ ﻝﻠﻌﻴﺵ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﻴﻡ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺴـﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻌﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺍﻝﺤـﻕ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺠﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻜل ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺇﺯﺍﻝﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺏﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻭﻥ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻓﺸل ﻓﻲ ﺇﺠﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼـﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒـﺭﻯ ﻓـﻲ ﺇﺯﺍﻝـﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻌﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺴـﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻐﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺎﺒﻌـﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1993‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﻜـﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴـﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻡ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴـﺎﻥ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺘﺩﺍﺨﻠﺔ ﻭﻤﺘﺭﺍﺒﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺒﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻭﺒﻨﻬﺎﻏﻥ ﻋـﺎﻡ‬
‫‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 1995‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺨﺭﺠﺕ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﻕ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻝﻜل ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ‬
‫)‪.(UNDP, 2006. 4‬‬

‫‪ .3‬ﻨﻘﺩ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺘﻤﻠﻙ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﻤﺸﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﻭﻤﺠﺭﺩﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺤﺠﻡ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻴﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﻠل ﻤﻥ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻭﻉ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻜﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻘﺎﻁﻌﺔ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺨﻼﻗﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺌﻤ ﹰﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻔﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻁﺎﻗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻤﻨﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺜﺎل ﺫﻝﻙ ﺤﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ ﻜﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ )‪ (16‬ﺭﻗﻡ)‪(2‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻨﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺒﻔﻌل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﻝﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻤﺎﺸﻰ ﻤﻊ‬
‫‪71‬‬

‫ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺨﻼﻕ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻴﺼﻌﺏ ﺘﺒﺭﻴﺭ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﻼﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻷﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻫﻭ ﻤﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻨﺘﺠﻪ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻠﻐﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺘﺘﺸﻜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻨﺎﻗﺽ‬
‫ﻻ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻌﺯﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺘﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ‪.(Thakur , 1997. 249).‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻀﻴﻘ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻷﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺇﺩﻋﺎﺀ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺘﺸﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﻠل‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻴﻘﺩﻡ ﺤﻠﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺘﺯﻴل ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﺝ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻭﺠﻪ‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﺯل ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻠﻭل ﺒﻁﺭﻕ ﻻ ﺘﺤﺘﻤل ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻀﻊ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ‬
‫ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻝﻠﺜﺭﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻻ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺭﻕ ﻝﻠﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺁﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻫﺎ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺠﻌل ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺤﺩ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺨﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﺘﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺅﺴﺱ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺘﺼﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺴﻭﻑ ﺘﺘﻡ ﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺘﻪ ﺒﺭﺩ ﻓﻌل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺨﺭﺍﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻫﻭ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻤﻘﺒﻭل ﺩﻭﻝﻴ ﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﺒﻌﻘﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺤل ﺍﻝﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻴﻌﻴﻕ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺘﺭﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﻜﺎﺕ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺯﺯ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺩﻋﺎﺀ ﺃﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻲ‬
‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻴﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺘﻔﺘﻘﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻨﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻤﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﺘﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻗﻪ )‪.( Thakur, 1997. 249‬‬
‫ﺘﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺭﻜﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺠﻭﺍﺯﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺘﻡ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﻼﻗﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﺤﺴﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻴﻨﺤﺼﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺒﻨﻅﺎﻡ " ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺭﺴﺔ " ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻝﻸﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺭﻜﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺘﻌﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺸﻙ ﻗﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﻻ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﻔﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻤل ﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺨﻔﻲ ﻭﺭﺍﺌﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺠﻭﺍﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﻓﻌﺔ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺘﻘﻭﻱ‬
‫ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ‪ ).‬ﻤﺎﺘﻭﻥ‪.(70 .1995 ،‬‬
‫‪72‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻴﻑ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻨﻁﺒﻕ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺠﺩﻭﻯ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻀﻤﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﻲ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻤﺘﺩﺍﺨﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺘﺭﺍﺒﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺩﺭﺍﻙ‬
‫ﺤﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﻜﻠﻴ ﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺠﺯﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ‬
‫ﻗﺩ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻜﺎﻝﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻗﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺭﻕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻠﻭﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻠﻐﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺘﺘﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ) ‪.(Williams, 1988. 114-129‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﻜﺎﺕ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻋﻤل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻴﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺒﺎﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺩﺴﺎﺘﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺇﻋﻼﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻴﺒﻘﻰ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﹰﺍ ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻴﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺇﻴﻔﺎﺀ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ )ﻤﻴﺭل‪. (364 .1986 ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻝﻨﻘﺩ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﻭﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺫﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻌل ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺤﻠﻭل ﺸﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻻﻨﺘﻬﺎﻜﺎﺕ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻭﺍﻀﺤ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺼﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﻜﺎﺕ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﻜﺎﺕ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﻌﺯل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻭﻥ ﺫﻜﺭ ﻝﻸﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺫﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻘﻊ ﻤﻘﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺩﻴﻨﺔ ﻨﻴﻭﻴﻭﺭﻙ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2006‬ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺘﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺨﻁﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻗﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﻌﺎﻅﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﺴﻌ ﹰﺎ ﻴﺸﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻬﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻭ ﺒﻔﻌل ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺭﻭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪‬ﻴﻐ ‪‬ﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻴﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‬
‫‪73‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻫﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻨﺎﺘﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻴﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﻠﺒﻁﺭﻴﺭﻜﻴﺔ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫)‪.(Johnson, 2007. 100‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺴﻴﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻨﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ –‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﻜﺎﺕ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻏﺎﻝﺒ ﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺒﺎﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺴﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺘﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪.‬‬

‫‪ 2.4‬ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪:‬‬
‫ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻹﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺠﻭﻫﺭ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﻜﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻜﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺘﺯﻭﻴﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻝﻺﻴﻔﺎﺀ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ .‬ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻜﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻓﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻜﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫) ‪.(UNIFEM, 2007. 12‬‬
‫ﻓﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻘﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪.‬‬
‫‪74‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺃﺼﺩﺭﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺃﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ .1948‬ﻭﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻝﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ‬
‫ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1945‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺠﺎﺀ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1948‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺯﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬
‫ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻴﻨﺹ" ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺒﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻠﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ " )ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‬
‫ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪(2006 ،(2‬‬
‫ﺸﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1946‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺠﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻀﻭﺭ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻫﻲ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ 1952‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل‪ :‬ﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﺸﻴﺢ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﻠﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺒﺸﺭﻁ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺯﻭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ ،1957‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻨﺹ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ" ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺘﻠﻘﺎﺌﻴ ﹰﺎ ﺒﺈﺒﺭﺍﻡ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺒﺈﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺝ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺸﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1962‬ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻀﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ‬
‫ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ ﻝﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﺠﻴل ﻋﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺯﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺒﺈﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1963‬ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺘﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﻬﺩ ﺒﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺜﻡ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪1967‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺩ ﻋﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﺤﻭل ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻤﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﻴﺎﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ) ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪. (13 .1998 ،‬‬
‫‪75‬‬

‫ﺸﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1979‬ﺇﻗﺭﺍﺭﹰﺍ ﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ )ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ(‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺩﻋﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺒﺎﻹﺴﻬﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﻓﻀﺕ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻜﻭﻨﻪ ﻋﺎﺌﻘﹰﺎ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻜﻜل‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﻤل‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻭﺴﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻨﻁﺎﻗﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺩﻋﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﻘﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺃﻗل‬
‫ﺸﺄﻨ ﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻀﻤﻨﺕ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﻐﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪).‬ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪(2008،‬‬
‫ﻭﻋ ‪‬ﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ " ﺃﻱ ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﺴﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﺩ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻐﺭﺽ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻋﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺒﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻱ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺁﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺇﻋﺎﻗﺔ‬
‫ﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﻐﺽ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﺤﺎﻝﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ‪).‬ﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (1‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺘﺴﻠﻴﻡ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬
‫ﺘﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻭﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﺯ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻀﻤﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺘﻔﻌﻴل ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻠﺯﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ‬
‫ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﺅﻗﺘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﻉ ﺒﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠل‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﻹﺴﻤﺎﻉ ﺸﻜﻭﺍﻫﺎ ‪).‬ﻤﺎﺩﺓ )‪ (2‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ(‪ .‬ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻜل ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺴﺘﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺴﺎﺘﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﻡ ﺘﺒﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1993‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗ ﹰﺎ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﻝﻠﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻅﻬﺭ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬
‫‪76‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺠﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻼ ‪ ) .‬ﺸﻘﻴﺭ‪.(2 .1995 ،‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﻐﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻝﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ‪ .1325‬ﻭﺼﺩﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2000‬ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ‪ 1325‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﺘﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺸﺭ ﺒﻨﺩﹰﺍ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺩﻋﻭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻴﺵ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ‬
‫ﺘﺸﻭﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻴﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻤﺜﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﺎﻝﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤل ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻤﺞ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻴﺩﻋﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺨﺫ ‪‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻁﻭﺍﻗﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺴﻴﻊ ﺩﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻜﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺼﺎﻨﻌﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻝﻠﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ‪ :‬ﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻤﻬﺎ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﺤﺩ ﻝﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺠﺭﺍﺌﻡ ) ﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ‪.(2005 ،1325‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻭﻁﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻘﺎﺸﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺃﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺤﻔﻅ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺘﺨﻴل ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺒﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺒﺄﻤﻭﺭ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻭﻨﻪ‬
‫ﻗﺭﺍﺭﹰﺍ ﺼﺎﺩﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﻝﻠﺤﻔﺎﻅ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻜﻀﺤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻀﺤﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻴﺼﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺤﺩﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻭﺠﻪ ﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺨﺎﻁﺏ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻠﻭﺍﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺸﻥ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺢ‬
‫ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺒﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻱ ﻜﺎﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ‪ ،1820‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻲ ﻜﺘﻜﺘﻴﻙ ﺤﺭﺏ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﺠﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﻼﺝ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺭﻓﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪77‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ‪ 1325‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﻤل‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﺘﺩﻋﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻫﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺼﺩﺍﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺘﻔﺎﻭﺘ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﻝﻌﺩﻡ ﻗﺩﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻴﻔﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﺎﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻫﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺃﻓﻨﺩﻱ‪. (34.1996 ،‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻨﺎﻗﺵ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻹﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺤﻠﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﺤل ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻬل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ )‪.(Bennett, 1948. 294‬‬
‫ﻴﺭﻯ ‪ (1976) Cleveland‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻴﺒﺩﺃ ﺒﺎﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻭﻋﺩ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺠﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﻀﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ‬
‫ﻴﺴﺘﻐﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻤﺩﺓ ﺃﺴﺒﻭﻉ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺴﺒﻭﻋﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﻔﺘﻭﺤﺔ ﻝﻜل ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﻁﻁ ﻋﻤل ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻗﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﻥ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻋﻘﻼﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻬﻡ ﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻬﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ) ‪.(Cleveland, 1976. 78‬‬
‫ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﺈﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻗﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻔﻌل ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل‬
‫ﺍﻻﺘﺼﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺸﻜﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺈﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﻯ ‪" :(1997) Dorsey‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴـﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺒﺒﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻀﺎﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻭﺍﻀﻴﻊ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺘﺒﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺤﻀﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴـﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل‬
‫ﻜﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺸـﻤﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫‪78‬‬

‫ﻝﻠﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺅﺴـﺱ ﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺭﺒﻁ ﺃﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴـﺎﻥ ﺒﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺸـﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺴـﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺸـﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻤﺸـﺎﺭﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻭﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﺏ"‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Dorsey, 1997. 377‬‬
‫ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﻝﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1975‬ﺨﻼل‬
‫ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺴﻴﻙ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ‪ .‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﺭﻜﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻱ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ‬
‫ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﺄﺼﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﺴﻠﺒ ﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻼ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺴﻴﻌﻴﻕ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﺘﺒﻌﺕ ﻤﻨﻬﺠﹰﺎ ﺸﺎﻤ ﹰ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻁﺭﺤﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻻ ﺘﺯﺍل ﺘﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺃﻁﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻠﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﻘﺩﺕ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻋﻘﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺴﻴﻙ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪: 1975‬‬

‫ﺘﺯﺍﻤﻥ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺴﻴﻙ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1975‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﺩﻤﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1975‬ﺜﻡ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1985-1976‬‬
‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﻁﺭﺤﺕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻨﻅﻤﺕ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻻﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻭﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﺨﺘﺘﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻜﻭﺒﻨﻬﺎﻏﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1980‬ﺜﻡ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻨﻴﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1985‬ﻭﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪،1995‬‬
‫)ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ‪.(12 :1998،‬‬
‫ﻭﺤﺴﺏ ‪ (1996) Pietila and Vickers‬ﺸﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺩ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺴﻴﻙ ﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺈﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ) ‪Pietila&Vickers,‬‬

‫‪ .(1996, preface‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ "ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ" ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫‪. 1986-1975‬‬
‫‪79‬‬

‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺍﻨﺒﺜﻕ ﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻻﻓﺘـﺭﺍﺽ ﺒـﺄﻥ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺴﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻫﻲ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻀﻁﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺭﻤﺎﻨﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻜﺎﻻﻨﺨﺭﺍﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓـﺈﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻀﻁﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻴﻨﺒﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﻨﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻝﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺘﻤﻠﻙ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺭﺠل‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻀﻁﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻁ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺯﻭﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺒﺴﺎﻁﺔ؛ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴـﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻘـﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻴـﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻷﻨﻪ ﺴﻴﺴـﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺇﻨﻬـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻬﻤﻴﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﻓﻼ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻨﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘـﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤـﺩﻨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻫﻭ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨـﻼل‬
‫ﻼ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻹﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻁﻼﻕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻴﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤـل ﺍﻹﻨﺘـﺎﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝـﺫﻱ‬
‫ﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺼﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﺎﻋ ﹰ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺤﺎﺠﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ )ﺍﻝﻤﺄﻜل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﻜﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻗـﻭﺩ(‪ .‬ﻭﻫـﺫﺍ ﻴﻌﻨـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﺹ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺩﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﺒﺎﺌﻪ ﻭﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﺼـﺤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﻨﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻨﻭ ﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻨﺎﺒﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻴﺭﻯ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺸـﺭﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤـﺩﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺩﺨل‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺍﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﻤـﺭﺃﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺠﺏ ﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪.(Moser, 1993. 21) .‬‬
‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺩﺭﻜﺕ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺨﻼل ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﺨل‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺴﻤﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﻭﺍﻻﻀﻁﻬﺎﺩ ‪) .‬ﺃﺜﻴﻨﺎ ﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(46 .2007‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﺠﻬﺕ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺨﻭل‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ )‪ .(Elson&Pearson, 1984. 19‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ "ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ" ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﻫﻭ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻀﺎﻋﻔﺔ ﺃﻋﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﺅﺨﺫ ﺒﺎﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫‪80‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻗﺼﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻘﻴﺭﺍﺕ )‪ .(Young, 1993. 130‬ﻭﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ؛ ﻴﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻜﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻤﺘﺸﺎﺒﻬﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻴﺘﺠﺎﻫل ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﻯ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﺜﺭﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻀﻁﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻝﻁﺒﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﺭﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل )‪ .(Koczberski, 1998. 401‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻷﻭل ﺍﻝﻐﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺴﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤل ﺘﺤﺎﻝﻔﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ )‪.(Young, 1993. 131‬‬
‫ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺘﺩﺭﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﻥ ﻤﺘﻠﻘﻴﺎﺕ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﻥ ﺸﺭﻴﻜﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻤﻊ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻘﻀﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻤﺜل ﺘﺤﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻝﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﻥ ﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻋﻼﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻤﻜﻨﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺩﺩﺕ ﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‬
‫ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺘﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ؛ ﻓﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤـﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺘﻌﻨـﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴـﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻘـﻭﻕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ )ﻗـﺎﻁﺭﺠﻲ‪.2006،‬‬
‫‪ .(180‬ﻭﺸﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺭﺒﻁ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒـﺩﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺁﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺫﺏ ﺍﻨﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺠﺯﺍﺀ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﺅﺴﺴﹰﺎ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺤﻘﺒﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﺤﻭل ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺸﻤل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻁﺎﻕ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻁﻠﻕ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺈﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺴﺱ ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺨﺭﺝ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺘﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺒﺎﻹﺭﺸﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺇﺘﺒﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﺸﺭ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﻤﺔ )‪.(Dorsey, 1997. 339‬‬
‫‪81‬‬

‫ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻭﺒﻨﻬﺎﻏﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪:1980‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻜﻭﺒﻨﻬﺎﻏﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1980‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻋﻘﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺘﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺘﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻋﻘﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺯﻩ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺱ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻀﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻋﻤل ﻝﻠﻨﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺩ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﺼﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻘﺩ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺤﺩﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺠﻭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺘﺭﻑ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ‬
‫ﻭﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻴﻕ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻗﺭﺕ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻜﻭﺒﻨﻬﺎﻏﻥ‬
‫ﺒﺄﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺼﻭﻯ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ‪) .‬ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻌﻘﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ )ﻜﻭﺒﻨﻬﺎﻏﻥ‪(1980 ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﻜﺯ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻪ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻭﺯﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺃﻭل ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺘﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﺩﺍﺨل‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻘﺩ‬
‫ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻜﻭﺒﻨﻬﺎﻏﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻝﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻨﻅﺎﻤﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻨﻅﺎﻤ ﹰﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﹰﺎ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻀﺎل ﻀﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻁﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﻌﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻓﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺘﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﻓﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺘﺴﻴﻴﺱ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Berkovitch, 1999. 123‬‬

‫ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻴﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪:1985‬‬

‫ﻭﺃﺨﺘﺘﻡ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ؛ ﺒﻌﻘﺩ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻴﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1985‬ﻭﺨﺼﺹ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻻﺴﺘﻌﺭﺍﺽ ﻭﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻤﻨﺠﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺩ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺨﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺸﺭ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻤﻘﺘﺭﺤﺎﺕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬
‫‪82‬‬

‫ﻋﻘﺩ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻨﻴﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ؛ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﺀ ﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩ‬
‫‪‬‬
‫ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺴﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ‪ .‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺨﺼﺼﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺘﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺎﺌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ" ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﺘﺤﺕ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻝﻠﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ؛ ﻭﻫﻤﺎ ‪ 259‬ﻭ‪ 260‬ﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺒﺎﺭﺘﻬﺎﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻭﻥ)ﺤﻨﻔﻲ ﻭﻁﺒﺭ‪.(299 .2006 ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻨﻴﺭﻭﺒﻲ )ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ(‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺴﻴﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ‬
‫ﻜﻭﺒﻨﻬﺎﻏﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ "ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻨﻴﺭﻭﺒﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻘﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ" ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻁﺭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﻝﺘﺩﺍﺨل‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﻝﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﺎﺀ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﻝﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺜﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻤﺼﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻁﺭﻗﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻼﺠﺌﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﺩﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻝﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻤﻠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫• ﺘﻘﺎﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎﻝﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺁﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺤﺜﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪) .‬ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ )ﻨﻴﺭﻭﺒﻲ (‪(1985 ،‬‬
‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻀﻤﻨﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺒﺎﺩﺌﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻤﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻓﻘﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺍﺨل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺄﺸﻜﺎل ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﻝﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭﺍﺕ‪،‬‬
‫‪83‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺓ ‪ ،13‬ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺇﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﺠﺴﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﻭﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺃﻓﻀل ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻕ ﻹﺯﺍﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺒﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺍﺕ ‪ ،257‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺓ ‪": 258‬‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻓﺼﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻊ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ " ) ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ‪ + 1985‬ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪(258 ،13،257‬‬

‫ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪:1995‬‬

‫ﻋﻘﺩ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1995‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ‪‬ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ؛ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ‪ 189‬ﻭﻓﺩﹰﺍ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻴﻤﺜﻠﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻻ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻭﺍﻝﻲ ‪ 000،300‬ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺘﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺤﺩﺜﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻓﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻀﻤﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﻓﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻤﺜﻠﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﻤﺜﻼﺕ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﻋﻁﻴﺕ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﻠﺏ ﺴﻜﺭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻭ ﻤﻨﺘﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻋﻘﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻠﺩﺓ ﺴﻴﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺘﺩﻋﻰ ﻫﻭﻴﺭﻭ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺠﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﺭﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻓﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺭﻭﺽ ﻓﻠﻜﻠﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(12 .1998‬‬
‫ﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﺸﺭ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻨﻴﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻘﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ‬ ‫ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﻤﺴﺒﻘ ﹰﺎ ﻜﻌﻭﺍﺌﻕ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻀﻴﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺜﻨﺘﻲ ﻋﺸﺭﺓ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ‪.‬‬
‫‪84‬‬

‫• ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ ‪.‬‬

‫• ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻭﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﻝﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻠﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺤﻭﺍﻓﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺸﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤل ﻓﻌﺎل ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻗﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝـ ‪ 189‬ﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪) .‬ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨﻔﻴﻡ ‪.(2000،10،‬‬
‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻅﻬﺭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﻭﺇﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ" ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ"‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺭﻜﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺒﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻼﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻸﺩﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻓﺽ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‪ .‬ﺃﻋﻁﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻝﻠﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺒﻭﻱ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﻓﺤﺹ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺃﻡ ﻻ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻨﻭﻉ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻋﻁﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﻲ ﺃﻫﻤﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻁﺒﻘﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺠﻭﺍﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻭﻝﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻀﻁﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻴﺩﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺒﻭﻱ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻝﺘﻀﻁﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﺍﺠﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪،‬‬
‫‪85‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝ ‪‬ﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻭﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻠﻘﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻭﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺸﺄ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ )‪.(Young, 1997. 51‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻠﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺩﺭ" ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ" ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺒﻁ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺒﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺤﻭﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﻫﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺭﻴﺭﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﺴﺒﺏ ﺩﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺩﺍﺨﻠﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺭﻕ‪ .‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺨﺫ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻜﻔﺎﻋل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﻤﺘﻠﻘﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺃﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺤﺹ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺩﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻻ ﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻜﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﺩل ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻜﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺘﺤﻠﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻜﺩﺍﻋﻡ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل‪.‬‬
‫)‪.( Visvanathan , 1997. 23‬‬
‫ﺘﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺃﻓﻀل ﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻼﺌﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ‪).‬ﺃﻝﺘﺎ‪.(46.2007،‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻤﻨﻬﺞ " ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻁﺭ ﻝﻠﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻪ‬
‫ﺃﻁﺭ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻭﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻁﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺄﻁﺭ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻓﻬﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺩﻋﻭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺸﻤل‬
‫ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﺤﻘﻭﻗﻬﺎ ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(Baden&Gotez, 1997. 38‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺘﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ‪ .‬ﻭﺼﻨﻔﺕ ﻤﻭﺯﺭ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭﻫﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺒﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﺘﺤﺩﻯ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪86‬‬

‫ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻨﺎﺒﻌ ﹰﺎ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ‬
‫ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯﻫﺎ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ‬
‫ﻤﺤﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺘﺼﻑ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺤﻭﺍل ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺜل ﺘﺯﻭﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ ) ‪.(Moser, 1993. 4‬‬
‫ﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﻤﻭﺯﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺄﺨﺫ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁﻭﻥ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺭﺌﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺭﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﻋﻤل ﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻱ ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺯﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل )ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺒﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺠﺯﺀ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺨل ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ )ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻲ ) ‪.(Moser, 1993. 27‬‬
‫ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﻤﻭﺯﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﻊ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺨﺫ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ :‬ﻜﺎﻝﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺘﻐﻠﻴﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ )‪ .(Moser, 1993. 40‬ﻭﺘﺅﻜﺩ ‪ (1985) Molyneux‬ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻨﻪ ﻏﺎﻝﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻝﻠﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺨﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺼﺭﺍﻉ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺒﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﻔل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪.(Molyneux, 1985) .‬‬
‫ﻓﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‪ ،‬ﺘﻡ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺇﻁﺎ ﹴﺭ ﺁﺨ ﹴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻻ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ "ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ" ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻗﺩﻤﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ‪ ،(1994)Kabeer‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺩﺩﺕ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﺭﺒﻊ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪/‬ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺒﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺤﺩﺩﺕ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁﻭﻥ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻴﺎﺀ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺘﺒﺩﻭ ﻤﺤﺎﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪.( Kabeer, 1994. 80).‬‬
‫‪87‬‬

‫ﻭﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺃﻁﺭ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻬﺩ ﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ‬
‫ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪":‬ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻭﺨﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺎﻜل‪) ،‬ﺁﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ( ﻭﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺍﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﺍﻹﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﺒﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻭﻗﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻨﻔﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺇﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺎﺕ" )ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨﻔﻴﻡ‪.(2 .2000 ،‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺭﻭﺭ ﺤﻭﺍﻝﻲ ‪ 15‬ﻋﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺠﻬﺕ ﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﻥ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ‬
‫ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻠﻑ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﺘﺒﺨﺭ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﺼﻁﺩﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺒﺎﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )‪ .(Kusakabe, 2005. 46‬ﻭﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺠﺎﺤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺸﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﺘﻀﻤﻨﺕ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﺠﺎﺤﺎﺕ ﺇﺤﻀﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻁﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﻭﻨﺎﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻤﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺘﺴﻭﺍﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻤل ﻭﺍﻷﻴﺘﺎﻡ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺠﺭﻴﺩﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﺘﺒﻌ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻤﻭﺕ ﻤﻌﻴﻠﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺩﻋﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻝﻠﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻼﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﺯ ﺒﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻻ‬
‫ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻭﺘﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻻ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺸﻤل ﻓﻘﻁ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺸﻤل‬
‫ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺎﻜل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﻘﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺠﺏ ﺘﺜﺒﻴﺕ ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻌﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ‬
‫ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻤﻤﻜﻨﺔ ﻭﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ‪.(Rao&Kelleher, 2005. 57. 68 ) .‬‬
‫‪88‬‬

‫ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﻓﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺭﺡ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺘﺤﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻌﺩﻩ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﺘﺒﻌ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺄﺜﺭﺕ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺏ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﻜﺎﻓﺅ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻓﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻝﻘﺩ ﻋﻜﺴﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻜﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺄﺜﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻨﺠﺎﺓ ﺨﺎﻥ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭل ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﻝﺘﻬﺎ " ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ " ﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻨﺘﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻜﻤﺎ ﹸﺫﻜﺭ ﺴﺎﺒﻘ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻨﻴﺭﻭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻜﺴﻴﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻭﺒﻨﻬﺎﻏﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻡ ﺍﺤﺘﻭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﺨﻀﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ ‪) .‬ﻤﻘﺘﺒﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﻋﺎﺩل‪.( 2006 ،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺴﻴﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻴﺭﻭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻭﺒﻨﻬﺎﻏﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯﻩ ﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺼل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭل ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺴﻴﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻴﺭﻭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻭﺒﻨﻬﺎﻏﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻁﺭﻕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺩﺍﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺒﺸﻜل ﻭﺍﻀﺢ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻡ ﻓﺼل ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﺇﺩﺍﻨ ﹰﺔ ﻝﻼﺤﺘﻼل ﺒﺸﻜل ﺼﺭﻴﺢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺓ )‪ (131‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻤﺼﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺭﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻁﺭﺡ ﺃﻤﺜﻠ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ ﻜﺎﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻝﻸﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﺘﺒﺭﹰﺍ‬
‫ﺨﺭﻗﻬﺎ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﻜﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺠﻨﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ .1949‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺢ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻝﻘﺎﺀ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻓﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺠﺎﻫل ﺤﻕ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻴﺭ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﻭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺼل ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺸﻌﺒﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺭﻕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ‬
‫‪89‬‬

‫ﻴﺘﻁﺭﻕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺩﺍﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺼﺭﻴﺢ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻴﺭﻭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻜﺴﻴﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻭﺒﻨﻬﺎﻏﻥ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺤﻨﻔﻲ ﻭﻁﺒﺭ‪. (302-301. 2005 ،‬‬

‫‪ 3.4‬ﻨﻘﺩ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﻠﻑ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴـﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﺴــﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝﻪ ﻓـﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻕ ﻤﺴــﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨـﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻹﺸـﻜﺎﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻏﻤﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋـﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝـﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺸـﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴـﻴﺎﻕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺴﺱ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪.‬‬
‫)‪.(&Lacey Kennedy, 2002, 2004‬‬
‫ﻏﻤﻭﺽ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻠﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻴﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻌﻁﻲ ﺼﻭﺭ ﹰﺓ ﻤﺤﺎﻴﺩ ﹰﺓ ﻝﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﻤﺽ ﻴﺤﺠﺏ‬
‫ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﻝﻸﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻴﺤﺠﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻹﻗﺼﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺸﺨﻴﺹ ﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ‬
‫ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻓﺸل ﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻨﺔ ﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺘﻠﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻻ ﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺩﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﺠﺫﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺘﺸﻜﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻴﺼﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻝﻸﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻏﺎﻤﻀﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺸﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺨﻁ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻜﻤﺠﺎل ﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻱ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ‪.(Lacey, 2004. 7).‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻱ ﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻲ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻴﺴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻫﻲ‬
‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻬﻤﺸﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴ ﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻫﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻱ ﻝﻠﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺒﻕ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻏﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﻭﺸﻜﻭﻙ ﺤﻭل ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﺭﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺤﻭل ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻏﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺨﻁﻴﺭﺓ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬
‫ﻴﻜﺸﻑ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺘﺸﻤل ﺘﻬﻤﻴﺵ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻴﺘﺄﺜﺭ‬
‫‪90‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺀ ﺍﻹﻴﻔﺎﺀ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺯﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻻ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻴﻔﺎﺀ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻫﻲ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺨﻁﻴﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻷﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫‪‬ﻴﺤﻭل ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻁﺭ ﻤﻌﻘﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻤﻜﻨﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴـﻴﺎﺴـﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻝﻐﺔ‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻷﺼـﺤﺎﺒﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﺯﺨﺭﻓﺔ ﻤﺘﺸـﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻤﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﻹﺭﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫)‪.(Kennedy, 2002. 124-125‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻠﻑ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ‪ ،Kennedy‬ﻫﻲ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻁ ﺍﻷﻀﻌﻑ ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺅﺴﺱ ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺁﻝﺔ ﻭﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻨﻤﻠﻜﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻀﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﺒﺄﺸﻜﺎل‬
‫ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﺃﻗل ﺘﻭﻓﺭﹰﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻗل ﺘﻭﺍﺠﺩﹰﺍ‪ .‬ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺨﻁﻲﺀ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﹰﺓ‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﺩﺨل‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﺩﺨل ﻓﻘﻁ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴ ﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﺩﺨل ﻓﻘﻁ ﻝﺘﺠﻤﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻝﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺒﻘﻰ ﺘﺩﺨﻠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺤﻴﺎﺩﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜل ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﺘﺩﺨل ﻓﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺜﺭﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﺹ ﻭﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﻀﻴﺢ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﺒﻬﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺘﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻜﻬﺎ ﻝﻨﺯﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻼﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻁﺢ ﻭﺍﻹﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻝﻸﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻘﺴﺎﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﻭﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﺠﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺠﻌل ﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻝﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺯل ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ‬
‫ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻑ ﻭﻴﻁﻭﻕ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪.(Kennedy, 2002. 109) .‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل ﺘﻤﺜل ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻫﻡ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺨﺎﺹ ﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻨﻔﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻅﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻔﻅﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻴﺅﺴﺱ‬
‫ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻜﺸﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎﻝﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺴﻴﺭ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻘﺩ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻴﺘﻘﺎﻁﻊ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻁﺭﺡ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻋﺎ ٍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺭﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﻜﻴﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺩﺭﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﺤﻭل ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﻔﻅﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ ﺘﺼﻁﺩﻡ ﻭﺘﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫‪91‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻹﻤﺒﺭﻴﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺠﺩﻝﻴﹰﺎ ﻴﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺇﻴﺼﺎل‬
‫ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻼﺸﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠﺯﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻔﻅﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ –‬
‫ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻭﺏ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﻝﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻫﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬
‫ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺭ ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﻤﻨﻘﺴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴ ﹰﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺴﺴﺘﻪ ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ ﻫﻭ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺤﺘﻤﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﻔﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ ﻤﺜﻠﻪ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻤﻠﺘﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺒﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻗﻭﻴﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻴﺴﻭﺍ ﻫﻡ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ .‬ﺇﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻝﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻔﻜﻴﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻬﻤﻴﺵ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﺠﺏ ﻓﻬﻡ ﻗﻴﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺸﻜل ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻤﺒﺭﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤ ﹰﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺒﺒﺴﺎﻁﺔ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﻓﺼل ﻭﻓﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻤﺸﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺃﺠﺯﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻀﻴﺔ‪.(Lacey, 2004. 3) .‬‬
‫‪92‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﻼﺼﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻜﻭﻨﻪ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺹ‬
‫ﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻭﺇﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﻭﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﻭﻜﻼﺀ ﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻻ ﺘﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺠﻌل ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺠﺯﺀﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﻁﻁﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺜﻘﺎﻓﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻨﻅﺎﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺒﻠﺩ ﻹﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺴﻴﺎﺴ ﹰﺔ ﺘﻨﺴﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺘﻼﺌﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻨﻰ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺨﻁﻁ ﻭﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪93‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‬
‫ﻋﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬

‫ﻴﺴﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺀ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪ /‬ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻡ ﺠﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﻭﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻕ‬
‫ﺒﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﺴﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﺭﺩ ﺫﻜﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺴﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺩﻻل ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﺸﺒﻪ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻻﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ‬
‫ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪ 5.1‬ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ )ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨﻔﻴﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﺄﺴﺴﺕ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1976‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺴﻤﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪) ،‬ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪/86 ،‬‬
‫‪ ،(1996‬ﻭﻫﻭ "ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨﻔﻴﻡ" ﺍﺨﺘﺼﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻻﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻴﺔ ‪United Nation Development :‬‬
‫)‪ .(Fund For Women (UNIFEM‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺄﺴﺴﺕ ﺒﻤﻭﺠﺏ ﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺴﻪ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺴﻴﻙ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1975‬ﻭﺘﻌﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﺘﺯﻭﻴﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﻌﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬
‫ﻫﺩﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺎﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﻓﻴﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﻹﻴﺩﺯ‬
‫‪94‬‬

‫ﻭﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘﺴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ )‪.( UNIFEM, 2009. 1‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺘﻔﻭﻴﺽ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻫﻭ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺒﺩﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﻋﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻤﺎﺸﻰ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻜﻤﺤﻔﺯ ﻝﻬﺩﻓﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﻤﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﻔﺯ ﺩﺍﺨل ﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.(UNIFEM, 2007 a. 1) .‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻤﻨﺘﺸﺭﺓ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺄﺴﺱ ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻏﺭﺏ ﺃﺴﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1994‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻘﻊ ﻤﻜﺘﺒﻬﻡ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﻤل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻭﺭﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻴﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻐﺭﺏ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﻨﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻴﺒﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺒﺎﺸﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1997‬ﺃﻱ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.(UNIFEM, 2010) ،‬‬

‫‪ 5 .2‬ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﻤل ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻜﻐﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻜﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻤﺞ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﻜﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﻌﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺫﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻫﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺒﻕ ﺫﻜﺭﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻝﻘﺩ ُﺃﻨﻴﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻠﺢ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ‬
‫ﻭﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺩﻋﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﻁﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ ﻜﻭﻓﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻜﻐﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺘﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺩﻤﺞ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2002‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤ ﹰﺎ ﻝﺩﻤﺞ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺴﻴﻠ ﹰﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ )‪.(UNIFEM, 2007b. 19‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻜﻤﺤﻔﺯ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻅﺭ‬
‫ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺴﺏ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻜﻤﺤﻔﺯ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺘﻀﻁﻠﻊ ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﺨﺎﺹ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ؛ ﺨﺎﺼ ﹰﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻝﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻌل ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪،‬‬
‫‪95‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻷﺨﺫ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺒﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺒﺸﻜل ﺠﺩﻱ‪.(Hintejens, 2008. 1185) ،‬‬
‫ﺘﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﻓﺎﻝﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺩﻤﺞ‬
‫ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﻀﺢ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﻭﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺩﻑ ﻤﻨﻔﺼل‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﺤﻭل ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﻕ ﻝﻌﻤﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺤﻭل ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺘﻌﺯﺯ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺤﻘﻭﻗﹰﺎ ﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ :11‬ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺘﺄﻨﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻬﻤﻴﺵ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ :13‬ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ :14‬ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺠﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺩﻓﻭﻉ ﺍﻷﺠﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ :6‬ﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺒﻐﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ :5‬ﺘﺘﺨﺫ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺍﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴـﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‪ :‬ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴـﺔ ﻝﺴـﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺭﺠـل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻴـﺯﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌـﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺒﻜـﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﺃﺩﻨﻰ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻨﻤﻁﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ : 16‬ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻤﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ :12‬ﺍﻝﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘﺴﺒﺔ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ :2‬ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻱ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ :7‬ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)‪(UNIFEM, 2007 b. 22‬‬
‫‪96‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﻓﺘﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻜﻤﺭﺸﺩ‬
‫ﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ‪ .‬ﻭﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺯﻭﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫﻫﺎ ﻝﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺠﺎﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻼﺤﻅﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺘﺎﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻤﻘﺭﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1995‬ﻭﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ )ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺤﺎﻝﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺭﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ‪.(UNIFEM, 2009. 133).1325‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻌل ﺃﻫﻡ ﺨﻁﻭﺓ ﺴﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ؛ ﻫﻭ ﺩﻤﺞ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻭﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺼﻭﺭ ﹰﺓ ﺩﻗﻴﻘ ﹰﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻤﺎ ﺘﻭﻓﺭﻩ ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻠﺘﺯﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺒﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻫﺎ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻗﺩﺭ ﹰﺓ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺨﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‬
‫ﺒﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺸﺎﻤل ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‪ :‬ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﻤل ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻤل ﻤﺴﻭﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺩﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻝﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻝﻠﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻺﻴﻔﺎﺀ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻝﻠﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻘﻭﻗﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻨﻤﻁ ﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺇﻴﺼﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻨﻤﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺩﺍﻋﻤ ﹰﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻝﻠﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﻭﻜﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻫﻡ ﺩﺍﺌﻤ ﹰﺎ ﺇﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﻤﺴـﻬ ﹰ‬
‫ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺴـﻴﺎﺴـﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﻱ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﻝﻠﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﺯﻴﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪،‬‬
‫)‪.(Hintijens, 2008. 1158‬‬
‫ﺘﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1997‬ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ‪.‬‬
‫‪97‬‬

‫‪ 5.3‬ﻋﺭﺽ ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺤﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺩﻋﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺸﺒﻪ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻸﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻗﻁﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻋﺸﺭﺓ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻤﺜﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻤﺜﻠﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ \ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺩﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﻨﺎﺸﻁﺔ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻤﺜﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺸﻜﻠﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﻨﺘﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2007‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻴﻼﺀ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺤل‬
‫ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﻠﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2007‬ﻭﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﻭﺍﺭﺉ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻡ‬
‫ﺘﻌﻴﻴﻥ ﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻴﺎﺽ ﺭﺌﻴﺴ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻠﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل‪).‬ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ .(61 ،2008 ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ‬
‫ﻓﺭﺽ ﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻤﺸﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺘﻴﺠ ﹰﺔ ﻝﻔﻭﺯ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪).2006‬ﺼﺎﻝﺢ‪ .(316 ،2008 ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﺒﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ 2007‬ﺘﺸﻜﻴل "ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ" ﻓﻲ ﺸﻬﺭ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2007‬ﻀﻤﺕ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﻴﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻜﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ‬
‫ﺘﺯﺍل ﻻ ﺘﺭﻗﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤل ﺒﺈﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻭﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻅﻠﺕ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺭﻭﻀﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺴﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻌﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﻤﻤﺜﻠﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺘﻬﻡ ﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺃﻱ ﺍﺘﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪) ،‬ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪،‬‬
‫‪ .(60 ،2008‬ﻭﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻨﺔ ‪ 2007‬ﺤﺴﺒﻤﺎ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﺃﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ‪ 1.416‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺩﻓﻘﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺒﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪،‬‬
‫‪98‬‬

‫ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺘﺩﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺘﻅﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻋﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺯﻤﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺤﺎل ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻀﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻲ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪).‬ﺼﺎﻝﺢ‪.(317 ،2008 ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻗﺭﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺌﻨﺎﻑ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺘﺨﺫﺕ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﺴﺘﺌﻨﺎﻑ ﺘﺤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻤﺭﻜﻴﺔ ‪).‬ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪.(61 ،2008 ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺘﻡ ﻋﻘﺩ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺒﺎﺭﻴﺱ ﻝﻠﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ "ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ" ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫‪ 2007\12\17‬ﺒﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺘﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﻭﺍﻝﻲ ‪ 7.4‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺜﻼﺙ‬
‫ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ‪) .‬ﺼﺎﻝﺢ‪.(317 ،2008 ،‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻤﺜﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻤﻊ ﻫﺎﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺘﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ‬
‫ﺘﻡ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺘﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﻤﻊ ﻤﺜﻴﻼﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺴﺘﺒﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ؛ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻭﺯ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﻭﺘﺤﺭﻴﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ (1‬ﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﹸﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺨﻁﻁ ﻭﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺘﺸﺒﻪ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻜﻭﺘﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﺘﻤﺜﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺭﻁﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺠﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺨﺒﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﻴﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺘﻬﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪) ،‬ﻜﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﻤﺴﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻱ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺸﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺴﺠﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫‪99‬‬

‫ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻜﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ؛ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺯﺍﻤﻥ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ‪ 1994‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻀﻴﺭ ﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1995‬ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﺩﺍﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻝﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1996‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺸﻜﻠﺕ ﻤﻥ ‪ 16‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻀﻤﺕ ﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻤﺜﻠﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﻤﺜﻼﺕ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﻠﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻠﻔﺯﻴﻭﻥ‪) .‬ﺴﻨﻴﻭﺭﺓ‪.(21 .2001،‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ "ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،"2000‬ﻭﺘﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﺃﺴﺴ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﺨﻁﻁ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ‬
‫ﺒﺄﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ .1996‬ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﻭﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻡ ﻝﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻌﻴﻕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﻭﻓﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ )ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،(1996 ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺘﺴﻊ ﺨﻁﻁ ﻓﺭﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﻌﺔ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﺜﻨﻲ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤل‬
‫ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻴﻕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل ﻀﻌﻑ‬
‫ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻀﻌﻑ ﺘﻤﺜﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻜﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺴﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺃﻜﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺏ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻀﻤﺕ ﺘﻠﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻝﺯﺍﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﺕ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺄﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﺨﺼﻴﺹ ﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺎﺕ ﻝﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫‪).‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪(1996 ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺼﺩﺭﺕ ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫"ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻭﻁﻨﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ" ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1997‬ﺍﻨﺴﺠﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺩﻋﻭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﺤﻕ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻭﻋﺎﺼﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ‪،‬‬
‫‪100‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺩﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1994‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻫﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻹﻝﻐﺎﺀ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1979‬ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1948‬ﻭﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻁﻔل‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺨﻁﻭﻁﹰﺎ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻋﺎﻤ ﹰﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺤﺩﺩﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪) .‬ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪. (4 .1997،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻓﻲ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬
‫ﺘﻡ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1996‬ﻓﻲ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻭﺤﺎﺕ ﻭﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺘﺯﻭﻴﺩ ﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺍﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‪ ) .‬ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ ﻝﻺﺤﺼﺎﺀ‪.(2005 ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻌل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ؛ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﻤـﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻝﻤﻜﺎﺘﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤـﺭﺃﺓ ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺇﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁـﻴﻁ ﺍﻝـﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﻤـل ﻫـﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺸـﺎﺭﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻤﻤﻭﻝ ﹰﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺸﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﺜل ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﻝﻺﻨﺎﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻴـﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴـﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻋﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺼـﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺒﻴـﺔ‪) ،‬ﺍﻝﺴـﻠﻁﺔ‬
‫ـﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪.(79 .2002 ،‬‬
‫ـﻭﺽ ﺒــ‬
‫ـﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬــ‬
‫ـﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴــ‬
‫ـﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴــ‬
‫ـﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ \ﻝﺠﻨــ‬
‫ـﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴــ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴــ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺘﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺘﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘـﻲ ﺘﻔﺘـﺭﺽ‬
‫ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﺒﻪ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﺼﻁﺩﻡ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻨﺎﺘﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‪:‬‬
‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻤﻌﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺒﻌ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻤﻨﻬـﺎﺝ ﻋﻤـل‬
‫ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤـل ﺒﻴﺠـﻴﻥ )‪(1995‬‬
‫ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻝﻸﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺭﻗﻪ ﻝﻤﻌﺎﻫﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻌﺩﻡ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻗـﺭﺍﺭ‬
‫‪101‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻅﺎﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨـﺔ ﻭﻴﺸـﻜل ﺒﺎﻝﺘـﺎﻝﻲ ﻤﺼـﺩﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻠﻘـﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪).‬ﺍﻹﺴﻜﻭﺍ‪.(22 ،2004،‬‬
‫‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺍﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﻀﺢ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ (1‬ﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻋﻭﺍﻡ ﻤﻥ ‪:2004-1997‬‬
‫ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪2001 - 1997‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1997‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻠﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﺼﺔ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺘﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺩ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺭﺸﻴﺩ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪.‬‬
‫_ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺫﺍ ﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ‪:‬‬
‫_ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺎل ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺘﺎﺕ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ‪.‬‬
‫_ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﺎﻤل‬
‫ﺤﻘﻭﻗﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ ‪.‬‬
‫‪102‬‬

‫_ ﺇﻁﻼﻕ ﺴﺭﺍﺡ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺘﻘﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺠﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‬

‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﻗﻴﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺸﺭﻁ ‪.‬‬
‫_ ﺩﻋﻡ ﻨﻀﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻨﺩﺓ ﻜﻔﺎﺤﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺼﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻤﻊ ﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻀﺎﻝﻬﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬
‫ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﻔﺘﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻹﻝﺯﺍﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪‬ﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺃﻋﻼﻩ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1997‬ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻝﻌﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﺤﻭل ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺭﺸﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻀﺤﺕ ﺨﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ‬
‫ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻭﺍﺩﺭ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺜﺒﻴﺕ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻭﺘﺜﺒﻴﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ )ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻝﻭﻨﺎ ﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺨﻁﻁ ﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ؛ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﻐﻴل ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻗﺘﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻁﻠﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺒﻠﻎ‬
‫ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2004‬ﺤﻭﺍﻝﻲ ‪ 540448‬ﺸﺨﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻝﻼﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺘﺄﺨﺫ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻻﺩ ﻭﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺠﻴل ﻓﻲ ﻤﻜﺎﺘﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﻐﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗ ﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻓﺘﻤﺜﻠﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻀﻁﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺴﻴﺔ )‪ ،(2005 -2001‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺏ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ‬
‫‪103‬‬

‫ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ؛ ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺒﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻭﺘﺄﻫﻴل ﻭﺼﻴﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻨﻰ ﺒﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﺩﻤﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻁﻭﺍﺭﺉ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻸﻁﻔﺎل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻼﺕ ﻀﺤﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﺃﺴﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﻬﺩﺍﺀ‪) .‬ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(70 .2005 ،‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ‪ ،2003 -1998‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬
‫ﺨﻁ ﹰﺔ ﺤﻴﺎﺩﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺸﻐﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺼﺹ ﻨﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻁﺎﺭﺉ ﻴﺴﺘﺠﻴﺏ ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻝﻠﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻁﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺨﻠﻕ ﻓﺭﺹ ﻋﻤل ﻝﻌﻼﺝ‬
‫ﻏﺯﺓ‪) ،‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ \ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،(18 .2002 ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺒﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺸﻐﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ‬
‫)ﺒﻜﺩﺍﺭ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺯﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺼﻭﺩﺓ ﻝﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺴﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺠﻭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻲ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺠﺯﺀﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺯﺍﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.(1997،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪،2003-1998‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ -1998‬ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤﻲ ‪:2003-2001‬‬ ‫‪:2003‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﺸﻐﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪.‬‬
‫‪104‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺘﻌﺜﺭ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2000‬ﻭﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺜﺭﻫﺎ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ "ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻡ ‪ "2003‬ﻝﻤﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺩﺓ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﻝﻤﺩﺓ ﺴﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪ 2005-2004‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﻀﻌﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺭﺍﺌﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻌﺎﺵ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻷﻀﺭﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﺤﻘﺕ ﺒﺎﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻝﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬
‫ﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﻹﻨﻌﺎﺵ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺨﻠﻕ‬
‫ﻓﺭﺹ ﻋﻤل ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﺠﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻴﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺭﺏ‪ ) .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ &‬
‫ﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪.(2003 ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺠﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺤﺎﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ) ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺯﺍﺯ‪ ،(119 ،2005‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻫﺎ ﻻ ﻴﻘﻴﻡ ﻭﺯﻨ ﹰﺎ ﻴﺫﻜﺭ ﻝﻠﻔﻭﺍﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ؛ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﻤﺤﺎﻴﺩ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﻴﻡ‪.(2 .2005،‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻲ ‪ 2003-2001‬ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2000‬ﻭﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﻤل ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2001‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2003‬ﻝﺘﻌﻴﺩ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺘﺩﺨﻼﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠ ﹰﺔ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺇﻁﻼﻕ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪2004‬‬
‫ﻝﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ )‪.(UNIFEM Occupied Palestinian Territories, 2010‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺘﺄﺴﺴﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2003‬ﻭﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻝـﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻫـﻭ‬
‫ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺒﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻀـﻤﺎﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻗﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﻗﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻌـﺎﻡ ‪ ،1988‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﻨﺼﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝـﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻠـﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤـﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ ‪ ،1979‬ﻭﻗـﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﺠﻠـﺱ‬
‫‪105‬‬

‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ‪ 1325‬ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ).1995‬ﻨﺯﺍل‪ ،(24. 2009،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻗﺭ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻠﺴﺔ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻌﻘﺩ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ‪ 12‬ﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ ﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2004‬ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻬﻴﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫـﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴـﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،(2004 ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﻤﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤـﺭﺃﺓ ﻜﺂﻝﻴـﺔ ﻭﻁﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴـﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺭﺍﺡ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺩﻴﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﺸﻑ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺠﻭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺭﺍﺡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﺭﻴـﻕ ﻭﻁﻨـﻲ ﻤـﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺒﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴـﺘﺸـﺎﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴـﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﻤـﻴﻡ ﻭﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁﻁ ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘـﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝـﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴــﺎﻨﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺅﺴﺴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝـﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻜﺘﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼـﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﺜﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴـﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓل ﻭﺍﻝﻤـﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻡ ﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺒـﺭﺍﻤﺞ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸـﺎﺭﻴﻊ )ﻨﺯﺍل‪.(23 .2009 ،‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺃﻁﻠﻘﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ " 2004‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ‬
‫ﺘﻡ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﻁﻼﻕ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺌﻤ ﹰﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻼﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﻤل‬
‫ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ‪) .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻴﻭﻝﻨﺩﺍ ﺃﺭﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،(2011،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﻁﻼﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﻁﻼﻕ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺼﺒﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬
‫ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴ ﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺨل ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻵﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻓﺭﻕ ﻭﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﻬﻴل ﺤﺼﻭﻝﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻴﺴﻴﺭ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ ﺤﻭل ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻬﺩﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﻁﻼﻕ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺼﺒﺎﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻴﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻘل‪،‬‬
‫‪106‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻘﻴﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻔﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻤﻌﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭ )ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨﻔﻴﻡ‪.(8 ،2010 ،‬‬

‫ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪:2007-2005‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﺈﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ‪ ،2007-2005‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﺘﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺤﻭل ﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻋﻤل ‪‬ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻏﺎﺜﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺨﻠﻕ ﻓﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻌﺎﺵ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ‪ .(2005 ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﺈﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺨﻁﺔ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻲ ‪ ،2007-2005‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺸﺎﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻘﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﺒﺎﺕ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫‪-2005‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 2007-2005‬ﺨﻁﺔ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫‪:2007‬‬ ‫ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﻔﺘﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺸﺎﺒﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻋﻡ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻠﻭﺍﺘﻲ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻤﻠﻥ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻬﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﺒﺎﺕ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻬﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺘﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻜﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﻁﺔ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ؛ ﻜﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻌل ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ‬
‫‪107‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻠﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻵﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺠﻤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺠﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(47 .2005 ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2006‬ﺘﺄﺴﺴﺕ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺘﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ ﻭﻫﻲ‬
‫ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺄﺴﺴﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2006‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺘﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﺘﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﺴﻴﺦ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﺎﻋل ﺘﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ‪).‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ \ﻏﺯﺓ ‪ ،(2012‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺄﺴﺴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2004‬ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺠﺯﺀﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل‬
‫"ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﺘﺴﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺭﺴﻴﺦ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻤﺩﻨﻲ ﻓﺎﻋل‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.(2004 ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﺃﻴﻀ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﻘل‬
‫ﻭﺇﻁﻼﻕ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺤﻔﻴﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺃﺩﻭﺭﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﺴﻴﺦ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻭﻓﻜﺭﻴ ﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ \ﻏﺯﺓ ﺃ‪.(2012،‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺸﺎﻤل ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻝﻸﺴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻀﺎﺝ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺸﺎﺒﺔ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻤل ﻤﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺘﻤﺜﻴﻠﻬﻡ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﻭﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺒﺭﺍﺯ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻴﻙ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻭﻅﻴﻔﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻭﻅﻔﻲ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪).‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ \ﻏﺯﺓ ﺏ‪.(2012،‬‬
‫‪108‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﻋﻤل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2011-2006‬ﺤﻭل‪:‬‬

‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻌﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺭ ﻋﺒﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ؛ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺜﻘﻴﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﺘﺯﻭﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﻭﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺸﻤل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﻭﺘﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺤﻭل ﻤﻭﺍﻀﻴﻊ ﺃﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﺍﺒﻁ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜ ﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺸﺎﺒﺔ ﻨﺎﻀﺠﺔ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻤﺎﻝﻴ ﹰﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺒﻌ ﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻓﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻌﻤل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺸﺎﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻤل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﺴﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ‬
‫ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻴﻙ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺼل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻫﻠﻴﺔ‪).‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ \ﻏﺯﺓ‬
‫ﺏ‪.(2012،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2010-2008‬ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻗﺩﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺨﻁﺔ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺜﻼﺜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻘﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺎﺭﻴﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ ،2010-2008‬ﺨﻼل ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ‪‬‬
‫‪ ،2007‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻌﻬﺩﺕ ‪ 87‬ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺒﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺘﺼل ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬﺎ ‪ 4،7‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺘﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﺒﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺇﻨﻘﺎﺫﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻀﻤﻨﺕ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺘﺏ ﻤﻭﻅﻔﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺭﺸﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻭﺨﻁﺔ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻸﻋﻭﺍﻡ‬
‫‪109‬‬

‫‪ ،2010-2008‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ‪‬ﺒﻨﻴﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﻁﺔ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪ ،2007-2005‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪:2010-2008‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻡ ‪:2010-2008‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺼﺒﺎﻴﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﺘﻘﻠﻴﺹ ﻤﻌﺩل ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﻲ ﻤﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬ ‫ﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺭﺃﺴﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻝﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻔﺫﺓ ﻷﻭل ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻀﺤﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻤﻅﻠﺔ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻜﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻀﺤﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﺃﻋﻼﻩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﻭﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻌل ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﻘﺩﻡ ﻝﻠﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺸﺭﻴﻜ ﹰﺎ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﻀﺤ ﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ‬
‫ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪110‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻝﻠﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ‪.( UNIFEM Occupied Palestinian Territory, 2010 ).‬‬

‫‪. 2‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﻓﺯ‪:‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﺸﺭﺕ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1997‬ﻭﺘﺭﻜﺯﺕ‬
‫ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺭﺸﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1997‬ﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻝﻤﻘﺭﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ‬
‫ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻜﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻫﺩﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﻤﺎﺸﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻷﺨﺫ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺇﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪.(Occupied Palestinian Territory UNIFEM, 2010) .‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺤﻭﺍﻓﺯ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻌل ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻀﻁﻠﻊ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺭﺒﻁ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺨﻁﻁ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻴﺯﺍﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﻋﻥ ﺤﻭﺍﻓﺯ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﻴﻭﻝﻨﺩﺍ ﺃﺭﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝﺕ ‪ ":‬ﺇﻥ ﺘﻔﻭﻴﻀﻨﺎ ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻨﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻌﻤل ﻫﺫﺍ ﻨﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺩﻋﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻺﻴﻔﺎﺀ ﺒﺘﻔﻭﻴﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺘﻠﺒﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل" )ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻴﻭﻝﻨﺩﺍ‬
‫ﺃﺭﻴﺘﻲ‪.(2011،‬‬
‫‪111‬‬

‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺒﺎﺭﻴﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺴﺒﻕ ﺫﻜﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺩﻤﺠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻭ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺄﺨﺫ ﺼﻔﺔ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻠﺘﺯﻤﺔ ﺒﻜل ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫)ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﺴﻴﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ‪ ،2011-2008‬ﻭﺨﻁﺔ ﻋﻤل ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪- 2005‬‬
‫‪ ،2007‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪ ،2010‬ﻭﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻜﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﻤﻠﻬﺎ؛ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ "ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ‪ ،1325‬ﻭﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ؛ ﻝﻘﺩ ﺍﺘﺨﺫ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﹰﺍ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺒﺩﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻔﺘﺭﺓ ‪ ،2013-2011‬ﻭﻝﻘﺩ ﻜﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻭﻝﻰ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻜﺸﺭﻜﺎﺀ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻤﻊ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﻔﺫ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺸﺘﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻗﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻴﻙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ‪) .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫‪.(1 .2011‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ‬
‫‪112‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻴﻌﺩ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬
‫ﻭﺭﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻠﻘﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﺴـﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺴـﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل ﺍﻹﺴـﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻤﺸـﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﺩﺨﻠﻴﻥ ﺴـﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻭﻅﺎﺌﻔﻲ‪ ،(79 .2010 ،‬ﻭﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻫﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻤﺴﻬل ﻭﻤﻴﺴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ".‬ﻨﺤﻥ ﻤﻴﺴﺭﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻭﺭﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻝﻠﺨﺭﻭﺝ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴﻭﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﻴﺘﻡ ﻨﻘﺎﺸﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻜل ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺭﻜﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺭﻭﺝ‬
‫ﺒﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﺭﺍﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻤﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻜل ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻋﻘﺩ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺼﻐﺭﺓ ﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﻜﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ" )ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻝﻭﻨﺎ ﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ‪.(2011 ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻝﻲ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻴﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل ﺇﻥ‬
‫ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﺘﻤﺕ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ‪ 40‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺜﻼﺙ ﻭﺭﺸﺎﺕ ﻋﻤل‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺨﺼﺼﺕ ﻭﺭﺸﺔ ﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺭﺸﺔ ﻋﻤل ﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺭﺸﺔ ﻋﻤل ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻝﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺒﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ‪1500‬‬
‫ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺸﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺸﺎﺭﻙ ‪ 11‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺼل ‪ ،24‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺴﺅﺍﻝﻴﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ؟ ﻭﻜﻴﻑ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻪ؟ ")ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻴﻭﻝﻨﺩﺍ ﺃﺭﻴﺘﻲ‪.(2011،‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻤﺠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺠﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼ ﹰﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻀﻁﻠﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺒﻤﻬﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺘﻌﻤﻴﻡ ﻭﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﻭﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﺭﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁﻁ ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ )ﻨﺯﺍل‪،‬‬
‫‪ ،(23 .2009‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ‪- 2011‬‬
‫‪ ،2013‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﺯ ﻓﺠﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬ ‫ﺒﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺘﻴﺎﺕ ﺫﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺘﺭﺡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫‪113‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﺴﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺠﻭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ ﻋﺒﺭ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ ).‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪.(2011،‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻋﻤﻴﺎﺀ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺇﻫﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠل )ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨﻔﻴﻡ‪ ،(5 .2001،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‪ :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪ :‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺨﻁﻁ ﻋﻤﻴﺎﺀ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﺘﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﻭﺍﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﺠل ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻌل ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻭﻋﻲ ﺒﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﹸﺘﺴﻤﻰ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﺭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺒﺜﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺯﻴﺩ‪ ،( 2011،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺒﺩﺃ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻝﺘﻀﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺒﺩﻋﻡ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺍﺠﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺘﻡ ﺒﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻗﺭﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2009‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﺎﻹﻴﻌﺎﺯ ﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻔﻌﻴل ﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺤﺴﺎﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻱ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ ﺴﻴﺄﺨﺫ‬
‫ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻬﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻬﺩﻓﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‪) .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺴﺎﻤﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﻴﻁﻲ‪. (2011 ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺤﺎﺠ ﹰﺔ ﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺘﻀﻤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺔ‪).‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺯﻫﻴﺭﺓ ﻜﻤﺎل‪ ،(2011،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل‬
‫ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﺩ ﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ )ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺒﺜﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺯﻴﺩ‪.( 2011،‬‬
‫‪114‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺍﺠﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺱ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻭﻥ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1988‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﺭﺠﻡ ﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﻋﻤل ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ‬
‫ﺒﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺎﺕ ﺨﺼﺼﺕ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﺒﺏ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬
‫ﺘﻨﺹ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻀﻌﻑ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ‪).‬ﺍﻹﺴﻜﻭﺍ‪. (27 .2004 ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺸﻴﺭ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﺘﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻫﺎ ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻴﺼﻁﺩﻡ ﺒﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‪ .‬ﻓﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻹﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل ﺘﻡ ﺇﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻗﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1994‬ﺒﺎﻝﺸﺭﺍﻜﺔ ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻝﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻷﻋﻭﺍﻡ‬
‫‪ ،2005-2004‬ﺜﻡ ﺼﺎﺩﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺩﺍﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2008‬ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺍﺤﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺘﺤﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ‪‬ﻴﻤﺜل ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﺤﻘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺤﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪) .‬ﻨﺯﺍل‪ ،(20 .2009 ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﻁﺎﺒﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ؛ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﻤﺴﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ‪ ،‬ﻝﻠﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺸﻤل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻨﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻹﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻬﺎﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻭل ﺩﻭﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻀﻌﻑ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫‪115‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﺨﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﻔﺘﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ؛‬
‫ﺒﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺘﻜﺎﻝﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﻜﻔﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻹﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻜﻲ ﻴﻼﺌﻡ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪) .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﻴﻡ‪ ،(29 .2011،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬
‫ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻴﺼﻁﺩﻡ ﺒﻌﻘﺒﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺸﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺴﺒﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺠﺯ ﻭﺠﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻴﻤﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺒﺴﺒﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ‪) .‬ﻨﺯﺍل‪. (12 .2009 ،‬‬

‫‪ .4‬ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‬
‫ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻌﺎﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺤﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﻌﻤﻠﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺨﻁﻁ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﻫﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل‪ :‬ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻴﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎ ‪‬ﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻼﺅﻤ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻸﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‪ :‬ﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﻫﻭ‬
‫ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺔ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻁﻼﻉ ﻭﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺒﺄﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻭﺭﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻓﺎﺘﻨﺔ ﻭﻅﺎﺌﻔﻲ‪ ،(2011،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫‪116‬‬

‫ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺘﺘﻡ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ )ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻓﺎﺘﻨﺔ ﻭﻅﺎﺌﻔﻲ‪.(2011،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺘﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺯﻭﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺸﻜل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‪) .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺒﺜﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺯﻴﺩ ‪ ،(2011،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺸﺭﻴﻙ ﻝﻌﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ‬
‫ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺸﺭﻴﻙ ﻝﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻤﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‪ :‬ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺸﺭﻴﻙ ﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻤﺤﻭﺭ )ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻤﻤﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻴﻁﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﻨﺴﺎﺩﻭﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ‪) .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻜﻭﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻐﺭﺒﻲ‪،(2011،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﻴﺔ ﻀﻤﻥ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺼﺒﺎﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫)ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻤﺎﻭﻱ‪.(2011‬‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﺠﺩ ﺘﺒﺎﻴﻨ ﹰﺎ ﻭﺘﺸﻜﻴﻜ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﻜﻴﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻊ ﻋﺩﻡ‬
‫ﻤﺭﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ‪).‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻤﻴﺭﺓ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،(2012،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‬
‫ﻝﻌﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻫﻭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻁﺭﺡ ﺃﻭﻝﻰ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪).‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻨﻰ ﺇﺴﻜﻴﻙ‪ ،(2012،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺘﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻨﻭﻋ ﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺎﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻤﺎﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺢ‪) .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻨﺼﺎﺭ ‪.(2012،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ ،2011-2006‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺜﻘﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻝﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺸﺎﻤل ﻭﻜﺎﻤل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﺴﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﻗﺭﺍﺀ ﹰﺓ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﺒﻴﻙ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺼل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ‬
‫‪117‬‬

‫ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻫﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺫﻜﺭﺕ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﻭﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ )ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ \ﻏﺯﺓ ﺃ‪.( 2012،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺨﻠﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﻤﺴﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻝﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺭﺸﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺤﺴﺎﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ‪.‬‬

‫‪ 5‬ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﻙ ﻭﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪:‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻝﻸﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻭﺯ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2006‬ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﻁﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻝﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭل ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺴﺒﺒﺎ ﻻﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ 1993‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻭﺍﺼﻠﺕ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻴﻁﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻌل ﻭ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺡ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺸﺭﻭﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻭﺯ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻑ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ 2006‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﻔﺸل ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻭﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ‬
‫ﻅﺭﻭﻓﺎ ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺤﻴل ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﺤﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﻹﻀﻌﺎﻑ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭﺘﻔﺠﻴﺭ ﺨﻼﻓﺎﺘﻬﺎ ‪،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺴﺎﻋﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﻭﺽ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻭﺯ‬
‫ﺒﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪118‬‬

‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺃﺩﻯ ﻓﻭﺯ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺴﻴﻁﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2007‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﻁﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼ ﹰﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﻴﻬﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻠﻘﻰ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻗﻁﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻏﺯﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻏﺯﺓ ‪" :‬ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻻﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺒﺨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪) .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻥ‪ " ،( 2012 ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨﻔﻴﻡ ﺴﺎﺒﻘ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤ ﹰﺎ ﻭﺭﺌﻴﺴ ﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻋﻤﻴﻥ ﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﻼ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻷﻱ ﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ")ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻤﻴﺭﺓ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،(2012،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻫﻭ‬
‫ﺴﺒﺏ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻻ ﺘﻔﺼﺢ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺘﻬﺎ‪) .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻨﻰ ﺇﺴﻜﻴﻙ‪ ،2012،‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻤﻴﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،(2012،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺤﺎل ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺩﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﻻ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺀﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻨﺼﺎﺭ‪.(2012،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺘﻨﻔﺫ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺘﻌﻴﻴﻥ ﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ ﻓﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻜﺎﺘﺏ‬
‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻝﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻤﻅﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻻ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻝﻌﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ ‪).‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻨﻰ ﺇﺴﻜﻴﻙ‪2012 ،‬؛ ﻭﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻤﻴﺭﺓ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،(2012،‬ﻭﺘﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ‬
‫ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻔﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻘﺩﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺇﻴﻭﺍﺀ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻋﻨﺼﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺤﺏ ﺘﻤﻭﻴﻠﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﺍﻵﻤﻨﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻔﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻤﺎل ﻭﻭﺴﻁ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪).‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻥ ‪،(2012،‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻌل ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﻻﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪).‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻨﺼﺎﺭ‪. (2012،‬‬
‫‪119‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺘﺄُﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻗﺼﻴﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ‪ ".‬ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﺜل ﺃﻱ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻗﺼﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻠﺒﻲ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓ ﹰﺎ ﻁﺎﺭﺌ ﹰﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻨﻁﺒﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻓﺎﺘﻨﺔ ﻭﻅﺎﺌﻔﻲ‪.(2011،‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻔﺭﺽ ﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻔﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺸﺭﻭﻁ‬
‫ﻓﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺂﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﻤﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ‪).‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻓﺎﺘﻨﺔ ﻭﻅﺎﺌﻔﻲ‪2011،‬؛ ﻭﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺯﻫﻴﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎل‪.(2011،‬‬
‫‪120‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺘﻤﺔ‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻫﻡ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﺠﻌل ﻤﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺸﺒﻴﻬﺔ ﺒﺄﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻝﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﺩﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻀﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﺘﺠﺎﻫﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ؛ ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻴﺼﻁﺩﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل ﺼﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻲ ‪‬ﻤﻔ ‪‬ﻌل ﻹﻗﺭﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻥ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺘﺤﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺘﺼﻁﺩﻡ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺠﺯ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎل ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻻ ﺘﺼل ﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻭﺓ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻝﻸﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻓﺼﻠﻪ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﺴﺒﺒ ﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻊ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﺨﻁﻁﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻫﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻀﻤﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺒﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺠﺴﻡ‬
‫ﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺒﺄﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪121‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ‬
‫ﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼ ﹰﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺒﺎﺭﻴﺱ ﻝﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﻋﻭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل‬
‫ل ﻤﻨﺫ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻋﺎ ٍ‬
‫ﻻ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل‬
‫ﻭﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺼﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻻ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻝﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻏﺯﺓ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﺤﺴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻤﺠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺎﺠﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﺔ ﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺴﻴﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻜﺠﺴﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻻ ﺘﻔﺭﺽ‬
‫ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺘﻌﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺘﺒﻌ ﹰﺎ ﻝﻸﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻜﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤ ﹰﺎ ﻭﺇﺭﺍﺩ ﹰﺓ ﺴﻴﺎﺴ ﹰﺔ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻴﻥ ﻭﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺒﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﻀﻴﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﺠﻭﺍﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠل‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻭﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻝﻠﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺨﻁﻁ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺼﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻫﻭ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺨﻁﻁﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻁﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻁﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻝﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺸﺭﻴﻜ ﹰﺎ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴ ﹰﺎ‬
‫‪122‬‬

‫ﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﻁﻠﻴﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻝﻸﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﻜﻼ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺒﺸﺭﺍﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺘﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﺒﻨﺎ ‪‬ﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻻ ﺘﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺒﻌ ﹰﺎ ﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻤﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﻭﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭﻫﺎ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﺒﺎﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﻭﻓﻭﺯ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1997‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺒﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺸﺒﻴﻬﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﻁﻼﻕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2003‬ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺠﻤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻤﻌﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺴﺘﻬﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺸﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﻁﻼﻕ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺼﺒﺎﻴﺎ ﻻ ‪‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺇﻁﻼﻕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺘﺄﺜﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻭﻴل ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺇﻏﺎﺜﻴﺔ ﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻤل‬
‫ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻓﻭﺯ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻜﺂﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻭﺸﺭﺍﻜﺔ ﺘﺎﻤﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺠﺯﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻫﺎ ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻀﻁﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺸﺘﺭﻁ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﻏﺏ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﺠﺯﺀﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪123‬‬

‫ﻼ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺘﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻁﺎﻉ‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻤﻤﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻏﺯﺓ ‪‬ﻴﻠﻘﻲ ﺒﻅﻼﻝﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﹸﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‬
‫ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺃﻭل ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻭﺴﻠﻭ ﻤﺭﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻝﻙ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺯﻴﺩﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻤﻘﺔ ﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺃﻓﻀل ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻝﻙ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺃﻓﻀل ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺼﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻫﺎ ﺤﺎﻝﻴﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺼﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪124‬‬

‫ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ‬

‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺏ ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻷﺩﻫﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﻅﻔﺭ‪ .‬ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﻫﺎﻓﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻭﻤﻘﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺤﺭﺏ‬
‫ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻕ‪) .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ‪.(1997 ،‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺃﻓﻨﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻁﻴﺔ ﺤﺴﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻭﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ‪) .‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ‪.(1996 ،‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪) .‬ﻨﻴﻭﻴﻭﺭﻙ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪.(2008 ،‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻓﻌﺎل‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‪) .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻭﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.(1998 ،‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺍﻝﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﺜﻴﻨﺎ‪" .‬ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ" ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺁﻤﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ‬
‫ﻭﺇﺤﺼﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻼﺸﻭﻓﺎ ﻭﻝﻴﺎ ﺒﻴﺎﺴﻭﻥ )ﺍﻹﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪.(2007،‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﺠﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺇﺼﻼﺡ‪ .‬ﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﺎﻁﻊ ﻁﺭﻕ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻬﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ) .‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪.(2008 ،‬‬
‫‪ .7‬ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ ﻝﻺﺤﺼﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻭﺇﺤﺼﺎﺀﺍﺕ‪) .‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪.(2005 ،‬‬
‫‪ .8‬ﺤﻨﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺴﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻴﻨﺩﺍ ﻁﺒﺭ‪ .‬ﺒﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻝﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻨﺤﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﺴﻴﺔ‪.(2006 ،‬‬
‫‪ .9‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻨﺼﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺯﺍﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻭﺍﺯﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪) .‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ‪ :‬ﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺃﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ )ﻤﺎﺱ(‪.(2005 ،‬‬
‫‪ .10‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻨﺼﺭ‪ .‬ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩ‪ ) .‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﻤﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪.(2011 ،‬‬
‫‪125‬‬

‫‪ .11‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻨﺼﺭ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﻨﺤﻭ ﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺃﻨﺠﻊ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ ﻭﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﻤﻌﻬﺩ‬
‫ﺃﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ )ﻤﺎﺱ(‪.(2005 ،‬‬
‫‪ .12‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻁﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻨﻬﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺠﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭ‪.2006 ،‬‬
‫‪ .13‬ﻜﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻨﻁﻭﻨﻴﻭﺱ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.1991،‬‬
‫‪ .14‬ﻤﺎﺘﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺴﻴﻠﻔﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻘﺭﺍﻁ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎﺭﻜﺱ‪ .‬ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﻬﻼﻝﻲ‪) ،‬ﺍﻝﺭﺒﺎﻁ‪.(1995 ،‬‬
‫‪ .15‬ﻤﻴﺭل‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﺭﺴﻴل‪ .‬ﺴﻭﺴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪.(1986 ،‬‬
‫‪ .16‬ﻨﺎﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻨﺩﺓ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺴﻼﻡ ﺤﻤﺩﺍﻥ‪)) .‬ﻤﺤﺭﺭ( ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪.(2008 ،‬‬
‫‪ .17‬ﻨﺨﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺨﻠﻴل‪ .‬ﺃﺴﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻭﻏﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺩﻴﻤﺔ‪) .‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ )ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ(‪.(2004 ،‬‬
‫‪ .18‬ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨﻔﻴﻡ‪ .‬ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻌﺔ‪) .‬ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪.(2000 ،‬‬
‫‪ .19‬ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨﻔﻴﻡ‪ .‬ﻤﺴﺭﺩ ﻭﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﻭﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪) .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻏﺭﺏ‬
‫ﺃﺴﻴﺎ‪. (2001 ،‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻻﺕ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺇﺴﻤﺎﻋﻴل‪ ،‬ﺩﻨﻴﺎ ﺍﻷﻤل‪" .‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻜل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻀﻤﻭﻥ"‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺤـﻭﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺩﻥ ]ﺘﻤﺕ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺃﻴﺎﺭ ‪> .2004 [2012‬‬
‫>‪http://ahewar.org/debate/show.art.asp?aid=23609‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺠﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺇﺼﻼﺡ‪" .‬ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺎل ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ"‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺃﺭﺼﻐﻠﻲ )ﻤﺤﺭﺭ(‪ .‬ﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ‪ -75 -23 .‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻌﻤﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ " ﻤﻔﺘﺎﺡ"‪.2003 ،‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺤﻤﺎﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻴﻤﺎ‪" .‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ"‪ .‬ﻝﺠﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ )ﻤﺤﺭﺭ(‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺔ ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،(84-73) ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ‬
‫ﺒﻴﺴﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺀ‪.1991 ،‬‬
‫‪126‬‬

‫‪ .4‬ﺩﻤﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﻴﻜل‪" .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻜﻨﺎﺌﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل"‪ .‬ﻤﺤﺭﺭ ﺴﻠﻴﻡ ﺘﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺩﺩ ‪ -47‬ﺹ‪.2001 ،13-121‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺴﻭﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‪" .‬ﺨﻁﺔ ﺸﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﻹﻝﻐﺎﺀ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ"‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪،43-31 :52:‬‬
‫‪.2002‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﺸﻘﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺤﻔﻴﻅﺔ‪" .‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ"‪ .‬ﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪،30-28 :6 ،‬‬
‫‪.1995‬‬
‫‪ .7‬ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺯﻱ‪" .‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭ" ﻤﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺩﻥ‪ ] -‬ﺘﻤﺕ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻤﻭﺯ‪.2004 ،[2011‬‬
‫‪<http://ahewar.org/debat/show.art.asp?aid=23609‬‬
‫‪ .8‬ﻋﺎﺩل‪ ،‬ﺴﻤﺎﺡ‪ " .‬ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﻼﺏ ﻭﺘﻔﺭﻴﻎ ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻤﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻀﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺤﻴﺎﺩﻴﺔ – ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺩﺭ"‪ .‬ﻤﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺩﻥ] ﺘﻤﺕ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺏ‪-2011‬‬
‫‪.2006‬‬
‫‪http://ahewar.org/debat/show.art.asp?aid=59565‬‬
‫‪ .9‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺤﺎﺀ‪" .‬ﻨﺤﻭ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺭﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺒﺎﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ"‪ .‬ﻓـﻲ ﺃﺤﻤـﺩ ﺴـﺎﻤﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻝﺩﻱ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ )ﻤﺤﺭﺭ(‪ -‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﻋﺩﺩ ‪.2004 ،119-111 :58‬‬
‫‪ .10‬ﻗﺯﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺩﻴل‪" .‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻭﻏﺎﺕ ﻭﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل"‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨـﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻌﻤﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴـﺔ )ﻤﻔﺘـﺎﺡ(‪-‬‬
‫‪.2005‬‬
‫‪ .11‬ﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻴﻠﻴﻥ‪" .‬ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻨﺘﻔﺎﻀﺘﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﻪ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ"‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﻴﻨﺔ ﺭﺸﻴﺩ ﻭﺤﺴـﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﻜﺩﺍﺸـﻲ‬
‫)ﻤﺤﺭﺭﻴﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﻝﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺩﺩ ﺨﺎﺹ ‪ ،97 -86‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ :‬ﻤﺅﺴﺴـﺔ ﻨـﻭﺭ ﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.2003 ،‬‬
‫‪ .12‬ﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪ :‬ﺁﻴﻠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺩﺍﺀ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻋﻭﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ"‪ .‬ﻓـﻲ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻴل ﻫﻼل ﻭﻴﻨﻲ ﺠﻭﻨﺴﻭﻥ )ﻤﺤﺭﺭ( ‪ -‬ﺩﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻋﺩﺩ ‪.2007 ،17 -7 :4‬‬
‫‪ .13‬ﻤﻜﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪" .‬ﺠﺩﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻀﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻜﻨﻌﺎﻥ‪.2002 ،109 ،‬‬
‫‪ .14‬ﻭﻅﺎﺌﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺘﻨﺔ‪" .‬ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻑ ﻀﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ"‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪ ، 6‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺒﻴﺭﺯﻴﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪.2010 ،‬‬
‫‪127‬‬

‫‪ .3‬ﺃﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻴﻠﻴﻥ‪" .‬ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ‪:‬ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ"‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺇﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﻭﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ"‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻨﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ ﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﻤﻥ ‪18-17‬‬
‫ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1999‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ‪.1999 ،‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﻫﻨﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺴﻬﻰ‪" .‬ﻫﻴﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ"‪" .‬ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺇﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﻭﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ"‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻨﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‬
‫ﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ‪ 18-17‬ﻜﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻭل‪ -1999 :‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ‪.1999 -‬‬

‫‪ .4‬ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ‪ .‬ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪) .1993‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.(1993 ،‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ‪) .2004‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻴﺭﺯﻴﺕ‪.(2005 ،‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺤﻭل ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺨﻤﺱ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ‪ -2000- 1995 -‬ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﻭﻗﺎﺕ ‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.2002 ،‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺴﻨﻴﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺭﻨﺩﺍ‪ .‬ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺤﻭل ﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻻﺴﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪) .‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻺﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.(2001 ،‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺼﺎﻝﺢ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﺴﻥ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻝﺴﻨﺔ ‪) .2008‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺘﻭﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪.(2008 ،‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﻨﺯﺍل‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﺭﻝﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻀﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ‪) .15+‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.(2009 ،‬‬
‫‪ .7‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺃ‪ -‬ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ -2012‬ﻤﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ‬
‫> ‪<http://www.mowa.gov.ps/docs/Studies/report.pdf‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ‪-‬‬
‫‪ .8‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺏ‪ -2012 -‬ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻠﻔﺘﺭﺓ ‪-2006‬‬
‫‪<http://www.mowa.gov.ps/docs/Studies/report1.pdf>-2011‬‬
‫‪128‬‬

‫‪ .9‬ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨﻔﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨﻔﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪ :‬ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺼﺒﺎﻴﺎ‪ -‬ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻨﻔﻴﻡ‪.2010 -‬‬

‫‪ .5‬ﺃﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺒﺎﻝﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .10‬ﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻴﻠﻴﻥ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ "ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ"‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺭﻗﻡ‪ -2‬ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ :‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺒﻴﺭﺯﻴﺕ‬
‫‪.1996 -‬‬

‫‪ .6‬ﺍﻝﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻹﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪.(1997 ،‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻻﺴﻜﻭﺍ )ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ(‪ -‬ﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ‬
‫ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻋﻤل ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﻋﺸﺭ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺒﻴﺠﻴﻥ‪) -‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺴﻜﻭﺍ‪.(2004 ،‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤـﺭﺃﺓ‪) .‬ﻨﻴﻭﻴـﻭﺭﻙ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﺸـﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪.(2008 ،‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪) ،‬ﻨﻴﻭﻴﻭﺭﻙ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻷﻤـﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤـﺩﺓ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(2006‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤـﺭﺃﺓ‪) ،‬ﻨﻴﻭﻴـﻭﺭﻙ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﺸـﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪.(2008 ،‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺨﻁﺔ ﻋﻤل ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺒﻜﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴـﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺤﻜـﻭﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) ،2000‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪.(1996 ،‬‬
‫‪ .7‬ﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ‪) ،1325‬ﻨﻴﻭﻴﻭﺭﻙ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪.(2005 ،‬‬
‫‪ .8‬ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻨﻴﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻠﻊ ﻗﺩﻤﺎ ﻝﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪) ،‬ﻨﻴﻭﻴﻭﺭﻙ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﺸـﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪.(1985 ،‬‬
‫‪ .9‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ‪ ،‬ﺨﻁﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻝﻠﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ‪) ،2005-2004‬ﺍﻝﺴـﻠﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.(2003 ،‬‬
‫‪ .10‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ‪ ،‬ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ‪) ،2007-2005‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.(2005 ،‬‬
‫‪129‬‬

‫‪ .11‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺨﻁﺔ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ‪) ،2007-2005‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪.(2004 ،‬‬
‫‪ .12‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜـﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤـﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺜﻴﻘـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺴـﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝـﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴـﻴﻥ ‪،2013-2011‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤـﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤـﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴـﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪.2011،‬‬

‫‪ .7‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻴﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ ﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪.(2003 ،‬‬

‫‪ .8‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪] -‬ﺘﻤﺕ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ ‪ -[2012‬ﻴﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪.2012-‬‬
‫> ‪<http://www.pcbs.gov.ps/Portals/_pcbs/PressRelease/Woman_day2011_A.pdf‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ] -‬ﺘﻤﺕ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻴﺴﺎﻥ ‪ -[2012‬ﻋﺸﻴﺔ ﻋﻴﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ‪> -2012‬‬
‫‪>http://www.pcbs.gov.ps/Portals/_pcbs/PressRelease/IntWokDy2011A.pdf‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺃﻨﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ " ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﺘﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ"‬
‫] ﺘﻤﺕ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺃﺏ‪.2008 - [2011‬‬
‫‪<http://www.un.org/arabic/news/fullstorynews.asp?newsID=9857‬‬

‫‪ .9‬ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﻓﺎﺘﻨﺔ ﻭﻅﺎﺌﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪،‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪) ،2011\1\18‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﻝﻭﻨﺎ ﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝـﺄﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﻌﻨﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪) ،2011\2\1‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ(‪.‬‬
‫‪130‬‬

‫‪ .3‬ﺒﺜﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺯﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺨﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪) ،2011\2\6‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺴﺎﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻁﻴﻁﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪) ،2011\2\6‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻴﻭﻝﻨﺩﺍ ﺃﺭﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪ -‬ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪) ،2011\2\2‬ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ‪ :‬ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ(‪.‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻤﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺴﺅﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪) ،2011\4\10‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫‪ .7‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺭﻴﻤﺎ ﻀﺭﺍﻏﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﺔ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬
‫‪) ،2011\4\4‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫‪ .8‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺯﻫﻴﺭﺓ ﻜﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻭﻤﺩﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻸﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻨﺎﺸﻁﺔ ﻨﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪) 42011\15‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻝﻸﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ(‪.‬‬
‫‪ .9‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻜﻭﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻐﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺩﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺩﻴﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻸﺴﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪) ،2011\3\1‬ﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫‪ .10‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺃﻤﻴﺭﺓ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻭﻜﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ\ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫‪ ،2012\5\29‬ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺘﻤﺕ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻴﺩ ﺍﻹﻝﻜﺘﺭﻭﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .11‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻨﻰ ﺇﺴﻜﻴﻙ‪ ،‬ﻤﺩﻴﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺼﺎل ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺃﺓ \ﻏﺯﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪ ،2012\5\29‬ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺘﻤﺕ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻴﺩ ﺍﻹﻝﻜﺘﺭﻭﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .12‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻨﺼﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺩﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ \ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪ ،2012\6\7‬ﺘﻡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻜﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .13‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺩﻴﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻤﻜﻠﻑ ﻝﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻔﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫\ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺘﻡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻜﺱ‪.‬‬
131

10. Books
- Bennett, A. LeRoy.(1984). International Organizations. New Jersey.: Prentice
Hall, Inc.27-35
- Brynen, Rex (2000). A Very Political Economy: Peacebuilding and Foreign
Aid in the West Bank and Gaza.Washinghton,D.C: United State Institute of
Peace Press.
- Cleveland Harlan. (1976). The Third Try at World Order: American Self –
Renewal in an Interdependent World. Princeton, N.J: Aspen Institute for
Humanistic Studies, p.78.
- Ghali, Boutros Boutros.(1992).An Agenda for Peace: Preventive Diplomacy,
Peacemaking, and Peace-keeping. NewYork: United Nation.A/47/277-
S/24111.
- Jayawarden, Kumari.(1986)Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World.
London : Zed .Books Ltd.
- Jennings, Kathleen M (2008). Seeing Disarmament, demobilization and
Reintegration(DDR from below:Challenges and dilemmas raised by the
experience of ex combatants in Liberia. Oslo: FAFo.
- Kabeer, Naila. (1994).Reversed Realities: Gender Hierarchies in Development
Thought. London: VERSO.
- Martin, Pierre-Marie, 1982. Introduction aux Relations Internationals.Paris: ed
Private.
- Molyneux, Maxin. (1985).Mobilization Without Emancipation?Women’s
Interests, the State and Revolution in Nicaragua. Institute of Latin American
Studies .University of London
- Moser, Caroline O.N. (1993). Gender Planning and Development :Theory,
Practise & Training. London: Routledge.
- OECD (1997). DAC Guidelines on Conflict, peace ,and Development
Cooperation .Paris: Organization for economic Cooperation and Development.
- Pilcher, Jane and Imelda Whelehan. (2004). Fifty Key Concept in Gender
Studies . London: Sage Publications.
132

- Pietila, Hilkka and Jeann Vickers.Making Women Matter: the Role of the
United Nation.London: Zed Books.
- Pinhao, Donah Baracol.2010. The Policies of the European Union on the
Gender Aspects of Democracy Building in South East Asia. Stockholm:
International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance.
- Ross, Dennis (2004).The Missing Peace.The Inside Story of the Fight for the
Middle East Peace.New York: Farra, Staus and Giroux.
- Rossman, Gretchen and Rallis, Sharon. (2003) Learning in the Field ,an
Introduction to Qualitative Research. California: Sage Publication.
- Sen, A.1999.development as Freedom. New York: Knopf.
- UNIFEM. (2007) .CEDAW and the Human Rights Based Approach to
Programming: UNIFEM Guide, New York,UNIFEM.
- Young, Kate.(1993).Framework for Analysis in Planning Development with
Women a World Difference.London:Macmilan.

11. Articles in books

- Anderson, B, Mary.(2005). “Do no Harm: the Impact of International

Assistance to the Occupied Palestinian Territoy Wrong”In Michael Keating et
al (eds). Aid diplomacy and Facts on the Ground: the Case of
Palestine.143-152.Great Britain: Royal Institute of International Affairs.

- Baden, Sally and Ann Marie Goetz. (1997). “who Needs Sex When You Can
Have Gender? Conflicting Discourses on Gender at Bejing”. In Kathleen
Staudt(ed).Women International Development and Politics :The Bureaucratic
Mire 37-59.Philadelphia: Temple University press.
- Berkovitch, Nita (1999)” The Emergence and Transformation of the
International Women ‘s Movement”.in J.Boli and G. M. Thomas (eds)
Constructing World Culture ,International Nongovernmental Organizations
Since 1875. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
133

- Dorsey, Ellen. (1997). “The Global Women’s Movement: Articulating a New

Vision of Global Governance ,”In Paul F.Diehl(eds). The Politics of Global
Governance: International Organizations in an Interdependent World.335-359
London :Lynne Rienner Publishers,Inc
- E.Greenberg, Marcia and Elaine Zukerman.(2009). “The Gender Dimension of
Post Conflict Reconstruction: The challenges in Development Aid”. In Tony
Addison and Tilman Bruck (eds). Making Peace Work :The challenges of
Social and Economic Reconstruction. 1-33.UNV- Wider :Palgrave MacMillan.
- Elson, Dian. &Ruth Pearson.(1997). “The subordination of Women and the
International Factory production”. In Kate Young, et al (eds). of Marriage and
the Market: Women’s subordination Internationally and its Lessons. 18-
40.London: Routledge.
- Glavanis, Kathy. (1996). “The Women’s Movement, Feminism and the
National Struggle in Palestine: Unresolved Contradiction”. In Haleh Afshar
(ed). Women and Politics in the Third World, 171-186.London: Routledge.
- Holt, Marai.(1996). “ Palestinian Women and the Intifada: An Exploration of
images and Realities.” In Haleh Afshar (ed). Women and Politics in the Third
World, 186-204.London:Routledge.
- Jad, Islah.1995. “Claiming Feminism, Claiming Nationalism: Women’s
Activism in the Occupied Territories” .In A.Basu, (ed).Women’s Movement in
Global Perspective. Boulder: Westview.
- Kawar, Amal.1998. “Palestinian Women Activism After Oslo.”In Suha
Sabbagh (ed).Palestinian Women of Gaza and the West Bank.Bloomington:
Indiana University Press.
- Kothari and M.Minogue.(2002). “Critical Perspectives on Development : An
Introduction”.In Development Theory and Practice: Critical Perspectives
.Basingstoke:Palgrave,p.1-15.
- Kusakabe, Kyko.(2005). “Gender Mainstreaming in Government Offices in
Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos: Perspective from below”. In Fenella Porter and
134

Caroline Sweetman.(eds). Mainstreaming Gender in Development: A Critical

Review. 46-57.UK: Oxfam.
- Lacey, Nicola.(2004)’feminist legal theories and the rights of women”.in Karen
Knop(ed).Gender and Human rights.Oxford university Press.pp13-56.
- Le More, Ann.(2005). “Are Realities on the Ground Compatible with the
International State-Building and Development agenda?”. In Michael Keating,
Ann Le More and Robert Lowe (eds). Aid, Diplomacy, and Facts on the
Ground: the Case of Palestine. 27-38.Great Britain: Royal Institute of
International Affairs.
- McMichael. (2004). “Implementing Globalization as a Project .In
rd
Development and Social Change: A Global Perspective .3 Edition.
London: Sage Publication Inc. p, 152-2000.
- McMichael.(2004). “ Instituting the Development Project.In Development and
Social Change :A Global Perspective .3rd Edition.London:Sage Publication
Inc.p.2-38.
- Mertus, J. and Helsing, J. 2004. “Introduction: Exploring the Intersection
Between Human Rights and Conflict .In Human rights and conflict:
Exploring the Links Between Rights,Law,and Peace-building .Washington ,
D C:United State Institute of Peace ,p.3-20.[online].Available from World
wide Web: http://booksstire.using.org/resrcs/frontm/1929223765_intro.pdf
- Nabulsi, Karma.(2005). “The State Building project: what Went Wrong”In
Michael Keating et al (eds).Aid diplomacy and Facts on the Ground:The
Case of Palestine.117-125. Great Britain: Royal Institute of International
Affairs.
- Rao, Aruna and David Kelleher.(2005). “Is There Life After Gender
Mainstreaming?”. In Fenella Porter and Caroline Sweetman.(eds).
Mainstreaming Gender in Development: A Critical Review. 57-70.UK:Oxfam.
- Said, Nader.(2005). “Palestinian Perception of International Assistance”.In
Michael Keating, Ann Le More and Robert Lowe(eds). Aid, Diplomacy,and
135

Facts on the Ground: the Case of Palestine. 99-106 Great Britain: Royal
Institute of International Affairs.
- Thakur, Ramesh.(1997). “ Amnesty International and the United Nations,”In
Paul F.Diehl(eds). The Politics of Global Governance: International
Organizations in an Interdependent World. London :Lynne Rienner
Publishers,Inc.
- Visvanathan, Nalini.(1997).The women, Gender and Development Reader
London: Zed books.
- Williams, Andrew.(1998). “The United Nations and Human Rights”.In Paul
Taylor and A.John R.Groom(eds). International Institution at Work
.London:Painter.pp114-129.
- Young, Kate.(1997). “Gender and Development”. In Visvanathan, Nalini et al.
(eds).The Women ,Gender and Development Reader.London:Zed Books.51-
65.

12. Articles
1. Abirafeh, Lina (2005). “ Lessons from Gender –Focused International Aid in
post –Conflict Afghanistan ….Learned ?”.Gender in International cooperation,
26-73.
2. Banda, Agens –Kalungu.2004. “ Conflict Programs for Women : Lessons from
the Kosovo Women’s Intiative”.Gender and Development.12:3,31-40
3. Blauner, Robert (1969). “Internal Colonialism And Ghetto Revelot,Social
Problems.Vol.16,No.4, p.395.
4. Evans.P. (2002). “Collective Capabilities, Cultureand Amartya Sen’s
Development as Freedom”. Studies in Comparative International
Development. [online].37 (2).p.(54-60).Symposium on Development as
Freedom by Amartya Sen. Available from World Wide Web:
http://sociology.brekely.edu/faculty/evans/evans_pdf/Collective _Capabilities.pdf
5. Fleishmann,Ellen L.(2000) “ The Emergence of the Palestinian Women ‘s
Movement,1929-39” .Journal of Palestine .Vol.29:3, 16-32
136

6. Gluck, Sherna Berger.(1995). “Palestinian Women: Gender Politics and

Nationalism”. Journal of Palestine Studies. Vol.24:3 :5-16.
7. Green, M,. (2001). “Social Development: Issues and Approaches”.In Kothari
and M.Minogue, (eds).Development Theory and Practice :Critical
Perspectives.Basingstoke:Palgrave,p 52-70.
8. Hintijen, Helen. (2008).UNIFEM,CEDAW and the Human rights-Based
Approach”.Development and change 39(6) 1181-1192.
9. Jad, Islah .(2009). “The Demobilization of Women’s Movement s: The case of
Palestine”.Posting to Women’s United Nation Report Network (WUNRN)
Listserv on January 14 2009.
10. Johnson, Penny.(2007). “ Point of Debate:The Human Rights Watch Report
and Violence against Palestinian women and Girls”.Review of Women
Studies”.4:95-105
11. Kandiyoti, Deniz.(2004). “Political Fiction Meets Gender Myth: Post-
Conflict, Reconstruction “ Democratization” and Women’s rights. Journal of
Institute of Development Studies,35:4.134-137
12. Kang, Seonjou and Meernik,James(2004). “ Determinants of Post Conflict
Economic Assistnace”. Journal of Peace Research, 41:2, pp149-166.
13. Kawar, Amal.(2001). “ Palestinian Women: Political Activism Since Oslo” .
Al-Raida, Vol. 18: 92,19-25.
14. Kennedy, David. (2002). “The International Human Rights Movement: Part
of the Problem?” Harvard Human Rights Journal .vol:15, 101-125.
15. Koczberski, Gina.(1998). “Women in Development: A Critical Analysis”.
Third World Quarterly.Vol.19:3,395-409.
16. Kratochwill, Friedrich and John Gerard Ruggie (1986) “International
Organization: A State of the Art on an Art of the State”. International
Organization, Vol.40, pp. 753-775.
17. Lasenskey, S. and Grace, R.2006. “Dollars and Diplomacy: Foreign Aid and
Palestinian Question”. United State Institute of Peace [online].[accessed April
2012].Available from Wide web:http://www.usip.org
137

18. Roy, Sara (1999). “De-Development Revisted: Palestinian Economy and

Society Since Oslo”. Journal of Palestine Studies.Vol.28,No.3,pp.64-82
19. Sayigh, Rosemary. (1993). “Palestinian Women and Politics in Lebanon”.
Arab Women : old Boundaries, New Frontiers. In Judieth Tucker(eds).
Bloomington: Indian University Press.176-186.
20. Stewart’s. and Deneulin,S.(2002). “Amartya Sen’s Contribution to
Development”.Studies in comparative International
Development.[online].37(2).p61-70.Avialble at EBSCO Host from World
Wide Web:http://web.ebscohost.com/ehost/pdf?vid=7&hid=109&sid=62d595el-
3d402de-856a-a398f5f6a2fa%40sessionmgr107
21. Suhrke, Astri and Buckmaster, Julia. 2005. “Post –War aid Patterns and
Purposes”.Development in Practice.15:6,737-746.

13. Organizations Reports

- Baden،Sally.1997.Post-Conflict Mozambique:Women’s Special

Situation،Population Issues and Gender Perspectives: to be integrated into
skills training and Employment Promotion.Geneva:International Labor
Office Report of a consultancy for the Action Programmme on Skills and
Entrepreneurship in countries emerging from armed conflict.
- Chiwara،Letty and Maria Karadenizli.(2008). Mapping Aid Effectiveness and
Gender Equality : Global Finding and Key Messages. NewYork:UNIFEM
- Center for International Development CID.(2003). “ Washington Consensus”.
Harvard University.[online]last Updated on April 2003.Available from World
wide Web :http://www.cid.harvard.edu/cidtrade/issues/washington.html>
- Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development OECD.2005.
Survey on Progress in Harmonization and Alignment.
- Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development OECD.2007
.Survey to Monitor Paris Declaration.
138

- Uvin،P.1999.The Influence of Aid in Situation of Violent Conflict. Submission

to OECD DAC Informal Task Force on Conflict،Peace and Development Co-
operation .Report dated September 1999.Avialble from World Wide Web:
http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/33/57/1919902.pdf>.
- Oxfam.2007.Poverty in Palestine: The Human Cost of the Financial
Boycott.Report dated 13 April 2007.
- United Nation Development Program UNDP.(1990).Human Development
Report 1990.[online] Available from World Wide Web
:http://hdr.undp.org/eng/media/hdr_1990_eng.pdf
- United Nation Development Program UNDP.(2007).Measuring Human
Development : A Primer :Guidelines and Tools for Statistical
Research،Analysis and Advocacy.[ online] Reported dated September
2007.Available from World Wide Web:
http://hdr.undp.org/eng/humandev/learnmore/title.4182.en.html
- United Nation Fund Development Fund for Women .(2007a).Annual
Report2006-2007.
- UNIFEM.(2008). Progress of the World’s Women 2008/2009: Who Answers
to Women ? Gender and Accountability New York.
- UNIFEM.(2009-2010).UNIFEM Annual Report.Anuual Report2009\2010.
New York: UNIFEM.
- United Nation Office of the Special Coordinator in the Occupied Territories
(UNSCO)،Economic and Social conditions in the West Bank and Gaza Strip
Quarterly Report” .prepared by Salim Ajluni et al ،Gaza،1997 pp41-42.
14. Working Papers
1. Radelet،S.Center for Global Development.2004.Aid Effectiveness and The
MDGs.(93).Submission to Millennium Project Task Force on Poverty and
economic Development .Report dated April 2004.

15. Documents
139

1. OECD.2008.DAC Guiding Principles for Aid Effectiveness،Gender

Equality and Women’s Empowerment.

16. Official Website

1. Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development

OECD/Development Assistance Committee DAC[accessed November
2011].DAC Glossary. <http://oecd.org/glossary>.
2. -Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development online [ accessed
January 2012]The Paris Declaration <http://
oecd.org/document/18/0،3343،en_2649_3236398_35401554_1_1_1_1،00.html

17. MA Thesis

1. Jaafari, R, 2006.US foreign assistance in Palestine: Partners or

Contractors? A case Study for International Development Assistance

Program in Palestine 1999 -2003.MA Thesis, School for International

Training in Brattleboro, Vermont ,USA

18.Documents

1. UN(2003) .The human Rights Based Approach to Development Cooperation:

Towards a Common Understanding Among UN agencies،Inter-Agency
Workshop on Human Rights Based Approach in the Context of UN
Reform.Stamford.
140

2. UNDP(2006)Guide to Human Rights Based Approach Programming. New

York.
3. UNIFEM(2007b) .CEDAW and Human rights Based Approach to
Programming :AUNIFEM Guide.New York:UNIFEM.
4. UNIFEM Occupied Palestinian Territory.(2010).Information Package-
February2010.Jerusalem : UNIFEM Occupied Palestinian Territory.