William Allan - Greek Elegy and Iambus - Martim

EDITED BY WILLIAM ALLAN
CAMBRIDGE GREEK AND LATIN CLASSICS
GENERAL EDITORS
P. E. EASTERLING
Regi,us Professor Emeritus of Greeli, Unive'rsity of Cambridge
PHILIP HARDIE
Senior· Research Fellow, Trinity College, and Honor·ary Professor· of Latin,
University of Carnbridge
NEIL HOPKINSON
Fellow, Trinity College, Univer-sity of Ca,mbridge
RICHARD HUNTER
Regi,us Professor of Greek, Univer-sity of Cambridge
E.J. KENNEY
Kennedy Professor Emeritus of Latin, University of Cambridge
S. P. OAKLEY
Kennedy Professor· of Latin, University of Cambridge
A SELECTION
EDITED BY
WILLIAM ALLAN
McConnell Laing Fellow and Tutor· in Classics
University College) Oxford
CAMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY PRESS
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DOI: 10.1017/9781316403341
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- ublication Data
NAMES: Alla11, William, 1970- editor.
TI 1"LE: G1·eek elegy and iambus : a selection / edited by Willia1n Allan.
DESCRIPTION: Cambridge : Ca1nb1idge University Press, 2019. I
lnclt1des bibliographical ref'e1·ences and index.
IDBN1'Il•IERS : LCCN2019011498 I ISBN9781107122994 (alk. paper)
SUBJEc1·s : LCSH: Elegiac poetry, Greek. I Iambic poetry, Greek. I Iambic
poetry, Greek - I-Iistory and criticism. I Elegiac poetry, Greek - I-Iistory and
criticis1n.
CLASSIFIC A"fION: LCC PA3445.E6 c74 2019 I DOC 881/.01-dc 23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019011498
ISBN 978-1-107-12299-4 I-Iardback
ISBN 978-1-107-55997-4 Paperback
Cambridge University P1·ess has r10 responsibility for the persistence or accuracy
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TO LAU.RA, IONA, AND XANTHE
Till a' the seas gang· d'ry
CONTENTS
Preface Page ix
Notes on the Text X
List of Abbreviations Xl
Map XlV
Introduction 1
1. Elegy and Ja,rnbus as Poetic Forms 1
2. Performance and Mobility 6
3. Poets and Per-sonae 9
4. Society and Cultur-e 11
5. Language, Style, Metre 14
6. Transmission of the Text 18
GREEK ELEGY AND IAMBUS: A SELECTION 21

Archilochus 23
Semonides 29
Callinus 33
Tyrtaeus 33
Mimnermus 36
Solon 37
Theognis 43
Xenophanes 47
Hipponax 49
Simonides 53
Commentary 57
Works Cited 23 7
Index 251
• •
VII
PREFACE
Elegy and iambus are major forms of Greek literature and are crucial to
understanding the Archaic and early Classical periods in particular. Yet
in literary courses students often jump from reading Homer to fifth-cen
tury literature, especially tragedy, and so miss the important role played
by Archaic poetry other than epic. Moreove1-, elegy and iambus are not
all that difficult linguistically or metrically and are therefore highly suit
able texts to study. The publication of this volume, togetl1er witl1 one on
early Greek lyric in this series, will, one hopes, promote their wider use
in teaching. The selection aims to give a representative sample of each
poet's surviving work, while also highlighting their variety- alas, only one
substantial piece of Callinus survives. I aimed to select a1-ound 1,000 lines
of Greek - a little under the average length of a G1-eek tragedy - so as
to leave enough space for linguistic, literary, and cultural commenta1-y.
The selection covers ten poets, two iambic (Semonides and Hipponax),
six elegiac (Callinus, Tyrtaeus, Mimnermus, Theognis, Xenophanes, and
Simonides), and two writing in both forms (Archilochus and Solon, who
accordingly get more space). Also incl11ded are Hipponax's parodic hex
ameters (fr. 128) and Xenophanes' combination of iambic trimeter and
hexameter (fr. B 14). I have relied on the standard editions in creating
my own text and apparatus, and have inspected the papyri where possible
and used photographs where not. The apparatus has been kept as suc
cinct as possible, and thorny issues are discussed in the notes.
I would like to thank the staff of the British Library, the Oxyrhyn ch11s
Papyri, and the Institut fur Altertumskunde (Papyrologie) in Cologne. I
am immensely grateful to Pat Easterling, Neil Hopkinson, and Richard
Hunter, general editors of the series, whose wise and penetrating com
ments led to n11merous improvements, and to Michael Sharp, Lisa
Sinclair, and Sophie Taylor at Cambridge University P1-ess for their exper
tise and care in tl1e p1-oduction of the book. I owe particular thanks to
John Jacobs for his learned and meticulous copy-editing.
My greatest debt, expressed in the dedication, is to my wife Laura Swift
and our wonderful daughters. They have improved the book, and my life,
in innumerable ways.
W.R. A.
Oxford
September 2018
•
lX
NOTES ON THE TEXT
1. An asterisk following a reference (e.g. Archil. 1* or fr. 1��) means that the
poem or fragment is included in this selection.
2. 'Fr.' and 'frr.' are generally omitted where tl1is creates no ambiguity. Thus
At�chil. 196a* = Archil. fr. 196a W.
3. The n11mbering of West 1989-92 is 11sed thro11ghout, with the addition of

Archil. 17a Swift and Xenoph. B 14 DK (= D 12 Laks-Most).
4. The Greek text features the following conventions:
] left-hand limit of the papyrus
[ right-hand limit of the papyrus
[a] letter supplied by editor (gap in the papyrus)
<a> letter inserted by editor (no gap in papyrus or manuscript)
� letter cannot be identified with certainty
X
ABBREVIATIONS
The poets edited in this volume are abbreviated as follows:
Archil., Semon., Callin., Tyrt., Mimn., Sol., Thgn., Xenoph., Rippon.,

Simon.
Abbreviations of other ancient authors and texts generally follow those

used in the Oxford Classical Dictionary ( 4th ed., 2o1 2) . Note also:
Bernabe A. Bernabe, Poetarurn epicorum Graecor·um: testimonia et

Jragmenta, Par-s I, 2nd ed., Stuttgart 1996
CEG P. A. Hansen, Carmina epigr ·aphica Gr·aeca, 2 vols, Berlin
1983-9
CGCG E. van Emde Boas et al., The Carnb,ridge grammar of Classical
Greek, Cambridge 2019
DK H. Diels and W. Kranz, Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, 3
vols, 6th ed., Berlin 1951-2
Fowler R . L. Fowler, Early Greek mythography, 2 vols, Oxford
2000-13
FGrH F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, Berlin/
Leiden 1923-
Goodwin W. W. Goodwin, Syntax of the moods and tenses of the Greek
verb, 2nd ed., London 1889
GP J. D. Denniston, The Greek particles, 2nd ed. revised by
K.J. Dover, Oxford 1950
2
IEG see W below
Laks-Most A. Laks and G. W. Most, Early Greek philosophy, 9 vols,
Cambridge, MA 2016
UMC Lexicon iconographicu'm mythologi,ae classicae, 1 8 vols,
Zurich 1981- 97
LSJ H. G. Liddell and R. Scott, revised by H. S. Jones, A
Greek-English lexicon, 9th ed. with s11pplement, Oxford
1996
MW R. Merkelbach and M. L. West, Fragmenta Hesiodea,
Oxford 1967
P Argent. Strasbourg Papyri ( 1912-)
P Colon. Kolner Papyri ( 1976-)
P Oxy. Oxy'rhynchus Papyri ( 1898-)
r
PSI Papiri -eci e latini (Pubblicazioni della Societd Italiana per· la
g
ricerca dei papiri greci e latini in Egi,tto), Flo1-ence 1912-

r r
Page D. L. Page, Epig ammata g aeca, Oxford 1975
•
XI
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
••
Xll
PMG D. L. Page, Poetae melici Graeci, Oxford 1962

PMGF M. Davies, Poetar·um melicorum Graecor·umfragmenta, vol I:
Alc'man, Stesicho'rus, lbycus, Oxford 1991
SEC Supplementu'm epigr·aphicurn Graecu'm, Leiden 1923-
Smyth H. W. Smyth, Greek gra1mrriar, Cambridge, MA 1920
w M. L. West, Iambi et elegi Graeci ante Alexandrum cantati,
1 2
vols, 2nd ed., Oxford 1989-92
MAP
�17
Amphipolis
<::::) �
•
.___,..- Mt Olympus
La r i;,,..,,
ss�a{'--.
•Dodona ,()eneus
¾_
EPIRUS �Q {)
THES$ALY Pherae. :it,-�& ·

\? Pharsalus •
rv.,.,• Ambracia �
Leucas �� 4
u,...ro �Jl ""J,,
Cephallenia '--.,-,,..
Zacynthos
• oe:zen ,;:,
MES ENIA � • •
o � Sparta
a
Cape Taenarum
l?cythera
•
Mediterra n ea n Sea
o____; 50
� '--__ 1�0r0__�15�0'--_�2�00km
0 25 50 75 100 miles
Map 1Greece and the Aegean, including the birthplaces of Archilochus

(Paros), Semonides (Samos), Callinus and Hipponax (Ephesus), Tyrtaeus
(Sparta), Mimnermus (Smyrna), Solon (Athens), Theognis (Megara),
Xenophanes (Colophon), and Simonides (Ceos).
MAP xv
Propontis
OT hasos Aenus
(J
Samothrac�
Mt Athos lmbrosQ
•
Lemnos Sigeum Troy

and8c
c;::5 .>- scam
MYSIA
1>o ... Mt Ida
"A:/
0
-y (?
0
0 (S) Methymna
�
<S> Lesbos ----'------

Oo �cyros<;»
-:,
� Sardis
LYDIA
.. Ery hrae
(J) • Teos Ca}".ster
•
• ea ystus (S)
•col hon
•Ephesus
� Magne iae ��
eos 5\
�Tenos
c(l
conos
c:J �t • a
� :
i..�
�
VCythnoY Delos • :�
l.l"
nSeriphos Paros GARIA
'3
.
•.{]() O N\axos
e:,
\), •
c••
hi'
\)
Melos �.,
// f;J ,• •
• o iif-'.
•, 0 �
0 �Thera
-� C:,
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• .. ••
• arpathos
CRETE
• Gorty n
�---� �-"'-;"'
0
INTRODUCTION
1 ELEGY AND IAMBUS AS POETIC FORMS

By the time elegy and iambus become visible to us in the mid-seventh cen
tt1ry BC they are well-established poetic forms with a long history, though
these pre-literary traditions are obscure. The Spartan Tyrtaeus, one of
the first poets whose work has survived, composed his elegies with Doric
speakers in mind but wrote in the Ionic dialect, since this was already
a traditional featt1re of elegy (see §5 below). In general, the technical
mastery of the earliest seventh-century authors (Archilochus, Semonides,
Callint1s, Tyrtaet1s, Mimnermus) indicates that elegy and iambus had
been flourishing for some time, and not only in Ionia. Both forms are
strikingly diverse in their subject-matter and tone, and the poets, often
using the first pe1-son (see §3 below), speak directly about fundamental
ht1man concerns. 1
Elegy. Though elegy is easy to define formally as poetry composed

in elegiac couplets (see §5), this uniformity should not be allowed to
obscure the breadth of its content and style, ranging from poetry about
grief (e.g. Archil. 13*) and erotic desire (Mimn. 1*) to mythological nar
rative (Archil. 1 7a*) and political or military exhortation (Callin. 1 *).2
The flexibility of elegy made it one of the most widely used poetic forms
throughout antiquity, and we can see its variety reflected in the largest
surviving corpus of early elegy, the 'Theognidea', which blends politi
cal and social commentary ,vith sympotic banter and homoerotic song.3
Moreover, the vagaries of transmission and the stereotyping of particular
authors in antiquity mean that we have only a partial view of these poets:
Tyrtaeus, for example, tended to be quoted for his rousing wa1- poetry
( 12*) and Mimnermus for his reflections on youth and old age (2*), but
the selection process does not give us a representative pictt1re of their
1 A si1nilar diversity and perso11al perspective are evident i11 Archaic and
Classical lyric poetry. Despite the modern (Romantic-period) idea of 'lyric' as
a single form e11corr1passing lyric (both solo a11d choral), elegy, and iambt1s,
it rnakes sense to see them as distinct ger1res, even if the boundaries between
them are f111id. 011 defi.11itio11s of 'lyric', ancie11t a11d moder11, see Budelma11n
2018: 2-4.
:i 011 various aspects of eleg)', see West 1974: 1-21, Adkir1s 1985, Heri11gton
1985: 192-3, Bowie 1986, 1990, 2016b, Fowle1- 1987: 86-103, Bartol 1993:
18-30, 46-60, Gerber 1997b, Kt1rke 2000: 54-7, Irwi11 2005: 19-111, Aloni and
Ia11nucci 2007: 3-108, Faraone 2008, Ga1-11e1- 2011, Lulli 2011, Budelman11 and
Po"ver 2013, Swift and Carey 2016.
s See tl 1e headnote to Theognis in the commentary.
1
2 INTRODUCTION
work (for the former's historical elegy, see Tyrt. 5-7*; for the latter's myth
ological narrative, see Mimn. 12*).
The variety of early elegy is potentially further obsct1red by the form's
association with mourning and lamentation. By the late fifth centu1-y the
term EAEyos was used to desc1-ibe songs of mourning (e.g. Eur. 1ro. 119,
Hel. 185, IT 146), and later writers frequently connected elegy with grief
or claimed that elegy originated in lament (e.g. Hor. Ar:s P. 75 uer·sibus
impariter iunctis querim,onia prim,um). Howeve1-, the surviving examples of
Archaic elegy tell a diffe1-ent story, since only a few have anything to do
with mourning (e.g. Archil. 13'1<, Simonides' Plataea Elegy�!<). So unless a
whole foundational tradition of lamentatory elegy has vanished without
trace,'l the particular association of elegy with mourning is likely to be
due to a later narrowing of the genre, akin to the na1-rowing definition
of iambus as invective poetry evident from the fifth century onwards (see
below). Although elegy was deployed for laments and funerary epitaphs
in the A1-chaic period, this was only one aspect of its use. But it is the later
sense of elegy as intrisincally mournful, and especially the tendency to
compose epitaphs in elegiacs, which has shaped the modern notion of
'elegy' and 'elegiac', even tho11gh this was a relatively minor feature of a
highly flexible form.
Most surviving elegy was performed at symposia (see §2), with pieces
ranging from single co11plets to 1 oo lines (cf. Solon 1-3 *) , 5 but the
elegies performed at p11blic festivals (e.g. Tyrt. 4�1<, Simon. I 0-16*)
could be m11ch longer, some of them well over a thousand lines.6 In
these the poet or speaker addresses the entire city or community,
while elegies performed at symposia typically have a narrower at1di
ence in mind and may be addressed to a particular friend or political
faction (e.g. Thgn. 39-52�1<; see §4). Pt1blic elegy tends to take a wider
view of history, stretching back to the foundations of cities or their col
onies, 7 while sy1npotic elegy is more focused on the here and now - for
example, in reflecting on the prope1- cond11ct of the symposion itself
(Xenoph. 1 �r-) or foregrounding the speaker's erotic desires, friend
ships, and political allegiances - but there is no need to posit a rigid
division between the two occasions or their functions, since sympotic
elegy can also take the long view, especially in its liking for philosoph
ical reflection (e.g. Sol. 13 �r-), and both types can deploy narrative
Ai1 u11likely sce11a1-io: see Bowie 1986: 22-7, contra Page 1936; cf. Harvey
'1
1955: 1 70-1, Nobili 2011.
5 See Bowie 2016a. The longest extant elegy is Solon 13 *, which is 76 lines.
6
Bo\ivie 1986: 30-4. On pt1blic elegy, see further §2.
7 See Dougherty 1994.
1 ELEGY AND IAMBUS AS POETIC FORl\tIS 3
and heroic myth, as do Archilochus' Telephus and Simonides' Plataea

poems (Archil. 17a*, Simon. 10-16*). 8
Elegy was st1ng to the accompaniment of auloi (reed pipes , usually
played as a pair; cf. Thgn. 239-43*) , bt1t here too one mt1st allow for vari
ation: if no aulete was available to play £01- a di-inking-party, or a particular
symposiast simply could not sing , a more recitative-like chant could be
used, without melodic accompaniment. 9 More formal public occasions
would feature well-rehea1-sed auletes and singers, but the 1-epeated and
relatively simple elegiac metre presumably entailed fairly straightfoward
tunes, so that even tl1e amateur sympotic performer of elegy might feel
less daunted than he would by the more complex melodies of lyric poetry;
in addition, he did not have to accompany himself (as in lyric) bt1t had a
professional aulete to guide his voice.
Elegy's metrical simila1ity to the hexameter of heroic epic and didac
tic not only enabled it to incorpo1-ate and adapt their fo1-mulae, themes,
and tone, but is also likely to have shaped its development. Elegy's 10
perceived closeness to these serious genres discouraged the use of

scurrilous or obscene language and subject-matte1-, whose absence per
haps constitutes elegy's most marked difference from iambus. Elegy's
engagement with the genres of Archaic Greece extended well beyond
epic to all varieties of lyric poetry, from erotic song to religious hymns.
Flexible in both length and theme, elegy was the most adaptable form
of G1-eek verse, and it continued to flot1rish well after Simonides (the
latest poet, for reasons of space, in this selection). The songful sympo
sion flourished throughout the fourth centt1ry and beyond, shaping the
development of elegy, which re1nained a highly malleable form, used for
consolatory tales of unhappy love (Antimachus' Lyde), learned aetiology
(Callimachus' Aetia), mimetic hymns (Callim. Bath of Pallas), didactic
(Nicander's Cynegetica), and much else besides, including countless
epigrams. 11
Iambus. Like elegy, iambus can be defined metrically, as poetry com

posed in iambic trimeters and other closely associated forms: trochaic
8
011 narrative elegy, see Bowie 2001a, 2001b, Lt1lli 2011.
9 For elegy st1ng to auloi, see Bowie 1986: 14, Ba1·tol 1993: 46-51. Bt1delmann
and Power 2013 stress variation in performance.

1
° For elegy a11d epic, see Archil. 1 *, 2*, 5*, 17a*, Calli11. 1 *, Tyrt. 12*, Mimn.
14 *, S o1. 1-3 * , 4 *, 5, * Xe11oph . 1 *, s·1mo11. 1 1* , a11d G ar-
,1< 13* , Thg11. 23 7-54,
ner 201 1: 19-38 on the adaptation of epic formulae. 011 elegy and didactic, see
Semon. 1 *, 7*, Sol. 4*, 13*, Thg11. 19-26 *, 27-30*, 53-68*, 1 197-202*, Xenoph.
1 *, a11d Hunter 2014: 123-66 011 I--Iesiod and tl 1e symposion.
11
011 expansion of the genre in post-Classical Greek elegy, see Lightfoot 2009:
x. Cameron 1995: 7 0-90 outli11es tl 1e creation of new sympotic poetry (especially
elegiac epigram) i11 the Helle11istic period.
4 INTRODUCTION
tetramete1·s, choliambics, and epodes (see §5). 12 Although some schol

ars have argued that it is mo1·e accurate to understand iambos as a te1·m
referring to poetry with a particular content ( especially invective, Vt1lgar
ity, and sex), of which the iambic rhythm was chai·acteristic, 1 3 there is no
need to p1·ioritize content over metre, since ancient authors use iarribos to
refer to both features (metrical and generic), and rhythm is perceived as
part of its meaning from the seventh century onwards (cf. Archil. 215). 1 4
In addition, much early iambic poetry contained none of the abusive or
low material allegedly typical of the genre (cf. Semon. 1*, Sol. 36*).
Of course, this is not to deny tl1at invective, vulgarity, and sexual exu
berance are important aspects. And although attacks against enemies or
expressions of erotic desire are fo11nd in all types of early Greek poetry
( e.g. Sappho 31, Ale. 129), they generally avoid the vulgar language, ref
erence to body parts, and obscene content of iamb11s (e.g. Archil. 42*,
Hippon. 92�r-) . 1 5 The association of iambus with mockery is seen in the
figure of Iambe, a female servant in the house of Celeus at Eleusis, whose
jokes and teasing cheer up the grieving Demeter (HHDem. 202-4). But
whereas lambe's mockery is gentle and beneficial, that of the iambic poets
is much more caustic, and they attack their enemies in various ways and
for a variety of reasons: Archilochus, for example, 11ses the fable of the
fox and the eagle to expose Lycambes' treachery in breaking his promise
to betroth one of his daughters (172-81*); in revenge he seduces his
former fiancee's younger sister and destroys the entire family's reputation
( 196a*). Similarly, Hipponax has illicit sex with the mist1�ess of his enemy
Bupalus (16-17*, 84). These iambic attacks are intended to be entertain
ing and are often humorous, but they also communicate serious ideas:
conventional morality is implicitly affirmed, as the poet's public display of
his enemy's crimes reinforces a variety of social norms (oath-keeping, for
example, or guarding unmarried daughters). t 5
But there is much 1nore to iambic poetry than invective and vulgar
h11mour: it can be moralizing ( e.g. Archil. 19*, Semon. 7*, Hippon.
115�r-), philosophical (Semon. 1*), or political (Archil. 114*, Sol. 36*).
12
011 iamb11s, see West 1974: 22-39, Ba1·tol 1993: 30-41, 61-74, Brow11 1997,
I{11rke 2000: 51-4, Stei11ri.ick 2000, 2009, Bowie 2001 b, 2002, l{a11tzios 2005, I-Ie
d1·een 2006, Rose11 2007a, Ca1·ey 2009, Le1111artz 2010, Rotstein 2010, Swift and
Carey 2016.
13
E.g. West 1974: 22.
1 '1
Bartol 1993: 32-4, Rotstei11 2010: 224-5; for metrical vers11s co11tent-based
conceptions of iambus, see Lennartz 2 o1 o: 86-1oo.
15
111 lyi·ic Alcaeus' 'potbelly' (<pv<Yywv), applied to Pittacus, is about as rude as
it gets (129.21). Homeric insults can be vigorous (e.g. Il. 1.225 oivo�apfs, Kvvos
oµµaT' Exwv, Kpa8iT)v 8' ei\cxcpo10), but are never obsce11e.
16
See Browi1 1997: 41-2.
1 ELEGY AND IAMBUS AS POETIC FORl\tIS 5
Like elegy, iambus is a wide-ranging and flexible form: it uses nar1·ative

(much of it apparently autobiographical: see §3), embedded speech
(Archil. 1 g6a��), fables (Archil. 172-81 *, Semon. 7*), parody (Rippon.
3a*, 32* 34*), and many other literary devices. And far from being
sealed off from other genres, it constantly interacts with them, some
times pa1·odically (as in the mock-epic language and mock-didactic tone
of Semon. 7*), sometimes seriously (as wl1en Solon's iambics echo tl1e
political pa,raenesis of elegy: 36*). Each poet had a distinctive style and
persona ( e): Hipponax, for example, plays up the low-class natt11·e of his
character and actions - as a thief (3a*) or a pauper begging Hermes
for wealth (32*, 34��, 36*) - and goes further than his iambic prede
cessors in situating himself on the margins of respectable society (see
92*). Unfortunately, much of this variety of tone and subject-matter
was lost in the course of transmission, especially when invective came to
be seen (from the Hellenistic period onwa1·ds) as the defining feature,
narrowing the genre and obsct1ring the range of Archaic and Classical
iambus. 1 7
Like most small-scale early Greek poetry, iambus was primarily per
formed at the symposion, 18 but it could also be performed at mt1sical
contests (µovcr1Koi cxywvcs) 19 and civic religious festivals, 20 though few
now believe that its performance was tied to fertility cults of Demeter
and Dionysus. 21 Its mode of performance was no less flexible: ancient
sources speak of spoken, recited, and sung iambics (to the accompani
ment of auloi or stringed intstruments). 22 As with elegy, it is best to allow
for variation, depending on the performer's ability, the availability of
musicians, and the formality of the occasion. Iambic poetry continued to
17
See Rotstein 2010: 319-46, 2016.
18
Cf. e.g. Arcl1il. 17 3�1<, where the speaker says to Lycambes 'yot1 tt1r11ed your
back on the great oatl1 sworn by salt ai1d table', constrt1cting himself as a fellow
symposiast whose enemy has violated the bo11ds of the sympotic hetaireia.
19 Cf. Heraclit. B 42 DI{(= D21 Laks-Most) Tov Tc "0µ11pov E o:crK1:v &�tov EK Twv
cp
cx ywvwv EK�CX/\/\cCY6o:t K0:1 po:rr{(1:cr60:1 K0:1 :A.pxi?\oxov 6µo{W$, On iam btlS at mousiltoi
agones, see Rotstein 201 o: 256-60.
2
° For iambic poetry at pt1blic gatherings and the .symposion, see Ba1·tol 1993:
65-70, Bowie 2001a: 61-2, 2002: 38, Kantzios 2005: 1-33, Rotstein 2010: 253-78.
2l
The evidence for the ritual origins of iambus in cul tic mockery arid bawdiness
(cf. West 1974: 23-7, 1997: 496) is te11uot1s: see Rotstei11 2010: 180-2 ( 01 1 the
story of Iambe). In a11y case, tl1e scope of su1·viving iambic poetry shows that by the
seve11th centu1-y the ge11re had developed well beyo11d its cultic 01·igi1 1s (if it had
any) to emb1·ace a va1·iety of themes a11d purposes.
22
Bartol 1993: 61-5. One can11ot be certain, but it seems plat1sible that trim
eters te11ded to be spoke1 1 or recited, epodes and trochaic tetrameters sung: see
Dale 1963: 46-8, West 1974: 33, Lloyd:Jones 1975: 13, Bartol 1993: 63-4, Rot-
stein 2010: 229-52.
6 INTRODUCTION
be written throughout antiquity, 23 though the Alexand1-ian canonization

of Archilochus, Semonides, and Hipponax (as counterpai·ts to the nine
lyric poets), together with an increasing focus on invective (see above),
influenced the subsequent perception of its range and character.211
2 PERFORMANCE AND MOBILITY

The predominantly oral culture of Archaic Greece offered a variety of occa
sions for the performance and enjoyment of elegiac and iambic poetry,
but the most important venues were sy'rnposia and festivals. Discussions
of the symposion tend to retroject the model of Classical Athens back on
other cities and earlier periods; we have little hard evidence for the sym
posion on (for example) seventh-century Paros, beyond the clues given
in Archiloch11s' surviving poetry. Nonetheless, the frequent references to
the symposion in elegy and iambus, including '1·ules' for its proper conduct
(see Xenoph. 1 ��), allow us to piece together a more or less consistent
picture of aristocratic entertainment and male bonding. 2s Archaeological
evidence suggests drinking groups of around fourteen to thirty men,
reclining in pairs on couches arranged around the edge of the men's ban
queting-hall (or cxv8pwv). This relatively small-scale and exclusive environ
ment encouraged poetry purportedly directed at the poet's friends (as
when Archilochus addresses Glauc11s, or Theognis his beloved Cyrn11s),
but this intimacy is in part a fictional ploy which fosters the bonding of
each sympotic group that pe1·fo1-ms and enjoys the poetry, 26 while the
tone of the poetry itself can range from shockingly flippant (Archil. 5 *)
to solemn and 1noralizing (e.g. Semon. 1 ��).
In an important strand of sympotic poetry, typified by the elegies of
Theognis, the sympotic group identify themselves as cxya6oi ( e.g. Thgn.
31-2*, 37*), members of a social elite whose proper behaviour and civ
ilized values complement their noble birth. No longer able to rely on
2
� On 'mi11or' iambic poets through to tl1e late four·th ce11tury BC, see Carey
2016.
1 I-Iipponax was particula1·ly inflL1ential i11 the Hellenistic pe1iod: Callimacht1s'
2'
book of Iamboi opened witl1 Hipponax rett1rning from the Unde1·world (fr. 191
Pf.), while l-Ierodas used cl1oliambics to depict low-class urban life in his dran1atic
Mimiamboi (monologues and dialogues): Kerkhecker 1999, Acosta-Hug·hes 2002,
Zanker 2009. For the va1iety of post-Classical ia1nbus, see Cavarze1·e et al. 2001,
Nesselratl1 2007, Rosen 2007b.
5 011 various aspects ot· tl1e sy ,mposion, see M·urray 1990, 2018, Lissar1·ague
2
1991, Stel1le 1997: 213-61, Slit1gs 2000, Cato11i 2010, Hobde11 2013, W�cowski
2014, Cazzato et al. 2016.
26
Even if we assume that Theognis' Cyr11us was a 1·eal person (unlikely: see on
Thgn. 19-20*), most performances of the poetry about him will have been by
a1nateur symposiasts rather than by the famous poet himself.
2 PERFORMANCE AND MOBILITY 7
their wealth or status to mark themselves as a supe1-ior class, many aristo

crats of the Archaic and Classical pe1iod appreciated the exclusivity of the
symposion and the kind of poetry in which aristocratic manners and ide
ology were inct1lcated. When the drinking session was over, a 1-owdy p1-o
cession (Kwµos) through the streets would further cement the cohesion
of the all-male group. But there is much more to sympotic poetry than
confirmation of group identity and the symposiasts' sense of belonging
to an elite, 27 and poets explore all manner of topics, including sex (e.g.
Archil. 42-3 *, 196a*), gender stereotypes (Semon. 7*, Rippon. 68*),
youth, maturity, and old age (Miron. 1*, Sol. 27'Jfe), soldiering (Archil.
2 *, 5*), military defeat (Archil. 17a*), pat1iotism ( Callin. 1 *, Tyrt. 12'�,
Sol. 1-3'�), the mutability of fortune (Semon. 1'�, Miron. 2*, Sol. 13*),
grief (Archil. 13'�), the corruption of wealth (Sol. 4'�), contentment with
one's lot (Archil. 1 g'Jf'), and the value of poetry itself (Archil. 1*, Thgn .
237-54*, Xenoph. 2*).
Several Greek festivals featured competitions in music and poetry
(µovcr1Koi aywvcs). 28 An agonistic context has been suggested for
Simonides' Plataea Elegy*, but it is much likelier to have been commis
sioned for a Panhellenic festival within a few years of the battle. 29 Similarly,
the focus on fot1ndations, victories, and historical and mythological nar
rative throughout public elegy (cf. Tyrt. 4-7*, Miron. 14*, Xenoph. 3*)
supports its performance and reperformance at civic festivals, with no
need for poetic competitions to motivate its composition. Civic festivals
may also have been the venue fo1� Solon's political iambus (36*) and
Archilocht1s' Lycambes poems (see on 172-81*).
Different performance contexts are reflected in the poetry, espe
cially in the sphere of politics: whereas the symposio'n fosters poetry
aimed at men who think themselves (or who aspire to be) the commt1-
nity's aya6oi, the poetry perfo1·med at public festivals is addressed to
the whole community and so tends to display more egalitarian values.
Thus, Solon foregrounds his initiative in calling a public meeting to
resolve the political crisis facing Athens, an imaginary gathering mir
rored in the festival audience listening to his poem (36.1-2*). So skil
ful is Solon's evocation of civil strife and public exho1-tation that later
tradition pictt1red him rushing into the agora to perform his poem on
i7 111 a11y case, larger a11d more i11clt1sive civic ba11qt1ets (see Sch1nitt Pantel
1992) will have e11cot1raged poetry with a broader appeal: cf. e.g. Solo11's attempts
to reconcile the a1~istocratic elite a11d tl1e disconte11ted 8fiµos (5-6*, 36*).
28
See Heringto11 1985: 161-6; �1lso 11. 19 above.
29
See the headnote to Simo11ides. Though not a funeral, this festiv�tl will have
focused 011 comrnemorating the war dead. As it happens, our earliest refe1·e11ce
to a poetic contest is connected to a ft1neral: Hesiod boasts that he won first prize
with a hymn at the funeral games of Alcidamas i11 Chalcis ( VVD 654-7).
8 INTRODUCTION
Salamis (Plut. Sol. 8.1-2). The 'agora' p1Aobably stems f1Aom a misun
derstanding of the poem's opening lines (see on 1. 2�r-), though Salarriis
is likely to have been composed for a pt1blic occasion such as a civic
festival. A related mist1nde1Astanding is present in the idea that some
ma1·tial elegy (including Ty1·t. 12 *, but excluding sympotic poems like
Callin. 1 �� and Mimn. 14*) was composed for recitation during military
campaigns as a parade-ground performance to prepare the soldiers for
imminent battle. There were, however, syrriposion-like gatherings both
at Sparta itself (in syssitia, commt1nal meals of citizen-soldiers) and on
campaign (in tl1e king's tent, among a select group of commanders),
and these smaller, select groups, in part akin to the a1Aistocratic sympo
sia of Ionian communities, probably formed the original audiences of
Tyrtaeus' martial elegies.3 °
Finally, it is important to bear in mind that poems could migrate from
one pe1·fo1·mance context to another and that this would affect how they
were received. And since poets were no doubt aware of this, they may have
composed some works with different venues in mind. Thus Semonides'
so-called 'Satire on Women' (7�r-) is well suited to performance at the
all-male symposion, bt1t it would be no less effective in the mixed setting
of a public festival, where it could provoke m11tual teasing between the
sexes. A similar move between symposion and more public performance
may inform Solon's political elegies, in which Solon seeks to persuade the
Athenians in general and not (unlike Theognis) a narrow elite (cf. Sol.
4-6*, 9-11*). Conversely, poems such as Simonides' Plataea Elegy*, com
posed for first performance at a large-scale festival, could be reperformed
at any Greek symposion, where a tale of heroic excellence and Panhellenic
valour would be well received. Moreover, the poets themselves were
part of Panhellenic ct1ltt11·al netwo1·ks that encot11·aged travel in search
of new engagements and commissions: Xenophanes of Colophon is
said to have worked in Zancle, Catana, and Elea in Sicily, for example,
while Simonides of Ceos plied his trade all over the G1·eek world (includ
ing Andros, Athens, Sicily, and Thessaly).3 1 Thus poets had an interest
in ensuring their work had broad appeal and could be perfo1·med on a
range of occasions.32
3 Cf. Bowie 1 990: 2 24-9. By contrast, Tyrtaeus' political elegies, including his
°
Eunomia ('Good Gover111ne11t'), were writte11 for public festivals: see 011 Tyrt. 4*.
3 On Pa11hellenic 11etworks a11d poets' travels, see Stewa1·t 2017a: 33-64.
1
3� Tyrtaeus, Solon, and Theog11is, whose poetry is closely tied to a pa1·ticular city,
no11etheless �1dd1·ess contemporary problems of political a11d soci�1l tt1rmoil that

l1ave pt1rchase well beyo11d tl1eir 11otion�tl audie11ce ot· Spartans, Athenia11s, and
Megaria11s. Similarly, some poets create a strong se11se of local identity (especially
Tyrtaeus and Solon; cf. D'Alessio 2009), but this is co1npatible with performance
elsewhere.
3 POETS AND PERSONAE 9
3 POETS AND PERSONAE

v\That t1nites the various forms of G1·eek pe1·sonal poetry (iambic and
elegiac as well as lyric) is their basis in the world of tl1e speaker (the 'I'
of the poem), whose ideas and experiences come to the fore . Whereas
genres like epic and tragedy typically focus on the mythical past, and
the 'I' of the poet is foregrounded only occasionally (as in epic) or
not at all (as in tragedy), much of this poetry appears to spring from
the speaker's feelings and responses in the here and now. At first sigl1t
this kind of poetry seems highly familia1· to t1s. The Enlightenment's
emphasis on the individual as socially, politically, and a1·tistically deter
minative culminated in the Romantic idea that spontaneous, genuine
feeling is the basis of the best or truest poetry. Wordsworth's famot1s
definition of poetry, in the P1·eface to his Ly,rical Ballads ( 180 2), as 'the
spontaneous overflow of powerful feelings', encapsulates a conception
of the art, as founded on the poet's personal emotional response to
the world, which remains influential. However, while ancient personal
poetry purports to express the speaker's response to the world, and
while it no doubt draws on the poet's (and at1dience's) personal expe
riences, the goal of the ancient poet is not to reflect on his own expe
rience, but to construct a persona which the audience will find both
credible and engaging.33
In other words, poets are performers too and their goal is not t1nmed
iated self-expression, bt1t the creation of a persona st1ited to the conven
tions of their chosen poetic form, the occasion of its performance, and
the purpose for which they have composed the work. 34 There is no sharp
dichotomy of real (or autobiographical) versus fictional, but a spectrum
of possibilities, with different degrees of fictionalizing, and every poet is
free to move along this continuum as s/he sees fit. So, for example, we
have evidence that Glaucus (addressed by Ai·chilochus) and Bt1palus and
33 011 persona in Archaic poetry, see Sli11gs 1990, Morrison 2007: 45-5 7. The
tende11cy to read the poems (auto)biographically, ignori11g the centrality of per
so11a, began in antiquity: cf. e.g. the fifth-century autho1· Critias' tirade agai11st
Ai·chilocht1s as slavish, poor, abt1sive, adt1lterot1s, leche1·ot1s, a1·rogant, a11d a 1nili
taiy deserter (Ai·cl1il. 295). The ancie11t lives of the poets are largely based on the
same approach: see Lefkowitz 2012.
31 Thus we should beware of the idea that because much of this poetry is (or
purports to be) 'perso11al', it is somehow less traditional or less co11cer11ed to i11ter
act witl1 earlie1· litera1-y works. Again this is a modern 11otio11: the philosopher Im
ma11t1el Ka11t, for example, claimed, 'Amo11g all the arts poetry holds tl1e highest
rank. It owes its 011.gins almost e11tirely to ge11ius and is least ope11 to guida11ce by
precept or exctmples' ( Critiq ue ofJudgement), expressi11g a co11ceptio11 of poetry as
the pu1·e expression of the i11dividual, not subject to literary tropes and traditions -
the very opposite of ancient poets, lyric or otherwise, who are al'1vays aware of what
genre they are writing in and its history.
10 INTRODUCTION
Athenis (add1·essed by Hipponax) were real people. 35 But even if the poets
are making some of their narrators engage with historical figures, this
does not mean we can equate a poem's narrator with the historical at1thor
or overlook the fact that figures like Glaucus and Bupalt1s are made part
of a fictional world.36 An additional complication is the difficulty of saying
who the speaker actually is: it is clea1· that the narrator of Alcaeus fr. 1o,
'me, a pitiable woman', is not the poet himself but a female persona, but
unless A.i·istotle had told us that the speaker of Archil. 1 g* was Charon the
carpenter (Rh. 3.17.1418b28), we might have assumed it was Archilochus
himself advocating a life of contentment witl1 one's lot.
We may see real human lives as having a narrative structure, but there
the story is lived before it is told - fiction (inclt1ding poetry) is different,
since the poet can construct a story without having lived it. Narrative,
including personal narrative, is often taken to be a defining feature
of iambus, 37 but it is no less important to elegy (as in Theognis' tales
of social upheaval, told by an embittered aristocrat) and other forms of
early Greek poetry (as when Hesiod creates the personae of cantanker
ous farmer and wastrel brother to suit the needs of his didactic Works
and Da ys). Personae and their stories abound in Greek poetry, not least
because poets and their audiences enjoy the spectacle and experience of
mimesis (pretending to be someone else), seen by Aristotle as not only a
defining human characteristic bt1t also a ft1ndamental part of poetry and
music (Poet. 4.1448b3-23). The poets create identities which later per
fo1·mers will enjoy, and learn f1·om, adopting.
A single poet can deploy a variety of personae: Archilochus and
Hipponax, for example, both act as guardians of 1norality, preaching
the importance of keeping oaths (Archil. 172-81*, Rippon. 115 *), but
Archilochus can also play the part of t1nscrupulous sedt1cer (1 g6a*) and
Hipponax the roles of beggar and thief (3a*, 32*, 34*).Just as the sympo
sion and festival context reassert traditional social hierarchies, 38 so many
poems transmit cultu1-al 1-oles and expectations - for example, what it is to
be a proper aristocrat (Thgn. 53-68�r-, 183-92 *), a good soldier (Archil.
17a*, 114*) and patriot (Callin. 1*, Tyrt. 12*, Mimn. 14*, Sol. 1-3*), or
a virtuous woman (Semon. 7*, Tl1gn. 12 25-6*, Rippon. 68*) - but also
play with these social roles, exploiting the audience's expectations for
35 See the l1ead11otes to Archilocht1s and Hippo11ax.

3 So witl1 Solo11, a poet with a sig11ifica11t role i11 Archaic history, we 11eed to dis
6
tinguish betwee11 the histo1~ical at1tho1· a11d the variotis perso11ae he creates, even
if the overlap betwee11 the two is unt1sually la1·ge in his case.
3 7 See Bowie 2001 b; also Bowie 2002: 40 'telli11g stories is an important ge11eric
ma1·k of iambr;s'.
3 On 'role ascription' ( division by age, gender, social status, etc.) at festivals,
8
see Parker 2011: 217-18.

4 SOCIETY AND CULTURE 11
poetic effect (e.g. Archil. 5* on putting pe1-sonal su1~vival above honour

on the battlefield). In conclusion, the poetic 'I' and its persona always
track the needs of genre and occasion and are constructed to make the
most compelling appeal to the at1dience, whether the goal of the nar
rator is to conduct the ideal syrriposion (Xenoph. 1*), act as a reconciler
between wa1-ring political factions (Sol. 4-6*, 36*), or 1uminate on the
best approach to life (Semon. 1*, Mimn. 1-2*).
4 SOCIETY AND CULTURE

Elegy and iambus a1-e valuable historical sources for Ai-chaic G1-eece, not
least because little prose literature of the period has survived. 39 Of course
it is important not to be misled by the conventional label 'Archaic' into
thinking that the poetry of this period is somehow primitive or simple -
on the contrary, it is among the most impressive and sophisticated ever
written. Similarly, in historical terms the Archaic age is one of g1-eat
expansion and expe1-imentation. This section will b1-iefly consider how
some of its most distinctive aspects are reflected in elegiac and iambic
poetry.
Expansion and contact with foreign citltures. The growth of colonization
and trade led to increasing familiarity with non-Greek cultures and
encouraged the mobility of the poets themselves. 4° Variot1s factors encour
aged colonization and emigration, from a growing Greek population in
need of new land to the desire for personal profit. 4 1 Ai-chilochus is said
to have joined the Parian colonization ofThasos (see 2.1-2*, 5.1 ��, 17a*;
cf. frr. 21-2, 102, 228), Semonides to have led a group of Samian colo
nists to Amo1-gos, and Hipponax's attack on a treacherous friend reflects
Greek trade and colonization arot1nd the Black Sea coastline and inland
Thrace (115*). Growing awareness of other cultures also contributes to
Hipponax's parodic treatment of Lydian language and religion (Hippon.
3*, 3a*, 32*, 92*). This mockery is a 1-eminde1- that interaction with for
eigners not only enhanced a g1-owing sense of Greekness;'1 but also led 1!
1
to xenophobia: Archilocl.us (1g*) and Xenophanes (3*) reject Lydian
lt1xury as decadent excess. Since Greek elites of the period increasingly
adopted eastern clothing, hairstyles, jewellery, and perft1me, these poetic
attacks on luxury lifestyles have a political as well as a racial edge.
39 See Fowler 2000 a11d 2013 011 early prose mythography. For tl1e influence of
elegy and iambus on tl1e developme11t of historiography, see Bowie 200 1 a: 62-6.
4° Archil. 1 * asserts the speaker's role as both soldier and poet. For a soldier's
pride in his professio11, see also Archil. 2*.
4 1 See Graham 1983, Dougherty 1993, Boardma11 1999.
1 2 Cf. e.g. Archil. 1 02, wl1ere tl1e poet describes his fellow settlers in the north
e1-n Aegean as TTavEAA17vi:s.

12 INTRODUCTION
Foreign states expanded too, leading to conflict with Greek commu

nities, especially in Asia Minor: Mimnermus' Smyr·neis celebrated the
Smyrnaeans' victory over Lydian invaders under Gyges in the 66os, and fr.
14* contrasts such glo1--y with the feebleness of the poet's contemporaries
faced with a similar threat. On a larger scale, Simonides' Plataea Elegr*
celebrates a united Greek victory ove1- the expanding Persian empire
( 10-16*). But it was not only foreigners wl10 threatened Greeks; fellow
Hellenes could be no less lethal. Sparta's annexation of neighbouring
Messenia and the enslavement of its population (as helots) are praised
by Tyrtaeus, wl10 sees their forced labour as essential to Sparta's prosper
ity and the maintenance of its increasingly militarized society (5-7*), a
hierarchical system which he celebrates as embodying 'good order' (or
Eitnomia: 4*).
Contact with other cultures also fuelled the intellectual revolution
of sixth-century Ionia, as seen, fo1- example, in Xenophanes' critique of
anthropomorphic religion (B 14:�). Many concepts of rational think
ing, philosophy, and science had long been in use in neighbouring
cultures, and these ideas will have passed along trade routes to Greek
cities like Xenophanes' Colophon from (for example) E gypt and
Babylonia. 4-3
Social and political r-evolution. The rise in trade and commercial suc
cess led to the emergence of new wealthy individuals and families, who
increasingly demanded a role in the running of their commt1nities. 44 For
some members of the elite, the granting of political rights to the 'nou
veaux riches was unacceptable: Theognis laments that the common herd
are now considered the city's aya6oi (53-68:�) and that once pt1re blood
lines are now spoiled by intermarriage with inferior but newly rich stock
(183-92*). Class distinctions are being eroded, Theognis claims, and the
rightful elite (such as himself) are 1·obbed of their land 01- forced into
exile (1197-202'�). As hereditary a1·istocracies clung to powe1·, popular
discontent often led to the emergence of ty1-ants, whose power th1-eatened
both rich and poor. 45 Thus Theognis fears that the corrupt behaviour of
his city's leaders will result in civil war and the rise of a tyrant (39-52 :�).
Though he and the proto-democratic Solon have very different political
1
' 3For early Greek philosophy's debt to various Near Eastern cultu1·es, see e.g.
West 1971, Ht1ssey 1972: 28-31, Burkert 1992: 128-9.
4 On the various co11ceptio11s of citizenship i11 Archaic G1·eece, i11volvi11g 11ot
11
only membership of a commu11.ity but also pa1·ticipation in its social a11d ,political
life, see Dt1plouy and Brock 2018. Yoffee 2005: 5-6 011tlines the mt1ltiplicity fot1nd
in the earliest states ac1·oss many cultures. 011 non-a1istocratic ele1ne11ts in Archaic
poetry, see Griffiths 1995.
45 For Greek thi11king about t..yra11ny ( the word is first attested i11 Archil. 19*),
see Morgan 2003.
4 SOCIETY AND CULTURE
values, Theognis echoes the Athenian's diagnosis of civic degeneration,

where the elite ruin their city for the sake of personal gain (Thgn. 46*,
Sol. 4.11 *), sparking factional strife (Thgn. 51��, Sol. 4.1g*) and a descent
into one-man rule (Thgn. 52*, Sol. g*, 11*).
Solon is aware of the risks of giving the 8f\µos too much power (4.5-6�',
5.1-2*, 6*, 36.20-2*), but his poetry 1-eflects the inc1-easingly influential
idea that the good of tl1e community as a whole should be the primary
goal of the state. He boasts of reforming the Athenian legal system: 'I
wrote laws for the lowe1- and upper classes alike, creating a fair legal pro
cess for eacl1 man' (36. 18-20*). The principle that all citizens are equal
before the law (icrovoµicx) became the fot1ndation of later democratic ide
ology. Solon similarly defends his policies as being in the best interests of
all Athenians and presents his unbiased reforms as having prevented civil
war (36.22-5*). This focus on impartialjustice, equality, and the dignity
of 01-dina1-y people is one of the most influential political ideas to emerge
from the development of Archaic poleis. Related communal values are to
be detected in the group mentality of phalanx warfare throughout the
Greek world (cf. Archil. 114.3-4*, Callin. 1.20-1*, Tyrt. 12.16-22*, Sol.
5.5-6*)
Sexilality and gender. One of the most distinctive aspects of the small-
scale personal poetry of the period is the way it deals with love and sex,
especially (in contrast to epic) homoeroticism. The idea that it was accept
able for an adult man to desire and court an adolescent youth, who was
meant to modestly 1-esist full penet1-ation (anal or oral), became part of
the social structure of upper-class life in many Greek poleis. 4 6 Mimnermus
observes that one of the disadvantages of getting old is that one becomes
ugly and 'hated by boys' (1 .g*).
The1-e is a striking cont1-ast between homoerotic fantasy - which por
t1·ays the lover's desire as pure and honourable - and the graphic, often
shaming depiction of heterosexual sex. Thus Solon longs to 'fall in love
with a boy in the lovely flower of youth, yearning for thighs and a sweet
mouth' (fr. 25), and Theognis complains that his beloved Cy1·nus has
withheld the sexual favours owed to l1im, but avoids explicit language and
speaks of tl1e 'respect' (cxi8ws) due to him from his young lover (253-4*;
cf. Thgn. 1353-5*). In contrast to the homoerotic fantasy-bt1ilding of
For homosext1ality (male a11d fe1nale) i11 tl1e Ai-chaic period, see Dover 1978:
,i fi
194-6. On Greek co11structio11s of male sexuality a11d masculi11ity, see I-lalperin
1990, Foxhall and Salmon 1998. Davidso11 2007 argues that the age of the boy
f1·iend (or eromenos) shot1ld be 1·aised to eigl1tee11 a11d that pede1·asty was p1·actised
at all levels of society, bt1t the literary and a1·tistic evidence (for the latte1·, see Do
ve1· 1978: 4-9, Kilmer 1997, Lear and Ca11ta1·ella 2008) does not stipport eithe1·
claim. Cohen 2015: 81-5 discusses the use of male prostitutes in elite l1omoerotic
culture.
INTRODUCTION
sympotic elegy, iambus portrays heterosexual sex in all its exuberant vari
ety, yet the spectacle of female sexual pleasure is shocking as well as tit
illating for the male audience (see Archil. 42*). Moreover, women are
freqt1ently shamed by their port1�ayal as sext1al beings, as when Hipponax
has sex with his enemy's mist1�ess (01� even perhaps wife: 15-17*), and
Archilochus destroys the reputation of Lycambes and his daughters
by advertising the fact that he successfully seduced Neoboule and her
younger sister (196a*).
The ideal woman (of patriarchal ideology) is illustrated by Semonides'
bee-woman, who is a paragon of industry, affection, motherhood,
and fidelity (7.83-93*). Here female sexuality is chanelled 'properly'
( 7. 90-1 '�), and the bee-woman is the only one of the poem's ten female
types who is presented as having children (7.87*), emphasizing her sta
tt1s as the ideal wife. Yet there is a sting in the tail for the male audience,
as the poem's ending 1�eveals all men to be naive and deluded, for every
man thinks his wife to be a bee-woman (7.1 12-14 *) and no one can
escape the misogynist's dilemma of actually needing a wife ( 7. 115-16*).
Nonetheless, although the speaker cleverly undercuts his audience's
smugness, there is no serious challenge to patriarchy, and the deht1man
izing of women ultimately reinforces male st1periority and solidarity.
5 LANGUAGE, STYLE, METRE

Elegy and iambt1s originated in Ionia and were composed in the Ionic
dialect, regardless of the poet's provenance.47 Thus elegists from main
land Greece like Tyrtaeus, Solon, and Theognis follow the Ionian tradi
tion, even if features of their local dialects occasionally come through
( e.g. Thgn. 299 Af\1, a Doric equivalent of 6iAE1, Sol. 13.50* Attic XE1po1v,
Sol. 4.35 * avaivE1). 4 In contrast to iambus, elegiac language is decorous
8
(though not as elevated as lyric) and free of colloquialisms. Its gener

ally serious tone and subject-matter were inflt1enced by the presence of
the hexameter line in the elegiac couplet, which encouraged the use
of epic forms and formulae ( e.g. Archil. 1.1 * 'Evua/\1010 &vaKTos, Mirnn.
14.7* aiµaTOEV<TOS EV> vcrµiVT)l TTO/\Eµo10, Simon. 11.18* 17µ] 16iwv WKvµopov
yEvE71[v), shaping the development of the genre.49 However, elegists always
11
Similarly, the i11flue11ce of ge11re and traditio11 can be see11 i11 the Doric forms
7
t1sed in choral lyric composed by Io11ic- or Aeolic-speaki11g poets; cf. Bt1delmar1n
2018: 24-5.
48 011 the lite1·ary dialects of elegy a11d iambus, see Palmer 1980: 105-13, Tribu
lato 2010: 390-2, Horrocks 2010: 49-50. West 1974: 77-117 discusses nurne1·ous
featt1res of language and metre.
49 For epic formt1lae in elegy, see Gamer 2011: 19-38, 95-108.
use epic language and imagery fo1- their own ends, as when Archilochus
and Solon, for example, enhance a particular aspect of their persona, the
former by abandoning his shield on the battlefield (5*), the latter by pro
tecting both sides with his (5 :�). Iambus too borrows from epic tradition
(e.g. Semon. 1.1 * Zeus . . . �cxpvKTVTTOS, 1.14 * µc/\CXlVTJS ,Al8ris VTTO xeov6s)'
often parodically (e.g. Semon. 7.105* ES µc:xxriv KopvcrcrcTa1), but makes
greater use of colloquial language (e.g. Rippon. 3 2.2-3* KapTa yap KaKws
p1yw I Kai �aµ�aAv�w), and deploys a degree of coarseness and obscenity
t1nknown to elegy and most ly1ic (cf. Archil. 42-3*, Rippon. 17*, 92*).
It can be difficult to describe the style of fragmentary authors and
unwise to generalize too readily about them; nonetheless, the texts that
survive show each poet developing a distinctive voice, bolstered by a range
of poetic techniques.5 ° Similes are used for a variety of ends, depicting
a man's remarkable ejaculation (Archil. 43*), the hardships of slavery
(Tyrt. 6.1*), human epheme1-ality (Mimn. 2.1-5*), a swarm of dung-bee
tles (Rippon. 92.10-15*), and much else besides. 5 1 Metaphors illumi
nate grief (Archil. 13.4-5*, 13.8:�), wealth (19.4:�), guilt ( 181 .9*), sex
(196a.20-4*), hope (Semon. 1.6*), and blame ( 7.84*).5 The poets use 2
enjambment to enhance a speaker's outrage (Archil. 172 .2-3*) and to

emphasize the glory and risks of battle (Callin. 1.8-9*) or the pleasures of
love (Mimn. 1.4-5*).53 Alliteration and assonance are used to mimic the
chewing of dense bread (Archil. 2.1*) and a beggar's shivering (Rippon.
32.2-3*), and to t1nderscore a particularly lt1dicrous techniqt1e for the
curing of male impotence (Rippon. 92.2*).54 Chiasmus underlines a
speaker's dual identity as soldier and poet (Archil. 1*),55 and lengthy pri
amels emphasize the importance of martial courage (Tyrt. 12.1-12*) or
5 ° For details of ho,,v the following poetic figures work in context, see tl1e rele
va11t sections of the commentary.
5 Cf. Semon. 7.37-42:1', Sol. 13.14- 15:1', 13.17-25:1', 36.26-7:t<, Thgn. 55-6:� ,
1
254*, Simo11. 11. 1- 3*.

r.
:1
2 · 1.4·,
Cf'• Ca 111n. -� 1.11·,
-� 1. 15*, 1.20·, .iyrt. 12.22* , M.1m11. 1.1)J··, SoI. 4.19·,
-� rn -�
4. 35-7*, 5.5-6*, 6.3*, 36. 3*, 36.20-2*, Thgn. 39*, 2 37-9*, 247-50:�, Xenoph.
1.22*, I-lippon. 16.2*, Simor1. 11. 21*, 14.9*. Ori metaphor and simile i11 early
Greek poetry, see Silk 1974 and (with a focus on Solon's partic11larly c1·eative use
of these figures to rr1ake abstract political ideas easier to understand) Noussia -Fat1-
tuzzi 2010: 67-77.
53 Cf. Semon. 1.15-17ll', 7.6 3-4*, 7.67-8*, 7.96-7:1<, Callin. 1.14-15:1', Tyrt.
12.21-2*, Mimn. 1.5-6*, Sol. 3*, 4.5-6*, 4.7-8*, 4.12- 13*, 1 3. 3-4*, 13.7-8'1<,
13.43-5*, Thg11- 5 1-2 *, 64-5 *, 18 3-4*, 2 37-9 *, 2 39-40*, Xe11oph· 7-7a.4-5* ·
54 Cf. Semo11. 7.28*, Mimn. 2.1*, 14.4 *, Sol. 10.1*, Thgn. 39*, 45-6't<, Xe11oph.
1. 11*, Hippon. 117. 11*. For other so11nd effects, see Archil. 13. 3*, where the Ho
meric formula 1roi\vcpi\oi<Y�oio Sai\cx<Y<YT)S n1imics tl1e sound of tl1e sea a11d glo1·ifies
those ,,vho have died, and Hippo11. 13.2*, whe1·e KaTfipa�E 1·ecreates the sound of a
shattered cup; cf. Thgn. 23-4 *, Hippon. 128. 1*.
55 Cf. Semon. 7.67-8*, Sol. 4. 34*, 4. 36-7*, 13 .5-6*, 1 3.7-8*, 27.5-6*.
INTRODUCTION
take issue with the fetishizing of physical st1-ength and celebrate brain
power instead (Xenoph. 2.1-12*).56 Ring composition rounds off sections
(Semon. 1.1-5��, Tyrt. 4.10��) or scenes (Sol. 13.18-24*) and enhances the
sense of closu1�e (Semon. 7.115*, Sol. 4.39*, 13.71-6*, 27.18*, 36.26*,
Thgn. 37-8*), while proverbial wisdom is deployed £01� a great variety of
ends, from rationalizing defeat (Archil. 17a.4* <pEvy[E1v 8E T1) wp17) to jus
tifying an entire political philosophy (Sol. 6.3* TiKTE1 ycxp Kopo) v�piv).57
The elegiac couplet was the most common and adaptable ve1�se form
in antiquity.58 The metrical pattern is
The hexamete1- has caesura (or word-end) either in the third foot ( called
a 'feminine' caesura if after the first short, 'masculine' if after the first
long) or much less frequently in the fourth foot after the first long (less
than 1% of lines: cf. Thgn. 123*, Xenoph. 1.15*, 7a.1*).59 In the pen
tameter the position of the caesura is fixed and the second hemiepes
(-vv-vv-) must be dactylic. Moral and aesthetic qualities were ascribed to
different metres, and elegy's closeness to the epic hexameter, as disctlssed
above, helped ensure its dignity.60 Moreover, the higher the proportion of
long to short syllables, the grander and more solemn the rhythm was felt
to be. So elegiac couplets with a majority of spondees may enhance the
seriousness of the verse, as when Callint1s begins two consect1tive distichs
with five long syllables in each line, enhancing his description of the hero
who dies while fighting for his people ( 1.18-21*).61 Similarly, where lines
56 Cf. Sol. 9. 1 -4*. 011 the priamel, see Race 1982.

57 E.g. Archil. 1 73.2*, 1 78*, 196a.39-4 1 *, Semon. 1 . 1 -5*, 7.7-8*, 7 .33-4*,
7.73*, M"1m11. 2.9- 10*, S o 1. 1 1.5-6* , 13.27-8)1' , 13.35-6*, 13. 63-4*, Tl 1gn. 25- 6*,
55-6*, 1 2 25-6 )1' , Hippon. 1 15.8'�, Simon. 16. 2*.
58 The elegiac distich, as it is sometimes called, is (strictly speaking) not stichic
verse (,-vith repeated lines, like the iainbic trimeter or trocl1aic tetrameter) but an
epodic strophe consisti11g of a dactylic hexameter followed by a pentameter. West
1982: 44-6, 157-9, 181-2, Adkins 1985: 1-19, van Raalte 1988, Bar11es 1 995, and
Farao11e 2008 disct1ss the strt1ctt1re, development, at1d popt1la1ity of tl1e elegiac
couplet. For the rnusical accompanin1ent to elegy and iambus (includir1g instru
ments and ternpos), see West 1992: 25, 137-40, 152, 335.
r,9 Tl1e ratio of femini11e to masculi11e caesurae i11 the hexa1neter i11 Archilo
chus, Semo11ides, Calli11us, Tyrtaeus, and Mimnermt1s is around 2: 1; i11 Sol 011,
Theognis, a11d Xe11opha11es it is a little lower at arou11d 4:3.
60
This is see11 1nost clearly whe1-e elegy overlaps i11 subject-matter with i�1mbus:
erotic desire, for example, is ha11dled more delicately, and paraenetic elegy gives
firm advice, but avoids iambic abuse.
61
Spondaic fifth feet in tl1e hexameter are rare. At Sol. 1 3. 7 1 * I prefer &v8pc'.xcr1
KEiTcx1 to &vepw1ro1cr1, avoiding the spondee.
are highly or completely dactylic, the faster pace can underline the sense,
as in Callinus' appeal to charge straight ahead with spear at the ready
( 1. 1o*, completely dacylic).
The stichic met1�es used in Archaic iambus are the iambic trimeter and
the t1�ochaic tet1�ameter catalectic. 62 The schemes a1·e
•
Iambic trimeter X V'-' v
vv
X : vv v :V'-' x- v X
Trochaic tetrameter catalectic
The tetrameter is longer by three positions at the start, but the rhythms
a1·e basically the same, with coinciding word end (usually after the fifth ele
ment in the trimeter, always after the eighth in the tetrameter) and iden
tical endings.63 A distinctive version of these metres is used by Hipponax,
called scazon ('limping') or choliambic ('lame iambs'), in which the
penultimate element is long instead of short. The three long syllables at
the end have a dragging and intentionally clumsy effect, accentuating the
humour of the poetry (for parodic hexameters, see Rippon. 128�1<). The
epodes of Archilochus and Hipponax are strophic forms of two or three
periods, usually an iambic trimeter or hexameter followed by shorter iam
bic or dactylic cola, which allow for a greater degree of metrical creativity
than the stichic iambic metres. 64 Since the iambic metre was felt to resem
ble more closely than others the rhythm of ordinary speech (cf. Arist. Poet.
4.1449a19-28, Rli. 3.1408b24-6), it st1ited the earthy qualities of mt1ch
iambus (especially its focus on sex and invective), but it was not per se an
undi gnified metre, and its closeness to everyday speech made it an ideal
medium for Semonides' philosophizing (1*) and Solon's political man
ifesto (36*). Trochaics too are used for 1noralizing (Archil. 128, 130-1,
133) and statements from an Everyman persona (114*). The epodes are
richer linguistically as well as metrically, with denser use of imagery and
metapl1or and language of a higher register (on the whole): the erotic lan
g11age and imagery of Ai�chilochus' Cologne Epodes (188-91, 196a*), for
6
Formed from the iamb (v -) or its inversion the trochee (-v). On the metres
1!
of Archaic iambus, see West 1982: 39-44, Len11artz 2000, Rotstein 20 1 0: vi, 32.
3 The caest1ra i11 the t1imeter comes after the seve11th element i11 about 25 % of
6
li11es; cf . e.g. Semo11 . 1 .20* , S emo11. 7.15*·, H'1ppo11. 14 . 2* , 1 15.9 * .

4 Archil. 172-81 * alternate iambic trimeter and dimete1·, 196a* iambic trime
6
ter, l1emiepes, �1nd iambic dimeter, Hippo11. 1 15* a11d 117* iambic trimeter and
hen1iepes. Xenophanes combines iambic trimeter a11d l1exameter in his critiqt1e
of conventio11al religion (fr. B 1 4*), using the same parodic metre as the contem
porary mock epic Margites. On epodic met1·es, see West 1974: 10, 1982: 43-4,
Itsumi 2007: 322-5.
INTRODUCTION
example, are mo1·e delicate and indi1·ect than those of his graphic iambics
(e.g. 42-3*)_65
6 TRANSMISSION OF THE TEXT

The texts included in this selected edition have survived a long and
l1azardous journey from the time of their composition and first perfor
mance. 66 In the Ai·chaic pe1-iod itself poems ci1·culated primarily in perfor
mance, especially at symposia. Since elegy and iambus were less demanding
to compose and perform than monodic or cl1oral lyric, they continued to
be newly created well into the fourth centt1ry and were better suited to
amatet1r reperformance. Small-scale song was more suitable for sym
67
potic performance than large-scale public elegy (which was often tied to
a particular place and occasion: see Simonides' Plataea Elegy�'), and so
small-scale pieces were likelier to survive. 68 Mo1·eover, we can see from
A1-istophanes' quotation of lyr ic, elegiac, and iambic poetry that already
in the fifth century the songs sung at symposia tended to be established
'classics'. In Peace, for example, Trygaeus asks the son of Cleonymus to
sing for him; the boy chooses A r chil. 5*, in which the narrator recalls that
he abandoned his shield in battle, the very act that got Cleonymus himself
branded a disgraceful coward (1295-1301). The humot1r relies on the
audience knowing the shocking tone of this classic sympotic piece, which
makes it partict1larly shaming for Cleonymus.
But for all the importance of (re)performance, elegy and iambus, like
lyric and epic poetry, owe their survival to the invention of writing and the
spread of literacy and texts.69 Some poets may have co1nposed with the aid
of writing; some may have kept written copies of their works; and popular
pieces may have been copied and acquired by performers, patrons, and
teachers. Theognis' famous sphragis or 'seal', for example, is intended
to ward off those who would meddle with the written text (19-26*).7 0
Of) Archil. 189 , attacki11g a forme1· lover's pro1niscuity, is a partial exception:

'and you took in mar1y bli11d eels'. Tl1e image is graphic, albeit metaphorical.
66
011 the circ11latio11 a11d stirvival of Greek texts t1ntil the inventio11 of p1·inti11g,
see Irigoi11 2003 , l{ey11olds and Wilson 2013. West 1973 011tlines the editi11g pro
cess; on the possibilities for progress in new editions, see Tarrant 2016: 145-56.
0
7 For the importance of reperformance, see I-Ieririgton 1985 : 48-5 0. On new
elegy a11d iambus i11 the fifth a11d fourtl1 ce11tt1ries, see Carey 2016: 13 7-9. For the
co11ti11t1ity of elegy, see also n. 1 1 above.
68
See Bowie 1986: 35.
9 011 the use of writte11 texts alo11gside performa11ce, see Herington 1985 : 45 -
6
7 , 201 -6 , Thomas 1992, Gerber 1997a: 2-4 , Ford 2003. Tl1e g1·owtl1 of literacy
meant that late1· elegy a11d iamb11s were wi·itte11 \\rith reading as m11ch as perfor
ma11ce in mind.
7° See Lane Fox 2000: 45.
6 TRANSMISSION OF THE TEXT
A systematic attempt to gather and edit the lyric, iambic, and elegiac
poets of early Greece was undertaken in the Hellenistic period,7 1 but with
the exception of the Theognidea and Pindar's epinicians, none of these
editions survived to have thei1- own medieval manuscript t1-adition. For all
other texts we 1·ely on two modes of transmission: papy1us finds ('direct'
transmission) and quotations embedded in later (mainly prose) writers
('indirect' transmission).
In addition to the twelve passages of Tl1eognis, there are 71 pieces in
this edition, 14 of which are p1-eserved on papyri, the other 57 in quota
tions. The papyri range in size from substantial pieces ( e.g. Simon. 11�'),
containing probably complete (Sol. 36*) or almost complete poems
(Archil. 17a*, 196a*), to scraps of a few lines (Archil. 175*, 181*, Simon.
1o*). 72 The 57 quotations date from the fourth century BC (Demosthenes
and the author of the Aristotelian Athenian Con,'ititution: Sol. 4*, 5-6*, 36*)
through to late antiquity. By fa1· the most salient sou1·ces a1·e Atl1enaeus' fif
teen-book Scholar-s at Dinner� composed around AD 200, in which learned
banqueters discuss various aspects of literature and culture (and espe
cially eating and drinking), citing much poetry to illustrate their points
(over 10,000 lines of verse from around 1,250 authors), and Stobaeus'
fo11r-book Anthology of excerpts from poetry and prose, assembled in the
early fifth century AD. Athenaeus s11pplies ten and Stobae11s eleven of
011r 57 q11oted pieces.73 Other sources are scholia or commentaries (e.g.
Archil. 180*, Rippon. 3*), metrical and grammatical handbooks (e.g.
Rippon. 16*), and lexica (e.g. Archil. 43*).74
Thus, with the exception of Theognis, most surviving elegiac and
iambic poetry has been cited to suit the particular focus and aims of an
individual anthologist, metrician, or scholar, giving us a selective and
biased picture of these genres. Stobaeus, for example, sought out morally
edifying passages for the education of his son, and thus many surviving
pieces are full of gnomic passages. The process of selection can affect our
perception of individual poets too: most of Mimnermus' la1·ger pieces
are cited by Stobaeus (1*, 2*, 14�'), but if we had more of his work, it is
likely that Mimne1·mus would appear less gnomic and sententious,just as
71 See Pfeiffer 1968, Mo11tana 2015.

72 On the discovery and editi11g of papyrt1s rolls, see Tttrner 1980, and fo1· their
impact on ot1r k11owledge of G1·eek literatt1re, Parso11s 2007: 137-58.

7:;i For Athe11aeus' k11 0,,vledge and use of elegiac and iambic poetry, see Bowie
2000; tor Stobaeus', see Campbell 1984 a11d Bo\\rie 2010. 011 'quotation culture'
in Classical literature, see Wright (forthcoming).
74 See Dickey 2007, esp. 42-3; for the Roman tradition, see Zetzel 2018.
20 INTRODUCTION
all poets would emerge as much less obsessed with food and drink than
Athenaeus' selection might suggest. 75
It is estimated that the Alexandrians had access to aro11nd 100,000-
150,000 lines of early G1-eek lyric, elegiac, and iambic poet1-y, but only
a f1-action has survived. 7 The numbe1- of complete poems (leaving aside
6
Pindar's epinicians) is small, though far from negligible; of the 83 pieces

included here a case can be made for 2 2 complete poems. 77 The survival
of Classical literature is the story of a long and g1-adual p1-ocess of selec
tion and narrowing, as fewer and fewer texts were read and recopied.
A number of factors contributed to this process, so1ne deliberate, some
accidental. Among the former, one of the most important was selection
for use in the school c11rric11lum: if a text was deemed, for example, too
difficult linguistically or too naughty, it was in trouble, and the salacious
ness of much iambic poetry in particular damaged its chances of surviv
al. 78 It is not a coincidence tl1at only the frequently didactic and mo1·alistic
Theognidea reached the Middle Ages intact. But although the threads
connecting us to early Greek elegy and iambus are tenuous, some of the
accidents of history are happy ones: new elegiac and iambic texts are still
being discovered and p11blished, and highly accomplished poems such
as Simonides' Plataea Elegy (10-16*) or Archiloch11s' Teleph11s Elegy
(17a*) and Cologne Epode (196a*) show that new discoveries continue
to enrich 011r view of early Greek poetry. 79
75 011 the role of g1101nic sayings and a11thologies in ancient edL1cation, see Mor
gan 1998: 120-5 1.
76 See Gerber 1997a: 2 -4.
77 SeeAI·chil. 1�1<, 2�1<, 5*, 13�1:, 1 14:i:, Semon. 1�1<, 7�1<, Callin 1*, Tyrt. 12*, Mimn.
1 *, 2*, Sol. 4*, 13*, 27*, 36*, T hgn. 39-52 *, 183-92 *, 237 -54*, Xe11oph. 1 *, 2*,
I-Iippo11. 32+34�1<, 128*.
7 8 Bloomer 2013 discusses the 1·ole of Archaic literary texts as 'cultural ico11s'
(p. 458), some of wl1ich co11ti11ued to be 1·ead i11 schools despite their difficulty.
On te11sions between Cl11·istianity a11d Classical literature, see e.g. Mct1·1·ou 1958:
3 14-29; for selections made in the Byza11tine school curricult1m, see Nelso11 201 o.
79 First pt1blished in 1974 (Cologne Epode), 1992 (Plataea Elegy), and 2005
(Telepht1s Elegy).
GREEK ELEGY AND IAMBUS
A SELECTION
ARCHILOCHUS 1
Elµi 8' eyw 0Ep0:TIG0V µEv 'Evva/\1010 &vaKTOS

Kai M OVO"EC.VV EpOTOV 8wpov ETilO"TaµEvos.
ARCHILOCHUS 2
EV 8opi µEv µ01 µcxsa µEµayµEV fl, EV 8opi 8' OlVOS
'lcrµap1K6s· Trivc.v 8 · ev 8opi KEKA1µEvos.
ARCHILOCHUS 5
O'.<YTii81 µEv La·tc.vv TlS aya/\/\ETOl, T)V Trapcx 06:µvc.01,
EVTOS aµwµfl TOV, KO:/\/\lTIOV OUK E0E/\c.vv·
auTov 8' E�E<Yac.vcra. Ti µ01 µEAEl acrTiiS EKEiv11;
eppETc.v· e�aOTlS KT17croµa1 ou KaKic.v.
ARCHILOCHUS 1 3
KT)CEa µEv <YTOVOEVTa, flEpiKAEES, ovTE TlS acrTwv

µEµcp6µEVOS 0a/\l fl lS Tf P4'ETOl ou8E TI0/\1s·
Toiovs ycxp KOTCX KOµa TIO/\ucpAoi<Y�OlO 0a/\O:<Y<Yfl S
EK/\VO"EV, 0180/\E ovs 8' aµcp' 68vv111s EXOµEv
TIVEvµovas. a/\/\cx 0Eoi ycxp O'.V flKE<YTOl<Yl KOKOl<YlV, 5
� cp{A', ETI1 KpOTEpT)V T/\fl µO<YVVfl V E0E<YOV
cp6:pµaKov. &/\/\oTE &/\Aos EXEl TOCE· vOv µEv ES T)µEas
ETpo:TIE0', a\µaT6Ev 8' E/\Kos ava<YTEvoµEv,
E�OVTlS 8' ETEpovs ETIOµEi4'ETOl. a/\/\cx TO:Xl<YTO
T/\T)TE, yvvalKElOV TIEV0os O'.TIC.V<YO:µEVOl. 10
Archil. 2 1 µ01 Synes. : Tot Suda : om. Athen.

Archil. 5 3 avTov 8' Hoffn1a11n : auT6v µ' Elias : y;vx11v 8' Ar. : avTos 8' e�i <pvyov
eavCXTOV TE/\OS Sext.
Archil. 13 4 EKAvcrcv Par. 1985 (s. xv) : fiKi\avcrcv S cxµcp' 68vvri1s txoµcv Gaisford:
cxµcp' 68vvri \'crxoµcv s 9 ETEpovs Frobe11it1s : ETatpovs s
23
ARCHILOCHUS 17A SWIFT
ARCHILOCHUS 17A SWIFT
]1 p[ 0 ]i51[ s
et 8E]. [.... ]. [. ].. BeoO KpcxTepiJ[ s uTI· &v6:yKT)S,
ov 8eT &vJq:� [KEiT1]'! �cxi KCXKOTT)TCX AEYE1 [v.
]1]µ,... [.. ElµJee· &P,[ T1]CX cp uyETv· cp cuy[ElV 8E TlS WPT)'
��i ,:ro-r[E µ]ovvos • �wyTtjAEcp os ·�pK� [o-i8T)s 5
'Apyeiwv Ecpo�.T10-E lTOAVV 0-Tpcx-r[ov,] <?[v8' €Tl µElVCXV
c;xAK1µ, [01,] - D ""!'o a-ex 8i) µoTpcx BE&v �cp 6��1 -
cxixµT11�\ lTEP, EOVTE[s.] EvppEl"T T)S 8E I<[cx'i KOS
TI ]1,:r19v_TG0V VEKvwv O-TEive-ro Kcxi [Tie8iov
� VO-!<?Y, o\ 8 · ETii 01'!<;>: 1ToAucpA9io-�01[o 0cxA6:o-o-T)s 10
XEpo-'] yTI' o:µE1AiKTou q> WTOS Evcx1p6[µEvo1
lTpOJ-rpo1TCX8T)V 0:l"!"?KAl vov EVK�T)�[18es 'Axcx1oi.
a Jo-_TI0'.0-101 8' ES VECX? w[ K]l!T!"OP[ 0 ]\IS [E q>uyov
t
•
l"!"cxT8Es 1Bcxv6:Twv �C:Xi. o:8eA<pE <?i., [ovs 'AycxµEµvwv

"I_AlOV eis {epriv �YE µcxxT)o-OµEV<?[us·
0]\ 8i TO-r? �Acxq>BEVTES 6800 lTCXpcx B[Tv' &cp iKOVTO,
Te]v0pcxvTo? �· �f?CXTT1V Tif?OS 1T6A1v [e10-cxvE�cxv,
E]��C:X [µ]$� <?S lTVEiov-r?s oµws O'.V""!'<? [i TE 86:µT)O-CXV
Ko:] cp f?[ cx8i]T)l µey6:Aws Buµov O'.KT)X� [80:TO'
•
cp ]1v[TOJ ycxp ll 4' l�UAOV Tpwwv lTOAl� Eio-[CXVCX�CXlVEl v 20

cxv]""!'��[ cx]· y�� 8' ElTO'.TEUV Muo-i8cx lTUpocp6p(?[V.
'HpcxKA]?l)S �· ��TT)(![E], �ow� Tcx�[cx]K6:p81ov [ui6v,
oJJpov -��[ E]i��[Tov] 8T)·iw1 EV [TI0A]?�[w1,
T]ri /\E q>OV, 8? 4C:X�C:X010-l KO'.KT\� [T ]�[ TE q>v(:cxv EVOpo-cxs
� ]f?El�E [ 1Tp6 ]µcxxo?, lTCXTpl xcxp1(:� �[Evos .
...] ......... [.] ..... [
. . .] . [ . ] . . . [ . . . . . . ] . . [
[ . . . . . ]. Bex . [
. . . ] .. . . .
Archil. 17A st1ppl. Obbir1k exceptis qt1ae infra merr1ora11tt11· 1 ]1. p[ oJfj1[s
0
Swift 2 !:1 8E] West KpaTEPTJ[s VTT cxvcxyKTJS Henry 3 OU 81:i CXVJq�[ K!:tTJ]� West
4 West 5 �q1i:ro- r[s µ]ovvo��w� West 6 9[v8' ETl µi:TvavMagnelli 8 aix µri-rqt
et EovTi:[s.] Parsons TTEP.Ja11ko g [ni:8iov West 1 o f\:lv<Yl<?1/ West 11 XEP<Y']
West 1 3 [ecp vyov West 16 S[iv' cxcp {KovTo Ja11ko 1 7 [i:i<YavE�av West 18 e]1/�q
Janko av-rc;,[i TE 8cxµri<Yav D'Alessio 1 g Ka]cpp[a8i]ri1 D'Alessio 20 cp ]�v[To] West
21 av]-r1�[a]· YTJY Burzacchini 22 T)�TTJq[s]'West 23 o0Jpov �µ,[s]i��[Tov] West
24 85 4��01CYl·Janko [T]<;>[T!: cpvsav EVOpCYCXS West 25 11]pi:t�!: [np6Jµcxx os_D'Alessio
ARCHILOCHUS 19, 42, 43, 114, 172-3
ARCHILOCHUS 1g
"ov µ01 TO: ruyt:c.v TOV 1TO/\VXPV<JOV µE/\El,

ou8' Ei/\E 1Tc.0 µE sT)AOS, ou8' &ycxioµa:1
6t=wv Epycx, µt:yaAflS 8 · ouK epec.v Tvpcxvvi8os·
&n6npo6Ev yap E<JTlV 6cp 6cx/\µwv eµwv."
ARCHILOCHUS 42
W<J1TEp CXU/\Wl f3pvTOV f) 0pe'i� &v11p
f) CDpv� EµVsE· Kuf38cx 8' �v 1TOVEOµEVfl.
ARCHILOCHUS 43
11 8e 01 craell
1
X - V -X W<JT ovov TTplflVEC.VS
KT1/\c.vvos E1TAiiµvpt:v oTpvyfl<p ayov.
ARCHILOCHUS 114
OU <p l/\EC,0 µeycxv <JTpCXTflYOV ou8e 81CX1TE1T/\1yµevov

ou8e f,o<JTPVXOl<Jl ycxvpov ou8' V1TE�VpflµEvov,
a.Ma µ01 crµ1Kp6s TlS Elfl KCX1 1TEpl Kviiµcxs 18t:1'v
polKOS, acrcp cx/\EC.VS f3Ef3flKWS 1TO<J<Ji, Kcxp8iT1s1T/\EC.VS.
ARCHILOCHUS 172
naTEP /\vKaµf3cx, noTov E<p pacrc.v T68t:;
TlS <JCXS1TCXpflElpE <p pEVCXS
I \ I I
�lS TO nplv T1P17PEl<J6cx; vOv 8e 8f11TO/\VS

O.<JTOl<Jl cp cxiVECXl yeAc.vs.
ARCHILOCHUS 173
opKOV 8' EVO<J<pi<J6fls µeycxv
0./\CXS TE K0:1 TpanEscxv.
Archil. 42 2 Eµv(E Wilamowitz : E�pv(E cod.

Archil. 43 1 T) 8E oi Schneide'\i\ri11 : oi 8E oi Et. Cud. 3 ETIAT)µvpEv Be1·gk : ETIAT)µvpov
Et1st.
Archil. 114 1 8101rE1rA1yµEvov Hemsterht1ys : -TIETIAEyµEvov Dio : -TIETIT]yµEvov Gal.
ARCHILOCHUS 174-9
ARCHILOCHUS 17 4
CXlVOS TlS o:v0pwTrWV o8E,
ws &p' 0:/\WTrT)� KCXlETOS �UVEWViT)V
EµEl'::>CXV ...
)I
s:
ARCHILOCHUS 175
x - v ES n-ai]8as •
cpepwv
8at]-ra �· ov Kai\17v En-[l
wpµT)CYCXV O'.TrT]T)VES 8uo
x - v - X ]. yfi[ s] E <p' �4'T)/\Wl 1:[ oyw1
X - u - ]VEOCYCYlT)l 5
x - u - ]n-pou0TJK?, -rriv �[' 0:/\WTrEKCX
x-u- ].Exo.[ u -
x-u- ]�8?,. [ u - X - u -
X -u- X ]cpw��[ 8 -
ARCHILOCHUS 176
,
6p6:1s Yv ECYT1 KElVOS V 4'T)AOS n-oyos,
TPT)XVS TE Kal n-ai\iyKoTos;
EV T Wl K0'.0T)TCXl, cr17v EAacppi(wv µox11 v.
ARCHILOCHUS 177
� ZEO, TrO'.TEP ZEO, CYOV µev ovpavoO KpO'.TOS,
,
CYU 8 epy' En-' 6:v0pwn-wv 6p6:1s
/\Ewpyo: K0:1 0EµlCYTO'., crol 8e 011 piwv
vR>p1s TE Kal 8iKT1 µei\E1.
ARCHILOCHUS 178
ARCHILOCHUS 179
n-pov0T)KE TrCXlCY1 8ElTrVOV CXlT)VES cpepwv.
Archil. 175 suppl. Lobel 1 Lasserre 2 801]:a Lasser1·e 3 wpµ17crav West

aTIT ]f)vEs Lobel 6 � [' aAwTIEKa West g cpw0�[8 West
Archil. 177 3 Kai 0EµtcrT6: Matthiae : Ka0iµtcrTa fere test.
ARCHILOCI-IUS 180-1, 196A
ARCHILOCHUS 180
nvpos 8' EV O:VTWl <p E4'0'.AV�.
ARCHILOCHUS 181
J-u?[
]l)P�[
] .TO'.Tl)V[
µ]�y• T)Ei8El KO:�[ OV
<p ]pE[ VJo:? 5
].8' �µT)XO:VOV T.[
]o:Kov·
]. ��wv µi: µvT)µEvo?[
].TJ� K/\VO"O:S
KE]�?v6ov WKEWS 81' o:16epos[ 10
/\O:l4'l)PO: KV]��0cro:s TrTEpO'.
]� 17(!... cros 8E 6vµ6s EATIETO:l
ARCHILOCHUS 1 96A
, ,
no:µno:v o:nocrxoµi:vos
)
lO"OV 8E TO�f.:l[
E! 8' c1v ETrEiyi:0:1 KO:i O"E 6vµ6s 16vi:1,
,,
EO"TlV EV T)µETEpov
:, ( '
T) vuv µEy' iµi:ip?[l 5

Ko:/\17 TEpi:1vo: no:p6Evos· 8oKEw 8E µ1[v
i:18os &µwµov EXE1v·
T'l7V 817 crv TrOlTJ[ O"O:l <p lAT)V."
TOO"O:UT' E <p WVEl. T17V 8 lywvTo:µi:1[�6µT)V'
I
'''Aµcp1µ1:8ous 6vyo:TEp, 10
lcr6i\f)s TE Ko:i[
1
yvVO:lKOS, T)� vuv yfi KO:T Evpwi:crcr' E[XEl,
T]Ep4'1Es i:1cr1 61:fis
noMo:i vE01cr1v 6:v8[p6:cr1v
Archil. 180 8' lv Sch11eideV\ri11 : 8E riv codd.

Archil. 181 suppl. Lobel 4 µ]1y' L�tsserre Ko:� [6v Peek 8 op]cp��wv Lobel
10 i11it., de Taµvwv cogitavit Lobel 11 cf. Attici fr. 2 i\cx14117pa KVK/\WO'O:l TTT!:pa
Archil. 196A suppl. Merkelbach-,t\Test 1 cxvcxo-x sscr. TTo 2 T6�1-:1 [170-ov Snell
8 Ebert-Luppe
ARCHILOCHUS 196A
'f!"apE� TO 0clOV xpf)µa· TWV TlS apKECYc[l.

T]avTa 8' E <p' 'ho-vxiris
EUT' &v µEAav0ri[
E]yw TE Kai CYV CYVV 0EWl R>ov/\EVCYOµE�.
1T ]Eio-oµa1 ws µE KE/\Ea1·
iro?\?\6v µ· E[ 20
0p]1yKoO 8' svEp0E Kai irv?\ec.vv virocp[
µ]11 Tl µeya1pc cpiAT)'
o-x110-c.v yap ES 1!C?Tl[cp6povs
K]�irovs. To 817 vOv yvw01· NEoR>o�?\ri[v
& ]?\?\os &vi)p EX ETC.V ·
aia1', 1TE1TE1pa, 8i s TOCYT),
• •
&v ]0os 8' airEppvT)KE irap0Ev111ov

KJ�i xap1s f) irpi v Eirf)v·
KOpOV ya p OU�[
aT]ris 8E µETp' S·!� · ��[
o]'f!"C.VS Eyw yvva'i'Ka T[o]!aVTT)V sxc.vv
yEi]TOCYl x apµ ' SCYoµa1·
1TO/\/\OV CYE R>oVA (?[µa1 irapos· 35
o-vJ �Ev yap ovT· &ir10-Tos ovTE 81ir��ri,
T1 8]� µ6:?\' O�VTEPT),
iro?\?\ovs 8E iro1E1Ta[1 cpi?\ovs·
8e]�o1x' 01TC.VS µi) TV wv
SKA1va, µa?\0aK171 �[ E µ1v
x?\ai]VT)l Ka/\U4'as, aux ev' ay KO:/\T)lS sx c.v[ V, 45
8Ei]�aTl 1Talf[ CY ]��T)V
TWS WCYTE VE R>P.[
µa�]wv TE XEpo-lv 17iric.vs E<p T)4'6:µl)v
T)l1TE ]P. s epal�� VEOV
29 K[O'.TECYXE TTW M.-W. 30 &T] ris Snell 46 81:i] �aTt West 47 VE�p[1ov
TpEµ1:1v Gronewald 48 µa(] wv West : µrip] wv Merkelbach 49 fi1n1:] P. Page
ARCHILOCHUS 1 g6A : SEMONIDES 1, 7 29
ll�TlS E1TT)Alf O"l v xp6a_

0'.1TOV T]c. crwµ_a KO/\OV cxµcpacpe.0µEVOS
/\EVK]ov cx <p fiKa µEVOS
�av0fis E1Tl4JOV[ GuV Tp1x6s.
SEMONIDES 1
w 1TOl, TEAOS µEV Zeus EXEl �apvKTV1TOS
1TO'.VTG0V ocr' EO"T1 Kal Ti0T)cr' OKT)l 0E/\El,
1
vovs 8' OUK E1T cxv6pe.01TOl<JlV, cxM' ETIT)µEpOl
& 817 �OTO'. (6oucr1v, ou8Ev Et86TES
oKws EKacrTov EKTEAEvTi)crE1 0c6s. 5
E/\1T1S 8E 1TO'.VTOS KCX1Tl1TEl0EiT) TpE <p El
a1TpflKTov opµa1vovTas· 01 µEv T)µEpflV
')I C I «; \ C I
µEVOVO"lV EA0ElV, 01 8' ETEGuV 1TEplTp01TO'.S"

VEGuTa 8' ou8cls OO"TlS OU 8oKEl �pOTWV
TTAOVTGul TE Kcxya601cr1v l�ECY6a1 <piAos. 10
cp06:vcl 8E TOV µEv y17pas &( T)AOV /\a�ov
1Tplv TEpµ' tKT)Ta1, Tovs 8E 8vcrTT)VOl �poTwv
<p6Eipoucr1 vovcro1, Tovs 8' 'Apel 8c8µT)µEvous
TIE µTIEl µEAaiVT)S 'A't8T) s U1TO xeov6s·
01 8' EV 0aA6:crcrT)t AaiAa1T1 KAOVEoµEvo1
Kal KV µ acr1 V 1TO/\/\Ol<Jl 1TO p<pv p fis aAos
1
6v1)crKoucr1v, EVT &v µ17 8uvi)crwvTa1 (6E1v·
01 8' CXYXOVT)V 0'.4J OVTO 8UO"TT)VG0l µop Gul
KOUTaypcTOl AEi1TOUO"lV 17Aiou cpaos.

1
OUTGu KOKWV 0:1T OUbEV, CXMO'. µupia1 20
�pOTOlO"l Kl7PES KCXVETii <ppaO"TOl 8va1
Kal Tii)µaT' EO"TlV. El 8' Eµol 1T16oiaTo,
1
OUK &v KOKWV Epw1µEv, ou8' E1T &Ayccrtv
KaKois EXOVTES 0uµ6v a1K1(oiµE6a.
SEMONIDES 7
xwpls yuvalKOS 0cos E1TOiT)O"EV v6ov
TO'. TipwTa. Tl7V µEv E� vos TaVvTp1xos,
1
Tfil 1TO'.VT cxv' OlKOV �op�6pGul 1TE <pvpµEva
51 o:Tiav T]? West 5 2 i\EvK] ov Merkelbach : 6EpµJ ov West

Semon. 1 4 & bfl �oTa (wov<Y1 v Ahrens ( (6- West) : bfl �poTol (woµEv codd. 1 2-1 3
Ahrens : v6CY01 q>6Efpov<Y1 6vriTwv codd. SM : v. q>S. �poTwv evriTwv cod. A
·ppo::> t\�rl : ld'P.Ud)!Jl'P.A (\1rl 6c;
\!W ·ppoJ t\X;? ,lQO>I : S ·po::> (\X)J_Q , X : SUdllf\{ t\Ol<;?>I gc; lSdJ\t\ t\Y,t\OQO oc; l ·uow.ls
ot ·ut\?rl 03doc.b t\1.0:orlQ>l 1.0101Lt;11.>1nd:og
t:Ol.3t\J:Orl �g St>l�'l'l0ll 'tlLd<:,) t\� So3d?e
1
':OA3rl t\1.0lUJ..f\:0(\ :orld:oX ($Y))1Ull:O ' >lUJ...03
I I I I C , l'J
sl,Lrl3d1.)? (\�r1 s1>1�'l'loll :o.o.o:o'l�e d3ll.oc:r
.1:01.3(\JA 1.oto'lJ1 :0.01 t\t.01od9X�
9£ UJrlf\f}Oll)?>l l.OX]ll �g SoXl'lJ3rl)?
't\(Y)Q>l t\l.OlOt\>l?l. 1<brl)? d3ll.0<:,) t\Ol.U"(ll�
31.91. 1:01.3/\J:orl 'R'l'l)? 't\l3B'l� t\o.o.o� ,1.00
t\1 391 S1 orl'l:oe<b9 t\� ,9QO S9J..>13t$? >lQO ,9 t\\LJ..
·" t$Y)J'l'l:0>l �gQO t\l.OlOll(;->df}t$? t\1.0X]ll t\�
Ot l,LtlnA t$Y). l(Y)'l 3g.o�J.. U'l'l� t\11..0� >lQO ,,
,t\(;->91 S1orl9g t\� SOt\1 33 t\lrl 13.0?t\l:Oll�
.t\lLd?rllf t\3f}lLA?A 1:0>1 31. t;?'l3A t\�rl tll,LJ..
-l30t\ tl\.03dl� ,g tll,i.1.
·s9dn1J. 1:oi.3>1'l� t\o.o.o� t\od<bJg :o.o<:2A19
9i 'S939 1LL.oy.101L :Ot\(2rlt3X t\9>1:0>1 t\:OJ..c;?>l
'l:Ol.:Ol..OJll� t\l3Jf}.D� t\Ot\QOrl �g t\(Y)Ad�
.y.t\nA ui.0:01oi. 3g10 t\�gQo tl9'le.o� ,1.00
(\9>!:o>l d'RA 31.00 .t\9dull 1dgt$? t\:O>l(Y)g�
lOtllrl Q'lO, t\Ut\J.LLA S31.t\:O.D�'lll �g t\l,Ll .
06 ·13X� t\l,i.t\OQ:O t\Ol.>!Udll� S(Y)g?llrl� ,'l'l)?
'1uX0 1. ut\?rllf t\1.01ot\J33 'Rd:oll 1 3 , gQo
'Sot\3rl939nrl s(Y)XJ'lt3rl (\� ,gQo ·s:01.t\9g9
l(Y)f}}'l t\3t33�d:03� S13B(Y)'lOX 13 gQO
'
'dy.t\)? S:o.oy.'ll3ll)? ,J..QO t\trl (\� , g 313.0Q:Oll
91 ·1X]d9 t\(Y)ll(;->df}t l)? ,tl?glLrl \:O>l tl!J, 't\3>lU'l?'l
Ut\?)1(Y)(\:0'lll 1:0>1 :O.Of\Ot\}:Ol.ll:Oll �g lUJ..t\�ll
'13'l?B l:Ot\?913 'g :OJ..t\�ll '1:0.0QO>l)? ,J..t\�ll lJ
':odo1.y.rlo1.Q:O 't\9Ado1.1"( 'S9t\n>1 >l� ,g tll,LJ..
·13X� t\U}O W)? ,1.ow� , g tl l,i.Ad 9 -t\9'le.o� ,g 9i.
01 't\9>l:O>l St>l�'l"(Oll 3lll3 t\(2J..Q:O d'fyA t\�rl 9i .
,(\(Y)(\9t\13rl)? t\(21. �gQO (\�gQO t\3f}U'l?'l
t\(2>l:O>l t\trl ?9QO .t\tdg1 (\(Y)l.(\�ll :O>ll:Ot\f\A
S0>13ll(;->'l)? ,>lUf}� S939 S�dl.l'()? 3� , g tl\ll.
· l:Ol.3t\l:Olll Ut\3rllL t\ l.OlUtdllO>l t\3
I I .) I C
9 t\1.0:0rll>3 t\� StOJ..Q'lll)? SOJ..f\O'l� , g \ll.Q:O
,J:Orl:oX 1:0J..3gt\}'lf\>l 1:0>1 l:Ol.l3>l :orl.00>1�
l S'3:CTIN0Jt\T'3:S 0�
SEMONIDES 7 31
TOVTT) l µ6:A1crT' EOlKE To1avTT) yvv17

6pyriv· q>VT)V 8e lTOVTOS O:MOlT) V EXEl.
TT)V 8' EK cr1ro81f)s TE Kal 1raA1vTp1�eos ovov,
(\ , ' ) ' , ' ) ,._,, '
T) crvv T avayKT) l crvv T EVllTT)lCYlV µoy1s
ECYTEp�Ev wv &1ravTa KO:TIOVT)CYaTo 45
o:pECYTO:' TOq>pa 8' Ecr0iEl µev EV µvxw1
1
Tipovv� Tipof)µap, Ecr0iEl 8' E1T ECYXO:PT)l.
6µws 8e Kal Tipos epyov o:q> po8icr1ov
EA06vT' ETaipov 6vT1vwv E8e�aTo.
TT)V 8' EK yaAf)s, 8UCYTT)VOV Ol�vpov yevos·
KElVT)l yc'xp OU Tl KaAov ov8' ETiiµEpov
lTpOCYECYTlV ov8e TEplTVOV ov8' ep6:crµ1ov.
EVVT)S 8' o:AT)VT)S ECYTlV o:q>po81criT)S,
Tov 8' &v8pa Tov 1rapE6vTa vavcriT)l 81801'.
KAElTTOVCYa 8' ep8El lT0/\./\.0'. yeiTovas KOKO:, 55
&0vcrTa 8' lpO'. lTOMO:KlS KOTECY01El.
TT)V 8' llTTIOS cx�pT) xa1TEEcrcr' EYElVOTO,
T) 8ou/\.1' epya Kal 8UT)V lTEplTpElTEl,
KOVT' &v µvAT)S 4'0\JCYElEV, OUTE KOCYKlVOV
&pelEV, ovTE KOTipov E� 01Kov �6:/\.01, 60
OVTE 1rpos 11rvov &cr�6AT)V o:AEoµevT)
1�01T'. &va:yKT) l 8' &v8pa 1TOlEtTa1 q>iAov·
AouTa1 8e 1r6:crT)s 11µepT)s &1ro pu1rov
8is, O'.MOTE Tpis, Kal µupo1s 0:/\.El q>ETOl,
01E1 8e xaiTT)V EKTEVlCYµEVT) V q>OpEt 65
�a0e1av' &v6eµo1cr1 V ECYKlacrµEVT)V.
Ka/\.ov µev WV 0e T)µa TOlOUTT) yvv17
&Mo1cr1, TWl 8' exovTl yivETal KaK6v,
" , , ,, - ,
T)V µT) TlS T) Tvpavvos T) CYKT)TITovxos T)l,
)\
OCYTlS TOlOUTOlS evµov o:yAa·t�ETOl.

TT)V 8' EK 1Tl0T)KOV' TOVTO 8T) 81aKp18ov
Zeus &v8p6:cr1v µey1crTOV WlTOCYEV KOKOV.
,, \ , , '
OlCYXlCYTO µEV lTpOCYWlTO' TOlOVTT) YVVT)
EiCYlV 81 O'.CYTEOS lTO:CYlV &vep0)1TOlS yeAws·
I
1
ElT avxeva �paxe1a· KlVElTOl µ6y1s· 75
&1rvyos, avT6KwAos. o: Ta:Aas &v17p
ocrTtS KaKov To100Tov o:yKaAi�ETal.
8T)VEa 8e lTO:VTa Kal TpOlTOVS ElTlCYTaTal
43 cr1ro81fis Tc Brunck : Tc cr1ro81fis codd. 67 wv Bru11ck : ovv codd.

Sn!lOlQ
t\93B 60 l ·ppOJ l0.l.3Y?JJ. : Ulldl{I!M t:g.l.310(\ 00 l ·ppOJ dldJ .D(? 'X }.l. : lSdM S�>l 1.1. 6 8
·tt3rlo>t.o�tt1A QO ttnd1orl 53.LttoX� , g ttLL.01
, lX).1.3.0l;Lri(Y)rl f'\Od?.LQO.L �g t\Y, .l. 'O>ilOt\f'\A
50tl?rlllt\rl3rl 13.0?I\ 10 50.L.OX)>i� g ttld, I\Y,.L
'
·13tto1.dorlo 5(Y) 'tto.L 1o>t 53.Ltl(Y)do .onod10X
I ) ) I \ ,..., ) C I
011 53ttOJ..J3A �g 10 '59dgtlX? dx;>A 501.91tl.LX3>t
.Lltt?rl(Y)<a(Y)'l 131\X;>XAf'\.L X)1..01A?rl Ll.LIJO
'13>tog ttl3ttodcb(Y).o o.1..01'lx;,rl 101. ?g 511.�
· O.LOJO>i3g 5(Y)tl9dcbod1L 01.tl9'(orl t\Ot\l3j
t\UJ>ilo 5� , gQo (\11..0� dx;,A Y,tlf'\A no>t9,
Slot · 101.3.0.ondo>t tll.LXorl 53 ttorl(Y)rl o.onodn3
I I C - ,_ >
'tt1dx;,X f'\Oll�dettX? l.t ttod1orl Q03B l.t 'I\O>i10 - ,.l.O>i
l�>tog t\l3gllrlne X)J...01 'lX;>rl (\X).1.9, , g dY, tlX?
. t\(230 O?tl3rl.ong 'od�J..Ll>i10t\f'\.O tl(?deX�
'10.1.3.o�llX? 5lLJ>ilO tl9rl1y orh10 , gQo
001 -
'1X).l.31X)(\ 1>i1X)t\f'\A (\f'\.0 51.1..00 't\X).OX)llX)
\ \ J) I)
1X)J..3Xd?1g t\Ud?rllf (\(Y)dcbQ 3 ,.l.O>i dx;,A QO
.(\9)iX))i 10.1.31\JA X)J...01'lX;>rl 1(2.l. '1.1.t\OX�
t\l3'(3cb� t\1.0(Y)?>lOg 10>i 1.1. (\� .50>il0t\f'\A
't\9>i0>i t\3.0UJOll� ,.l.QO.l. t\0.1..0lA?rl dx;>A 5f':'3Z
96 ·13tt?rl tt1.ox;,dgtlX? ,doll 1o>i 01.ttx;,ll 3.L t\1.L.O�
591v7 1�tt0Xllrl 0.1.00.1. O'(Qcb O'l'l'fl ,g X?.L
·50.1.x;,.1..03godcbn'loll 1o>t 50.1..oJdX? 5x;>.1. 5f':'3Z
10.1.3)JdoX t\1.ox;,dgtlX? 50>ilOtlf'\A 50101.
·5noA9'( 5noJ.01godcbxt t\1.onoA?'l no>t9,
06 Utl?rllleo>i 10.1.3g� (\ 1�1X)t\f'\A (\� gQO
'
·51dx;,X tl3rlodg?g1cbrlxt ,g lLJ3B '1.01LL.ox;,1L
lX).1.31\ JA 1�101\f'\A I\� t\�rl 5Y,ll3dlltdX?>i
·5ott?A t\O.Lf'\'(>iX;>rlOt\�>i tl(?'(O>i O.OQO>i3.L
13.09ll 13>i.OX;>dlLA 1.1.t\O?'llcb t\f:'.O �g Ll'(Jcb
Sig '50}9 lX).L3j?OllX?>i 5�.LQO ,lLQ 'g 13'l'lX?B
'13t\X;>)l.Oodll QO 5orl(2rl 1LL10 dx;>A 1l.tttJ3>i
-tl�<ao'l 13Xn.1.Q3 511. tll;L1. . 5LL.o.oJ'l3rl >t� ,g tlY,J..
. tl9>i0>i t\313�d� 1\0.L.OlA?rl 5�>i 11. 5(Y)>i9,
'1X).1.3Q3'(f'\09 t\Ud?rllf t\O.O;?ll 0.1.QO.L 10>i
08 l;?d9 ,.l.QO.L X?'l'lX? 't\313�d� 0- 3 ,t\1.1. t\'fl ,gQO
, 13'l?rl 5(Y)'l?A 10 ?gQO .5o>ilLBJll d3ll.O<:,J
l S'3:CTIN0Jt\T'3:S 6�
SEMONIDES 7 : CALLINUS 1: TYRTAEUS 4 33
ZEvs ycxp µey10-Tov TouT· EnoiT) o-Ev KaKov,

Kal 8Eo-µov cxµcpE0T) KEV &ppT) KTOV 1TE8T) V,
E� ou TE Tovs µEv 1\'f8 T)s e8t�aTo
yvvalKOS ElVEK' cxµcp 18T)plc.uµevovs.
CALLINUS 1
µexp1s TEO KaTaKEl0"0E; KOT' O'./\K1µov E�ETE 0vµov,
w
VEOl; ou8' ai8Eio-0' cxµ<pl1TEplKTlOVas
w5E AlT) V µE0lEVTES; EV EipT)VT)l 8E 8oKElTE
�o-0a1, O'.Tcxp noAEµos yaiav &nao-av EXEl
• • • • • • •
Kai TlS 0'.1T00VT)O"KC.UV VO"TaT' O'.KOVTlO"aTC.U. 5

TlµT)EV TE yap EO"Tl Kal cxy/\aov cxv5pl µaxEo-0a1
yf)s 1TEpl Kal na{8c.uv Kovp18iT) s T' cxAoxov
8vo-µEveo-1v· 0avaTOS 8E ToT' EO"O"ETa1, 6nnoTE KEV 817
1
Moipal E1TlK/\G00"C.U0" cxMa TlS i0vs lTC.U
•
EYXOS cxvao-xoµEVOS Kal vn' CX0"1Ti8os O'./\K1µov T)TOp 10

E/\o-as, TO 1TpWTOV µE1yvv µevov 1TOAE µ ov.
OU yap KC.US eavaTOV YE cp vyEiV Eiµapµevov EO"T1V
av8p', ou8' Ei 1Tp oyovc.uv T)l YEVOS cx0avaTC.UV.
1TO/\/\aKl 8T)'iOTT)Ta cpvywv Kal 8o0nov CXKOVTC.UV
EPXETal, EV 8' OlKC.Ul µoipa KlXEV eavaTOV,
cxM' 6 µEv OUK EµTI T)S 8i)µc.u1 cp iAos ou8E 1T06E1vos·
TOV 8' 6?\iyos O"TEVaXEl Kal µeyas fiv Tl na0T)l'
/\aWl ycxp O"V µ1TaVTl 1T00os Kp aTEp O<pp OVOS cxv8pos
0VT)O"KOVTOS, �WC.UV 8' O'.�lOS 17 µ10ec.uv·
G00"1TEp yap µ1v nvpyov EV 6cp 0aAµoio-1v 6pwo-1v· 20
Ep8El ycxp 1TOMWV &�1a µ oOvos EG0V.
TYRTAEUS 4
<Doi0ov cxKouo-aVTES Tlv0c.uvo0Ev oYKa8 · EVElKav
µavTEias TE 0Eo0 Kal TEAEEVT' ETIEa·
&pxE1v µEv 0ovAf)s 0EoT1µi)Tous 0ao-1A17as,
010"1 µEAEl InapTY)S iµEpOEO"O"a 1TOAlS,
1TpEo-0vyEveas TE yepovTas· E1TE1Ta 8E 8T)µOTas &v8pas 5
116 TIEbTJV C1-usius : TIE8TJ ( 1) codd.

Callin. 1 1 TEO Fick : Ti:u codd.
Tyrt. 4 1 01Kcx8' Evi:1Kcxv Amyot : o'i Tcx8i: v1Kcxv codd.
34 TYRTAEUS 4-7, 12
EV6Eicx1s pT)TpCXlS O'.VTCXTICXµEl�oµevous

µu0Et0-0cxi TE TO'. KCX/\0'. KCX1 ep8ElV lTO'.VTCX 81KCXlCX,
µ17 8e Tl �OUAEUElV TT)l8E lTOAEl <o-KoA16v>.
8i)µou TE 1TAT)6E1 viK17 v Kcxl KO:pTos E1TE0-6cx1.
<DoT�os yap lTEpl TWV w8' O'.VEq>l7 VE lTOAEl. 10
TYRTAEUS 5
i)µETEpw1 �cxo-1/\ffi, 0Eo10-1 cpiAw1 8Eon6µnw1,
8v 810: MEO-O"T)Vl7V ElAOµEV Evpuxopov,
MEcrcri)v17v 6:ycx06v µEv 6:pouv, 6:ycx06v 8E q>VTEUE1v·
1
6:µ cp' CXVTl7V 8' eµ6:xovT EVVECX KCX1 8eK' ET17
VvJAEµews CXlE1 TCXAcxcricppovcx 0uµ6v EXOVTES 5
) \ I C I I
CXlXµl7TCXl lTCXTEpvJV T)µETEpvJV lTCXTEpEs•
ElKOO"TWl 8' 01 µEv KCXTO'. lTlOVCX epycx AllTOVTES
q>Evyov '10wµcxiwv EK µEya:Awv opewv.
TYRTAEUS 6
c.00-lTEp OVOl µEy6:Ao1s &x0EO"l TElpoµEVOl,
8Ecrnocruvo10-1 cpepovTES 6:vcxyKcxi17s vno Auyp11s
11µ10-u n6:v0' ocrcrwv Kcxpnov &poupcx q> EpEl.
TYRTAEUS 7
8E0-1TOTCXS 01µc.0(0VTES, 6µws &Aoxoi TE KCX1 CXUTOl,
1
EUTE TlV ou/\oµev17 µoipcx KlXOl 0cxv6:TOU.
TYRTAEUS 12
ouT' &v µv17crcxiµ17 v ouT' ev A6yw1 &v8pcx Tt6Ei17 v
OUTE no8wv o:pETTlS OUTE 1TCX/\cx1µocruv17 s,
ou8' El l<uKAc.01T0JV µEv exo1 µeyE06s TE �i17v TE,
VlKc.0117 8e eewv 8p17'fK1ov Bope17 v,
ou8' El T10wvo1o cp u17v xcxplEO"TEpos Ell7 , 5
1T/\OUT0i17 8e M i8E0J KCX1 l<1vupE0J µ6:A1ov,
ou8' El TCXVTCXAi8EvJ TTeAonos �CXO"l/\EUTEpos Ell7,
yAwcrcrcxv 8' 'A8p,io-TOU µE1A1x6y17puv exo1,
8 �ovA1:v1:1v Bach : E1r1�ovA1:v1:1v V CYK0A16v add. Bach

Tyrt. 12 6 l(1vvp1:c.v µcxAlOV M. Schmidt: KlVUpEOlO µaMov codd.
TYRTAEUS 12 35
ov8' El ncxcrav EXOl 86�av TI/\T)V 0oup18os 0:/\KT)S·

OU yap O'.VT)p 6:ya06s yivETal EV TIOAEµc.01 10
El µ17 TETAai17 µEv 6pwv cp6vov a1µaT6EvTa,
Kai 817 iwv 6peyo1T' eyyu0EV l<YTO:µEvos.
t,8' O:pETT), T68' &E0Aov EV 6:v0pc..0TIOl<YlV &pl<YTOV
Ka/\A1crT6v TE <pEpElV yivETa1 &v8pi vEc.01.
�vvov 8' ecr0Aov TOVTO TIOA17'f TE TiaVTi TE 8Y)µWl,
OO"TlS O'.VT)p 81apcxs EV 1rpoµaxo1cr1 µEVTll
VWAEµEWS, a1crxpf)s 8E cpvyf)s ETii nayxv Aa017 Tal,
4'VX17V Kai 0vµ6v TAT)µova nap0EµEvos,
0apcruv17 1 8' ETIE<YlV TOV TIA17 criov &v8pa napE<YTWS·
ovTos avT)p 6:ya06s yivETa1 ev noAEµc.01. 20
ai4'a 8E 8vcrµEvEwv 6:v8pwv ETPE4'E cpo:Aayyas
TP11XEias, <YTIOV8171 8' E<YXEBE KOµa µ6:x11s.
avTOS 8' EV 1rpoµ6:xo1cr1 TIE<YWV cpiAov W/\E<YE 0vµ6v,
&crTV TE Kai /\aovs Kai TiaTEp' EVK/\E·fcras,
no/\Acx 810 crTEpvo10 Kai &crni8os 6µcpaA0Ecrcr11s 25
Kai 810 0c..0p17Kos np6cr0Ev EA17AaµEvos.
TOV 8' 0/\0<pUpOVTal µEv 6µws VEOl 178E yEpOVTES,
6:pyaAEc.01 8E n60w1 ncxcra KEK178E 1r6A1s,
Kai Tuµpos Kai naT8Es EV 6:v0pc..0TIOl$ 6:picr17µ01
Kai nai8wv naT8ES Kai yEvos e�onicrw·
) ~
ov8E TIOTE KAEO$ ecr0/\ov O'.TIO/\/\VTal ov8' ovoµ' aUTOV,
o:AA' vno yf)s TIEP ewv yivETa1 6:06:vaTOS,
OVTlV apt<YTEVOVTa µEVOVTa TE µapvaµEVOV TE
(I , ) I I I I I
y17s TIEpt Kai nai8wv 0o0pos 'Ap17 s o/\Ecr111.

El 8E cpuy111 µEv Kf)pa Tav17 AEyEos eavaTOlO, 35
VlKT)cras 8' a1xµ 11s 6:yAaov EVXOS f/\111,
TIO'.VTES µ1 V Tlµwcr1v, 6µws VEOl 178E 1ra/\a1oi,
TIO/\/\CX 8E TEpTIVCX na0wv EPXETal El$ 'At817 v,
YllPO:<YKWV 8' O'.O"TOl<Yl µETaTipETIEl, ov8E TlS avTOV
1
PAaTITElV OVT a1800s OVTE 8iK11S e0E/\El,
TIO'.VTES 8' EV 0WKOl<YlV 6µws VEOl oY TE KaT' avTOV
ElKovcr' EK XWP11S oY TE 1raAa16TEpo1.
TaUTTlS vOv TlS 6:v17p o:pETT)S El$ &Kpov tKEcr0a1
TIEtp6:cr0w 0vµw1 µT) µE0lE1$ TIOAEµov.
11 6po:v Pl. Leg·. 629e 19 8' E1TEcr1v Par. 2092 (s. xvi) : OE TIEcrEi'v codd.
MIMNERMUS 1-2, 12
MIMNERMUS 1
TlS 8E �ios, Ti 8E TEpnvov CXTEP XPVCYl7S 'A cppo8iT71 s;

TE0vcxi71v, OTE µ01 µl) KETl TCXVTCX µiA01,
KpUTIT0:8171 <pl/\OTl) S K0'.1 µEl/\lXCX 8wpcx K0'.1 EVVT),
oi' Tl�l1S &v0Ecx yivETO'.l apTICX/\EO'.
&v8p6:cr1 v 178E yuvcx1�iv· EnEi 8 · 68uv71 pov ETIEA0711 5
y17pcxs, 8 T, cxicrxpov 6µws K0'.1 KO'.KOV &v8pcx TlBE'i,
cxiEi µ1v <ppEvcxs &µcpl Ka:Kcxi TEipovo-1 µEp1µvcx1,
ov8' cxvycxs npocropwv TEpTIETO'.l T)E/\lOU,
1
0/\/\ exBpos µEV TIO'.lCYl V, aTiµcxCYTOS 8E yuvcx1�i v·
ovTws &pya:Aiov y17pcxs E0l) KE 0E6s. 10
MIMNERMUS 2
r,µEtS 8' 016: TE <pVMO'. <pVEl TIO/\VCXV0Eµos wp71
'
ECXpos, oT' 0:141' cxvy171s O'.V�ETO'.l '17E/\lOV,
Tots lKE/\01 ni)xv1ov eni xpovov &v0Ecr1v Tl�l1S
TEpn6µE00'., npos 0EWV El80TES OVTE KO'.KOV
ovT' &ycx06v· I<TlPES 8E ncxpECYTT)KCXCYl µEAcx1vcx1, 5
ri µEv Exovcrcx TEAos yi)pcxos &pya:Aiov,
r, 8' ETEPl1 0cxv6:TOlO' µivvvecx 8E yivETO'.l Tl�l1S
,
Kcxpn6s, ocrov T eni y17v Ki8va:Tcx1 T)EA1os.
O'.VTC:Xp ETIT)V 817 TOUTO TE/\OS ncxpcxµEi4'ETO'.l wp71 s,
cxvTiKcx 817 TE0v6:vcx1 �EAT1ov T) �ioTos· 10
TIOMCX ycxp EV 0vµw1 KO'.KCX yivETO'.l' CX/\/\OTE OlKOS
TPVXOVTO'.l, TIEVll) S' 8' Epy' 68vv71 pcx TIE/\El'
CX/\/\OS 8' CXV ncxi8wv ETil8EVETO'.l, WV TE µcx/\lCYTO'.
lµEipwv KCXTCX yfls EPXETO'.l EtS 'A'f871 v·
CX/\/\OS VOUCYOV EXEl 0vµo cp06pov· ov8E TlS ECYTlV
&v0pwnwv Wl ZEUS µT) KO'.KCX TIOMCX 81801.
MIMNERMUS 1 2
'HE/\tos µEV ycxp E/\CXXEV TIOVOV f)µcxTO'. TICXVTO'.,
ov8E noT' &µncxvcr1s yivETO'.l ov8Eµicx
Mimn. 1 4 01' Ahre11s : ol M: Ei A 6 KaKov Herman11: KaAov codd. 7 µiv Be1�gk:

µEv codd.
Mimn. 2 2 avyf\1s Schneidewin : avyT) codd. 16 81801' Par. 1985 et fort. S a.c.
: 818w S p.c., MA
MIMNERMUS 12, 14 : SOLON 1-2 37
llTlTOl<Jiv TE KCXl CXUTWl, ElTT)V po8o8aKTUAOS 'Hws

'WKECXVOV lTp O/\llTOUO"' ov pcxvov ElO"CXVcxf3f)1.
TOV µEv yap 810 KOµcx <pEpEl lTOAUT)pCXTOS EUVT), 5
KoiiAT) , 'Hcpcxio-Tou XEpo-i v EAT) ACXµEVT) ,
1
XPVO"OV TlµT)EVTOS, VlTOlTTEpos, &Kpov ETl ETEpwv oxEwv 'YnEpiovos u16s.
MIMNERMUS 14
OU µEv 8i) KEivou YE µEVOS KCXl &yi)vopcx euµov
Toiov EµEo npoTEpwv 1TEv6oµcx1, oY µ1v 180v
/\u8wv l1T1Toµaxwv lTUKlVCXS KAOVEOVTCX cpaAcxyycxs
"Epµ1ov &µ 1TE8iov, <pwTcx <pEpEµµEAiT)V'
TOV µEV &p' OU lTOTE naµncxv EµEµ4'CXTO TlcxMcxs 'A6T)VT) 5
8p1µv µEVOS Kpcx8iT)S, Eve· 8 y' &vex npoµaxous
O"EUCX16' cxiµcxTOEV<Tos EV) vo-µiVT) l 1TOAEµo10,
lTlKpcx f31cx�6µEVOS 8uo-µEVEG0V f?>EAECX'
OU yap TlS KElVOU 8T) lG0V ET' o:µElVOTEpos cpws
EO"KEV E1ToixEo-6cx1 cpuA6n18os KpCXTEpfis 10
Epyov, oT' cxuyfi10-1v <pEpET' WKEOS T)EAio10
SOLON 1
cxuTos Kf)pu� �A6ov &<p · iµEpTfiS 2'.cxAcxµivos,

1
Koo-µov E1TEG0V w1817v O'.VT &yopfis 0EµEvos.
SOLON 2
1
ElT) V 817 TOT EYW CDoAEyav8p1os T) LlKlVT)TT) S
o:vTi y' 'A0T) vcxiou ncxTpi8· o:µE1 4' 6:µEvos·
1
CXl4'CX yap &v <pO'.TlS f\8E µET &v6pc.01TOlO"l yEVOlTO'
'',\TTlKOS OVTOS &vi)p, TWV 2'.cxAcxµ1vcx<pETEwv".
Mimn. 12 6 KotT11:r1 Meineke : Koii\ri codd. 8 Ev8ove' Musurus : Ev8ove' 60' A

xwpov Musu1·t1s : xopov A g 'ivo: 817 eoov Meir1eke : Yv' o:i\rieoov A
Mimn. 14 2 EµEo West : EµEv codd. 6 o y' Schneidewi11 : oT' codd. 7 CJEvo:16'
Schneide\i\ri11 : CJevrie' A, CJEv' rie' M cxiµcxT6Ev suppl. Gesner
Sol. 2 4 Icxi\cxµ1vcx<pETEwv l�enner : CJcx/\cxµivcx<pETwv B
SOLON 3-4
SOLON 3
YoµEv ES Lcxi\cxµTvcx µcxxT)o-6µEVOl lTEpi VT)O"OV
1
iµEpTT)S XCXAElTOV T cxio-xos O'.lTC..UO"OµEVOl.
SOLON 4
fiµcTEPTl 8E ir6i\1s Ko:Ta µEv L'.l16s ouiroT' 6i\c1To:1
0:10"0:V Kcxi µo:Kapc..uv 0cwv q:>pEVCXS 6:60:vaTC..UV'
TOiT) yap µcya0vµos E1TlO"K01TO$ 6R>p1µ01TOTpT)
TTcxi\i\as )A0T)VO:lT) XE1'pcxs V1Tcp0cv EXEl·
CXUTOi 8E cp0cipElV µcyai\T) V ir6i\1v 6: cppo:8iT) lO"lV 5
O'.O"TOi R>oui\oVTO:l XPT)µo:0-1 1TE166µEVOl,
8,iµov e· r,ycµ6vc..uv &81Kos v6os, olo-1v EToTµov
vR>p1os EK µcyai\T) s &i\yccx iroi\i\a 1T0:0c1'v·
OU yap ElTlO"TCXVTO:l KCXTEXElV Kopov ou8E lTO:pouo-cxs
EU<p poo-uvcxs KOO"µETV 80:1TOS EV r,o-vxiT) l 10
• • • • • • •
iri\ovTEovo-1v 8' 6:8iK01s Epyµo:0-1 1TE166µcvo1

• • • • • • •
oue· lcpwv KTEOVC..UV OUTE Tl 8T)µoo-ic..uv

<p c186µcvo1 KAE1TTovo-1v 6: cp cxpircxyfi1 &i\i\o0Ev &i\i\os,
ou8E cpvi\ao-o-oVTO:l O"Eµva iliKT) S 0Eµc0i\cx,
1
Tl o-1ywo-cx o-uvo18E Ta y1yv6µEVCX irp6 T EOVTCX,
TWl 8E XPOVC..Ul lTOVTC..US �i\0' O'.lTOTElCJOµEVT) ,
TOOT' fi8T) lTOO"T)l ir6i\c1 EPXETO:l EAKOS &cpvKTov,
ES 8E KO:Kl7V TCXXEC..US fii\v0c 8ovi\oo-uvT) V,
fi O"TOO"lV Eµcp vi\ov ir6i\cµ6v e· cv8ovT' ElTcycipcl,
8s iroi\i\wv EpO:Tl7V WAEO"EV r,i\1KiT)V' 20
EK yap 8vo-µEVEC0V TCXXEC..US lTOAVT)pCXTOV 00-TV
TPVXETo:1 EV o-vv6801s ToTs 6:81KEovo-1 cpii\ovs.
TCXVTCX µEv EV 8,iµc..01 0-TpEq:>ETo:1 Ko:Ka· Twv 8E ircv1xpwv
lKVEOVTO:l iroi\i\oi ycxicxv ES 6:i\i\080:ir17v
irpo:0EVTES 8co-µoio-i T, 6:c1Kci\io10-1 8c0EVTES
• • • • • • •
ovTc..u 8T) µ60-1ov KO:Kov EPXETO:l oYKo:8' EKOO"TC..Ul,

1
CXUAElOl 8' ET EXElV OUK E0EAOVO"l 0upcxl,
V 4'T)i\ov 8' virEp EpKos virEp0opEV, EVpE 8E lTOVTC..US,
El KO:i TlS <pcuyc..uv EV µvxw1 �l 0cxi\aµov.
Sol. 4 16 a1roTE1CJoµivri Hiller : a1roT1CJoµivri B p.c. 2 2 q,L\ovs F p.c. : q,iA01s cett.

29 �1 SaAaµov Schneide,,vin : fi 6aAaµw1 codd.
SOLON 4-6, g 39
TOUTa 818a�a1 evµos 'Aeri vaiovs µE KEAEVEl,

ws KaKa: TIAEi'crTa 1r6AE1 .Llvcrvoµiri 1rapexe1·
1
Evvoµiri 8' EUKocrµa Kal apTla 1TOVT CXTIO<p aiVEl,
Kal 0aµa: TOlS cx8iKOlS cxµcp1Ti611 cr1 TIE8as·
Tpaxea AElOlVEl, TIOVEl Kopov, u�plV cxµavpoi',
auaiVEl 8' O'.TT1S O'.V0Ea <pvoµEva, 35
1
EU0UVEl 8i: 8iKas O"K0/\1as, U1TEp17cpava T Epya
TipaUVEl' TIOVEl 8' Epya 81xocrTacri11 s,
1
TIOVEl 8' cxpyaAET)S Ep18os xoi\ov, EO"Tl 8' U1T OVTT)S
1
TIOVTa KOT cxv6pc.01Tovs apTlO K01 1TlVVTO.
SOLON 5
817µw1 µEv yap E8wKa TOO"OV yepas ocrcrov CXTiapKEl,
1
T1µ17s OUT' CX<p EAWV OUT ETIOpE�aµEvos·
01 8' ElXOV 8vvaµ1v Kal xp11µacr1v 17crav cxyT)TOl,
Kal TOlS E <ppacraµriv µT)8Ev CXElKES EXElV'
EO"TT)V 8' cxµcp1�ai\wv KpaTEpov O"OKOS cxµ<p oTEpOlO"l, 5
v1Kav 8' ovK EYacr' ov8ETepovs &8iKws.
SOLON 6
817µos 8' '18' &v &p1crTa crvv 17yEµOVEO"O"lV ETIOlTO,
µ17TE i\iriv cxvE0Els µ17TE �1as6µEvos·
TlKTEl yap Kopos u�plV, OTOV TIOAVS oi\�os ETIT)TOl
cxv0pc.01TOlS OTIOO"OlS
•
µ17 VOOS apTlOS 171 .
SOLON g
EK VE <p EAT)S TIEAETOl x16vos µevos fi8E xai\asri s,
�poVTT) 8' EK i\aµ1rp17s yiyvETa1 cxcrTEpo1r17s·
cxv8pwv 8' EK µEyai\wv 1r6i\1s o/\AVTOl, ES 8E µovapxov
817µos cx'i8piT)t 8ovi\ocrvvriv ETIEO"EV.
1
i\i ri v 8' E�apaVT <ov> pa1816v EO"Tl KOTOO"XElV 5
UO"TEpov, cxi\i\' fi8ri XPT1 (Ka/\a:) TIOVTa VOElV.
Sol. 5 1 yEpo:s codd. : KpaTos Plut. a1To:pKEi pap. Arist. : ETio:pKEi Plut.
Sol. 9 3 Tvpavvov Diod. 5 i\iriv 8' E�apo:vT' Schneidewin : AEiris 8' E�Epo:vTo: Diod.
ov add. L. Di11dorf 6 Ko:i\c'x add. West
SOLON 10-11, 13
SOLON 10
8Ei�El 817 µavi11v µEV Eµ17v �a16s xpovos CX<JTOlS,

8Et�El CX/\T}0EtT}S ES µecrov EpxoµEVT}S-
SOLON 11
El 8E 1TE1TOV0aTE Auypcx 81' vµETEPT}V KaKOTT}Ta,

µ17 6Eoi'cr1v TOVTWV µoi'pav E1TaµcpepETE'
auToi ycxp TOUTOUS riu�i)craTE puµaTa 86vTES,
Kai 81cx TavTa KaKT)V E<JXETE 8ou/\O<JUVT}V.
vµEWV 8' E1S µEv EKa<JTOS CX/\G01TEKOS lXVE<Jl �atVEl, 5
cruµ1Tacr1v 8' vµi'v xavvos EVE<JTl v6os·
ES ycxp yAwcrcrav 6pCXTE Kai ElS ElTT} alµu/\ou cxv8p6s,
ElS Epyov 8' ou8EV y1yv6µEVOV �/\ElTETE.
SOLON 13
Mv11 µocruv11s Kai Z 11 vos 'OAuµ1Tiou cxy/\acx TEKVa,
Movcra1 TT1Epi8ES, K/\VTE µ01 Euxoµtvw1.
0/\�0V µ01 1Tpos 0EWV µaKcxpwv 86TE, Kai 1Tpos CX1TCXVTWV
cxv6pc.01TWV atEl 86�av EXEl v cxya617v·
ElVal 8E yAUKVV �8E <pl/\OlS, EX6po1cr1 8E 1T1Kp6v, 5
Toi'o-1 µEv a1801ov, Toi'o-1 8E 8E1v6v 18Ei'v.
xp17µaTa 8' lµEipw µEV EXElV, cx8iKWS 8E 1TE1TCX<J6a1
ouK E0tAw· 1TCXVTWS V<JTEpov �/\0E 8iKT}.
1T/\OVTOV 8' 8v µEv 8wcr1 0Eoi, 1TapayiyvETal cxv8pi
Eµ1TE8os EK vEo:Tou 1Tu6µEvos ES Kopucp 17v· 10
8v 8' &v8pEs TlµW<JlV v cp' v�p1os, OU KaTCX Kocrµov
1
EPXETal, CX/\/\ cx8iK01s Epyµao-1 1TE166µEvos
OUK E0E/\WV ElTETal, TaXEWS 8' cxvaµicryETal CXTT}l'
cxpxfis 8' E� 0/\lYTlS yiyvETal W<JTE 1Tup6s,
<p AavpT} µEv TO 1TpWTOV, CXVlT}P17 8E TE/\EUTCXl'
OU ycxp 8i)v 0VT}TOlS v�p1os Epya 1TE/\El,
CX/\/\CX ZEUS 1TCXVTWV E <popcxt TE/\OS, E�a1Ti VT}S 8E
1
W<JT &vEµos VE<p EAas a14'a 81E<JKE8acrEV
Sol. 11 3 pvcrio: Diog. 6 xo:vvos- Plut. : Kovcpos Diod., Diog. 7 ETITJ o:iµvi\ov Plut. :
ETIO$ o:ioi\ov Diod., Diog.
Sol. 13 14 apxfis 8' E� oi\iyris West : apxri 8' E� 6i\iyov S 16 oriv Gesner et Par. 1985 :
ori S
is Ul g g6 I 'Jl:!d
s .0!3 O\lAd� :
S13og OAd� 0£ S l3t\ini : ldUSda 13\l?rl gf? S t\Ut\Ugt\? : ld{!dl{J. l:::> ldlll{'.:>1).9: t\¼ t\139 Q3 V�
-:l9d3\ ,eoo lX).L3.0Q 9 5<? 1lC'010 S1.L 3.1.QO
ss SC'0.Ll\:l9ll X)r!1.od9rl �9 X?.L . J030 l.O(Y).OY,.LdX)rlOl\11.0 l<:2
'I\Ol\3rl9Xd? l\309'lll.L tt<?>lX)>l 1d9tt'.9 ,9 C'0t\Ag
' ttC'0W9ll Ve SoAd3:l9>l� �X)t\� t\3>lU0g tt1.Ltt:l9rl tt ow�
( )
.Sol\3rlX).' L.Olll3 l\od.1.3rl
' Sll,1<bo.o Sll
- .1.d3rl1
'SJ3eXX)919 X)d�9 X)d:l9ll ($Y)?.0110 l,AJ (\(Y)9:l9tllrll1'l0c so w�
oS 't\O.LOJ9 1X).l.3A?'l'l11j l\lOdt3X S\3X)9 X)/4.dg
(Y)3/\X?.Ll1'{0ll 110.L.OJX)©H, \X)>l 3.1. SUJX)tt LLev. so w�
. t3'{?rl X)d.Lod� ,'lQllrlX)>l 1\1.0lO.L '13Q3d.LX)'{
tt<?.Ll1X)1(\? S13 I\03d91l?911'l0ll (\(Y)($1?.L ll\JA Sow�
.SOt\3rl?e t\X)Jrl39QO S!JX11rh I\Y,'{C'0913©
St 't\1.0lO?'{X)AdX} SOl\3rl93dol 39X)>l10 ttC'0)ty,dX I\ 1.onlll\ ll?
lX).l.:Q'{X} I\O.Ll\9ll X?.LX)>l l\�rl 9 .Sow � 1\300'{'{� ,9 139Q3ll.0
·13>io9 X?'l'lOll X).1.X)rly,dX SC'0.Ll\ :l9ll 1X)0.0X).OY,.L>l
'lX).L:Ql9 X)/4.dg l\lrl ?9 SUJt\3ll 'tt(Y)rly,dXX? S1.1. ?9 13
ot .I\C'0Xg I\X).0.03JdX)X QO lly_cbdorl S<?'{X)>l \X)>l
'dY,llX} 1X)l\3rlrlg l3>l09 S<?eX)A'.9 ll(?? 5<?'{139 Sow�
.o.LX).OX)d<b3.1.X)>l 0.1.110.1. 'tX).L.03 Sll1A11 SC'0
I ,.., IC. \ , >
'1!Je.031ll 1.01LL?'lX)AdX? ,llQ 1\1.010.0001\ l\�rl s1.L.oc;?X
'X)03rl91J.d3.L l.OJll'l? SlX)©QO>l S3.LI\O>l.O:l9X
St 110.LQO.L �9 1dX� .1X).L3dQ9 9 Sl.LQX) 9 3.1.9.1. -l\l30X)ll 1.L I\Jdll
'
't3Xg S0.1..oX)>l� I\X)j99 5<?.LQX) llY,, lll3 9 Q3
•3.1. s9>lX)>l 3.1. s90X)A X? s�r19 l\3rlo?otl 39 <:;-> ~ •9 1
0.1.LLl\e
'(Y).OJllOj? SO t\?A Yc, I\C'0.LQO.L S391X)ll Yc,
I\1.01101\ J.L X)/4.dg 101.1.JX)I\X} .S1.1.QX) SC'0.Ll\:l9ll 3011'{�
Ot '1lLXJ>l X).OQOlll? ,d1orl l\�30 �9llrl 'JO.LQX)
l\l.OC'0AQcb �9 �,o .l\od3.1..00 ,9 9 'l\3.013.Lg ,>lJ.LQX) tl�rl 9 ,WX?
.Ul\:l9©3�? SO'{?.L 5? ,9 SC'0.Ll\:l9ll 't3Xg ll<?rl11e
ll<?d.Ll'{X} St.L.O<;? 'S?d31J.)1X)19 30U'l?'l � QO '9 \31X)
'So'lox0j9 1X).L3/\AJA dy.l\X? s<?.1.LL l\e d3ll.o�
Sc; l(Y).l..O:l9>l� ,<h? ,9QO .Sl.O}.L lX).l.3'{?ll S<?I\UZ U.LQX)10.L
.
1\1391 I\\.L.O? ,.L� (\?, '9QO I\C'0?©3 1\ dX?.LX? 'tl9'{X)>l
(\X)lX)A X)I\OJll X?.LX)>l SOl\?rl 010J'{3Y, ,9 13llrl:l9'l
'l\ 1391 l\3>l LLe� s1.LQX) ,9 I\LLJde1X) ·(\91\X)dQo
13/\:l9>l\ t\Qll1X) S09� l\�30 X)/4.d� X?'lX)>l 5X).O S')tll9
06 l\od9<bod111J. X).l.:l9 >l ll\JA 'SX).OY,l\l>l X)tl?rle11ll
010.1.?A11d.1.X? Sol\orlQ>ln'loll no.Ltl9ll s� 'S9/\1dy.
rt � 1 N010S
42 SOLON 13, 27
&A/1.01 TT0:1wvos lTOAvcpo: pµaKOV epy ov EXOVTES

lT) Tpoi · Kai TOlS ov8ev ElTEO"Tl TEAos·
lTOAACXKl 8' E� oAiyT) S 68uVT) S µeye: yiyvETO'.l &"Ayos,
1
KOVK &v TlS AUO"O'.lT fiir10: cpapµo:KO: 8ous· 60
Tov 8e Ko:Ko:Ts vouo-010-1 KvKwµEvov &pyo:"Aeo:1s TE
& 4'aµEvos xc1po1v o:1 4'o: Ti0T)o-· vy111.
M oi'po: 8e TOl 0VT) T010"l KO'.KOV cp epEl f)8e K0'.1 eo-0A6v,
8wpo: 8' a <pVKTO'. 0EWV yiy vETO'.l a0o:vaTC.VV.
1
lTOO"l 6e TOl Kiv8vvos E1T epyµo:o-1v, ov8e TlS OlOEV
1Tfil µsAAEl O-XT)O"ElV xpi)µo:TOS apxoµsvov·
&"AA' 6 µev EU ep8ElV lTElpwµEVOS OU irpovoi)o-o:s
es µEya"AT)v &TTJV Kai xo:"Acirriv eirEo-Ev,
TWl 8e KO'.KWS ep8oVTl 0c6s lTEpi lTCXVTO'. 8i8wo-1v
O"VVTVXiTJV 6:yo:0i)v, EKAVO"lV 6: cp poo-uVT) S.
lTAOUTOV 8' ov8ev TEpµo: lTE<pO:O"µevov 6:v8pao-1 KElTO'.l'
01 yap vvv 17µewv lTAElO"TOV exovo-1 �iov,
81irAao-1ov 0"1TEu8ovo-1· TiS &v Kopeo-ElEV &iro:vTo:s;
KEp8Ea TOl 0VT)T01S WlTO'.O"O'.V &eavo:TOl,
&TT) 8' E� O'.\JTWV 6:vo: cpo:ivETO'.l, T)V OlTOTE Zeus 75
ireµ4'T) l TE10-oµevT)v, &MoTE &"A"Aos exci.
SOLON 27
lTO'.lS µev &vT)�OS EWV ETl VT)lTlOS EpKOS 686vTWV
cpuo-o:s eK�aMEi irpwTov ev EirT· eTEo-1v.
1
TOVS 8' ETSpovs OTE 8-ri TEAEO"T) l 0c6s E1TT EVlO'.VTOUS,
fi�TJS EK<po:ivci O-T)µo:To: yc1voµEVT) S.
Tfil TplTCXTT) l 8e yeVElOV O'.E�oµsvwv ETl yviwv 5
Ao:xvovTO:l, xpo111s &veos 6:µE1�oµEVT)S.
Tfil 8e TETCXpTT)l lTO:S TlS EV E�8oµa81 µsy' &plO"TOS
1 1
lO" XUV, �l T av8pES lTEl pO:T EXOV0- O'.pET1lS-
1
1TEµ1TTT) l 8' w p iov &v8po: yaµov µEµVT) µsvov ElVO'.l

Ko:l iro:i6wv (TJTElV Eto-oirio-w ycvEi)v. 10
Tf)i 6' EKTTJl irEpi ircxvTo: Ko:To:pTuETo:1 voos &v6p6s,
ov8' ep8ElV e0' 6µws epy' O'.lTCXAo:µvo: 0eAEl.
ElTTCX 8e vovv K0'.1 y"Awo-o-o:v EV E�6oµao-1v µey' &plO"TOS
1
OKTW T 6:µcpoTepwv TEO"O"O:po: K0'.1 6eK' ETT).
•
61 KvKwµEvov Gesner : KCXKWµcvov S 71 6:v8p6cr1 KciTcxt S, .A.list., Basil. : 6:vSpw1Totcr1

Thgn., Plut.
Sol. 27 8 TicipcxT' Stadtmuller : crriµcxT' vel µvriµcxT' codd.
·ppo::> l;J ·d�d (\� : lS;:)M_ y.g 6I gt ·10s
06 ':Ot\3rl91.ll3\'.'.>l 31.0llQO , g 13.0Y,\'.'. - t\1.03ll� , g.0101.
(Y)e.0}3>l1ll� s1;(.Ltd<b.o 1orl� t\�rl l(Y)t\?rlO)l©O.O '3t\dQ)I
gi-61 SIN-00:3:Hl
·So>iQ'l tllt<bx;>d1..o� t\1.01�woll t\1.0f'\>i (\� s�
SOt\3rl9310ll t\3BO.Lt\x;>ll t\Y,>l'l� '>l3t\QO t\(21.
s(, ·s1'l9ll LLeC?dLL X� .9� t\<,?dgt\� (\� t\ <.?'l'loll
'0.1.:0J:O.O:Odl (\� >lQO
'dlftl� t\(Y)rly..1.>io'l1cb 1:o>i 31. sy.g:od<bo>i:o>i
06 't\C?<a:o'l C?A� s� sow'f! , g t\od1.t\?>i ·:orh:odA�
t\U>iJg S:o.09rldX? t\0.1..0:o>i� S13 t\:Ol3BQ3
1<,?B:OA�>l 3.1. 1<,?>l:O>l 1(21. 5(Y)JOrl9 g s0orl.03e
'
.t\ltrl9X.03llQ s� t\oe'l�1g 1:o>i ':033d�
S:o.09rld:otlf'\3 t\U>i}g 1:o>i 31. t\lt}g oorl9
S1 13.Lx;>d>i t\�rl :01.0:01. ·:o>ilte� Snod?ef'\3\'.'.�
'Sf'\Ot\?rl03rlod1. (\(Y)?l.Oll.03g Lte� 'S:01.t\OX�
:o?>il3� t\LLJ'lf'\og 00.1.0:0 , gx;>e(\� , g s00.1.
.SnOt\?rl(Y)t\:0\'.'.ll l�X:owoll y.g s� 'S:O.Lt\?1
t\Y,>ll.1.1. \le ,l.?>lQO t\:0.0.0(2\'.'.A 'S:Ol.t\9Af'\© SQOl3dX
01 <?llQ SltJ:o>iA:ot\� , g s001. 'S(Y)J:o>i1g t\OW'fl
·s(Y)>iJg>i� t\OW'fl 'S:01.t\?e:odll t\oA:oAlft\�
t\01.11.>i93e s� , gJd1.:oll s:ot\lfev, , g s0 o'l'loll
·Ltd?ef'\3\'.'.� t\Qt\ ':o.of'\OQ3'lf'\og �g t\3e.o9dll
'S:o.1.9Altll3ll l�X:O\'.'.\'.'.Oll t\0'll3t\� Sf'\OdS?
1
s 31.0ll C';')A� S�.L :0t\l:O'l?rl �J ':01..0ld'fl
t\(Y)}llrlf'\'lQ, (\(Y)t\9rl1:og lt.L.OJA3rl dlt1.y.rl
f'\ot\9dx 1LL>iJg (\� (\� ,.1..o:01. LLJodf'\1.d:orlrlf'\.o
'.t\ltrlx;>.of'\:oll� t\l3Xf'\.1. tl1dll t\(Y)l.QOl. Jl. 't\orl�g
t\OA:OAY,t\f13 :O>l3t\QO t\�rl t\(21. �g C?A�
9� NO'lOS
. f'\Ol.x;>t\:oe 10X� t\:od1orl t\C?� Sod(Y)'fl (\� >lQO
'Ol.l0>l1 t\Odl.?rl X?l.:O>l 5:0.0?\'.'.3.l.. S11. 13 'g t\U.Lx;>>i3g t\Y,.l..
·Lt}©O.O 1:0>l 31. X?.0.0(2\'.'.A t\Y,l.3d� t\U\'.'.x;>A3rl S9dll
S1 Q0.1..Q:O , g :od31.C';')>l:O\'.'.:Orl 'l:0.1.:0t\Qg t\�rl l.l..� llt.Lx;>t\� , g l�.l..
�t 9 °-6 1 SINDO'lH.l : 9 � 'l O N010S
44 THEOGNIS 19-26, 27-30, 31-8, 39-52
ov8e TlS o:Ma�El KOKlOV TOVCY6Ao0 napEOVTOS,

w8E 8e TIO:S TlS Epel' .. 8cuyv186s ECYTlV ETI T\
TOV Mcyapews· TIOVTas 8e KaT' 6:v6pwnous 6voµacrT6s" ·
O'.CYTOlCYlV 8' OVTIGu TIO:O"lV O'.bElV 8uvaµa1.
ov8ev eauµaCYTOV, TToAUTia·t8T} · ov8e yap ouv Zeus
1 1
ov6' \JWV TIOVTECYCY av8aVEl OVT 6:vexwv.
THEOGNIS 27-30
croi 8' Eyw EU cp poVEGuV vno6i)croµa1, OlOTIEP avTOS,
l<upv', O'.TIO TWV 6:yaewv nais ET' EWV Eµa6ov.
nenvucro, µT}8' a1crxpotcr1v En' Epyµacr1 µT}8' 6:8iK01cr1 v
T1µas µT}8· o:pETas eAKEo µT}8 · & cpcvos.
THEOGNIS 31-8
TaUTa µev OVTGuS Ycr61· KaKOlCYl 8e µ17 npocroµiAEl
6:v8pacr1v, O'.AA' aiEi TWV 6:yaewv EXEO'
Kai µETa Toi'cr1 v ni'vE Kai Ecr61E, Kai µETa Toicr1 v
l�E, Kai &v8avE TOlS, WV µeyOAT} 8uvaµ1s.
ECY6Awv µev yap &n' ECY6Aa µa617crEa1 · T)V 8e KaKOlCYl 35
cruµµicryT} lS, 6:noAElS Kai Tov EOVTa voov.
Ta0Ta µaewv 6:ya601cr1v 6µiAEl, Kai TIOTE <p17CYElS
EU cruµ�ouAEVElV Toi'cr1 cp iA01cr1v EµE.
THEOGNIS 39-52
l<upvE, KUEl TIOAlS fl8E, 8{801Ka 8e µ17 TEKT}l &v8pa
Ev6uvTf)pa KaKT)S v�p1os T)µETEPT\S-
0'.CYTOi µev yap ge· oY8E cra6cp poVES, T)ycµ6vcs 8e
TETpa cpaTal TIOAATlV ElS KaKOTT} Ta TIECYElV.
ov8Eµiav TIGu, l<upv', 6:ya6oi TIO/\l v WI\ECJaV &v8pcs·
o:M' oTav v�pi�E1v To1cr1 KaKotcr1 v &8T} 1,
1
8f)µ6v TE cp6Eipwcr1 8iKas T 6:8iK01cr1 818wcr1v 45
OlKEiwv KEp8ewv ElVEKa Kai KpOTEOS,
EATIEO µri 8T} pov KEiVT}V TIO/\lV O:TpEµiEcr6a1,
µT}8' Ei vOv KEiTal noAAT)l EV 17cruxiT}1,
2 5 ovv ostr. (P. Berol. 12 319) : 6 codd.

47 aTp1:µi1:cr60:1 Wackernagel : aTp1:µE1:cr60:1 codd.
THEOGNIS 39-52, 53-68, 119-28, 183-92 45
1
E0T &v TOlCYl KOKOlCYl cpiA' av8pacr1 TOVTO YEVT) TOl,
KEp8Ea 817µocriw1 CYVV KaKWl EpxoµEva.
EK TWV ycxp CYTCXCYlES TE Kal eµcpuAOl cp6vo1 av8pwv
µouva pxoi TE' 1TO/\El µT)1TOTE Tf\l8E &801.
THEOGNIS 53-68
l<upvE, 1TOA1S µEV ge· 718E 1TOAlS, Aaol 8E 817 0/\/\01,
01 1Tp6cr6' ovTE 8iKas r,18Ecrav ovTE v6µous,
aM' aµcpl 1T/\Eupa1cr1 8opcxs aiywv KOTETp1r,ov, 55
e�w 8' wcrT' eAacpo1 Tf\cr8' EveµovTo 1TOAEos.
Kal vOv Eicr' aya6oi, TT0Au1Tat817· oi 8E 1Tp1V ECY6Aol
1 1
vOv 8E1Aoi. TlS KEV TOVT O'.VEXOlT ECYopwv;
, 1
aM17Aous 8 0:1TOTWCY1V E1T O:A/\17/\0lCYl YEAWVTES,
1
OVTE KOKWV yvwµas Ei86TES OVT 6:yaewv. 60
µ178eva TWV8E <plAOV 1T01EV, TT0AU1Tat817, O'.CYTWV
17
EK euµoO XPEl T)S OUVEKa µ 8Eµ1f\s·
6:Mcx 86KEl µEv 1TO:CYlV 0'.1TO YAWCYCYT)S <plAOS ElVOl,
xpf\µa 8E cruµµEi�T) lS µ178Evl µ178' OTlOVV
CY1TOU8a1ov· YVWCYT)l ycxp Ol(U pWV <p pEVOS av8 p wv,
ws CY<plV E1T epyo1cr1v 1TlCYTlS E1T ov8Eµia,
1 1
1
aMcx 86Aous 0:1TCXTOS TE 1TOAU1TAOKias T E <plAT) CYOV
OVTWS ws &v8pES µT)KETl crw1(6µEvo1.
THEOGNIS 119-28
XPVCYOV Ktr,817/\010 Kal apyupou O'.VCYXETOS OTT) ,

l<upvE, Kal E�EUpElV pa181ov av8pl crocpw1· 120
El 8E <plAOU v6os av8pos EV1 CYTT)6ECYO"l AE/\176171
4'U8pos EWV, 86A1ov 8' EV <ppECY1V �Top EXT) l,
TOVTO 6EOS K1r,817 AoTOTOV 1TOlT)CYE r,poTOlCYlV,
KOl yvwva1 1TOVTG0V TOUT av117 poTaTOV.
\ "'v I ,._, ' :, I
ov8E ycxp El8Ei17s av8pos v6ov ov8E yuvalKOS, 125

1Tplv 1TE1p17 6Ei17s wcrTIEP u1To(uyiou,
1
ov8e KEV ElKCXCYCYOlS WCY1TEp 1TOT ES wpiov EA6wv·
17 1
1TOAACXKl ycxp yvc.0µ v E�a1TaTWCY i8ea1.
THEOGNIS 183-92
KplOVS µEv Kal ovous 81( 17µE6a, l<upvE, Kal 11T1TOUS
EVYEVEOS, Kai TlS r,ouAETOl E� 6:yaewv
5 2 TE Le11tsch : 6E codd.
119 avcrxETos Came1·arius : &crxcTos codd. 127 wviov Camerarius
�17crscr6a1· yfiµa1 8E KaK17v KaKoO ou µEAE8aivs1
ecr0/\0S &v17p, fiv oi xp17µaTa TIO/\/\CX 818&:>1,
ou8E yvv17 KaKOV &v8pos &vaiVETal EtVal O'.KOlTlS
1
TI/\OVCYiov, &M' acpVEOV �OV/\ETal O'.VT &ya0o0.
xp17µaTa µEv T1µwcr1. Kai EK KaKOV ecr0/\0S Ey17µE
Kai KaKos E� &ya0o0· TI/\OVTOS EµE1�E yEvos.
OVTW µ17 eavµa(E YEVOS, 1lo/\UTiat817, O'.CYTWV
µavpoOcr6a1. crvv yap µicryETal ECY0/\cx KaKois.
THEOGNIS 237-54
croi µEv Eyw TITEp' E8wKa, crvv oTcr' ETI' O'.TIEipova TIOVTOV
TIWT17cr171 Ka1 y17v nacrav as1poµsvos
I \ - - > I
prfi8iws· 0oiv171s 8E Kai EiAaniv17 1cr1 napEcrcr171

EV ncxcra1s, noAAwv KEiµsvos EV crT6µacr1v,
Kai CYE crvv au/\iCYKOlO"l A1yvcp66yyo1s VEOl &v8pi:s
EUK6crµws epaToi Ka/\cx TE Kai A1yEa
&1crovTa1. Kai oTav 8vocp sp17s vno Ksv6scr1 yai17 s
�fi1s noAvKwKvTovs sis ,At8ao 86µovs,
ou8ETIOT' ou8E eavwv O'.TIO/\ElS K/\EOS, &Ma: µE/\l7CYElS 245
& cp0lTOV &vepwTIOlS aiEV EXWV ovoµa,
l(vpVE, Ka0' CE/\Acx8a yfiv CYTpw cp wµsvos 178' &vex v17crovs
1
txevoEVTa TIEpwv TIOVTOV ETI O'.TpvyETOV,
oux Ynnwv vwT01cr1 v E cp17µsvos, a/\Acx crs TIEµ4'El
ay/\acx Movcrcxwv 8wpa lOCYTEcp cxvwv·
na:cr1 8' ocro1cr1 µEµ17 AE Kai tcrcroµEvo1cr1 v &01817
ECYO"Tll 6µws, ocp p' &v yfi TE Kai l7E/\lOS'
auTcxp eywv oAiy 17 s napcx CYEV OU Tvyxcxvw ai8o0s,
&M' WCYTIEP µ1Kpov nai8a A6yo1s µ' O'.TiaTO:lS,
THEOGNIS 337-40
Zi:vs µ01 TWV TE cpiAWV 8oi17 Ticr1 V, 01 µE cp lAEVO"l V,
1
TWV T exepwv µEi(ov, l(vpVE, 8vv17cr6µsvov.
xovTWS &v 80KE01µ1 µET' &vepwnwv 0sos EtVal,
El µ' O'.TIOTElCYCXµEvov µoipa Kix111 eavcxTOV. 34°
185 KTTJcri:crScx1 Stob.

238 Kcxi Bergk : KcxTcx codd. 251 Tracr1 8' 8cro1cr1 Lachmann : Tracr1 816cr olcr1 A :
TICXCYlV olcr1 0 : TICXCYl ycxp olcr1 p
Tl-IEOGNIS 805-10, 1197 -202, 1225-6: XENOPHANES 1 47
THEOGNIS 805-10
TOpVOV K0'.1 <JTo:0 µ17s K0'.1 yvw µoVOS av8 pcx 0Ec.0 pOV 805
EU0UTEpov XP17 eµEv' l<upvE, cp vi\cxcrcr6µEVOV'
1
c11T1vi KEV TTvewv1 0EOU XPT)<J0'.0" lEpElO'.
6µ cp17v cr 17µ17v171 1TlOVOS E� &8uTov·
1
OVTE Tl yap 1Tpocr0Els ou8EV K ETl cp 6:pµo:KOV Evpo1s,
ou8' acp EAWV 1Tpos 0EWV o:µ1TAO:Ki17 v 1Tpocp uyo1s. 810
THEOGNIS 1197-202
8pv10os cp c.0VT)V, Tloi\u1Tcxt8 17, 6�v '3owcr17 s
fiKovcr', T) TE '3poTOlS &yyEAOS 17i\0' a pOTOV
wpcxiov· KO'.i µ01 Kpo:8i17v E1TO:TO'.�E µEAO'.lVO'.V,
OTTl µ01 EUCXV0E1'S &i\i\01 exovcr1v &ypous, 1200
ou8E µ01 17µiovo1 Kv cpov E/\KOV<JlV &poTpov
tTllS &i\i\17s µv17 crT11st EtVEKcx vcxvT1i\i17 s.
THEOGNIS 122 5-6

ov8Ev, Kupv' &yo:017s yi\vKEpWTEp6v E<JTl yvvo:1K6s· 122 5
'
µ6:pTVS eyw, <JU 8' eµol yivov &i\1 76ocruv17 s.
XENOPHANES1
vOv yap 817 (6:1TE8ov Ko:0cxp6v K0'.1 XElPES 0'.1TO:VTC0V
Kcxl Kui\1KES· 1TAEKTovs 8' &µ cp1T10E1' crTEcpo:vovs,
&i\i\os 8' EUG08Es µupov EV cp 16:i\171 1TO:pCXTElVEl·
KP17 T17P 8' E<JT1 7 KEV µE<JTOS ev cp pocruv17 s·
&Mos 8' 01 VOS ETo1'µos, os OV1TOTE cp17 cr1 1Tpo8w<JE1V, 5
µEii\1xos EV KEp6:µ01s, &v0EOS 6(6µEvos·
EV 8e µE<JOlS 6:yv17v 68µ17v i\1'30:VWTOS Y17cr1v,
4'VXPOV 8' E<JT1V u8wp K0'.1 yi\vKV K0'.1 Ko:0cxp6v·
1TO:pKECXTO:l 8' &pTol �cxv0ol yEpcxpT) TE Tpo:1TE(cx
Tvpou K0'.1 µEAlTOS 1TlOVOS &xeoµEv17 · 10
'3c.0µ6s 8' &v0Ecr1 v &v To µEcrov 1TO:VT17 1 1TE1TuKcxcrTo:1,
µoi\1T17 8' aµ cpls EXEl 8wµCXTO'. K0'.1 00:i\{ 17.
805 6Ewpov Vinetus : 6Ewpwv codd. 806 XPTJ EµEv Ah1·e11s : XPTJ µEv codd.
1202 µ6:Ao: µtcrT)Tf\S Hertzberg et Crusius
Xenoph. 1 g TTo:pKEo:To:t Wackernagel : TTcxpKEtVTo:t codd.
XENOPHANES 1-2
XP11 8e 1TpWTOV µev 0cOV vµVclV cu cppova:s &v8pa:s

cvcp 17µ01s µv601s Ka:i Ka:60:po1cr1 A6yo1s,
0"1Tcicra:VTCXS Tc Ka:i cU�a:µevovs TO: 8iKO:lO'. 8vva:cr60:1
np11crcrc1v· TO:VTO: ya:p G0V cO"Tl npoxc1p0Tcpov,
I - \ 7 ) I
ovx v0pc1s· nivclV 8' 6n6crov KcV EXG0V cxcpiKOlO

OlK0:8' O'.VcV 1Tp01TO/\OV µ17 1TCXVV y11pa:Aeos·
cxv8pwv 8' O'.lVclV TOVTOV 8s Ecr0Aa 1TlWV cxva:cpa:ivcl,
> , > ,.,,,
G0S T)l µvT) µocrvv11 KO'.l TOVOS a:µcp a:pcTT)S,
c T I \ I
20
OU Tl µcxxa:s 81E1TclV T1TY)VG0V ov8e r1ycxvTG0V
ov8e (Tt> l(cVTO:VpG0V, 1T/\C:Xcrµa:TO: TWV 1TpOTEpG0V,
fi O"TCXO"lO'.S crcpc8a:vcxs· TOlS ov8ev XPT)O"TOV EVcO"Ttv·
0cwv <8e> 1TpOµT)0ciT) V O'.lEV EXcl v cxya:0i)v.
XENOPHANES2
1
CX/\/\ cl µev TO:XVTT1Tl no8wv VlKT)V TlS &polTO
Tl 1TcVT0:0/\cVG0V, evea: Ll16s TEµcvos
nap Tlicra:o po111s EV 'OAvµniT)l, clTc 1TO'.AO:iG0V
ii Ka:i 1TVKTocrvvT)V a:Ay1v6ccrcra:v EXG0V
clTc To 8c1v6v &c0Aov 8 na:yKpCXT1ov Ka:Aeovcr1v, 5
cxcrTo'i'criv K' clT) Kv8p6Tcpos npocropav,
KO:i Kc npoc8piT)V cp a:vcpT)V EV cxywcr1v &polTO,
Ka:i KcV cr'i'T' cl T) 8T) µocriG0v KTcCXVG0V
EK 1TO/\cG0S, KO:i 8wpov 8 01 KclµT)AlOV clT)
clTc Ka:i Ynno1cr1 v· TO:VTCX Kc ncxvTa: Acxxo1, 10
OUK EWV &�10s W<Y1Tc p Eyw· pw µT)s ya p cxµciVG0V
cxv8pwv 178' 11T1TG0V 17µcTEpT) crocpiT) .
1
CX/\/\ clKTll µex/I.a: TOVTO voµi(cTO'.l, ov8e 8iKO:lOV
npoKplVclV pwµT)V TTlS cxya:611s crocpiT) s·
OUTc yap cl 1TVKTT)S cxya:06s /\0'.010"1 µcTclT)
1
OUT cl 1TcVT0:0AclV OUTc 1TO'./\O'.lO"µocrvvT)V,
ov8e µev cl TO:XVTTlTl no8wv, T01Tcp EO"Ti np6T1µov,
pwµT)S ocrcr' cxv8pwv epy' EV cxywv1 1TE/\cl,
20 ri1 Ahre11s : T) A, ri epit. Toves Koraes : Tov oscodd. 22 Tt add. Meineke

TTAc'xcrµaTa Schweighat1ser : TT/\acrµc'xTwv codd. 23 crq>1:8avc'xs Osa11n : q>Ev86vas A
24 8E add. Camerarius
Xenoph. � 5 EtTE To v\Takefield : 1:'1TETt cod. 6 TTpocropo:v Jacobs : 1tpocr1:pav cod.
1 o KE 1tc'xvTa Scl1,veighauser : K '1:11tc'xvTa cod. 15 /\aoicrt µETEtT) Stepl1a11us : /\aoicrtv
ET' EtT) cod.
XENOPHANES 2-3, 7-7A, B 14 DK: HIPPONAX 3, 3A 49
TOVVEKEV &v 817 µa:Mov EV Euvoµiri 1 lTOAlS ElY}'

crµ1Kpov 8' &v Tl lTOAEl xcxpµa yevo1T' E1T1 TWl, 20
El TlS aE0AEUC0V VlKWl TTicrao irap' oxeas·
OU yap lTlaiVEl TaUTa µvxovs lTOAEC.US.
XENOPHANES3
6:�pocruvas 8E µa06VTES avc.u<pEAEas irapcx /\v8wv,
ocppa Tvpavv1ri s ricrav avEv O"TVYEPTlS,
>I I ) )I -
T)lEcrav ElS ayopT)V irava/\ovpyea <pCXpE' EXOVTES,

ou µEiovs wcrirEp x Ei/\101 ws Eiriirav,
auxaAEOl, xaiTY}lO"lV ayaAAoµEVOl EUlTpElTEEO"O"l V, 5
<XO"KY}TOlS 08µ17v Xpiµacrl 8EvoµEVOl.
XENOPHANES 7-7A
• • • • • •
Kai lTOTE µ1v O"TV<pEAl(oµevov O"KUAaKOS 1Tap16vTa

cpacriv ElTOlKTlpal Kai T08E cp6:crea1 ElTOS'
''iravcra1, µY} 8E p6:ir1(', E1TE1 � <piAov avepos EO"T1V
4'VXT), TT)V Eyvc.uv <p0Ey�aµevri s a'iwv".
XENOPHANES B 14 DK
aM' oi �POT01 80KEOVO"l yEvva:crea1 0EOUS,
TT)V cr<pETEPY} V 8' Ecr0fiTa EXElV <pC.UVT)V TE 8eµas TE.
HIPPONAX 3
E�c.ucrE Mairi s ira1'8a, l(vAA17vri s ir6:Aµvv.
HIPPONAX 3A
'Epµ-fi Kvvcxyxa, Mri 1ov1crTi l(av8a0Aa,
cpc.upwv ETalpE, 8Evp6 µ01 crKa1Tap8Evcra1.
Xenoph. 3 1cx�pocrvvas Scl111eide1· : cxcppocrvvas cod. 4 ws Schweighauser : 1:is

cod. 5 cxyai\i\6µ1:vo1 Heitsch : cxyai\i\0µ1:v cod. 6 xpiµacr1 MtlSUl-US : XPiiµacr1 cod.
Xenoph. 7-7a 1 vOv a0T' Stephanus: vvv oi:Jv T 1 codd.
Hippon. 3 E�wcri: W. Dindorf: E�617cr1: codd.
Hippon. 3a 2 µ01 Dubner: Ti µ01 codd.
50 HIPPONAX 12-17, 32
HIPPONAX 12
TovT01cr1 0T) newv Tous 'Epv0pcxiwv no:180:s
6 µT) TpOKOlTT)S Bovncxi\os cruv 'ApT)TT)l
K0'.1 <µr,v> U<p EA�WV TOV 8vcrwvvµov 80:pTOV
HIPPONAX 13
EK 1TE/\Ai8os 1TlVOVTES' OU ycxp �v O'.VTT)l

Kui\1�. 6 no:1s yap EµnEcrwv Ko:Ti)pcx�E.
HIPPONAX 14
EK 8e Tfis nei\i\T)s
E1T1vov· &i\i\oT' cxvT6S, &i\i\oT' 'ApT)TT)
,,
1TpOV1TlVEV.
HIPPONAX 15
Ti TWl Tcxi\cxvT1 Bovn6:i\w1 crvvoiKT)crcxs;
HIPPONAX 16
Eyw 8e 8E�lWl ncxp' 'Api)TT) V
KVE<p O:lOS EA0wv , pw181w1 KO'.TT) VAicr0T)V.
HIPPONAX 17
Kl/ 4' 0'.CYO'. y6:p µ01 npos TO i\vxvov 'ApT)TT)
HIPPONAX 32
'Epµ fi, cp ii\' 'Epµ fi, Mo:10:8EO, l(vi\i\T)VlE,
) I I I \ - C -
E1TEVXOµO:l TOl, KO'.pTCX ycxp KO'.KWS p1yw
K0'.1 R>cxµR>cxi\u�W . . .
86s xi\cxivcxv (l1T1TG0VO'.KTl Kcxl KV1TO'.CYCYlCYKOV
Kcxl crcxµR>cxi\icrKcx KO:CYKEpicrKcx Kcxl xpvcrov 5
CYTO'.T1lPCXS E�T)KOVTO'. TOVTEpov Toixov.
Hippon. 12 1 ST)TIEwv te11 Brink : 0111rwv codd. 3 µT)v add. Ebert 6apT6v
Masson : &pTov codd.
Hippon. 15 o-vvoiKT)o-as Bergk: -wtKT)o-as NC, -otKT}o-as V
Hippon. 16 1 1rap' 'ApriTTJV Schneide\\ri11 : 1rapcx PTJTllP cod.
Hippon. 32 1 'Epµf), cpii\' Prise. : c1 cpii\' Tzetz. 3 0aµ0ai\v(w Schneide\ivin :
0aµ0aKv(w codd. Plut.
HIPPONAX 34, 3 6, 68, g 2 51
HIPPONAX 34
Eµoi ycxp OUK e8wKas OVTE KG0 xi\a'i'vav
8acrE1'av EV XE1µwv1 <p6:pµaKov piycos,
OUT' O:CYKEpT)lCYl TOVS 1T68as 8aCYElT)lCYl
EKpu41as, ws µ01 µ17 xiµET/\a p17yvuTal.
HIPPONAX 36
Eµoi 8E TTi\oOTOS - ECYTl yap /\lT)V TU<p/\OS -
ES TWlKi' EA0wv ov86:µ' EllTEV '"l1T1TWVa�.
8i8wµi TOl µveas o:pyupou TplY)KOVTa
1 1
Ka1 1T0/\/\ ET &i\i\a". 8cii\a1os ycxp TCXS cppevas.
HIPPONAX 68
8v' 17µepa1 yuvalKOS ElCYlV 1181crTal,
oTav yaµfl1 TlS KO:Kq:>Ep711 TE0v71Ku1av.
HIPPONAX 92
71v8a 8E /\u8i(ovcra· ''�aCYKL...KpO/\Ea".
• •
"
lTVYlCYTl. ''Tov lTVYEWVa 1Tap[
Kai µ01 TOV opx1 V TllS cpai\[
K]P,6:8711 cruv71i\oi71crEv wcrl![Ep cpapµaKWl
. ].-�01s81o(io1cr1v EµTIE�[ 5
Kai 817 8uo1cr1v EV 1T6vo1�[1
11 TE Kpa:871 µE TOVTEpw0[EV
&vw0Ev Eµ1Ti1TToucra, K[
1Tapa41186:(wv �oi\�iTw1[
c1(Ev 8E i\avp71· K6:v0apol 8E polsEOVTES 10
�i\0ov KaT' 68µ17v lT/\EOVES ii lTEVTY)KOVTa·
TWV oi µEv EµTiiTITOVTE[ s
KaTE�ai\ov, oi 8E Tovs 08..[
oi 8' EµTIECYOVTES TCXS 0vpa[ s
TOV TTuyei\71cr1[ .....]..[
..]P,vcrcrov oia[ ....]apo1µ0[
..]w �· ?5 uµ�[ .....]....[
]Ev�[ ......]...[
Hippon. 34 1 KW XAO:lVO:V Scl111eidewin : XW/\EVO:V, xw8o:TvE, XAO:lVO:V, TT)V XAO:lVO:V

codd. 4 µ01 µT) Hartu11 g : µ11 µ01 codd.
Hippon.92 suppl.Coppola 3 e.g.q:,o:A[fis-rro:p-/-rrpocrE/\Kovcro:Alla11 5 Eµ-rrE8[w6£vT1
Knox 6 -rr6vo1cr[1v E1x6µ17v Bossi, -rr6votcr[tv 17ypEvµ17v Knox 7 EKvt(Ev Coppola,
T)AyvvEv Ki1ox 8 K[av6Ev 6 -rrpwKTos Latte 13 686[vTo:s w�vvov Knox 14 ma1·g.
e, i.e. versus DCCC
52 HIPPONAX 115, 117
HIPPONAX 115
.[
ri[
lT .[ ]v[...]....[
Kuµ[oTt] lT/\O[�oµ]EVO?·
KO:V 2oAµv8[T)CYCY]0! yvµvov EV <ppOV?. [ 5
0prfiKES aKp6[ K]0µ01
/\CX�OlEV - Eveo lTO/\/\' O:VOlT/\T)CYEl KOKO
8ou/\1ov &pTOV E8wv -
1
piyEt 1TE1TT")YOT OVTOV· EK 8i: TOU xv6ov
cpvKio TIO/\/\' E1T!X(E)o1, 10
KpOTEOl 8' 686VTOS, ws [ K]�wv E1T1 CYToµo
, ,
KEtµEVOS OKpOCYlT)l
)
aKpov 1Topa priyµTvo Kvµo... -�'?'-!"

TOOT' e6E/\01µ' &v 18E1v,
os µ' 178iKT)CYE, �[a]� 8' E1T 6pKio1s E�T"),
• •
1
TO lTplv ETOtpos [E]wv.
HIPPONAX 117
]..[.]..[
T) XAOtV[0 ......]�(!�!VT)[
KVpTOV E[ ......] <pt/\ElS
o:yxou K06T)(!�O! · �OVTO 8' cllTlTWVO[� v-
0]18Ev &ptcrTo �poTwv, 5
ot]�?V 8E Kapi <pOVTOS" & µcxKop �T[ 1$
µri8oµ6: KW er' E'i8E
• •
.]r[ .. Jou �VEOVTO cpwpo. TWl XV�f??� [8i: vOv

A1crxvAi8ri1 lTC?AEµE�.
EKE'i'vos fiµEpcrE[
• • •
v crE TT)S o:1TopTi]ris, 10
1Tas 8i: 1TE<p1J�? 8�[Aos.
]. .[
Hippon. 115 sl1ppl. Reitzenstei11 4 Kvµ[c:xo-1] Cantarella 1ri\c:x[s6µ]cvo$ l(eil

5 cv<p povicr[ TC:XTc:x] Diels 7 cxvc:x1ri\iicrc1 Reitzenstein : iv6c:xvc:x1ri\T)crc1 pap. g xv6ov
Masson : xvov pap. 10 ETT�X(E)oi Masson : c1r1xo1 pap. 15 c<p opKiois pap., ssc1-.
cTT1opK101s : ETT' Blass
Hippon. 117 suppl. Reitzenstein 4 -ex]KTiOT)S Maas 6 Wilamowitz 7 µ,l)8c:xµc'.x
Blass 8 T] p [ c'.xy]ov Diehl 1 o -E [ v ere Blass Tf\S cx1rc:xpTi] T)S West 11 Diels
HIPPONAX 128 : SIMONIDES 10-11 53
HIPPONAX 128
Movo-cx µ01 EupvµE80VTlCX8ea TT)V 1TOVTOXCXPU�81v,
TT)V EV yao-Tpl µcxxa1pav, os eo-6iel OU KCXTO: Koo-µov,
1
EVVE KCXKOV OlTOV 0/\ElTCXl
�ou/\fl1 817µ00-i171 napa: 6Tv' aAos o:TpvyET010.
SIMONIDES 10
Jvx�[
..... 1TCXTT)]f? 1Tp01TCXTW[p TE
..... .... ] . ��v17v (![

..... . µEAE ]�wv V1TEp 17µ[ETEpwv
KOVP11S E1v]�Ai17s ayAa6 cp 11[µe 1TCX'i
• 5
..... ... ]1)0-�[
SIMONIDES 11
1"!"�! [..](! . [
f) TiiTVV EV �170-[O"CXlS
u/\0T6µ01 Texµ[vwo-1
noAAov 8' tfipwo-[
� µEya nEv6 ]os Aaov [ETIEAAa�E · noAAa: 8' ETiµwv, 5
Kai µETO: TTaTp]oK/\OV o-' &[ yye'i KPV4' CXV EVi.
OU 817 Tis cr' e8J�µao-CJEV E<p[ 17µEp1os �pOTOS CXUTOS,
•
1
o:M' V1T /\no/\/\]wvos XElpi [TV1Teis e8cxµ17s.
TTaMa:s 8' eyyu ]s EOVO"CX TI?[PlKAEES &Jo-T[v KCX6El/\EV,
O"UV 8' "Hp17, TTp]�cxµov 1TCXlO"i x[aAE1TT]6�[EVCXl 10
ElVEK · /\Ae�cx ]��f?<?lo KaK6cp p[ ovo]s, wo-. C!. [
] . 6ei17s &pµa Ka6ETAE 8��[11s.
Toi 8i: n6A1 ]v 1TEpo-avTES o:0{81µov [oYKa8' Y]KovTo
]ww� ayEµaxo1 ilavaoi[,
Hippon. 12 8 2 TT)V EV ycxo-Tpi µcxxcxtpcxv West : Eyycxo-Tptµcxxcxtpcxv codd.' Hsch.

3 <Ko:Kfit> Musurt1s : <Ko:Kos> Cobet : <Ko:Kws> Kali11ka oi\i:iTcxt Cobet : oi\T)Tcxt codd.
Simon. 1 o suppl. West
Simon. 11 s1.1ppl. Parsons vel West exceptis qt1ae infra memorantt1r 1 1rcx1[ o-e]
�- [ West 4 11pwT)o- [ E Danielewicz 14 <pEpTcxT01 17p] wwv Parsons
54 SIMONIDES I I
0Tcr1v ETI' cx06:J�cxTOV KEXUTCXl KAEO$ cx�[8pos] EK T) Tl

8s nap' lOTI]i\oK6:µwv 8e�CXTO ll1Epi8[ WV
nacrcxv cxi\T)]0Ei T)v, Kai ETiwvuµov 61:[i\oTep]01cr1v
TIOi T)cr' 17µ]1.eewv WKvµopov YEVE�[V.
cxi\i\o. crv µE ]v vOv xcxTpE, 0EO'.$ EplKU[ 8eos UlE
KOVPT)S ElV]cxi\iou NT)peos· CXUTO.p Ey4)[ 20
K1Ki\171crKw] cr' ETiiKoupov Eµo{, 1:
[oi\uwvuµ]E M oOcrcx,
El TIEp y' CXV]0pwTIG0� Evxoµevw[V µei\Ecx1·
EVTUVO]� KCX1 T6v8[E µci\]Jcppovcx K[6crµov cxo]18f)s
17µET]1PTlS, Yvcx Tl$ [µvr,]�?"'!"�� l![
cxv8pw]v' 01 LTIO:pT[T)l TE KCX1 (Ei\i\6:81 8ovi\1ov �µ]exp
Ecrxov] CX l-;lUV�l-;l[ EVOl µr, TlV' i8ETV q>CXVEp]�[ s
ou8' cxpc]-riis Ei\6:0[ovTo q>O:TlS 8' EXE]v oupcxvol-:l[17K]1)S,
KCX1 KAE os ex]�0p0-r:r� � [E0-0-ET]�! cx06:vcxTo( V >.
01 µi:v &p' Eu]pw-rcxv Kcx[l LTIO:pTT)]S O'.O"TU AlTIOVT[ES
wpµ T)O-CXV] zT)VOS TICXl0-1 crvv lTITio86:µ01s
Tuv8cxpi8cx]�$ 11pwcr1 Kcxl Evpu�i T)l M EVEi\6:w[ 1
. . . . . TICXT]P.WlT)S 17yEµOVES TI[6]�EOS,
Tous 8' u\os 6Eio10 l(i\Eo]1-;l�[p]6-rov E$[ex]y' &p1crT[ os
Jay . llcxucrcxvi T)s.
] . Kcxl ETilKAECX Epycx Kopiv[0Jou 35
] �CXVTcxi\i8EG0 llei\onos
N]!crou TIOAlV, Ev06: TIEP w[i\i\01
] cpOi\cx TIEplKT16vwv
. . . . . 0Ewv TEpa:E]�cr1 1:fETI0166T?S, 01 8i: cruv[
iKov 'Ei\EucrTvos y17s E]P.�T�v TIE8iov
llcxv]8iovos E�E[i\6:crcx]vTES
l(eKp] i:ros cxv-r�eE C?l![
C?
] . s 8cxµ6:crcxv-r[
] .1. EY8oµE�[
w]vuµov ex . [ 45
17 67: [i\oTep] 010-1v I-Iutchinson 1 g lp1Kv [8eos v1E Lobel 20 Lobel 24 �[o-TEpov
cxv West 27 ovpcxvo� [r,K]TJS I. C. Rutherto1·d 32 lo-0i\ol West : Ki\E1voi Parsons
35 cxi41 cx 8' YKovT' ·10-eµo] v West 36 vr,o-ov T' lo-xcxTlT)V] West : vf\o-ov 8' E�ei\11rov]
Parsons 37 Kcxi Meycxp' o:pxcxiri v West 39 o-vv[o1ri\01 Parsons : o-vv [cxvToi's
West 42 KeKp] <? ,:COS Parsons: µav]:!os West 44 Ei8oµE�[ Allan: E18oµE�[ West
45 Evw] vvµov Fowler
SIMONIDES 13-14 55
SIMONIDES 13
]6Eo:[
]pEµ[
]TITC?[
]ETEPl)[
]Koucp[ 5
6[ ]TITO/\E[µ
T�. [ ]o:po:[
ocpp' O:TIO µEv M178[WV
K0'.1 TTEpcrwv, �wpou 8[E
TI0'.10"1 K0'.1 (Hpo:K/\E C? 5 [ 10
01] 8' ETIEl ES TIE8iov [
Ei]�w-rrol 8' E q>[ o:]vE�[
]pECYTE[ . ]C?v�[
SIMONIDES 14
] .[ ] ...[ ] ....[
]�8ov � o:Moµ?[ v
I\]Eyw TIO�o:µou ��[
] P.4'0:1 TIPWTO'. �[ l ]Tl[
8EtVOV &µ0:1JµcxKET�V TE �o:�[6v· µiµvovcr1 8 ECYECY60:1 I
5
viKT)V, �s µv17]µT1v 11µ0:To: -rrcxvT[o: µEvEiv.
E� 'A]�([ Tl]S E/\cxcr?t, vEv�o:vTo[s
]vT)V cruµµ�[x]i T)V q> l/\EW[ V
] . VWl Y�P. [ V]1![ () K]PT1Tii80: �[
]?1!�[ ...... ]C?PlT)V �[ 10
]v8E[ ]El TIOTEq>[
• •
]1:C?��[
]wcr�[
] [
]�uw�[
]XE�[
]��[
Simon. 13 stippl. West 6 µ1:v1:] TITo/\1: [µ- Ge11tili-Prato 8 Acxov &1rcxvT' EAcxcrcxi
West 11 o'i] Lobel [BotWTlOV 1:vpv KCXTfjA0ov West
Simon. 14 suppl. West 2 oµ] cx8ov l3cxi\AoµE[vwv crcxKEwv West 3-4 1rpoA]
fyw 1ro:cxµov ��[ois E0Ei\ovcriv I oTTl TIEpTJv µex] �41cx1 1rpwTcx 13 [1] ri [ crcxµEvo1s West
8 Kcxi] v17v West
SIMONIDES 15-16
SIMONIDES 15
µecrcro1s 8' oY T' 'E cpup17v 1TO AV1Ti8cxKCX VCXlETO'.OVTES,
1TCXVT01T) S 6:pETT)S Y8plES EV noi\eµc.u1,
01 TE n6i\1v ri\cxuKOlO l<opiv61ov &crTU veµovTES'
SIMONIDES 16
KO'.MlCYTOV µ6:pTUV E0EVTO 1TOVG0V,
xpucroO TlµT)EVTOS EJV cxi0epLl' Kcxi crcp iv 6:e�El
1
cxvTwv T EvpETcxv KAJ1786vL ex Kcxl ncxTepc.uv
J-rroi\t![
Simon. 15 1 µECJCJ01s West: µECJCJ01CJ1 codd. T' 'E cpvpav Reiske (-p17v Schneidewin) :
yEcp vpav vel y' Ecpvpav codd. 3 vEµovTcS Ald. : vEµovTal codd.
COMMENTARY
ARCHILOCHUS
Archilochus of Paros was active in the middle of the seventh century.
A vai-iety of factors point to this period: for example, the colonization of
Thasos (e.g. frr. 21-2, 102, 228; cf. Owen 2003), the Lydian king Gyges
who died (;. 652 (see 1g*), and a solar eclipse probably of 6 April 648
(12 2.1-4). External evidence includes a late seventh-century inscrip
tion commemorating Archilochus' friend Gla11cus (SEG 14.565), who is
addressed in seve1-al poems (15, 48, 10 5, 117, 131).
Given Archilochus' rep11tation as one of tl1e foremost poets of the
Archaic period, ranked and performed alongside Home1- and Hesiod
(cf. Heraclit. fr. B 42 DK= D21 Laks-Most, Pl. lo'n 531a), it is no sur
prise that a rich biographical tradition developed around hi1n. This was
based partly on local Parian pride (see below) but mostly on the poetry
itself, with no regard to the poet's various personae. Thus, for example,
Archilochus was said to be the son of a slave woman called Enipo, 'Blame'
(fr. 295), but the description 'son of blame' will have derived from his
talent for invective and may well have been a persona adopted in a poem
now lost. Similarly, the story of his betrothal to Neoboule, which ended
with her, her sister, and her father Lycambes all hanging themselves, was
not autobiography, b11t part of a fictional song cycle that embodied the
always popular themes of betrayal and revenge, seduction and sex (see
172-81*, 196a*). Archilochus may at times be talking of real people
(such as Glaucus) or places (most often Paros and Thasos), but they a1-e
all made part of a fictionalized imaginative world (compare, for example,
Hipponax's use of the possibly historical Bupalus and Athenis: Hippon.
12-17:�), and like any other lyric, elegiac, or iambic poet he is always
role-playing, developing a character 01- persona which cannot be equated
with the poet himself (cf. Introd11ction §3).
The Parians' pride in their most famous cultural export eventually led
to Archilochus becoming a figure of cult worship on the island. A formal
hero-cult with shrine and sacrifices, the Archilocheion, is first attested in
the third century BC on the so-called Mnesiepes inscription (SEC 15.517),
but it is likely that Archilochus was honoured as a poet (if not as a hero)
from the Archaic period onwards (cf. Clay 2004). Archiloch11s' suiviving
work, despite its fragmentary state, illustrates more clearly than any other
Archaic poet's the sheer variety of iambus and elegy in both tone and
subject-matter. Unfortunately, the tendency to focus on Ai-chilochus as
primarily a blame poet (which began in antiquity: cf. Rotstein 2010: 281-
318) has obsc11red the range of his iambic poetry in partic11lar, which
57
COMMENTARY: ARCHILOCI-IUS 1
runs from explicit sex (e.g. 42-3 *, cont1-ast the non-explicit 196a*) to
didactic and political advice (19*, 114��). Archilochus engages repeatedly
with the language and values of heroic epic (see 1*, 2*, 13*, 17a*, 114*),
sometimes flippantly (5*), and a similar mixtt1re of seriousness and par
ody can be seen in his deployment of the t1-opes of wisdom poetry ( 13*,
122, 196a*) and animal fable (172-81*).For a detailed discussion of all
aspects of Archilochus' poetry, see Swift (2019).
A 1rchilochus I
Sottr-ce: Athenaeus, Scholar:s at Dinner· 14.627c.

Archilocht1s asserts his role as both soldier and poet. Though Homeric
epic compares its central heroes, Achilles and Odysseus, to ba1-ds ( cf. n.
9.189, Od. 13.1-2, 21.404-11), it nonetheless maintains a clear distinc
tion between the p1-ofessions of singe1- (&0186s) and wa1Tio1- (11pws), hence
A1-chilochus' pride in his ability to excel as both. Like an epic fighter,
Archilocht1s is 'the servant of Lord Enyalios', and like an epic bard he has
poetic power derived from the Muses (MovcrEwv . . . Err1crTcxµEvos). Thus the
couplet (which may be a stand-alone piece) redeploys epic langt1age and
convention to boost the speaker's status and stress how unusually talented
he is.
1 Et µ i 6' i yw: the emphatic first-person opening expresses the speaker's

pride in his achievements (cf. HHAp. 480 Eiµi 8' Eyw Ll1os v16s, 'A rroAAwv 8'
Evxoµa1 ElVal). 6Ep<XTTWV ... avaKTOS combines the epic formulae BEpCXTIOVTES
'Ap17 os, 'attendants of Ares' (e.g. Il. 6.67 w cpiA01 llPWES Llavaoi, BEpcxrrovTES
'Ap17 os), and 'Evva/\1010 &vaKTOS ( [Hes.] Shield of Heracles 371). Enyalios may
have been a sepa1-ate deity in Mycenaean times, bt1t by Archilochus' day
he was fully identified with Ares (cf. Il. 18.309 �vvos 'Evvcx/\1os, Archil. 110
ETT)Tvµov yap �vvos &vBpwrro1s 'Ap17 s). As a symbol of fighting power (e.g. Il.
22.132, whe1-e Achilles approaches Hector, 1cros 'EvvaAiw1), he enhances
Archilochus' claim to prowess. Poets, including epic singers, are not
usually noted for their fighting skills (compare the bard Phemius' claim
that he was overpowered by the suitors: Od. 22.344-53); by beginning a
self-defining poem with his role as a soldier, Archilochus stresses his unu
sual range of abilities.
2 Tl1e line creates a chiasmus, with Err1crTcxµEvos complementing
BEpcxrrwv, and poetry (MovcrEwv EpaTov 8wpov) balancing war ('Evva/\1010
&vaKTos). The a-b-b-a pattern underlines how intertwined the two aspects
of Archilochus' identity are. µ ev ... I Kai articulate his twin abilities: 'I am
both the servant of ... and an expert in ....' Mouaiwv . . . 6wpov links
Ai-chilochus to an age-old t1-adition of poetic inspi1-ation. For poetry
as the gift of the Muses, cf. e.g. Hes. Theog. 93 Toi17 Movcrcxwv 1Ep17 86cr1s
COMMENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 1-2 59
cxv6pw1ro1cr1v, 103 8wpa 6eawv. ipaTov, 'lovely', contrasts with the wo1-ld
of war and further stresses the range of Archilochus' skills. i1T1aTcx µ 2vo s:
present participle t1sed adjectivally with eiµi; tl1is periphrasis is used 'to
describe 01- characte1-ize the subject like an adjective, i.e. the subject has
a quality which it may display in action' (Smyth §1857; cf. CGCG§52.51).
The word proudly asserts the poet's expertise even as he acknowledges
the gift of the gods, a fo1-m of double motivation well known f1Aom epic, as
when Phemius declares, 'I am self-taught, and god has planted in my mind
various paths of song' ( Od. 22. 34 7-8); cf. Sol. 13. 51-2 * &l\l\os )Ol\vµ1r16:8wv
MovcrEwv 1rapa 8wpa 818ax6eis, I iµepTfiS crocpiris µETpov ETTlCYTaµevos. Similarly,
the final word contrasts with the chiastic 6epa1rwv in stressing that the
poet is more than a servant of the Muses (cf. Hes. Theog. 99-100 &0180s
I Movcrawv 6epa1rwv): his verses are divinely inspired, but he is an expert
creator in his own right.
Archilochus 2
Source: Athenaeus, Scholars at Dinner 1.3of.
The cot1plet (which could be a stand-alone piece) is built around the
triple repetition of Ev 8opi, the first two occurrences highlighting the
advantages of being a soldier and the speaker's pride in his profession,
the last changing tack to emphasize the constraints of military life. The
soldier's dependence on his spear permeates his world and unifies the
poem.
1 iv 6o pi ... µ 2µay µiv11 'in my spear is my daily bread', lit. 'my kneaded
barley bread', a staple of the soldier's diet. The speaker's food and liveli
hood are 'in' his spea1� in the sense that they come from his soldier's pay.
µiv µ 01 µ ci(a µ 2µay µiv11: alliteration and assonance mimic the chewing of
the dense dough. The fact that this is basic unbaked bread is t1nderlined
by the figura etymologi,ca (both words from the same *µacr- root, µacrcrw/
µayf)va1, 'knead'). The simple rations st1ggest the speaker's pride in his
ability to endure such a rugged lifestyle.
1-2 iv 6o pi ... I )laµap1Kos 'and in my spear Ismarian wine': wine
from Ismarus on the Th1Aacian coast was considered particularly fine
(cf. Od. 9.196-21 1). Archilochus is said to have fought on behalf of the
Parian colonists on Thasos, not far from Ismarus, against tl1e indigenous
Thracians (cf. 5*).
2 Tiivw ... KEKA1 µivos: the final Ev 8opi takes the listener by surprise,
since it differs in meaning from the first two (where Ev is instrumental)
and means 't1nder arms' (i.e. 'with my spear ready for use', locatival Ev).
The difference ma1-ks the speaker's striking switch from the benefits to
the drawbacks of warfare. The idea is that even when he relaxes to enjoy
60 COMMENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 2, 5
a drink (Tiivw . . . KEKi\1µEV0$), the soldie1- must be ready to react (Ev 8opi).
KEKAtµivos encourages the listener to picture the soldier 'reclining' at a
symposion (mirroring the pe1-formance setting of the poem itself), only to
point his inability to do so while on active service. The soldier, unable to
truly unwind, can only rest against his spear, an idea evoked at the same
n.
time by EV 8opi KEK/\1µ€VO$ (cf. 3.135 CXCYTI{cr1 KEK/\lµEvo1).
Ar·chilochtts 5
Sou'rce: Plutarch,AncientCustorns oftheSpartans34.239b (1-4) ;Aristophanes,
Peace 1298-1301 (1-3); Sextus Empiricus, Outlines of Py,rrhonism 3.216
(1-3); St1-abo 10.2.17, 12.3.20 (1-2); Olympiodo1-us on Pl. Gorg. p. 141.1
(Westerink), Elias pr·oleg. philos. 8 (Cornrn. in Ar st. Graeca xviii.22.21),
i
Ps.-Elias on Porph. lscigoge (Weste1ink) 12 .19 (3-4).

As the number of quotations suggests, tl1is was one of Archilochus' most
popular (and most noto1ious) poems. Reading biographically, ancient
w1iters criticized him for his rejection of martial values. Plutarch, for
example, claimed that he was expelled from Sparta for composing it.
However, it is more than a travesty or subversion of heroic values, since
the narrator is hardly free from blame, and the poem's exploration of the
complexity of heroism (when is it legitimate to make a tactical battlefield
retreat?) is in itself Homeric (e.g. Il. 8.13 9-56). The narrator's shame
fully casual attitude to the loss of his shield reminds the at1dience of the
'right' thing to do: never retreat. But for all his flippancy, the narrator's
decision reflects a genuine battlefield dilemma, where the demand to
hold one's ground may be overcome by a pragmatic need to back off.
Like Sappho's claim that the 'finest thing' is not an a1Tay of cavalry or
infantry or ships, but 'whatever one loves' (16.1-4), Archilochus' poem
creates a distinctive persona (one of symposiastic insouciance) by setting
itself against a particular aspect of heroic values, namely the pressure
not to retreat or aba11don one's weapons. The fact that similar pressures
remained a part of Greek popular morality throughout antiquity made
the poem's flippant attitude seem particularly outrageous, and contrib
uted to its perennial popularity (for similarly shocking deployment of the
r·hipsaspia motif, cf. Ale. fr. 401B 'Alcaeus is safe, but his fine armour and
sl1ield the Athenians have hung up in the shrine of the gleaming-eyed
goddess', Anac. fr. 381 PMG 'throwing away my shield by the banks of
a fair-flowing 1-iver', Hor. Odes 2.7 .1 o relicta non bene parrrtula). The epic
language of the first couplet (cxyai\i\ETcx1, EVTO$ cxµwµ17Tov) clashes with its
unheroic content, while the short clauses, asyndeton, and first-person
fo1-ms (cxvTov 8' E�Ecrawcrcx, Ti µ01 µEi\E1, KT17croµcx1) of the second couplet
underline the speaker's absolute focus on saving himself and his defiance
of public disapproval.
COMMENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 5
The poem is likely to be complete.
1 aa-rri61 ... a ycxAAtTal 'my shield some Saian now glories in'. aa-rri61:
the first word introd11ces the central contrast of the poem. l:afwv TlS is
dismissive, an attempt to downplay the event and tl1e humiliation that
goes with it. But if his opponent was a nobody, the speaker's flight was all
the more shameful.The Saians were a Thracian tribe, and the imagined
scene could be a battle for the Parian colony on Thasos (see on Archil.
1.1-2*) 01- on behalf ofThasian colonists inThrace (attested there by the
second half of the seventh century: Tiverios 2008: 79). aycxAAtTa1 links the
Saian to the epic motif of a warrior exulting in the capture of his enemy's
weapons (the word is 11sed twice in the Iliad to describe Rector's joy at the
capture of Achilles' arms: 17 .473, 18.13 2).The narrator is trying to mock
his enemy's excessive triumphalism, but his word choice reminds us that
he, unlike (for example) Pat1-oclus facing Hecto1-, did not stand fu-m and
fight to the death, but abandoned his shield and ran away. -rrapcx 6cxµvw1,
'by a b11sh', deflates the speaker's pretensions to epic grandeur (see
next line) and underlines his sudden flight and cowardice. Contrast Il.
10.4 65-8, where Odysseus hangs the spoils taken from Dolon (including
his spear) in a tamarisk bush, marking the spot so that he and Diomedes
can pick them 11p on their return.
2 EVTOS a µw µf1Tov, 'the blameless armour', uses epic language to
mock-heroic effect, as the narrator aggrandizes his shield, yet is content
to dump it by a bush. Moreove1-, by calling the shield 'blameless', he draws
attention to his own culpability and shame.The rare singular EVTO$ (Homer
always uses the plural EVTca of armour) serves to draw attention to the dis
puted item. KcxAA1-rrov = KaTeA1Tiov, aor. of the epic form KaAAciTiw, 'leave
behind'. ouK i6iAwv, 'against my will', placed as if it were the final word on
the matter, stresses that he did not really want to abandon his shield and
run away, but in fact the phrase makes us wonder who was responsible if
he was not, and so highlights the lack of any real excuse for his behaviou1-.
3-4 The second couplet undercuts the first with a sudden change of
attitude, especially clear after ouK E6eAwv, as the speaker moves (via µev
...8e) from regretting the loss of his shield to dismissing it as of no impor
tance at all.The co11plet's plainer langt1age and colloquial style underline
the speaker's off-hand 1-�jection of criticism, guiding us to question his
casual attitude to blame and disgrace.
3 auTov ... i�taawaa 'but I saved myself: avT6v in first position con
trasts emphatically with cxcrTii81 ( 1) and heralds the second couplet's focus
on self-preservation over honour. Similarly, E�ccrcxwcra ecl1oes La'fwv ( 1),
but points the difference: the enemy is welcome to his glory as long as the
speaker gets away alive. Ti ... EKtivtl 'what do I care about tl1at sl1ield?':
a defiant question, with dismissive EKclVT) implying that there are plenty
COMMENTARY: ARCI-IILOCHUS 5, 13
mo1-e shields where 'that' one came from, an idea made explicit in the
following line (E�avT1s KT17croµa1, 'I'll get one another time').
4 i pp iTw, 'to hell with it!', expresses anger and contempt, as if the
shield itself were responsible for being left behind.The humorous con
trast with his earlie1A desc1Aiption of it as 'blameless' undermines his final
dismissal of the shield and the values it embodies.ou KaKiw 'just as good'
(lit.'no worse', fem.acc.sg.): the narrator is focused on the purely mate
rial quality of the shield, but KaK6s is a standard word for 'cowa1Ad' (espe
cially in epic: cf.LSJ I 3): KaKiw reminds t1s that this soldier has failed to
perform on the battlefield, endangering his comrades and falling short of
the expectations of his community.
Ar-chiloc/1,-us I 3
So1ur-ce: Stobaeus 4.5 6.30.
This poem (probably complete) is the only substantial piece among sev
eral elegiac fragments on shipwreck and grief for those who have drowned
(8-13). Plutarch quotes g and 11 as coming from a lament by Archilochus
for his sister's husband who had died at sea (How to Study Poetry 6.23b,
1 2.33a-b), but 13* need not be referring to the same disaster. In any case,
it concerns the loss of many men (Toiovs, 3), not one, and is focused on
shared rather than individ11al grief. The speaker addresses and advises a
fellow mou1ner, his f1iend Pericles (not his sister, as one might expect if
the shipw1-eck had claimed her husband). Pericles may have existed (he
also appears in frr. 1 6, 124a-b), but a real person can be transformed into
a fictional persona (as with Archilochus' friend Glaucus: see the introdt1c
tion above), and the shipwi-eck itself may be completely imaginary.
The poem is not a lament bt1t a rejection of lamentation (for the later
connection between elegy and lamentation, see Introduction § 1). The
speaker offers consolation to Pericles and their wider circle, who appear
in the second-pe1Ason plurals of the final line (TAfiTc ...cx1twcrcxµ1:vo1, 1 o),
and urges them to endure. Its themes of human vicissitude, grief, and
endurance are highly t1Aaditional (see on Sol. 13.63-70*). Archilochus
makes skilful use of epic language (e.g. 1 K1781:a ... crTov6i:vTa, 3 Kuµa
1t0Avq>Aoicr�o10 6aAcxcrcrris, 5- 6 61:oi ...ETTi KpaT1:p17v TAT]µocrvvriv E6i:crav) and
physical imagery (e.g.4-5 oi8aAsovs ...1tv1:vµovas, 8 aiµaT6cv 8' sAKos) to
bring home both the painful, irreparable loss of those who have died and
the necessity of living on as best one can.The poem is clearly structu1-ed.
The speaker begins by reassuring Pericles and ends with exhortation: ot1r
1nourning will incur no blame, so fine were the men we have lost ( 1-4);
our grief is painful, but the gods have given us endurance (4-7); it is now
our tum to suffer, but the suffering must be endured (7-10).
COMMENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 13
1-2 Kfl6Ea ... I ... TroA1s 'none of the citizens will criticize our mourn
ft1l laments, Pericles, as he enjoys the festivities, nor will the city': the
negatives ouTc and ov8E govern the participle µcµcp6µcvos, but not the
verb TEP 4' cTa1, since 'none of the citizens will criticize our mourning or
enjoy the festivities' would spoil the contrast between the mot1rners'
grief and the wider commt1nity's pleasure, i.e. their ability to get on with
their lives, which is a central idea of the poem. Kf16ea ... aTovoevTa is
used by Odysseus to describe his own st1fferings ( Od. g. 12). But whereas
Odysseus resists talking about his grief in case it spoils the party mood
among the Phaeacians, Archilochus stresses the co-existence of mourn
ing and pleasure, since the happy citizens may not share their grief, but
they can understand it and empathize. ouTi TlS cxaTwv I ... ou6e Tro1'1s
enhances the general validity of the statement by specifying both the
individual citizen and the city as a whole. 6a1'iri1s = 6ai\ia1s (dative with
TEpnoµa1, 'delight in').
3-4 Toious is placed first for emphasis, 'such fine men did the surge
of the much-resounding sea wash over'.KaTa ... EKAuaev: epic tmesis,
as also in line 6 ETTi ... E6ccrav.Tr0Aucp1'oia�o10 6a1'aaaris: the Homeric
formula mimics the sound of the sea and elevates the status of those
who died.
4-5 oi6a1'ious ... Trveuµ ovas, 'and ot1r lt1ngs are swollen with pain',
captures the mot1rners' convulsive weeping, but also assimilates them to
their loved ones, whose lungs will have been swollen with water as they
drowned.
5-7 For endurance (TAT]µocruvri) as a remedy given by the gods, cf.e.g.
n. 24.49 (where Apollo complains that Achilles cannot control his grief)
T/\T]TOV yap M otpal 6vµov 6Ecrav cxv6pG0TTOlO"l v. CXVT'JKEaTOlal ... I ... cpa pµaKov:
medical language highlights the uncanny strength of 'powerful endur
ance' (KpaTcp17v TATJµocruvriv), which serves as a 'palliative' (cp6:pµaKov)
for 'incurable woes' (CXVTJKEcrT01cr1 KaK01cr1v, i.e. the inevitability of death),
a st1-iking oxymoron. The gods themselves, like a good doctor, ETTi . . .
n.
E6ccrav I cp6:pµaKov: cf. 4.190-1 (Agamemnon to the wol1nded Menelat1s)
E/\Kos 8' lTJTT)p En1µ6:crcrcTa1 178' En1611crc1 I cp6:pµax' &. Kcv naucrri1cr1 µci\a1v6:wv
68vv6:c.vv. K paTe ptiv: KpaT- (or KapT-) words often connote endurance, e.g.
~ ~
KpaTcpc.vs, KapTcpcl v.
7 aAAOTE ... To6e 'now one, now another has this woe'. aMoTE a1'1'os is
often used to express the alternation of human fortune, e.g. Od. 4.236-7
CXTCXp 6cos &i\i\oTc &i\i\c.v1 I Zeus cxya66v Tc KOKOV Tc 81801'. For hiatus in this
phrase, cf. Hes. l{[) 713, Mimn. 2.11 *, Sol. 13.76*. To6e refers back to
KaK6: in line 5.
7-9 vvv µEv, balanced by E�avTlS 8 ', and the ve1-bs of tt11-ning (ETp6:nc6')
and passing (Enaµci4' cTa1), all articulate the inescapability of suffering; for
COMMENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 13, 17A
a classic t1-eatment of the idea, see Il. 24.524-51 (the two ja1-s of Zeus; cf.
on Mimn. 2. 15-16*).
8 ai µ aToev ... &vaaTivo µev 'and we groan over ou1- bleeding wound':
as in the image of 'swollen lungs' (4-5), the EAKo) metaphor depicts g1-ief
in strongly physical terms, t1nderlining the mot1rners' pain.
10 TAT}TE ... a1Twaa µ ,ivo1: the speaker tt1rns from Pericles ( 1 TlcpiKAEE),
6 w <piA') to the wider community of the be1Aeaved. TAT}TE, placed emphat
ically at the start of the line, picks up TAT)µocrvvT)v and reinforces its
necessity. yuva1KEiov ... a1Twaa µ Evo1 'thrusting aside womanly lament': a
strongly gendered rejection, exploiting the audience's ideology of male/
female = strong/weak, so that yvva1KEiov nEv6o) is denigrated as inferior
to KpaTEpT)v TAT)µocrvvT)v ('powerft1l endurance', 6). For women's essential
role in lamentation and otl1er mourning rituals, see Dillon 2002: 268-92.
Excessive grief is often 1-ejected as futile: cf. Il. 24.549-51 &vcrxEo, µT) 8'
cxAia<JTOV 68vpEO <JOV KOTCX 6vµ6v· I OU ycxp Tl TTPT)�El) CXKOXT)µEVO) VlO) ET)O), I
ov8E µ1v CXV<JTT)<JEl),
Archilochus I7a (Swift)

Source: P Oxy. 4708 fr. 1.
First published in 20<)5, the so-called Telephus Elegy is one of the most
significant discoveries of recent years, and it greatly expands our view of
Archilochus' elegiac poetry ( cf. Obbink 2005, 2006, West 2006, Aloni and
Iannucci 2007: 205-37, Nicolosi 2013: 123-48, 2016, Swift 2012, 2014,
2 o19). The surviving portion of the poem (twenty-four lines are restora
ble) is by far the longest piece of Archilochean elegy we have. Moreover,
it is the only surviving poem of Archilochus that tells a story drawn from
heroic myth; and it is the earliest known example of mythological na1Ta
tive in elegiacs (cf. Lulli 2011: 87-105). It treats the Achaeans' defeat at
the hands ofHeracles' son Telephus when they landed by mistake on the
Mysian, 1-athe1- than the T1-ojan, plain (cf. 9-1o Kai [nE8iov I fv1ucr� '?�, 2 1 yi)�
8' ETTCXTEVV Mvcri8a nvpo<p6p'?[v).
.Ai-chilochus' handling of the episode shows that both he and his
audience were well versed in the wider mythology of the Trojan War,
just as Homer exploited his audience's knowledge of events outside
the temporal frame of his narrative ( e.g. the initial Judgement of Paris:
Il. 24. 2 5-30). T he Teleph,1s incident itself is not covered by Homer
but featured in the later Cypr·ia, which told of events before the Iliad,
including Telephus' wounding by Achilles and his event,1al guiding
of the Achaeans to Troy in return for being healed (fr. 20 Be1-nabe).
Not only is A1-chilochus aware of the wider epic tradition, but his
COMMENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 17A
desc1-iption of the river Caicus suggests he may be exploiting his audi

ence's knowledge of the Iliad (see on lines 8-g below). Along with
heroic myth Archilochus deploys epic language: e.g. µoipa 61:&v (7), E1ti
6J�� 1TOAV<p A(?l<Jl301[0 6a/\O:<J<JT1S (10), EVK�17�[181:s 'Axa101 (12). The st1-ong
epic colou1-ing enhances the multiple i1-onies that pervade the poem:
these Greek heroes a1-e fighting the wrong war (1 5), in the wrong coun
try (16-17, 20-1 ), and against a fellow Greek (5, 22).
It is tempting to see a contempo1-ary resonance here, with Arcl1ilochus
reflecting on a recent military defeat suffered by his community, per
haps by Parian colonists on Thasos (cf. 2.1 - 2"!, 5.1 �I<) or in their struggle
against Naxos (treated in frr. 89, 94). If so, it is important that his por
trayal of the defeated Achaeans mixes mitigation (sometimes it is better
to retreat: cf. 5 �I<) with criticism (defeat is shameful). Thus the fragment
begins 'one need not call it weakness and cowardice, having to retreat,
if it is unde1- the co1npulsion of a god' (2-3), and goes on to insist 'so
greatly did the doom of the gods frighten them' (7), mitigating the
shame of the Achaeans' withdrawal. On the other hand, by emphasizing
Telephus' triumphant victory (e.g. 5-6 µ] ovvo$ �w�. . . I ... E<po�ricri: 1t0Auv
<JTPO""!""[ov' 24 KOKT)� [T] �[Tc <pv(:av kvopcras)' it reminds the audience of the
cost of defeat (see Swift 2012). However, even if there is no contempo
rary Parian reference, the poem's consideration of justifiable battlefield
conduct would be of intrinsic interest to any Archaic audience, not least
becat1se such audiences were largely composed of citizen-soldiers (see
Introdt1ction §4).
The surviving narrative begins with the point of comparison, flight
from battle (1 -4), then tells the story ofTelephus' victory (5-15, 22-5),
pausing to explain how the Achaeans ended up in Mysia in the first
place (16-21 ).The poem's focus on a defeated and fleeing a1-my makes
it less likely that it was written for civic performance, since large-scale
public elegies no1-1nally celebrate victories (cf. Tyrtaeus 4*, Simonides'
Plataea Elegy 1 0-16*; for a counter-view, see Bowie 2016b: 17-25, who
argues for original performance in the Heracleion of Thasos). With
its potential criticism of a recent military campaign, the poem would
be less controversial if it were pe1-fo1-med before a g1-oup of sympotic
hetairoi, while its partly consolatory effect (we had no choice bt1t to flee,
the gods were against us, etc.) would help offset the disgrace of defeat.
1-4 introduce the paradigmatic idea that to retreat is not necessarily an

act of cowardice. The question when it is legitimate to make a tactical
withdrawal is often debated in epic (e.g. fl. 8.139-56).
1 ]� p[o]iji[s, 'streams', may refer to the site of a recent battle fought
by the Parians (see the introduction above), creating a correspondence
with the battle fought by the Achaeans beside the river Caict1s.
66 COIVIMENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 17A
2-3 ei 6t] ... I ... i\i y e�[v 'but if [an army is driven back by] the
powerful compulsion of a god, there is no need to call it weakness and
cowardice'. 6eou ... &vcxyKf\S! the epic formt1la KpaTEpfj [s uTT' cxvayK17s is
strengthened by the addition of 6Eo0. &v]��[KEtT\ ]�... KaKOTf\Ta: Nestor
reassures Diomedes that retreat is acceptable, El TTEP yap cr' "EKTwp ye KaKov
Kai cxva/\K18a q>T)<JEl (Jl. 8.153).
4 e1 µ ]e6' ... cpu y eiv 'we hastened to flee the fighting'. For & f? [11]a
t1sed of combat, cf. µiµvoµEv o�vv &p17a TTap' cxAAT)Ao1cr1 µevovTES (Jl. 17 .721).
cpeuy [e1v... W PT\ 'but there is a time for fleeing': gnomic moralizing and
the repetition q>vyEiv• q>Evy[E1v reveal the speaker's attempt to rationalize
the disaster.
5 µ ]ouvo� �w�, placed at the start of the mythological battle narra
tive and in opposition to TTo/\uv <YTpa"f[6v], likens Telephus to a Homeric
war1ior engaged in an aristeia. '�PK�[ai6T\ S 'the descendant of A1�cas':
Telephus was related via his mother Auge to Areas, founder of Arcadia;
cf. [Hes.J Catalogue of Women fr. 165.8 TT)AEq>ov /\pKacri817v. The juxtaposi
tion 'A pK� [cri817s I 'ApyEiwv (5-6) underlines the Argives' mistaken attack
on a fellow Greek.
6-8 <?[u6' ETt... 1 ••• ,r�P. iovTe[s.] 'nor did those powerful men stand
firm ... warriors though they were': the Achaeans' failure is mitigated by
the parenthetic phrase �... �cpo��' 'so greatly did the doom of the gods
frighten them'. µ oi pa 6ewv, an epic phrase combining the presst1re of fate
as well as the gods, repeats the double causation of 6Eo0 KpaTEpfj[s uTT'
cxva yK'l7S (2).
8-9 iu ppei�s ... I .•. aTeive�o 'the Caicus with its beautiful streams
was stuffed with corpses as they fell'. Archilochus' use of the phrase vEKvwv
crTEivE�o may evoke the Iliadic scene where the rive1� Scamander asks Achilles
to kill the Trojans on the plain since he is crTE1v6µEvos VEKVEcrcr1 (21. 220).
Such a link between Telephus and Achilles would enhance our sense of
the Achaeans' mistake in attacking a fellow Greek 1�ather than the Trojans.
9-10 Ka1... I t-1ua�<?�, 'and so was the Mysian plain': Mysian, placed
first, points the ft1ndamental idea: they are in the wrong place.
10-15 describe the headlong flight of the Achaeans back to thei1� ships.
10 � �� ... 6ai\aaaT\s: Homeric formula (e.g. Il. 1.34), as with
EvK�T1�[18Es Axa1oi (12), highlights their unheroic behaviour.

11 xi p a'] ... iva1p o[ µ evo1 'slaughtered at the hands of a pitiless
man'. cx µ e1i\1KTou presents Telephus as the Achaeans see him (so too in
line 23) and encourages ot1r sympathy as they are killed b y an implac
able enemy.
12 1rp o]�po1rcx6T\v 'headlong': an apt word for a rout; cf. Il. 16.303-4
OU yap TTW Tl TpWES cxp17'iq>iAwv UTT' /\xa1wv I TTpOTpOTTa817v q>O�EOVTO µE/\OlVCXWV
cxTTo v17wv. <X "f!�Ki\1vov 'turned away', i.e. 'fled'.
13 cx] <?""TTcxa101, placed first, stresses the Achaeans' joy at escaping from
Telephus.
14 ,:rai6is . . . a6tA<pE<?� 'the sons and brothe1-s of immortals': the
Achaean heroes' semi-divine status (cf. Simon. 11.17-18�') magnifies
Telephus' victory.
14-15 [ous ... I .•. µax11aoµtv<?[us, 'whom Agamemnon was leading
to holy Ilios to wage war', takes us back to the origins (and goal) of the
campaign, preparing for the accot1nt of their wayward jot1rney ( 16-21).
16-21 describe how the Achaeans ended up in Mysia, foregrounding
their folly and dejection.
16 �Aacp6ivTES 0600: lit. 'impaired in their journey' (for the construc
tion, cf. Od. 1 .195 Tov ye 6coi 0i\cx-rrTovcr1 KEAEv6ov). The passive �i\cxcp6ivTES
may imply divine inflt1ence; cf. 1 6t:o0 KpcxTt:pfj [ s vrr' cxvcxyKTlS, 7 µotpcx 6cwv.
6[iv' evokes Troy ( cf. 6J�� -rroi\v<pi\<?icr001 [o 6cxi\cxcrcrris, 1 o), highlighting this
as the wrong beach.
17 Tt]u6pavTo�: Teuthras, king of Mysia, had adopted Auge when
she was exiled to Mysia, where she bore Telephus to Heracles; cf. [Hes.]
Catalogue of Women fr. 165.6-7. �f?aTflV ... "TT0A1v, 'the lovely city', reminds
us of the Mysians' blamelessness and the Achaeans' confusion. [tiaavif>av:
for the hostile sense, cf. OTE "li\1ov t:1crcxve0cx1vov I /\pyt:101 ( Od. 2.172-3 et al.).
18 t]':'�a •.• 6cxµ11aav 'and there, though breathing might, they were
•
themselves defeated'. [µ]�':'<?S "TTvtiov��: the epic formula (/l. 3.8 et al.)
captures their mistaken self-confidence, which is immediately overturned
(O'.VTO [i TE 8cxµricrcxv).
• •
19 Kcx]cpp[a6i]111 . . . <XK11X�[6aTo, 'and in their folly were greatly

•
dejected in their hearts', combines the Achaeans' error and their reac-
tion to defeat. <XK11X�[6aTo: 3rd pl. pluperfect of cxKcxxi�oµcx1, 'to be t1-ou
bled' (cf. Il. 17.637 01 -rrov 8t:0p' 6p6wvTES cxKriXi8cxT').
20-1 cp]1v[To] ... I au]��[a] 'for they thought they were attacking the
high-gated city of the Trojans right away'. eia[avaf>aivt1v I au]T,i�[a]: the
repeated ve1-b ( [t:icrcxve0cxv, 17) ma1-ks the Achaeans' deluded assault, cxv]
�-i�[cx] their disastrous haste. yfj':' ... Tiupocpo p<?[v 'but the land tl1ey were
treading was that of wheat-bearing Mysia'. E"TTCXTEvv: 3rd pl. imperfect of
rrcxTew. Tivpocpo p<?[ v contrasts with VI.Jl il"!"vi\ov (2o), opposing the war-monger
ing Achaeans to the peaceful and innocent Mysians.
2 2-5 return to the battle, describing Heracles' epiphany in support of
his son Telepht1s.
22 flv.Tfl<?"[t] 'came to face them', 3rd sg. aor. of cxvTcxw.
23 ou] pov ... [ "TT0A]�µ,[w1 'a pitiless guardian in the carnage of war'.
Epic ovpos ( cf. ovpos 'Axcx1wv, applied to Nestor, Il. 8.80 et al.) enl1ances
Telephus' p1-owess, while �µ, [t:]i�� [Tov], as in line 11, p1-esents the
Achaeans' view of their rampaging enemy.
68 COMMENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 17A, 19
24-5 8 $ ... I ... [-rrpo] tJ axo $ 'who, arousing cowardly flight in the
Danaans, pressed on in the front ranks'. ��".'�oia1: the t1se of all three
Homeric te1-ms, :Apycio1 (6), :Axo:1oi ( 12), and 110:vo:oi, intensifies tl1e epic
atmosphere, unde1-lining Telephus' heroism and the Achaeans' poten
tially shameful retreat (Ko:K�V. ... cp u�o:v, 24). [-rrpo] tJ axo $, like µoOvo) (5),
singles out Telepht1s' t1nique courage. -rraTpi xap1(�� [evos 'pleasing his
father': Heracles' pleasure in the Achaeans' defeat highlights once again
their deluded attack on a fellow Greek (cf. '�PK� [ 0-1817) I 'Apycic.uv, 5-6).
Ar·chiloclius I 9
Source: Plutarch, On Tranquillity of JV!ind 10.47ob-c.
Pluta1-ch cites these lines to st1pport the idea that tranquillity comes fi-om
not desiring things that are beyond one's status. According to Aristotle,
the lines were spoken by a figure called Charon the carpenter (Rh.
3.17.14 18b28). This detail is valuable, since it 1-eminds us not to read
the 'I' here, with its strongly worded p1-eferences, as expressing the views
of Archilochus himself (see Introduction §3). Nonetheless, Aristotle's
claim that Archilochus attributed these lines to someone else becat1se he
wanted to avoid being seen as 'inst1lting or rude' makes little sense in
view of Archilochus' reputation as a blame-poet and his readiness to use
invective elsewhere. On the contrary, by putting the rejection of Gyges'
wealth and power into the mot1th of a carpenter, an archetypal 'common
man' (whose name Charon is attested throughout the Greek world), the
speaker's endorsement of the simple life and contentment with one's lot
becomes more plausible and pe1-suasive. Cha1-on's rejection of Lydian gold
and absolute powe1- is indicative of Greek views of Nea1- Eastern cultu1-e.
Foreign luxury, elitism, monarchy, and ambition a1-e opposed to Greek
moderation and honest toil (cf.Xenoph.3:�, Thgn.5 1-2*). Of course, we
do not know the fragment's wider context, and it is possible that Charon's
rhetoric of simplicity was t1ndermined by subsequent remarks (Aristotle
says this was the beginning of the poem), whether by Charon himself or by
a narrator. For this technique, compa1-e Horace 's second bpode, whe1-e the
overblown praise of the simple cot1ntry life turns out to have been spoken
by the usurer Alfius, who never becomes a 1-ustic but returns to his ques
tionable city trade. Charon may have emerged as equally sanctimonious.
1 ou fJOt: the opening words set the tone for a strongly negative and per-
, , , , ,
sona1 statement ( ov" ...ovv ...ovv ...ouK; µ01 ... µE ...o:yo:10µ0:1 ...Epcc.u ...
>c;::) 'S:::'
o cp6o:i\µwv Eµwv). Ta ru yew is dismissive, 'Gyges' stuff'. TrOAuxpuaou: Gyges'

wealth was in large part due to the gold carried down from Mt Tmol11s by
the river Pactolus (cf.Hdt. 1.93.1). Herodotus describes the huge amount
of gold and silver offerings he sent to Delphi ( 1.14).For Archilochus and
COMMENTARY: ARCI-IILOCHUS 1 g, 42 69
his audience Gyges is evidently a bywo1-d for luxury and power, though
the poem could have been composed after his reign ( c. 687-652), since
Gyges endured in the Greek imagination as an archetypal foreign auto
crat. For Greek rejection of Lydian lt1xury, see on Xenoph. 3.1 * 6:f3poo-vva)
bE µa66VTE$ CXVG0<pcAEO$ TTapa /\v8wv.
2 ou6' ... (i;Aos 'no1- has envy eve1- seized me': the physical jolt of clAE
acknowledges the real temptations of wealtl1 and power. For the abso
lute ruler as an enviable figure, cf. e.g. Archil. 23.20-1 KciVT]$ &vao-o-E Kq:\
T[ vpav]viriv ex�. I TT[0 ]�[AoT]q[i 6Jri[V (]1J�G0TO$ &[ vepJc;>TTwV EO"Eq:1. Solon, a
champion of moderate rule (Sol. 6.3-4*, 9�', 11*, 36.20-2�1<), rejects the
temptations of ' tyranny' (32-3).
2-3 ou6' ... e pya, 'nor am I jealous of divine favour', acknowledges
the role played by divine assistance in human success, but 6Ewv spya also
implies that such favour may be withdrawn, with dangerous consequences
for the mortal who enjoys it.
3 fJEY<XA1'}S...TV pavvi6os 'and I don't desire great power': Tvpavvi$ is first
attested here (Tvpavvo) at Semon. 7.69�1<). The sense is 'dominion' or 'sole
power' rather than 'tyranny' (i.e. despotic rule), since the speaker is reject
ing the benefits enjoyed by Gyges. Nonetheless, a Greek audience would be
aware of the dangers of absolute power, so that the word comes freighted
with negative possibility, especially when applied to a foreign king.
4 cxnon po6Ev ... i µwv: lit. 'for [st1ch things] are far from my eyes',
i.e. 'for these are far beyond the sights of such as me'. The metaphor
distances Charon the carpenter from the world of Gyges, highlighting his
contentment with his ht1mble lifes tyle.
Archilochus 42-3
Archilochus' iambic poetry presents a va1-iety of e1-otic scenes, especially
in the trimeters, where tl1e description of sex organs and sex acts is par
ticularly gi-aphic, ranging from aroused vaginas (fr. 40) and penises ( 66)
to oral sex (42*, 44) and ejaculation (43*, 45); contrast tl1e artful sedt1c
tion and veiled language of the Cologne Epode ( 1 96a*). For the strik
ingly crude treatment of sex possible in iambus, see Introduction §1.
A,rchilocfius 4 2
Sou'rce: Athenaeus, Scholars at Dinne'r 10.447b.
A woman performs fellatio while being penetrated from behind. This was
a popular scene in Greek erotic art (see Kilmer 1993: 55, 114-17, 156-
7). Di-inking beer was considered characteristic of barbarians (cf. Aesch.
SufrPl. 952-3, where Pelasgus, king of Argos, calls tl1e Egyptians effeminate
for that reason), and here Archilochus gives the image 'barbarian sucking
beer th1-ough a straw' a characteristically lewd twist. Archilochus' erotic
COMMENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 42-3
scenes often portray all parties (male and female) apparently enjoying exu
berant sex: in fr. 41, for example, a woman bounces up and down 'like a
kingfisher flapping its wings on a protruding rock'. By contrast, the erotic
fragments that recall sex with Lycambes' daughte1-s are intended to shame
the women involved (188-91, 196a*). Here the possibility that the woman
is a prostitute (see below) will affect our interpretation of the scene.
1-2 wa-rrap ... i µ u(2 'sl1e was sucking like a Thracian or Phrygian man
[drinking] beer through a tube'. avAi:>1 likens the st1-aw to the equally
phallic tube of an aitlos, but since female aulos-players at symposia might
also be prostitutes (cf. Goldman 2015), the word enhances the innuendo.
(lpuTov: llStlally brewed from malted barley, beer was widely cons11med
throughout the ancient world, but largely disdained in wine-growing
Greece and Italy. i µ u(i: Xenophon reports seeing beer being sucked
(µv(;E1v) thi-ougl1 straws in Ai-menia: TovTovs [i.e. Tovs KaAaµovs] E8E1 6n6TE
TlS 814'G0lT) /\al36vTCX ElS TO O-Toµa µv(;ElV (An. 4.5.26-7).
2 Kv(l6a ... -rrovioµivf}: lit. 'she was bent forward and working hard'.
Kv(l6a is attested only in sexual contexts and always describes penetration
from behind ( e.g. Ar. 1nesm. 489), so the sense is 'she was hard at it,
engaged from behind as well'.riv -rrov2oµivf} = EnovETTo; for the periphrasis,
see Archil.1* Eiµi ...En10-TaµEvos.-rrovio µivf} has a sexual connotation too:
as in English, 'working girl' is a Greek euphemism for a prostitute (cf.
Archil.fr. 208, where Neobule is described as an EpyaT1s).The context will
have made it clear whether the woman is in fact a prostitute or is being
represented as willing to perform like one; the latter seems likelier, since
it is both more shocking and more titillating to a Greek male audience.
Archilochus 43
Sour'Ce: Etymologi,cum Gudianum i.230.15 de Stefani (1-3); Eustathius on
Hom. Od. 8.335 (p. 1597. 28) ( 2-3).
This fragment is formed from two overlapping quotations focusing on
oTpvyT)q>ayov ('grain-fed') and KT)Ac.vv ('stud') respectively (cf. West 1974:
1 24-5). Whereas epic typically t.1ses animal similes to reflect heroic prow
ess, iambt.1s often develops a cruder point of comparison, ranging from
the scatological (cf. Hippon. 9 2.10-15*) to the explicitly sexual. So here
the narrator compares a man's remarkable ejaculation to that of a donkey
kept for breeding. For the depiction of donkeys in G1-eek c11lture, includ
ing thei1- reputation for lust, see Semonides' 'donkey-woman' (7.43-9*).
1 11 6i oi ac:x6f} 'his cock': o-a6T) is a colloq11ial word, found elsewhere in

At-chilochus ( 25.3, 8 2.4) and in Aristophanes (Lys. 1119); o-a6c.vv was a
pet-name for baby boys.
COMMENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 43, 114
2-3 waT' ... I ... oTpuyT')cpcx you, 'flooded over like that of a Prienian
donkey, a stud fed on grain', combines several vivid details. ovou TTp1T')viws:
Priene, north ofMilett1s in Ionia, was prest1mably well known for its p1Aized
b1Aeeding stock. KT}Awvos (gen. of KT)Awv, a breeding donkey or stallion)
stresses the animal's (and the man's) exceptional potency. inAT}µupEv
(from TTAT]µvpEw, 'to be in flood, in ft1ll spate') likens the ejact1lation
to a raging rive1A or deluge, a humorous exaggeration characteristic of
male bragging. oTpuyT')cpayou st1ggests the prized animal's superior diet.
Male breeding donkeys ( or Jacks') fetched high prices (cf. G1iffith 2006:
222-4).
Archilochus I I4
Sourre: Dio Chrysostom, Discour-ses 33.17 (1 -4); Galen on Hippocrates, On

Joints, xviii (I) 604 Kuhn (1 + 3-4), p. 537 (3-4); Pollux, Vocabulary2.192 (4).
As in 5 ��, which dealt with glory versus self-preservation, this poem con
tinues a debate al1Aeady present in epic, namely how to distinguish true
heroic courage or moral worth from superficial appearance: cf. e.g. n.
3.43-5 (Hector to Paris) 'The long-haired Achaeans mt1st be laughing
ot1t loud, saying that with us a chieftain becomes a champion only for
his good looks, when there is no strength or courage in his heart'; Od.
8.176-7 (Odysseus to Euryalus) 'So it is with yot1: you have outstanding
looks - not even a god could make them better - but an empty mind.' So
here the iambic idea of mockery as something that gets under the sur
face of things to reveal the truth is turned against the tall, well-groomed
general, who merely looks the part. The narrator sides with the physically
unimpressive, but brave and 1Aeliable, general instead. A similar distinc
tion between physical appea1Aance and true courage in battle is made by
Tyrtaeus (12.1-12*). Archilochus also pokes fun at the aristocratic ideal
of the 'beautiful and good' man (KaAoKo:ya6os), an ideology in which
beauty, nobility, and excelle11ce go together. The poem is carefully strt1c
tured and self-contained; it may be complete. The dashing but useless
general is described purely in physical terms - height, gait, hairstyle, and
beard ( 1-2). The description of the second rebuts these apparent advan
tages by distinguishing between mere appearance and actt1al ability: let
him be small and bandy-legged so long as he has courage (3-4). The
trochaic metre promotes the creation of a popular Everyman persona
(see Introduction §5).
1-2 OU ••• ou6e •.• I ou6e .•• ou6': the series of negatives underlines tl1e
speaker's rejection of external features and the dandy general's reliance
upon them. ou cp1Aiw, placed fi1Ast, draws attention to his pe1Asonal evalua
tion. 61anEnA1yµivov, 'who struts around' (perf. part. of 81a1TAicrcroµa1, 'to
COMMENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 114, 17 2-81
stand 01- walk with legs apart' (LSJ)), contrasts with cxcrcpaAEc.us �c�17Kws TTocrcri
(4). �oaTpuxo1a1 yaupov 'proud of his curls': cf. Eur. Or: 1532 (Orestes on
Menelaus) ex/\/\' lTW �av0oTs ETT' w µwv �OCYTpvxo1s yavpovµcvos. UTTE�UPfllJEVOV,
'paiAtly shaven' (perf. part. pass. of vTTo�vpcxw), suggests a dainty beard of
some kind. The description has moved from the man's size (µEyav) and
stride ( 81aTTcTTA1yµEvov), which are at least potentially t1seful in battle, to
his hai1A and beard, which are purely symbols of his vanity.
3 aµ1Kpos: cf. Il. 5.801 (Athena reb11kes Diomedes) Tv8cvs Tot µ1Kpos
µEV E'l7V 8Eµas, cx/\/\a µax17TT)S.
3-4 TTEpi ... I potKos 'bandy-legged to look at round the shins':
Galen quotes these lines (see above) to ill11strate the point that people
who are bandy-legged are harder to knock over, an attribute illustrated
here by cxcrcpaAEc.us �c�17Kws TTocrcri. i6t'iv underlines tl1e gap between
appea1Aance and reality. aacpaAiws ••. TToaai 'standing fi1Am on his feet':
a soldier's ability to stand firm in battle was crucial to the group men
tality and collective ethics of phalanx warfare, and is regularly extolled
in martial elegy: cf. Callin. 1 .2 0-1 *, Tyrt. 11 .21-2, 12.16-22*. The
short general's stability implies a commitment to the common good,
in contrast to the tall general's self-obsession and preening. Kap6i 11s
TTAiws 'full of guts': the final phrase seals the short general's s1 1peri
ority and reinforces the poem's fundamental distinction between real
merit and external show.
Ar·chilochus I 7 2-8 I
This epode, composed in alternating iambic trimeters and dimeters,
used the fable of the fox and the eagle to demonstrate the treachery of
Lycambes, who had b1Aoken a promise to give one of his daughters in mar
riage to Archilochus (for their fictional feud, see the introduction above).
The surviving fragments suggest that Archilochus' version of the fable was
close to that found in the later Aesopic collection (Fab. 1 Perry). In this
a (female) fox and (male) eagle became f1Aiends. 011e day wl1en the fox
was away, the eagle carried off the fox-cubs to feed his chicks. Unable to
reach the eagle's nest and avenge her young, the fox c11rsed the eagle.
Soon afte1Awards the eagle snatched a piece of b11rnt offering from an
altar and brought it back, unaware that the meat contained a spark, which
set fire to the nest, killing his chicks. They fell to the ground and the fox
devoured them as the eagle looked on.
Archilochus specifies that there are two eaglets (175�!{), correspond
ing to the two daughters of Lycambes, making it clear that Lycambes'
betrayal will have disastrous consequences for him and his family. The
fox's appeal to Zeus fo1- justice (177*) guides us to sympathize with
A1-chilochus' undeserved suffering. The killing of the fox-cubs (175*)
COMl\tIENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 172 73
symbolizes Lycambes' destruction of the ma1-1-iage agreement (173*),

while the death of the eagle's chicks (179-80*) looks forward to the sui
cide of Lycambes' daughters ( cf. Archil. f1-. 45, P. Dublin inv. 193a). The
audience, aware of the wide1- Lycambid song cycle (cf. 33, 38, 48, 54, 60,
71,118,196a*, 197), will have appreciatedA.i- chilochus' skilled use of the
fable to explore important ethical issues, especially the abuse of friend
sl1ip and the betrayal of oaths. Similar themes are explored in the sto1� of
the eagle and the snake in Etana, an Akkadian poem whose oldest version
dates to the seventeenth centt11� Be; there too the eagle breaks a vow of
friendship, devours the snake's young, and is punished after an appeal
for divine vengeance (for its possible influence on the Greek fable of the
eagle and the fox, see West 1997: 502-5, Correa 2007: 104-5).
Archilochus often exploits his audience's knowledge of animals to pro
duce allt1sive and compressed imagery: 'The fox knows many tricks, the
hedgehog only one - but it's a big one' (f1-. 201). Here, as in the Fox and
Eagle Epode, Archilochus identifies himself with the apparently weaker
animal who ends up besting his enemy. The hedgehog's 'one big thing'
is to curl up into a spiky ball, and the parallel with the narrator is made
explicit elsewhere: 'But one big thing I know: to pay back with terrible
harm the one who harms me' (fr. 126). The message is clear: if anyone
tries to ht1rt Archilochus, not only can he protect himself, but he can do
so (like the hedgehog) in a way that will cause his enemy pain - including,
it is implied, by producing abusive poetry about him. Thus in the Fox
and Eagle Epode the poem itself becomes a means of 1-evenge, exacted
through the offender's children. The epode simultaneot1sly shames the
oath-breaker Lycambes and presents Archilochus' attack as morally jus
tified. Whether performed at the syrriposion or in a more public (e.g. fes
tival) context, Archilochus' poems abot1t the Lycambids presented an
evolving and engaging d1-ama of sex and seduction, betrayal and 1-evenge,
and were able to explore a wide variety of social norms and ethical values
(cf. Carey 1986).
Archilochus I 7 2
Sottr'Ce: Scholiast on Hermogenes, Rhetore,5 Gr·aeci vii.820.17 Walz ( 1-4);
Hephaestion, On Poems 7.2 ( 1-2).
This was probably the beginning of the poem; together with 173* it out
lines Lycambes' offence, which motivates the telling of the fable (begun
in l 74*).
1 TT<XTEP ... T66e 'Father Lycambes, what on earth did you mean by this?'
The vocative and direct question create urgency and drama, casting tl1e
audience into the midst of the feud. naTep: the opening word introduces
74 COMMENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 172-3
one of the epode's central themes, Lycambes' failure as both a father and
prospective father-in-law.v\That is usually a term of respect and endear
ment becomes here a reb11ke.noiov expresses surprise and indignation,
as in vario11s epic form11lae,e.g. noiov Tov µv6ov EElTTES; (addressed six times
by Hera to Zeus in the Iliad). i q,paaw: 2nd sg. ao1-. of <ppa(oµa1, 'think,
intend'.
2-3 Tis . . . I ... 11P11PEta6a 'who has unhinged your wits, once so
sound?' Enjambment enhances the speaker's tone of outraged disbe
lief. The assonance of napT)ElpE (31-d sg. aor. of napaEipw) and flpT)pE1cr6a
( 2nd sg. pluperf. of &papicrKw, lit. 'with wl1ich you had been fixed in
place') stresses the idea of things coming apart. Lycambes' folly ends up
destroying his da11ghters,just as the eagle's destroys his chicks ( 179-80*).
f}tS (Ionic) = ais.
3-4 vvv ... I ... yi1'ws 'now you turn out to be a big laughing-stock
fo1- tl1e townsfolk': public mockery isolates Lycambes f1-om the wider
comm11nity (cxcrToio-1), who implicitly share Archilochus' evaluation.vvv
6i contrasts with TO npiv. cpaivEat, lit. 'you are seen to be', emphasizes
Lycambes' exposure.yi1'ws: the final word seals Lycambes' humiliation;
for the power of public ridicule,cf.Archil.196a.3 4 * yEi] Too-1 xapµ' ecroµa1,
Semon.7.73-4* TOlaUTT) yvv11 I ElO"lV 81' CXO"TEOS TTCXO"lV cxv6pc.0no1s yEAGvS.
Archilochus I 73
Source: Origen, Against Celsus 2 .21.
Archilochus continues to address Lycambes, making it clear why he has
beco1ne an object of ridicule (yEAws,17 2.4��).By exposing his oath-breaking
(opKov ... µEyav) and his ab11se of the bonds of commensality (&Aas ...
TpanE(av), A.i-chiloch11s emphasizes Lycambes' contempt for the comm11-
nity's fundamental moral p1inciples.
1 opKov ... µiyav 'you t111-ned your back on the great oath': the epic
phrase 'great oath' (e.g. Il. 9.13 2 Eni 8E µEyav opKov 6µovµa1) elevates
the seriousness of the broken betrothal. As Swift 2019 notes ad loc.,
the word order is significant, since the verb expressing Lycambes' dis
honesty (Evocr<picr6 T1s) comes between opKov and µEy av and breaks the
'great oath' apart. a1'.as ... TpanE(av, 'sworn by salt and table' (lit. 'and
on salt and table'), refers to the bonds of friendship created by shared
sympotic dining. In other wo1-ds, the father and prospective son-in
law's marriage agreement was also a sympotic alliance, and Lycambes'
perjury has destroyed the l1armony of the hetaireici (cf. Gagne 2009).
a1'.as: acc. of &Aas, aTos, To, = &As. 'Salt and table' became proverbial
fo1- the social bonds of sha1-ed meals: cf. Dern.19.189 nov 8' aAES: nov
TpanE(a; nov crnov8ai;
COIVIMENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 174-5 75
Archiloch,us r74
Sour·ce: He1�ennius Philo, On the Dffferent Meanings of Words 32 (p. 142
Palmieri).
With Lycambes' treachery laid bare (172-3*), Archilocl1us begins the
fable of the fox and the eagle.
1 aivo s ... 86e 'there is a fable men tell': aivos ('tale') is used of stories
n.
that have an implicit message for the addressee (e.g. 23.652 ETTci TTcxvT'
aivov ETTEKAVE N 17AE°t6ao, where Nestor's account of his youtl1ful victories
confirms Achilles' gift of a prize). It is particularly associated with animal
fable: Hesiod introd11ces his fable of the hawk and the nightingale vvv 6'
aivov �acr1AEvcr1v EpEw cppovEovo-1 Kai avToi's ( vVD 202), and Archilochus his
fable of the fox and the monkey EpEw T1v' vµ1v aivov, w K17pvKi617 (fr. 185).
aivo s ... cxv6p w-rrwv is nicely ambiguous, since wl1at follows is not only a
tale 'told by men', but also 'about men', as fable uses its animal characters
to explore human behaviour and morality (cf. 177 .4 * v�p1s TE Kai 6iK 17).
�-3 ws ... I t µe1�av 'of how a fox and an eagle joined in partnership':
the language emphasizes fellowship (�vvEwvi 17v) and unity (MµE1�av), under
lining the eagle's (and Lycambes') betrayal of friendship. KaieTos (crasis) =
Kai atETos. �uvewvi'l"} v (= Attic Ko1vwviav), attested only here; the importance
of partnership is echoed in Aristophanes' acco11nt of the fable, which also
stresses its disastro11s results: opa vvv, ws EV A1crw1Tov A6yo1s I EcrTiv Aey6µEvov 6-ri
TI, TT)V o:AwTTex', ws I cpAavpws EK01vwv 17crEv a1ETw1 TTOTE (Birds 651-3). The phrase
�vvEwvi 17v MµE1�av also has connotations of marriage and sexuality (cf. LSJ
Ko1vwvia and µeiyvvµ1), suggesting the marriage agreement sworn and subse
quently broken by Lycambes, to the detriment of his daughters (see 19 6 a*).
Archilochus r75
Sour-ce: P Oxy. 2315 fr. 1.
This fragment describes the eagle's return to his eyrie, carrying the fox
cubs, whom he feeds to l1is chicks. The repeated emphasis on the eagle's
young (1 TTai'] 6�s, 3 o:TTT] f)vEs, 5 veocro-1111) foreshadows the ruin of his (and
Lycambes') own family.
1-3 is ... 1- •• 6vo 'bringing to his children ... and the two fledglings fell
upon an unlovely feast': TTai'] 6�s and 6ai] "'!"a a1�e usually applied to humans
and their meals, not animals, and their likely use here highlights both
the anthropomorphic nature of the animals tl1emselves and the fable's
applicability to Archilochus' and Lycambes' human situation. cx-rrT]ijves,
lit. 'without wings', stresses the chicks' dependence on their parents: cf.
n. 9.323-4 ws 6' opv1s CXTTTT)O"l VE00"0-010"1 1TpO<pEp 17 1cr1 I µcxcrTaK' ElTEl KE /\cx� 171cr1,
COMMENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 175-7
KaKws 8' &pa oi TT�i\E1 avTfit. 6uo is an important detail (not present in the
Aesopic version), since it corresponds to the two daughters who will suffer
as a result of their fatl1er's treachery (see the introduction to 172-81 *).
4-5 yii[s ] ... I ... vEoaa1ii1 'on the land's high crag [where they had
their] nest': their location explains why the fox was t1nable to reach the
eagles and get her revenge. (The Aesopic version has a very tall t1�ee.)
�41111'w1 �[ayw1: a likely restoration based on 176.1 * KEivos V 4'T]i\6s TTayos.
vEoaa1ii1: lit. 'a nest of young birds'.
6 npou611 K�, 'he set before', probably refers to the meal being se1�ed
to the eaglets.
6-9 �,;v �[' aAwnEKa ... cpw��[6: if West's supplement and restoration
are right, the focus now turns to the fox's reaction as she realizes her cubs
have been snatched from tl1e 'fox-hole' (cpwi\cx[8). • •
Archilochus I 76
Source: Atticus fr. 2 (p. 41 des Places).
The fox soliloquizes, expressing her frustration at not being able to reach
the eagle's nest. Some (e.g. Campbell 1982 ad loc.) think these words
spoken by a third animal to the fox, but there is no trace of such a figure
in the fable, and it wot1ld mt1ddy the clear analogy between fox/eagle and
Archilochus/Lycambes.
1 KEivos ... ncx yos, 'that high crag', stresses once again the inaccessibility
of the nest (cf. 175.4* � 4'rii\&11T[cxyw1).
2 TP 11XVS ... na1'iyKoTos, 'rough and hostile', personifies the crag as
harshly opposed to the fox's 1-evenge plans.
3 iv ... µcxx11v 'there he sits, 1nocking you1� assault'. i1'acppi(wv ('mak
ing light of, scorning') expresses the eagle's cruel contempt for the fox's
plight, as he thinks himself safe from punishment.
Archilochus I 77
Source: Stobaeus 1.3.34.
Powerless to avenge herself, the fox prays to Zeus for justice. Whereas
Hesiod presents justice as unique to l1umans and given to them by Zeus
to distinguish them from animals ( 1¥.D 276-90), Archilochus deploys
the fable's conventional moral parallelism between human and animal
worlds. The fox's solemn prayer makes clear that 8iKTJ is something ani
mals should respect, and presents Zeus as the guardia11 of moral order for
hu1nans and animals alike. The fox's langt1age aligns he1- with t1-aditional
piety, preparing for the eagle's punishment, wl1ich he brings upon him
self by an act of sacrilege (see fr. 179-80*).
COIVIMENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 177-9 77
1 w ZEu, Tr<XTEP ZEu: the repeated vocatives are characteristic of urgent

prayers (compare Hipponax's parodic f1-. 38, 'O Zeus, father Zeus ... why
have you not given me lots of money?'), while ncxTEP echoes the opening
address to ncxTEp /\vKcxµ�a (172 .1 �'), foreshadowing Zet1s's punishment of
the eagle/Lycambes.
1-3 aov ... I au ... I ... aoi: polyptoton t1nderlines Zeus's supreme
power and the certainty of his justice. The effect is enhanced by split
ting Zeus's domain into the separate levels of gods (oupavoO KpcxTos-, 1 ),
humans (En' av6pwnwv, 2), and animals (6ri piwv, 3).
2 en' ... o p a1s, 'you oversee' (tmesis), emphasizes Zeus's omniscience
and concern for justice; E<p opcxw is often used in contexts where transgres
sions are punished: cf. Od. 13.213-14 ZEvs- cr<p Eas- TEicra1To 1KETT)<J1os-, os- TE Kai
&AAovs- I cxv6pwnovs- E<popcxl Kai TElVVTal, OS" TlS" aµcxpTTJ l, 17 .485-7 Kai TE 6Eoi
... I ... cxv6pc.0TTG0V u�p1v TE Kai EUVoµiriv E<pOpWVTE5".
3-4 AEw py a Kai 6EµlaTCX ... v� p1s TE Kai 6iKT'}! the 'wicked and lawful'
deeds of humans are balanced by the 'violence and justice' of animals,
st1-essing the moral equivalence between the two worlds and justifying the
fox's appeal for the eagle's pt1nishment (and, by implication, Archilocht1s'
prediction of Lycambes' destruction).
Archilochus I 7 8
Source: Porphyry on Homer, Iliad 24.315.
The phrase µT) TEV µEAaµnuyov TVXTJ lS" ('in case you encounter one that
is black-rumped') is quoted as a proverb meaning 'watch out you don't
encounter someone strong and powerful' (Hesych. µ 1 277, II.664 Latte),
and this would suit a scene where the fox warns the eagle that he is not
immune f1-om retribution.
TEu: Ionic gen. = T1vos-. µEAaµnuyou: black-1umped eagles were thought
fiercer than the white-rumped variety (cf. Ar. Lys. 802-3 µEAcxµnv- I y6s- TE
Tots- EX6poi's- &nacr1v): the fox is warning the eagle that he may meet with
someone stronger who will in turn destroy him. The eagle is the bird most
closely associated with Zeus ( cf. Aesch. Ag. 114-1 5, oiwvwv �acr1AEvs- �acr1AEOcr1
vE- I wv, 6 KEAa1vos- o T' E�6n1v apycxs-, where both the black- and white-tailed
eagle symbolize Zeus's punishment of Troy), and so it is appropriate that
Zeus turns out to be 'the black-rumped one' who exacts the fox's revenge.
Archilochus r79
Sour'Ce: Etymologi,curn Gen inuma 187 (cod. B), Symeonisa 256, Magnum a 462.
1u
The f1-agment desc1-ibes a second meal bi-ought by the eagle to his chil
dren (cf. 175�"), but this one is ai TJ VES", 'grievous, harmful', because it will
set fire to the nest and kill the chicks.
COMMENTARY: ARCHILOCI-IUS 179-81
np ou61')KE . . . cpipwv: the verbs deliberately echo the earlie1� meal

( 175.1-6:� q>epwv ...TTpov6ri Kc), \Vhere the eagle served up the fox-ct1bs
for dinner, making clear tl1e mo1�a1 symmetry involved in the st1bseqt1ent
destruction of the eagle's children.na1ai 6rinvov: the anthropomorphic
language (cf. 175.1-2 :� ES TTai'] 8�s ... I ... 8aT] �a) t1nderlines the rele
vance of the scene to the ht1man behaviour it reflects (i.e.the treachery
of Lycambes).
Archilochus 180
Sour-ce: Scholiast on Aristophanes, Acha-rnian,5 279.
The fragment refers to a piece of meat which the eagle has stolen from a
sacrifice (for the full Aesopic narrative, see the introduction to 172-81 *).
The theft confi1-ms the eagle's contempt for piety and mo1-ality (com
pare the wicked weasel-woman of Semon. 7.56* &evcrTa 8' ipcx 1Toi\i\aK1s
KaTccr6ic1), while the fact that the death of the eagle's chicks springs from
a 1-eligious ceremony frames the eagle's punishment as a 1-esponse to the
fox's prayer (fr. 177*) and underscores the gods' role in ensuring justice.
nupos ... <pE4'CXAu� ' (there was) a spark of fire in it'.
Archilochus 181
Sourr;e: P Oxy. 2316.

This fragment describes the reaction of the fox to the killing of her cubs,
and so belongs near 176* and 177* (very likely between them, before the
fox's prayer in 177*: see on lines 4-6 and 1 2 below). West (1974) 134
takes it to port1-ay the eagle's 1-eaction to the burning nest, but this goes
against the account of Atticus, who quotes 176* and paraphrases 181.1 1*
i\a141ri pcx Ku]��0cras TTTcpa ('circling on nimble wings') in the context of
the fox's inability to fly up to the nest to take her 1�evenge.
4-6 µ]�y' ... I ... �µ11xavov, 'recognized the great disaster ... [in her/
my] heart ...helpless', emphasizes the fox's frustration at not being able
to reach the high crag (the focus of 176*). 11ri6r1: the subject could be the
fox or perhaps (in preparation for 177*) Zeus.
8-11 µrµv11µivos ... I ... KAuaas ... I ... Ku]K?\waas: the masculine
• • • •
participles must refer to the eagle, so the fox is most likely speaking again
(cf. 176-7*), complaining of the eagle's bet ayal. µrµv11µivos, 'mindft1l',
r
•
may recall the eagle's failure to be 'mindful' of their alliance (�vvcwviriv,

174.2*). KAuaas (aor.pa1-t.of KAvsw, 'wash away, purge'), is 1netaphorical (cf.
Eu1-. IT1193 66:i\acrcra KAvscl TTO'.VTa TCXV6pc.01TWV KaKa)' emphasizing the impos
sibility of the eagle 'washing away' his guilt. Ki]��u6ov ... I ... TrTEpcx, 'a path
swiftly through the air, circling on nimble wings', laments the eagle's escape.
COMMENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 181, 1 g6A 79
12 aos ... EA"TTETat 'but your heart expects': the likeliest sense is 'but
you expect to get away unpunished', a d1-amatic direct address to the
eagle, leading neatly into the fox's prayer fo1- justice (177*).
Archiloch'us I 9 6a
Sour-ce: P. Colon. 58.1-35 (= KolnerPapyri inv. 7511).
One of the most important papyrological finds of the last centt1ry, first
published in 1974, the so-called (first) Cologne Epode is the longest sur
viving fragment of Archilocht1s' poetry (cf. Merkelbach and West 1974,
Campbell 1976, Hende1-son 1976, Rosier 1976, Slings 1987, Latacz 1992,
Hedreen 2006: 295-8, Nicolosi 2007, Eckerman 2011, Swift 2015a). It
dramatizes a significant moment in his relationship with the family of
Lycambes (fo1- this song cycle, see the int1-oduction above). Whe1-eas the
Fox and tl1e Eagle Epode attacked Lycambes for his betrayal of the mar
riage contract (173��), presenting him as 'a big laughing-stock for the
townsfolk' (172.3-4*), the Cologne Epode exacts revenge by having the
narrator claim to have had sex with both Lycambes' daughters, destroying
the family's reputation completely. Archilochus rejects his former fiancee,
Neoboule, as 'overripe' (26) and promisct1ot1s ('she makes friends with
many men', 38) and seduces her younger sister instead.
The poem is both shocking and titillating: not only does the young
woman try to pimp her elder sister (3-8), bt1t she also betrays her by
having sex with her former fiance, while the male narrator gets his way
and achieves sexual climax with the desirable and virginal young girl
(TTap6evov, 42). As in Archil. 5 *, where the narrator throws away his
shield, here the poetic persona acts in a disgraceful manne1-, negotiat
ing extra-marital sex with a free-born girl. The end of the poem is simul
taneously explicit and ambiguous: 'I released my white force, touching
he1- blonde hair' (52-3). This creates suspense and interest among the
audience (tipsy men at drinking parties, or boisterous festival crowds),
who are encouraged not only to speculate among themselves as to
exactly what happened, but also to look forward to the next raunchy
instalment in the tale of Lycambes and his daughte1-s. However, such
iambic invective is not merely titillating, for it also encodes basic moral
values for an Archaic Greek audience - as here concerning the keeping
of promises, the importance of policing the chastity of t1nmarried girls,
and the value of sexual restraint (mainly for women, of course, to st1it
the double standards of a patriarchal society). The audience can enjoy
the frisson of shocking behaviour while disapproving the violation of
sexual no1-ms.
The structure of the encounter (the female at first resists, a compro
mise is agreed, sex takes place) is similar to that found in other seduction
80 COMMENTARY: ARCI-IILOCHUS 1 g6A
scenes, most famously the so-called 'Deception of Zeus' in the fliad, where
Hera acts coy while in fact provoking Zeus to have sex with her right away
(14.313-51). The adaptability of this 'type scene' in early epic is shown,
for example, by Od. 6.149-85, where Odysset1s deft1ses the sexual threat
he poses to Nausicaa and looks forwa1-d to her happy marriage to another
man, and HHAphr. 81-167, where Aphrodite poses as a demure young vir
gin in order to seduce a wary Anchises; cf. Forsyth 1 979, Faulkner 2008:
161-234, Swift 201 5a: 3-10. Like Homer and the poet of the Hymn to
Aphr·odite, Archilocht1s plays with the conventions of the sedt1ction scene
to suit his own ends (especially the disgrace of Lycambes' daughters):
rather than being sexually modest the young woman offers her own sister
in her place, while the male speaker mixes praise of his would-be conquest
with invective against his former love1-. The poem's setting, a blossoming
meadow, similarly engages with the conventions of Greek erotic poetry,
where vi1-ginal gi1-ls (e.g. Pe1-sephone or Eu1-opa) a1-e approached while
picking flowers. Archilocht1s uses the conventional fantasy landscape of
the fertile meadow to enhance his own skills and st1ccess as a seducer (see
on 42-4 below).
The fragment begins in the midst of a speech by the young woman in
which she deflects the narrator's advances and advertises another woman
instead. A clue to what came before this is supplied by fr. 196 a.AAa µ'
6 Avcr1µcA17s wTaTpc 8aµvaTa1 n66os ('but limb-loosening desire overpowers
me, my friend'). Since this fragment, a hemiepes followed by an iambic
dimeter catalectic, overlaps with the metre of fr. 196a* (iambic trime
ter alternating with hemiepes and iambic dimeter), it is possible that the
poem began with Archilocht1s addressing a male friend, confessing that
he is ove1-come with desire, then telling a story (196a*) to explain how
this condition arose (cf. Bowie 2001b: 17-18). In any case, the surviving
lines represent one of the most significant examples of erotic narrative
in G1-eek poetry, with the male speaker flattering the young woman and
promising to follow her lead ( 'I shall do as you bid me', 19) and the audi
ence implicated in a sexual act that is deliberately enigmatic and trans
gressive (see on 52-3 below).
1-8 The fragment begins during a speech by the yo11ng woman in which
she rejects and 1-edirects the man's sexual advances. Though only partially
preserved, lines 1 -2 'holding off co1npletely ... endure just the same'
strongly suggest that she began by advising 1-est1-aint, before then suggest
ing (3-8) that if he really must have sex right away, she knows of another
'maiden' (nap6Evos, 5) who will oblige. The scenario humorously inverts
the traditions of didactic poetry, as here the speaker is not an older wise
adviser, but a young woman who instructs an older man how to satisfy l1is
lust.
COMMENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 196A 81
1 cxnoaxoµEvos: for the verb used of abstention from sex, cf. Il.
14.206-7 (as Hera plots he1- seduction of Zeus) fi8ri yap 811pov xp6vov
O'./\/\fl/\c.0V 0'.1TEXOVTOl I cvvfis Kai cplAOTllTOS, E1Tci xoAos Eµ1Tc<Yc evµw1.
2 Iaov 6t To�µ,[: for endurance in an erotic context, cf. Sapph. 31.17
a/\Aa 1TCXV TOAµaTov.
3 E� • • • i6ut1, 'but if you are in a 1-ush and your heart urges you on',
depicts the man as incapable of controlling his desire for sex, a charge
which he seeks to defuse in his reply by implying that there are alternative
'pleasures' (13) available and by rejecting 'hasty' sex (40 E1Tc1y6µcvos ~ 3
E1Tciyca1) with the girl's sister, Neoboule.
4 iv 11fJETep ov (with 01Kc.01/86µc.01 understood), 'in our house', alerts
the audience to the shocking idea that the 'maiden' on offer is the girl's
own sister.
5-6 fi ... I ... nap6evos, 'a maiden, beautiful and tende1-, who now
greatly desires [a man]', simultaneously advertises the woman's beauty
and her sexual appetite. TEp E1va, often used of flowers and leaves (cf. Il.
13.180 TEpcva cpvAAa, Od. 9.449 TEpcv' &veca 1Toiri s), is the first of many
words in the poem that relate the world of nature and natural fertility to
female beatlty and sextlality (cf. 23-4, 26-7, 39-41, 42-3, 46-7).
6-7 6oKew ... I ... EXE1v 'I think she has a faultless figure': the claim
will be strongly rebutted by the man (26-8). By insisting on her sister's
'fatlltless' appearance, the girl prompts the audience to foctls on her far
from faultless character.
8 TT}V ••. <piAT)v 'make her your friend': as the man points out, how
ever, the problem is that everyone does: 'she makes friends with many
men' (38).
9-41 The seduce1-'s speech answe1-s in detail each of the young wom
an's arguments. Whereas she advised abstinence, he suggests a compro
mise (13-24); and although she offered her own sister, the man rejects
her as not only past her prime but also as mo1-ally degraded (24-41).
10-12 J\ µq,1µt6ous ... I ... yvva1Kos 'daughte1- of Amphimedo, that
good and ... lady': women are llStlally identified via their m.ale relatives
('daughter/siste1-/wife of x'), so the speake1-'s choice is pointed. By prais
ing the young woman's late mother, the speake1- ingratiates himself and
links the girl's character to that of her 'good' parent, while the omission
ofLycambes reminds the audience of his treachery (f1T. 172-81 *). fi� ...
E[XEl 'whom the mouldering earth now holds'. KaT' ••• E[XEl (tmesis):
from KaTEXc.0, 'hold fast'. tu pwtaa', an epic epithet t1sed only of Hades,
ties in with the natural imagery used of the female body throughout the
poem (e.g. 6 TEpc1va, 23-4 -n:<? ri [cp6povs I K]�1Tous, 26 1TE1TE1pa, 27 &v] eos
1Tap6cvfl"iov) and subtly 1-eminds the add1-essee of the decay that awaits
every l1uman body, thereby encouraging a carpe diem approach to sexual
pleast1re.
COMMENTARY: ARCI-IILOCHUS 1 g6A
13-15 The male speaker 1-eassures the girl that penetrative sex (a cer
tain source of shame and ruin to an unmarried woman) is not the only
option. T]i p4'1is .. • I • .. cxv6[ pcxa1v 'many are the pleasures which the god
dess offers yot1ng men': the speaker's foct1s on male pleasure reveals his
true motives. 6Efis: Aphrodite, whose domain is sexual desire and pleasure
n.
(e.g. 14.197-21o). -r_ra p i:� ... x pfiµa: lit. 'apart from the divine thing', a
striking euphemism for sex, whose use here is meant to communicate the
man's delicacy and decency. To 6Eiov xpfiµa: Plato's Diotima calls human
procreation a 6Eiov TTpayµcx (Symp. 206c). Twv ... cx pKiaE[1, 'one of these
will suffice', reinforces l1is attempt to seem moderate and reasonable.
16-18 The speaker looks forward to 'leisurely discussion' (e<p ' r,crvxi ri s
. . . r,ovi\EvcroµE�) of the other options (T]cxvTcx refers back to 13-15) once
night has fallen (EvT' &v µEi\cxveri [). The implication is that they should
satisfy themselves 1ight away and talk about their relationship later. EuT' av
µEAav6 11[ 'when ... g1-ows da1-k': tl1e likeliest supplement is 'night' or 'sky',
e.g. µEi\cxv6f\ [1 vu�, 6µov (Page), µ. y' ECJTTEpos (Burzacchini), µ. 817 ovpcxv6s
(Austin); cf. Handley 2007: 97-9. e]yw TE Kai au unites the two as a cou
ple, suggesting the male speaker's honourable intentions, an effect fur
ther enhanced by crvv 6Ew1, 'with god's help'.
19 n]Eiaoµa1 ... KtAEat, 'I shall do as you bid me', reasst1res the woman
that she will remain in control. By presenting himself as subservient to
her will, the speaker exerts a st1btle pressure, encouraging her to grant his
subsequent request for some form of sexual activity (20-4).
20-4 The man's euphemistic and highly metaphorical language -
which draws on building (6p]1yKou, TTV/\Ewv), seafaring (crx-ricrw), and
nature (,:r<;rr1 [<popovs K]�TTovs) - is intended to downplay the indecency of
his (extra-marital) acts. 6 p ]1y Kou ... nu?\iwv, 'under the coping-stone and
the gates', i.e. the pubic bone and vagina, may suggest intercrt1ral sex.
6p1yK6s and TTvi\ri can also refer to the anus (cf. Ar. Thesm. 60, Lys. 1163),
but penetrative sex of any kind seems an unlikely compromise. µ],; . . .
q,i?\11, 'do not begrudge it, my dear', casts the speaker as merely asking for
a small favour (T1) in return for his ceding ultimate control to her ( 1 g).
ax11aw ... I K]1Jnous, 'I shall steer towards the grassy gardens', i.e. towards
the pubic l1air. Whether he keeps his p1-omise is never made clear: see on
53 below �cxv6f\s e1T141cxv [wv Tp1x6s ( 'touching her blonde hair').
24-41 The man's rejection of Neoboule continues the use of nature
imagery, but here it is used to attack a wo1nan's sexuality - Neoboule has
lost he1- 'maidenly flowe1-' (27), he1- children would be 'the bitch's blind
and prematu1-e babies' (39-41) - rather than to reassure her of her sex
ual integrity (cf. 21-4).
26 aiai, ninEt pa 'goodness, she's overripe'. TTETTEtpcx is used of 'ripe' in
the sense of 'sexually experienced' women at Ar. Eccl. 893-5 El TlS cxycx66v
r,ov/\ETCXl TTCX- I 6EiV Tl, TTcxp' eµoi XP11 KCX6EUOElV. I OU yap EV VEO:lS TO CJO <pOV EV- I
Eo-T1v, a.AA' EV Ta1's TTETTEipo1s. Here the sense is 'overripe', implying not only
thatNeoboule is too old ( emphasized by 8�} TOo-T)) and past her prime, btit
also that she has had too much sexual experience (an idea picked tip by
&v] Bos 8' aTTEppvT)KE nap6Evrfiov in the next line). 6�$ Toa 11 'twice your age':
probably rhetorical exaggeration, though not impossible, given the early
age at which girls were ma1Aried off.
27-8 av]6os ... na p62vrfiov, 'her maidenly flowe1A has withered', con
tinues the plant imagery and reinforces the acctisations of the previous
line, i.e. Neoboule is too old (her flower has 'dropped off') and is worn
out by sex (the flower symbolizes her virginity). The man thus refutes the
positive plant and flower imagery first introduced by the girl's description
ofNeoboule as Ka/\17 TEpE1va TTap6Evos (6). an2 ppu11K2: 3rd sg. perf. aTToppEw,
'drop off, perish'. K]�i ... eni;v 'and tl1e charm which sl1e once had': the
man acknowledges thatNeoboule, his ex-lover, was once desi1Aable. xcx pis:
in erotic contexts the word often implies that sexual 'favours' have been
granted (LSJ III 2); cf. MacLachlan 1993: 58-9.
29-30 The man attacks Neoboule fo1A her 'excess' and 'folly', deploy
ing the concepts of Kopos and OTT) which are fundamental to Archaic Greek
thotlght (cf. Sol. 4.9-10*, 4.34-5*, 6.3-4��, 13.11-13*, 13.71-6*, Thgn.
44-52*). Ko p ov ... ou 1_< [: Merkelbach and West's conjecttire ov K[aTEITXE
TTW gives good sense, 'for she never restrained her excess' ( cf. Sol. 4.9*
KaTEXE1v Kopov). aT]11s ... yuv,;, 'the crazy woman has shown the limits of
her folly', dismissesNeoboule as an irrational and mad woman, a familiar
stereotype of Greek gender ideology. µa1v6��$: cf. Sapph. 1.17-18 K]wTTl
[µ01 µaAlO-Ta 6EAG0 YEVE0-6a1 I µ ]a1v6Aa1 [6vµw1.
31 is] ... &n2x2 'to hell with her!' (lit. 'take [her] off to the crows'): a
blunt, colloquial phrase, ma1-king the speake1-'s disgust.
32-4 The man imagines being ridiculed by his neighbours for having
such a terrible \Vile. �<p-��': West's e cpoiT' (3rd sg. ao1A. opt. E<piT)µ1, 'send
•
upon' (of fate or destiny)) may be 1Aight, 'let no one send me this fate'.
yuvaiKa ... ixwv: the implication that the speaker may be interested
in marriage acts as a subtle suggestion to the girl that their encounter
may lead to something more pe1Amanent and respectable. y2i]Toa1 xcxp µ':
cf. Semon. 7.73-4* To1avTT) yvv17 I Eio-1v 81' &o-TEos TTfxo-1v av6pwTT01s yEAws,
7.110-11* oi 8e yEtTOVES I xaipovo-' opWVTES Kai TOV, ws cxµapTOVEl.
35 noAAov ... nap os 'I much prefer you': the man sets up the two
sisters as rivals, before contrasting their qualities (36-8).
36 au] ...61n��1l 'since you are neither untrustworthy nor two-faced':
the compliment comes with 'unlike your sister' implied. The praise of the
girl's character is humorously ironic, since she is after all being asked to
have sex with he1- siste1-'s ex-lover behind he1- back.
37-8 11 ... o�uTE P1l, 'she's too keen': the sexual reference is confirmed
by TTOAAovs 8e TT01E1Ta[1 cpiAovs, 'and she makes friends with many 1nen'.
COMMENTARY: ARCI-IILOCHUS 1 g6A
39-41 expand on the dangers of Neoboule's promiscuity. The speaker

moves from plant (26-8) to animal imagery, using the idea of an over
sexed bitch who breeds blind and prematt1re pt1ppies. By comparing him
self to the bitch (wcrTTEP Tl K[vwv TEKw, 41) the speaker foregrot1nds the
consequences for him as l1usband and fathe1- of having such a lustful and
untrustworthy wife. TUq>Acx K<XAlTfl µ Epa (= Kai cxAlTflµEpcx) 'blind and prema
ture [sc.cl1ildren] ': the idea that the bitch's haste to give birth leads to pre
mature offspring is explored in Aesop's fable of the bitch and the sow (Fab.
223 Perry), whe1-e the bitch boasts of her frequent and large litters, and
the sow retorts that wl1ile that may be true, her puppies are born blind.
Here the male speaker refers to himself as 'pressing on in haste' (crTT] (? v6f)1
ETTE1y6µEvos, emphatic pleonasm), transferring the idea of haste to give
birth into haste to have sex, an idea already associated in Greek thought
with the proverbially promiscuous and shameless bitch: cf.Semon. 7 .19*,
Slings 1976. a1T]�u6fi1 t1TE1yo µ Evos: 1nore irony, as l1e 1-ejects immediate sex
with Neoboule while pt1rsuing it with her sister.TWS = ovTws.
42-53 The male narrator's description of the sex scene foregrounds
his control (with a string of first-person verbs: e.g. EKA1vcx, l cp 174'cxµ1:1v, cxcp f)Kcx),
but also stresses his delicacy and concern for the girl's wellbeing (his
cloak is 'soft', he touches her breasts 'gently', etc.), using language that
avoids any hint of coarseness or vulgarity. The effect is a kind of soft-foct1s
romanticism, whose rhetorical aim is to mask the man's highly disreputa
ble act, the deflowering of a free-born girl (see the introduction above).
The account builds vividly to its climax, though its p1-ecise details are left
deliberately unclear (see on 52-3).
42-4 He lays the girl down. iv av6E[a1v I TT1A]E6cxEaa1, 'in the blossoming
flowers', evokes the locus arrtoenus of the fe1-tile meadow, the typical scene
of e1-otic encounters (cf. Il. 14.347-9, Hes. Theog. 278-9), where virgins
are approached while picking flowe1-s (HHDem. 1-21, etc.); cf. Calame
1999: 151-74, Heirman 2012: 86-113, Swift 2015a: 10-23. TT1AE6cxEaa1
pres.participle act. neut. dat. pl. TTJAE6cxw, 'to bloom'.
44-5 µ a;\6aKfj1 .•. I XAai]vT11, 'with my soft cloak', underlines his gen
tleness (see on 42-53 above); so too the gesture cxvxtv' ...EXW [v ('cradling
her neck in my arm'). Yet tl1e act of covering (KcxAv4' cxs) is also one that
veils a girl's modesty and so reminds the audience of the shame brought
upon Lycambes' daughte1- by this sexual encounter.
46-7 Tl1e girl stops (TTcx\J[cr]�l-;l��TJv) doing something in fear (5ci]
µ,cxT1) just like a fawn ( wcrTE vif3P. [), and the likeliest solution is reflected
in Gronewald's wcrTE vif3p [ 10v TpEµE1v: 'she stopped trembling in fea1- like a
fawn'. Such a description captures well the main tl1emes of tl1e passage:
the man's avowed concern for her wellbeing, but also the girl's vulnera
bility, especially to the loss of honou1- posed by the sexual predatoriness
of such men.
COMMENTARY: ARCHILOCHUS 1 g6A : SEMONIDES 85
48-53 The na1�1�ator caresses her breasts (48-50) and entire body
(51) before ejaculating (52-3).
48-50 µa<]wv ... icpT)4'CXf-l1JV 'and with my hands I gently took hold
of her b1�easts': µa(] wv is the most explicit wo1�d 11sed by the na1�rator;
elsewhere he speaks of the girl's neck (45), body (51), and hair (53),
and there is no description of his anatomy, in keeping with the scene's
delicate tone (cf. 42-53). fl11TE] J? ... I • .. xpo�, lit. 'where she revealed her
young flesh, the bewitchment of he1� youth', stresses the narrator's grow
ing excitement. ti�TlS i1Ti\i\�a1v stands in apposition to xp6�. i1Ti\i\�a1v, lit.
'approach, onset', could refer to the onset of her youthful prime (f)�ris),
but the word is also glossed by Hesychius as 'bewitchment' (ETiaywy-ri),
which wot1ld better st1it the narrator's increasing focus on her sexual
allure.
51 aµq>aq>wµtvos 'caressing', lit. 'touching all around'. As Swift 2019
notes (on 42-53), West's supplement &Tiav 'would allow a listener's mind
to move to whatever body-part he wished to imagine'.
52-3 i\tvK]ov ... I ... Tp1xos: lit. 'I released my white force, tot1ch
ing her blonde hair'. The narrator's enigm atic climax has exercised the
imaginations of scholars, keen to pinpoint the exact nature of the sex act,
with suggestions including fellatio, withdrawal/ coitus interr·uptus, ejacula
tion over the girl's pubic hair, masturbation, intercrural sex, premature
ejact1lation, and ft1ll sexual intercourse. However, Archilochus has left the
precise details deliberately unclear so as to excite speculation among his
at1dience, who are encouraged not only to use their own erotic imagina
tions, but also to wonder whether the man has kept his promise to stop
short of 'the divine thing' (To 6ETov xpf\µa, 15). Thus the poet's deliber
ate ambiguity is mo1�e effective at involving the audience in the scene
than any direct description would be (cf. Swift 2015a: 21-3). i\tvK]ov ...
µivos: Archilochus adapts the epic phrase µsvos cxcp 1sva1 (used of a god or
warrior releasing or checking his might) to suit the erotic context, giv
ing his male narrator a humorous mock-heroic grandeur as he describes
his (it is implied) prodigious ejaculation (cf. Archil. fr. 43*). i\tuK]ov: cf.
AEvKos cxcp p6s used of the foam that fo1�s around Ouranos' severed geni
tals (Hes. Theog. 190-1 ). �av6i;s ... Tp1xos makes clear that the narrator
tot1ches the girl's hair, but does not specify where the hair is or where his
AEVKOV µsvos ends up.
SEMONIDES
Semonides, like Archilochus, was active in the early to 1nid-seventl1. cen
tu1� BC ( cf. Pellizer and Tedeschi 1990: xvii). Just as Archilochus led a
colonizing expedition to T hasos, so Semonides is said to have led a group
of Samian colonists to Amorgos. Samos had developed wide-ranging
86 COMMENTARY: SEMONIDES 1
trade netwo1-ks, including Al-Mina in Syria, the Hellespont, and Egypt.

Amorgos, though mountainous and agriculturally poor, offered, by vir
tue of its location in the mid-Aegean among the south eastern Cyclades,
a valuable staging-post for Samian trade (cf. Lloyd:Jones 1975: 16-17,
Morgan 2005: 73-4).
The Suda reports that Semonides wrote 'elegiacs in two books, and
iambics' and that his works included an Ar·chaeology of the Samians. Tl1is
account of Samos' foundation and early history may have been in two
books (cf. Bowie 1986: 31), but nothing of it or any other elegy survives.
Tl1e two major extant ia1nbic pieces are included l1ere, and togetl1er with
the forty or so other fragments, which range from just a couple of words
to three lines, they stiggest a wide variety of st1bject-matter and persona,
including moralizing reflections on human life (frr. 1-4) and graphic sex
ual narrative (16-17). Like Archilochus (versus Lycambes) and Hipponax
(ve1-sus Bupalus), Semonides is said to have attacked a particular pe1-sonal
enemy (called Orodoecides, according to Lucian, Pseudol. 2), bt1t again
no example of his abuse poet1-y has survived. In any case, the remaining
fragments remind us that iambus was a flexible form, not at all confined
to invective or sexual escapades, and that it could be used to reflect on
diverse themes in different tones, from morose rumination on life's hard
ships (1 *) to mock-didactic exposition of the nature of women and the
relationship between the sexes (7*); cf. Introdt1ction §1.
Semonides I
This poem, p1-obably complete (see 22-4n.), is quoted by the antholo
gist Stobaeus in a section devoted to melancholy reflections on the mis
eries of life. The fundamental idea, human igno1-ance, is presented first
(1-5), leading to the vanity of hope and ambition (6-10); such aspira
tions are undone by the myriad disaste1-s that befall us (11-22). The
poem ends by recommending that we avoid dwelling on our wretched
condition (22-4). Human vulnerability and the necessity of endurance
were staples of the Greek wisdom tradition, whether in the didactic
hexameters of Hesiod ( Works and Days) and Phocylides (frr. 2-16) or
the reflective elegies of (for example) Mimnermus (1*, 2'r-) and Solon
(13�r-); for detailed points of comparison, see below. Here Semonides
t1~eats these familia1- pessimistic themes of human folly and suffe1-ing
in mo1-alizing iambics (akin to Ai-chilochus' trochaic tet1~ameters, espe
cially frr. 128, 130-1, 133), illustrating the fo1-m's ability to present
serious reflection in appropriately solemn and gnomic terms (cf. Sol.
36*, 37), including the use of epic diction, more familiar in elegiac
moralizing (e.g. 1 Zeus ... �apvKTUTIOS, 14 µci\aiv17s . . . xeov6s). Althot1gh
COMMENTARY: SEMONIDES 1
the poem has had many det1-actors (e.g. Frankel 1975: 202 'the poem is
increasingly dispersed into the lower reaches of banality ... Semonides'
outpouring seems feeble and erratic'), it is a neatly constr11cted medita
tion on human behaviou1-, and its 11nexpected ending offers us a chance
to make the most of ou1A 'epheme1Aal' condition (cf. Carson 1984, who
thinks the poem is artfully dull, imitating the lives of those who do not
take its advice).
1-5 Ze11s's complete knowledge and power ( 1-2) are contrasted with
humans' abject ignorance (3-5).
1-2 w 1Tai: Semonides' wisdom is addressed to an anonymous 'boy'
(or 'son'), and uses the kind of admonitory persona deployed in Hesiod's
advice to his wastrel brother Perses or Theognis' to his younger lover
Cyrn11s (see on Thgn. 19-20*); numerous pieces in the Theognidea
begin w -rrcxT (1283-94, 1295-8, 1299-1304, etc.). The didactic scenario
of older man and younger pupil motivates and justifies the speaker's sen
tentio11sness, while the potentially erotic relationship between speaker
and addressee gives the poem's ending an added resonance (cf. 22-4n.).
Pessimistic reflection on the human condition was a familiar theme of
sympotic literature (e.g. Sol. 13*, Thgn . 425-8), and much if not most
iambus was, like elegy, performed at symposia (cf. Introduction §§1-2).
TEAos . . . I ... 6iA£1: for Zeus's proverbial omnipotence, cf. e.g. Archil.
298 Zeus . . . I Kcxi TE/\OS CXVTOS €Xel, Sol. 13.17* a/\/\a Zeus TICXVTC.VV E<popal
TEAos. �apvKTU1Tos: the epithet ('loud-thundering', 'heavy-booming'), first
attested in Hesiod, is particularly characteristic of Zeus (e.g. Theog. 388,
vW:> 79, HHDem. 3), though Hesiod also uses it of Poseidon (Theog. 818);
cf. Semon. 7.40*. Ti6Tla' ... 6iA£1: an ominous idea, since traditionally ov8E
TlS ECYTlV I avepw-rrc.vv Wl Zeus µii KCXKO TIO/\/\a 81801 (Mimn. 2.15-15��). OKfll:
Ionic (=Attic o-rrT)1); cf. oKc.vs (5).
3-5 vous ... cxv6pw1To1a1v 'mankind possesses no foresight' (lit. 'there
is no foresight among humans'): mo1Atal understanding (voOs 8(e)) is con
trasted with divine (µEv Zeus, 1), ignorance with omniscience. cx°A°A' .. . I
... �6oua1v 'but they live like cattle from day to day'. £1TflµEpo1 = l cp 11µepo1,
with Ionic psilosis, or substitution of plosive for aspirated consonant; tl1e
word, fi1Ast attested here, encapsulates the speaker's complaint: people
focus only on the here and now, with no inkling of what the future will
bring. a 611 = 01cx 811, 'like'. For 'depreciatory' 811, see GP219. �oTa, cognate
with r?>60-Kc.0 ('feed, g1Aaze') and r?>oTCXVT) ('pasture'), is used of all domes
tic g1-azing animals. �OOUO'lV (Ionic for <:wovo-1v): the transmitted swoµev is
metrically problematic, creating a choriamb (-vv-) in the second met
ron (cf. Renehan 1983: 5-11); moreover, the third-person form follows
on mo1-e natu1-ally from avepw-rro10-1v in line 2, bette1- s11its the speaker's
detached observation of h11man behaviour, and makes the switch from
third to fi1�st person at 23-4 mo1�e st1�iking. ou6ev ti6oTES I ... 6tos: human
ignorance of what the gods will bring to pass is a topos of gnomic litera
ture: e.g. Thgn. 141-2 &v6pWlTOl 8e µaTC<lC( voµi(oµev ei86TES" ov8Ev· I 6eoi 8e
Ke<Tcx CY <pETEpov lTCXVTa TE/\ova-1 v6ov, 1075-8, Miron. 2.4-5*. tKaaTov: net1te1�
('each thing'). tKTEAEVTflat1 6t6s: ring composition (with TEAos- µev Zeus- exe1,
1) rounds off the first section of the poem.
6-10 depict the consequences of human ignorance, as everyone
hopes in vain for wealth and success. For mankind's irrepressible, but
foolish, optimism, cf. Sol. 13.33-42*.
6-7 iAnis ... I ... o pµaivovTas 'yet 11.ope and faith nourish tl1em
all as they strive for the impossible'. iAnis denotes the expectation of
good things, which st1stains and comforts humans. As in Hesiod's myth
of Pandora's jar, where ,EA1tis- remains inside the jar as she scatte1�s evils
among men ( vVD 94-9), hope here offers some consolation, but it is scant
compa1�ed with the many ills that beset mankind (11-22); cf. Sol. 13.36�1'
xcxcrKoVTES" Kov cp a1s- EA1ticr1 TEp1t6µe6a. Kan1nt16ti11 = Kai E1Tl1Tc16ei17 (crasis: cf. 1 o
Kcxya6oicr1v, 19 KavTcxypeT01, 21 KCXVE1ti<p pacrT01): the rare noun, first attested
here, refers to people's idle trust in the future. Tpi cpt1: hope is often said
to 'nourish' ( e.g. Soph. Ant. 897 KcxpT' Ev EA1ticr1v TPE<pw, 1246 EA1ticr1v 8e
f36a-Koµa1), but the metaphor also picks up on the image of humans as
grazing animals (f?,oTcx, 4).
7-1 o oi ... iA6tiv: lit. 'some wait for a day to come'. i.e. expect their
hopes will be realized the very next day. oi ... ntp1T ponas: lit. 'others for
the turnings of years' (cf. fl. 2.295 1tcp1Tpo1tEwv Ev1avT6s-), which empha
sizes their tenacious, but self-deluding, optimism. viwTa ... I ... cpiAos
'and every single mortal thinks that next year he will be friends with
Wealth and prosperity'. viwTa is the object of 1�ccr6a1 (lit. 'he will reach
next year a friend, etc.'). 6oKti maintains the idea of (frustrated) 'expec
tation'. Kaya6oia1v: probably neuter ('good things'), stressing the god's
benefits, though 'good people' (masculine) is not impossible ('a friend
of Wealth and high society').
11-22 list a series of disasters which come instead of the hoped-for
blessings: old age (11-12) and illness (12-13), then death in war (13-
14), at sea (15-17), and by suicide (18-19). The catalogue is articulated
by an extended µev . . . 8E constn1ction (Tov µev (11) ... Taus- 8E (12) ...
TO V ) 8' ( 1 3 ) . . . 0l 8' ( 1 5) . . . 0l 8' ( 1 8) . . . ) .
11-12 cp6avt1 ••• I ... 1KT)Ta1 'one is overtaken by odious old age
before he reaches his goal'. a(11Aov: lit. 'unenviable'; for the miseries of
old age, see Miron. 1.6-10* and 2.9-16*.
12-13 Tous ... I ... vovo-01 'while others are destroyed by the grim
diseases that afflict mortals': cf. Miron. 2.15�' a/\Aos- vovcrov exe1 6vµocp66pov.
13-14 ,� pt1 6t6µ11µivous 'slain in war' (lit. 'laid low by Ares', perf.
pass. part. 8aµcxsw). IJEAaiv11s . . . xaovos: epic diction is more easily
COMMENTARY: SEMONIDES 1 89
accommodated within elegy, but it can be deployed in iambus, whether for

mock-epic effect (e.g.Semon. 7.105* ES µcxx11v KopvcrcrETa1) or, as here, to
suit the serious nature of the poem's reflective style: cf. ZEvs ...0apvKTu1tos
(1)' AaiAaTTl KAOVEOµEVOl (15)' 1topcpvpfis o.A6s (16)' AEiTTOVCJlV T)Aiov cpcxos (19)'
µvpiat ...KfiPES (20-1), Int1-oduction §5.
15-17 For the risks involved in trying to make a living from the sea,
see Sol.1 3.4 3-6*.AaiAan1 ... I ... aAos 'battered by a gale and the heav
ing sea's many waves': cf. ll. 11.305-6 Ze cpvpos ... I ... 0a6Ei111 AaiAa1t1
TVTTTc.vv, 16.391 ES 8' &Aa 1top cpvpe11v.KAov26 µ2vo1: synizesis of -Eo-, scanned
as one long syllable ( as with -ec.v- in ETEc.vv, 8). nopcpu pfis: the epithet
can denote movement as well as colo11r ( cf. 1topcp vpc.0, 'heave, su1-ge').
6v11aKoua1v is emphasized by enjambment.2uT' ... (021v 'when they are
unable to make a living', i.e. on land, as the context makes clear, since
the sea/land antithesis is proverbial. The idea that only the desperate
will resort to seafaring to ea1-n a living is emphatically stated by Hesiod
(enhancing his persona as a proud and grouchy farmer): cf. vVD 2 36-7
ov8' ETTi VT)WV I VlCJOVTOl, KapTTOV 8i: cpepEl (Ei8c.vpos &povpa, 686-7 xpriµaTa
yap 4'VXT) TTEAETOl 8El/\OlCJl 0POTOlCJlV. I 8ElVOV 8' ECYTi 6avEiV µETa Kvµacr1v.
(021v: for the sense, cf. Bacchyl. 1.167 (c.0E1v T ' cx1t' otKEic.vv MxE1; for the
short vowel, cf. (6ovcr1v ( 4).
18-19 oi ... I ... cpaos 'and others fasten a noose in a miserable
death and leave the sun's light by their own choice': one possible motive
is suggested by the wider context, as failure to realize their deluded ambi
tions (6-10 above) may in itself lead to suicide; cf. Thgn. 17 3-8, where
Theognis recommends that Cyrnus kill himself to escape poverty ( 'by
throwing yot1rself to the monsters of the deep or down from lofty cliffs',
17 5-6). a 41 avTo: gnomic aorist (the temporal augment is very occasionally
omitted in early iambus and elegy: West 197 4: 105). KauTayp2To1: f1-om
avT6s + cxypec.v ('take, seize'); cf. av6aipETos, also used of suicide (Xen. Hell.
6.2. 36 av6a1pETC0l 6aVCXTC01 CXTT06VTjlCYKE1). AEiTTOUO'lV ... cpaos: another epic
n.
phrase (e.g. 18.11 AEl 4' ElV cpcxos '17EA1010).
20-2 sum up (cf. ovTc.v, 20) the catalogue of miseries (11-19) with
a general statement on the inescapability of suffering (cf. Mimn. 2.11-
16*). ovTw ... ou6iv 'so they are spared no calamity', lit. 'thus no evil is
missing'; an'= &1tEcrT1.µu pia1 I• ..Kfi p2s 'countless deaths': cf.ll. 12.326-7,
where Sarpedon p1-esents the uncertainty of life as a reason for fighting
in purst1it of glory, vOv 8' MµTTT)S yap KfiPES E cp EcrTcxcr1v 6avcxT010 I µvpia1, &s
OUK ECYTl cpvyETV 0POTOV ov8' U1Ta/\v�a1; Mimn. 2.5-7*. KCXVETTicppaaTOl . . .
I ... n,;µaT' 'and unforeseen sorrows and disasters': cxvE1ti cppacrTos (lit.
'unthougl1t of'), attested only here, underscores once again the theme of
human ignorance (cf.1-5).
22-4 The poem ends by 1-ecommending that we not do the ve1-y thing it
has spent so much time doing (dwelling on human misery). The reversal
go COMMENTARY: SEMONIDES 1, 7
is ar1-esting and encourages a diffe1-ent response to ou1- precarious con

dition, focused on our opportunities for happiness, however temporary
(cf. Gerber 1984: 134-5). 1T16oiaTo I ... ipw1µtv: the change from third
to first person ('if they took my advice, we would not, etc.') is sudden and
effective, for it not only includes us, the audience or 1�eader, in the poet's
analysis of human aspiration, but also expands the dialogue beyond the
speaker and his addressee (w n-ai, 1). 1T16oiaTo: 3rd pl. aor. opt. of n-Ei6oµa1
( epic-Ionic -aTo for Attic -vTo). ouK ... i pwiµtv, lit. 'we would not long
for evils' (a striking oxymoron), i.e. we would not allow EAn-is to give us
false l1opes of l1appiness or success (cf. 6-1o). ou6' ... I ... a1K1(oi µ t6a
'nor would we torment ourselves by dwelling on our evil suffering': i.e.
worrying abo11t what might happen to us is useless and damaging, and so
(by implication) we should live for the moment; cf. Semon. fr. 3 n-oAAos
yap -fiµ1v EO-Tl TE6vova1 xp6vos, I (w µ Ev 8' cxp16µw1 n-avpa <Kai> KOKWS ETEa.
The potentially erotic relationship between the speake1- and his younger
male addressee gives this carpe die'm motif an added sexual resonance.
Though some think the poem incomplete (e.g. Frankel 1975: 202 'the
portion preserved was followed by an injunction to enjoy life and the pres
ent moment, that is to say, an invitation to festive drinking'), the speak
er's advice, punchily expressed, does not require elaboration. KaKwv ...
KaKois: polyptoton emphasizes the futility of either attitude. iTI' ... 6u µ 6v:
for the construction, cf. Hes. VVD 444-5 ETii Epyc.v1 I 6vµ6v Exc.vv. 6u µ ov is
neatly placed between the two verbs that govern it.
Semonides 7
This poem, which is p1�obably complete (see 115-18n.), is quoted by the
anthologist Stobaeus in a section dedicated to tirades against women
(n-Epi yoµov: 4-16yos yvva1Kwv). At 1 18 lines it is the longest non-hexam
eter poem to have survived from before the fifth century. Along with
the work of his contemporary Hesiod (esp. Theog. 570-612, VVD 59-99),
Semonides' 'Satire on Women' represents the beginning of a long tradi
tion of misogynistic speech in western literature, where a male speaker
addresses a (usually) male audience on the subject of women's failings,
and where, in contrast to (for example) Archilochus' attacks on specific
women (frr. 188-91, 196a�"), the speaker takes aim at the whole female
sex (cf. Hippon. 68*, Eur. Hipp. 616-68, etc). Semonides, like Hesiod,
sees women as a necessary evil, since their 1�01es as wives and mothers
are essential to the continuity of the (male-dominated) housel1old and
descent line ( Theog. 602-12, Semon. 7.83-7, 115-16; so too S11sarion, IEG2
p. 167). However, in contrast to fr. 6 (yvva1Kos ou8i:v xpf\µ' cxvT)p Arff(ETa1 I
Eo-6Af\s & µ Eivov ou8i: piy1ov KaKf\S), where Semonides reworks Hesiod (ou µi:v
yap Tl yvva1Kos 6:v11p i\T)i�cT' &µc1vov I TT)S 6:ya6f\s, TT)S 8' auTc KaKf\S ov piy1ov
&i\i\o, W 702-3) in a fairly straightforward manner, this poem plays with
the genre of didactic poetry, not only parodying tl1e grand comparisons
of the Hesiodic Catalogue of Wo 1men, but also punctt1ring the smugness of
its male at1dience, so that it becomes much more than a simple reflection
of misogynistic cliches (see further below). On intertextt1ality between
Semonides and Hesiod, cf. Loraux 1993: 72-110, Hunter 2014: 157-66,
and, for a more positive view of marital relationships, Thgn. 1 225-6 ;1�_
The poem's premise is that all women were created from one of eight
different animals (sow, vixen, bitch, donkey, weasel, mare, monkey, bee)
and two elements (earth and sea), and that they possess their various
qualities (mostly bad). Though not strictly speaking a fable itself, the
poem draws on the popular traditions of beast fable and proverb, using
the natu1-al wo1-ld to articulate a particula1- view of human character and
society, as Hesiod does with the hawk and the nightingale ( vVD 202-12)
or Archilochus with the fox and the eagle ( 172-81*); for Semonides
and the tradition of beast fable, see Brown 2018. Men and women are
often compared to animals in early Greek literature, from Homeric sim
iles (where, for example, hunting animals attacking livestock mirror
male aggression) to erotic lyric (e.g. Anac. 417, where the male speaker
eyes up a 'Thracian filly'), b11t the idea that women were created from
animals goes further and is potentially more negative and dehumaniz
ing. The animals are carefully chosen: they are everyday creatt1res (sow,
bitch, donkey, weasel, mare, bee) or well-known figures of animal fable
(fox and monkey: cf. Archil. 185-7). Their familiarity helps the poet
create accessible vignettes of female/animal life, while the 'low' nature
of women means there is no place for such creatures as the heroic lion
of epic.
Moreover, since patriarchal Greek thought framed women as closer to
animals and nature than the human ideal of the adult male (cf. Carson
1990, Dean-Jones 1994: 85, King 1998: 11), Semonides' choice of beasts
and elements will have itself seemed 'natural', even if the details of each
comparison are exaggerated for the sake of entertainment. The speak
er's particular bias is evident, not least in the qualities he singles out as
most typical of women: gluttony (sow, earth, donkey), cunning (vixen,
monkey), changeability (vixen, sea), laziness (donkey, mare), and prom
iscuity (donkey, weasel). Only the bee-woman, paragon of wifely excel
lence, escapes cens11re; only she is presented as having children, thereby
fulfilling the ultimate goal of female life (cf. 87n.). Phocylides, writing in
hexameters in the mid-sixth century, may be drawing on Semonides ( or
a shared tradition of animal-to-woman fable) when he presents women
as created f1-om four animals, bitch, sow, mare, and bee; he expresses a
similar wish to marry the last (fr. 2).
Semonides' poem is composed primarily to entertain and amuse, but

its humour has a se1i.ous side, since it relies upon a range of gender stere
otypes and cultural expectations. Women are presented as ft1ndamentally
diffe1-ent from men: both animal and human, wild and (in the case of the
bee-woman at least) tamed, with failings that constantly threaten male
happiness, prosperity, and esteem, as well as the legitimacy of a man's chil
dren. Tl1e poem tl1us tells us much about masculinity and male anxieties,
and yet, despite its misogyny, shows the cultural ideal of a fond relation
ship between ht1sband and wife (86 cpiAri 8e crvv cp1AEovT1 yripacrKcl -rr6crc1; see
112-14n.). Moreover, there is a sting in the tail for the male audience, as
the ending reveals all men to be naive and deluded, for every man thinks
his wife to be a bee-woman (112-14), and no one can escape the misogy
nist's dilemma of actually needing a wife (115-16). The speaker cleve1-ly
undercuts his audience's smugness, but there is no se1iot1s challenge to
pat1-ia1-chy, and the dehumanizing of women ultimately 1-einforces male
superiority and solidarity.
The poem is well suited to performance at the all-male symposion (cf.
Osborne 2001) and may have been composed with such a setting in
mind, but its notional audience are men of average wealth and status, not
elite aristocrats (see 57-7on.), and it would also work in the mixed set
ting of (for example) a public festival, provoking mutual teasing between
the sexes. (For poems moving from one type of occasion to another, see
Introduction §2; nonetheless, performance of Semon. 7 at betrothal or
wedding banquets, suppo1-ted by Schear 1984 and Rotstein 2010: 277,
seems an t1nlikely scenario.) The poem might be received differently in a
1nixed setting, but its underlying sexist values, which dominated not only
the syrriposion but society as a whole, would remain the same.
1-6 A brief statement of female dive1-sity (1-2) leads straight into the first
unflattering animal (the sow).
1-� xwpis ... I Ta 1TpwTa: 'in the beginning god made woman's mind
in different forms'. xwpis: lit. 'separate', i.e. different from each other,
rather than different from the mind of man. The latter idea is implicit
throughout, but the poem's focus will be the variety of female origins
and (mis)condt1ct, and this is heralded by the word's initial position.
Semonides differs in this respect from Hesiod, who presents all women as
descended from a single figure, Pandora ( Theog. 590 EK Tfis yap yEvos EcrTi
yvva1Kwv SriAvTcpawv), though both ag1-ee on the ha1-m they cause men
( Theog. 592 -rrfiµa µEya evriToicr1). 6Eos: Zeus; cf. 72' 93, 94, 96, 115. voov:
in the sense 'character' (as evidenced by each wo1nan's behaviour) rather
than 'intelligence'; cf. Od. 1.3 -rroAAwv 8' avepw-rrwv Y8cv &crTca Kai voov E yvw.
In Hesiod Zeus orders Hermes to give Pandora Kvvc6v Tc voov Kai ETiiKAo-rrov
�eos (l,VD 67). Ta 1TpwTa (adverbial neuter pl.) 'in the beginning':
creation sto1-ies are a popular subject for animal fable; cf. Aesop, Fab.
240 Perry, 'Following Zeus's orders, Prometheus fashioned humans and
animals. When Zeus saw that the animals far outnt1mbered the humans,
he ordered Prometheus to reduce the nt1mber of the animals by turning
them into people. P1-ometheus did as he was told, and as a result tl1ose
people who were originally animals have a human body but a bestial soul.'
� Tflv µiv marks the start of the catalogue, with TT)V 8e for each subse
quent animal or element (7, 12, etc.) in a simple additive style. Monotony
is avoided by the vivid detail of each scene and the at1tho1-'s ingenuity in
making parallels between the natural and human worlds. uos: the speaker
begins his 'argument' with perhaps the most familiar animal: pigs were the
main source of meat in ancient Greece, and pig-breeding is described in
detail in the Odyssey ( e.g. 14.5-20). TavvT p1xos, 'long-bristled', applied to
a woman, evokes the epic epithet Tavvcrcpvpos ('slender-ankled'); for other
mock-epic ph1-ases, cf. 14 navT171 nanTaivovcra, 105 ES µax11v KopvcrcrETa1.
3-4 Tfit ... I ... xaµai 'througho11t her house everything lies in disor
der, smeared with mud, and rolls abo11t on the floor'. f?>o pf?>o pw1: for pigs'
enjoyment of mud, cf. Heraclit. fr. 13 DK(= D8oa Laks-Most) VES l3opl36pw1
fi8ovTal µcxi\i\ov fi KaBapwl v8aTl. 1TE<pupµiva: cf. LSJ cpvpw, 'to mix something
dry with something wet, mostly with a sense of ... to spoil or defile'. Zeus
orders Hephaestus to mix earth with water ( V\iD 61 yaiav v8E1 cpvpE1v) to
create Pandora (cf. 21-6n.).
5-6 aAouTos a1TAvT01s: alpha-privates and synonymy ( 'unwashed, in
unlaundered clothes') emphasize the sow-woman's personal squalor. iv ...
1T1aivtTa1 'sits on the dungheap and eats herself fat': a grotesque image,
intensified by the juxtaposition of a word normally t1sed of humans
(17µev17) with one normally used of animals (n1aiveTa1). Since pigs st1p
plied meat, fattening was important; like them the sow-woman cons11mes
household scraps, but to no good end, for she simply makes herself ugly
and is a drain on tl1e household. Similar ideas recur in later scenes: e.g.
the earth-woman knows only ho,v to eat (24), the donkey-woman eats all
day and all night (4 7).
7-8 aA1T pfis ... aAw1TEKos 'a wicked vixen': foxes stole food of all
kinds, and were hunted as predators and for their meat and fur. Their
cunning was proverbial and often featt1red in animal fable: e.g. Archil.
185.5-6 (the fox and the monkey) Tw1 8' o:p' cxi\c.0n17� KEp8ai\f\ crvv11vTETo, I
TTVKVOV exovcra v6ov; cf. Sol. 11.5* CX/\G0TTEKOS YxveCYl l3aivE1. 1T<XVTWV 16 p1v: lit.
'who knows everything'; but cxi\1Tpf\s and the fox's reputation for cunning
suggest 'knowledgeable in every trick' (cf. Archil. 201 n6i\i\' 018' cxi\c.0n17�,
cxi\i\' EXlVOS EV µeya).
8-9 ou6i ... I ... a µtivovwv 'nothing bad escapes her nor anything
good': she 11nderstands what is good and what is evil, but as the following
phrase makes clear (yap, 1 o), she has no sense of morality.
10-11 To .. . ia6Aov 'for she often calls the good bad and the bad
good'.auTi:>v: i.e.KOKCX Kai cxµsivova, with TO µ€V .. . TO 8€ ... picking out
good and evil in turn. 6py11v ••• tx1:1 'she has a different attitt1de at dif
ferent times': the vixen-woman has no consistent outlook, but changes to
suit the situation and her own advantage; contrast Thgn. 215-18, where
the speaker recommends the cunning of the octopus (TTovAvTTov 6pyT)v icrxs
TToAuTTAoKou), who takes on the look of the rock he clings to, 'for cleverness
beats consistency' (Kpecrcrwv To1 cro<pi17 yivsTa1 cxTpo1Ti17 s).aAAoT' aA1loif1v: cf.
Hes. vVD 483 a/\/\OTE 8' cx/\Aoios Z17 vos v6os aiy16xo10.
12-20 The bitch-woman is characterized by nosiness, endless yapping,
and shamelessness.
12 AtTo pyov: the first of two disputed hapax le gomena (A1Topy6v,
avToµi)Topa); the first is probably best understood as the Ionic form of
A1Tovpy6v ('wicked'), which Hesychius glosses as KaKovpyov, i.e. from
A1T6s ('bad') + Mpyov.Verdenius 1977: 2 takes it to mean 'irascible', from
A1T- ('very') + 6pyi). West translates 'slut', reinforcing his interpretation
of avToµi)Topa (see next note). auTOt,.&flTO pa JUSt like her mother'; for
the idea 'like mother, like daughter', cf. 57 TT)V 8' tTTTTos cx�pT) xa1Tescrcr'
EysivaTo. West 1974: 178 suggests 'it might mean "giving birth without
her husband's consent", i.e. promiscuous', bt1t such an interpretation of
avT6s-compounds is unparalleled.
13 -14 TTC:XvT' ••• TTC:XvTa ••• I TTC:XVTflt: the repetition emphasizes her
infuriating nosiness. TTCXS words are used rhetorically throughout to stress
the women's failings (e.g. 3, 35, 78, 81, 100). TTC:XVTfll ..• TTaTTTaivovaa:
mock-epic langt1age; cf. Od. 12.232-3 (Odysseus looking for Scylla)
EKaµov 8e µ01 ocrcrs I lTCXVTT)l lTOTTTaivoVTl TTPOS T)epoe18ea lTETpT)V.
15 AEAflKtv: the perfect (from AacrKw) expresses a continuous state, here
the bitch-woman's incessant 'yelping' as she jabbers to herself. iiv ... 6pci1,
'even if she sees no human being', likens her to a guard-dog, but points
the difference: unlike the barking of a good watch-dog (cf. Od. 14.29-3 1,
where Odysseus' ar1ival is detected by Eumaeus' dogs), hers is pointless
and never stops.
16-18 The easy assumption of threats and domestic violence reveals
the darkest side of the audience's patriarchal worldview.Significantly, the
speaker thinks of using intimidation before resorting to 'gentle words'
(µs1Aixws µvBe6µevos, 18).Ancient sources (especially oratory) focus on the
repercussions of violence between men (cf.Todd 2007: 285-6); domes
tic violence goes largely unrecorded and unchallenged. i�a pc:x�1:11:v •••
666vTas, 'knock out her teeth with a stone' (3rd sg.aor.opt.of E�apacrcrw);
Eumaeus scatters his dogs with a barrage of stones ( Od. 14.35-6).
19 TTa pcx �tivo1a1v 'among guests': the speake1- often exploits his audi
ence's sensitivity to the judgement and potential mockery of others (e.g.
74 lTCXCYlV cxvBpWlTOlS yeAWS, 84 KelVT)l yap 0117 1 µwµos OU 1Tpocr1(ave1, 110-11 oi
8E yEiToVE$ I xaipovcr'), including (as here) the reaction of male guests ( cf.
29, 107). In the Classical period a woman was not to be present when her
husband ente1-tained visitors; Semonides' poem is evidence of a slightly less
segregationist (bt1t no less sexist) society. The bitch-woman's indifference
to how she is perceived by others is a mark of her shamelessness, a qual
ity often associated with dogs, who perform shameft1l acts in public: e.g.
n. 1.225 KuvwTTa (Achilles to Agamemnon), 3.180 Kuvc.01T180$ (Helen on
herself).
20 a.AA' ... E XEl 'but ceaselessly she keeps up a yapping which nothing
can be done about'. West prints avovi)v ('dryness, withering') and trans
lates 'all the time he has this hopeless blight', but the transmitted auovi)v
(another hapax, from avw, 'cry') keeps the focus on the unbearable racket
made by tl1e bitch-woman. E XEl is used in epic of maintaining sound ( e.g.
n. 18.495 au/\oi cp6pµ1yyE$ TE �oi)v EXOV).
21-42 The only two female types not derived from animals are nonethe
less associated with natural ele1nents and given their typical qualities: the earth
woman is stupid and ine1-t, the sea-woman unpredictable and dangerous.
21-6 Pandora, the first woman, is created from earth: avTiKa 8' EK yai17 $
TT/\cxcrcrE K/\VTO$ 1\µcp1yvi)El$ (Hes. VVD 70). For women's association with
earth, especially dirt, in ancient Greek thought, see Carson 1990: 158-60.
21-2 yrifvt'lv 'made of earth': the adj. is first attested here. ,OAu µn101:
a variation on the more prominent figure of Zeus ( cf. 1-2n.), though it
may be significant that Hesiod presents multiple deities contributing to
the creation of Pandora (VVD60-82). TTt'lpov, 'feeble-minded', more often
refers to physical disability, but is used here of mental incapacity, as the
following clause ( yap, 22) makes clear.
22-3 ovTE .•. I ... 016£: whereas the vixen-woman abuses her knowl
edge of good and evil (8-11), the ea1�th-woman is ignorant of both.
24 E pywv ... iniaTaTa1 'the only work she understands is eating'; Epywv
suggests the domestic tasks and skills expected of a wife and unde1-lines
the earth-woman's uselessness. Fo1- eating as a symbol of both gluttony and
women's d1-ain on resources, cf. 6 (the sow-woman 11µEv17 1T1aivETa1), 46-7
(the donkey-woman ECY61El µEv EV µvxw1 I TTpovv� TTpof)µap, Ecr6iEl 8' ETT' ECYXCXPTJl).
25-6 KaKov XE1µwva 'harsh winter weather'. p1ywaa . . . nu pos 'she
shivers and draws her stool closer to the fire', i.e. she just sits there rather
than stoking the fire or making herself useful.
27-42 The changeability of the sea ( cf. VVD 663-5, where Hesiod sug
gests limiting sailing to Jt1ly and At1gust) and the fickleness of women
(Dover 1974: 1oo) were cliches of Greek popular thought.
27 ii ... voEi 'who has two 1noods', whicl1 she displays randomly fro1n
one day to anothe1-: Tf1V µEv . . . T)µEp17 v ( 28) ... Tf1V 8' [sc. T)µEp17 v] (32).
28 yEAcx1 . . . y i y1'16Ev: alliteration emphasizes her smiling, happy
demeanot1r.
29 £Tra1viat1 ... �tivos: for a man's concern with othe1- men's opinion
of his \Vile, cf. 19n.
30-1 Aw'fwv ... I ... ou6i KaAAiwv 'better or more beautiful': men
evidently took pride in their wives' good looks; cf. 67-8 (the mai-e-woman
is 'a lovely sight for others'), 73-4 (the monkey-woman's ugliness is
ridiculed).
32 iv o cp6aAµ ois i6tiv: an epic phrase, contrasting this encounter with
the other (i8wv, 29).
33-4 aAAa ... I ... Kuwv: the bitch's fierce protection of her pup
pies was proverbial; cf. Od. 20.14-15 (a simile describing Odysseus'
anger towards the suitors) ws 8E Kuwv cxµaAf\1cr1 TTEpi crKvAcxKEcrcr1 �E�wcra
I &v8p' cxyvo117cracr' V/1.CXEl µEµOVEV TE µcxxEcr6at. CX'Tt'AT}TOV 'unapproach
ably' (adverbial acc.), a disputed word, probably equivalent here to
&-rrAaTos ( 'unapp1-oachable, te1-rible') rather than &-rr/1.ETOS ( 'boundless,
immense').
35-6 aµ tiA1xos ... KCXTro6uµ iT} 'implacable and hateful [= Kai cx-rro6vµi T]]
to everyone'; cxµEiA1xos, ov, is a two-termination adjective, using the mas
culine for the feminine. i x6 poia1v ... cpiA01a1 'enemies and friends alike';
contrast the Homeric ideal of the harmonious married couple who are
united in their treatment of enemies and friends, -rro/1./1.' &AyEa 8vcrµEVEEcrcr1,
I xcxpµaTa 8' EvµEVET T]tcr1 (Od. 6.184-5). yivtTa1 'shows herself'; cf. 68
TWl 8' EXOVTl yiVETal KaKOV.
37-42 This description of the sea is the only time the speaker dwells
on the substance from which the woman is made and makes an explicit
comparison (wcr-rrEp . . . TaVTTJl, similar to the common Homeric simile
structure 'as ... so ...'); contrast the much briefer wcr-rrEp -rri6TJKOS (79).
The sea's two-fold natu1-e is articulated by the balance and cont1-ast of
-rro/l.AcxK1s µEv (37) . . . -rroAAcxKlS 8E (39), mirroring TT)V µEv 17µEpTJV (28) ...
TT)V 8' (32) used of the sea-woman's unpredictable moods.
37-9 CXTPEIJflS I ... CXTrflµ wv 'stands motionless and ha1-mless'. Fo1-
cx-rr17µwv of the sea, cf. Tf\µos 8' [i.e. in the sailing season] EvKp1vEES T' avpa1
Kai -rr6vTos cx-rr17µwv (Hes. vVD 670). xapµa ... µiya, 'a great delight to those
who sail', stands in apposition to 6cxAacrcra. 6i ptos ... w pflt 'in the summer
season', the ideal time for sailing; cf. Hes. vVD 664-5 E S TEAos EA66vTos 6EpEos
... I wpaios TTE/1.ETal 6VT]T01S TT/1.oos, 2 7-42n.
39-40 TroAAaKtS ... I ... cpo ptoµ ivT} 'but often it rages, tossed about
by thunderous waves'. r>apuKTUTro1a1: for the epithet, used of Poseidon as
well as Zeus, see on Semon. 1.1-2'ic.
41-2 The simile concludes by returning to the sea-woman and repeat
ing tl1e poi11t of co1nparison. Some have found the couplet flat and the
use of cx/1.AoiT] v suspicious (e.g. Horde1n 200 2). However, the meaning is
clear (see below), and a JUSt so ...' phrase is typical and expected after
the initial wcr-rrEp. TaUTfl l refers back to 6cxAacrcra (37). opy11v 'in her
tempe1-ament' (acc. of 1-espect). cpuflv . . . 2x21 'the sea has a changea

ble natt11-e': some argtie that a/\Aoiriv alone cannot mean 'variable' and
they point to the description of the equally quixotic vixen-woman,
6pyT)v 8' a.AAoT' aAAoiriv exc1 (11 ); cf. e.g. Renehan 1983: 11-12, who sug
gests deleting 6py17v in line 42 and reading <pv'T)v 8i: 1r6vTos- <a.AAoT'> a/\Aoiriv
exc1. But the idea of different times (a.AAoTc) is implicit (cf. TT)V µi:v f)µEpriv
... TT)V 8', 1roAAaK1s- µi:v . . . 1roAAaK1s- 8E) and a/\Aoios- can be used on its own
with st1ch a sense (cf. LSJ 2 'containing or st1bject to diversity'), even if its
coupling with a.AAoTc is more common.
43-9 The donkey-woman is work-shy (like the mare-woman: 58-61 ),
gluttonous (like the sow-woman and earth-woman: 6, 24), and promis
cuous (like the weasel-woman: 53). Donkeys were indispensable to the
ancient economy and daily life (cf. Thgn. 183- 5n.), but literary portrayals
tend to igno1-e thei1- good qualities in orde1- to cont1-ast them negatively
with horses; on tl1is 'equine hierarchy', see Griffith 2006, Gregory 2 007.
Here both the donkey and the horse are presented unfavourably, though
the lower-class donkey-woman, tinlike the pampered mare-woman, can
not escape her domestic duties for ever.
43 EK . . . ovou 'from an ash-grey donkey that has suffered many
blows'. ano61fis TE offers the least intrusive correction of the transmitted
TT)V 8' EK Tc cr1ro8rf)s- (which is unmetrical); for other suggestions, e.g. Tc<ppf)s
Tc ('ash-grey'), crTcpcf)s- Tc ('stt1bbom'), see Fenno 2005. naA1vTp1f?,ios,
'struck repeatedly', marks the donkey's obstinacy, famously depicted in
the Homeric simile describing Ajax' reluctant retreat (Il. 11 .558-62);
bt1t the word also suggests the potential t1se of violence against the don
key-woman herself (cf. 16-1 8n.).
44-6 avcxyK111 ... iv1nfi1a1v 'afte1- beatings and curses'. µ6 y1s 'against
her will' (lit. 'with difficulty'). EaTE p�iv... anavTa 'consents to everything':
gnomic aor. of crTEpyw ('acquiesce, endure', LSJ III 2); so too l1rov11craTo,
with crasis. wv (Ionic fo1- ovv), 'after all' (lit. 'in fact'), emphasizes the
futility of the donkey-woma11 's 1-efusal to perfo1-m her tasks in 43-4.
Kanovr,aaTo I ap taTcx, 'and does her work to an acceptable standard',
reveals a typically patronizing view of women's domestic duties.
46-7 The donkey-woman eats throughout the house and all the time
(cf. 5-6, 24nn.). Unlike horses, donkeys were often given very basic and
minimal feed; if hunger forced them to eat things like thistles, nettles,
and twigs, this may have led to a reputation for greediness. To cpp a 6' 'but
meanwhile', i.e. while she should be working. iv µu xw1 I .•. in' iax cxp11 1,
'in the back room ... and at the hearth', emphasizes her uncontrollable
gluttony, since neither is the proper place for eating; Hesiod's bad wife
is called a 8c11rvoA6xos-, 'dinner-ambusher' ( vVD 704). np ovu� np ofiµa p
'all night, all day': the jingling pl1rase has a colloquial ring, though
both words are attested only here (for consecutive hapax leg·omena, cf.
12). These 1rpo- compounds were probably created by analogy with the
Homeric phrase 1rp6TTav 17µap (fl. 1.601, etc.), a strengthened fo1-m of
TTOVT)µap.
48-9 oµ ws 6i 'and likewise': the donkey-woman's insatiable desi1-e for
sex matches her appetite for food. The hypersexuality often attribt1ted
to male donkeys in early Greek literature and vase-painting (e.g. Archil.
43, Pind. Pyth,. 10.36; d. Gregory 2007: 204-5) is here transferred to the
female, reflecting the male speaker's anxiety about women's fidelity (cf.
53, 90-1). t pyov acppo6ia1ov: a variation on the common periphrasis 'the
works of Aphrodite' (cf. 'the works of Ares' meaning 'war'); Hesiod, for
example, describes a yot1ng unmarried girl as ov 1rw Epy' Ei8via 1r0Auxpvcrov
/\ cppo8iTT) S ( vVD 521). i?\66vT' ... i6i�aTo 'she welcomes [gnomic aor.] any
partner tl1at comes along'. iTaipov: for the sense 'sexual partner', cf. Ar.
Eccl. 912 oux iiKEl µovTaipos. 6vT1vwv = ovT1v' ovv ('any at all').
50-6 The weasel-woman is repulsive (as is the ugly monkey-woman:
73-7), lascivious (like the donkey-woman: 48-9), and a thief. Weasels
were popular domestic animals kept to hunt mice and small snakes (a
role gradually taken over by cats), bt1t the speaker predictably ignores
their usefulness.
50-2 6vaTT}vov ... yivos 'a miserable, wretched creature', in appo
sition to TflV. ou Tl KaAov ... I ... ou6' i pcxaµ1ov: the barrage of negatives
could hardly be more insistent. The weasel-woman's repulsiveness may
draw on the animal's proverbially unpleasant smell; e.g. Ar. Wealth 693
vTTo Tov 8Eovs 08Eovcra 8p1µvTEpov yaAf)s ('farting in fear, stinkier than a
weasel').
53-4 Euvfis ... cxcppo61ai11s 'she is mad for the bed of love'. a?\11v11s: a
hapax, glossed by Hesychius as µa1 v6µEvos. This gives much better sense than
Winterton's cx8T)vi)s, 'inexperienced' (adopted by v\Test). The weasel's sex
ual appetite features in an Aesopic fable (Fab. 50 Perry): a weasel fell in
love with a handsome young man and was transformed into a woman by
Aph1-odite so she cot1ld mar1� him ( there is no happy endi11g); cf. Brown
1997: 73-4. Tov ... 616oi 'and makes whatever man she is with queasy'.
Tov na pEovTa: cf. Thgn. 1367-8 on female infidelity, 1ra186s To1 xcxp1s tcrTi·
yvva1Ki 8e TTlO"TOS ETaipos I ov8Eis, a.AA' aiEi TOV TTOpEOVTO <plAEl. vauai111: the man
is sickened by her generally disgusting presence (see 50-2); but the more
literal meaning 'sea-sickness' (Ionic vavcri T) = Attic vavTia), implying that her
partner's nausea is caused by her movements during sex, is also possible.
55-6 The weasel-woman steals not only f1-om her neighbours (yciTovas)
but also from the gods. KAETITouaa: Pandora, the first woman, was given a
'thievish character' (ETTiKA01rov 1760s, Hes. vVD 67, 78). a6uaTa ... KaTEa6iE1
'and she often devou1-s t1nbu1nt sac1-ifices', i.e. she steals sacrificial offe1ings
that still await consecration (&evcrTa = &6vTa, 'not successfully offered');
for weasels stealing 1neat intended for sacrifice, cf. Ar. Thesm. 558-9. The
ve1Ab KaTccr6ic.u is often applied to scavengers or predators (e.g.Hecuba's

\Varning to Hector: &vcu6c 8e <Jc µeya vw'iv I /\pycic.uv TTapcx vriucri KVVES TOXEES
KaTe8ovTa1, Il. 22.88-9); its t1se here emphasizes the weasel-woman's greed
and furtiveness.For more unpleasant eating, cf.6, 2 4, 46-7.
57-70 The mare-woman is beautiful bt1t also lazy, luxt1rious, and vain.
While the horse could serve as a positive symbol of female beauty, as in
Aleman's maiden-songs (fr. 1.45-59), here the mare-woman's att1Aactive
ness comes at too high a price. Such a woman is good for tyrants and kings
but not for ordinary people (69-70). Thus her presentation in particular
reflects the socio-economic status of the poem's notional at1dience, who
are people of average standing, not g1Aeat lords. The scene also shows how
women's status and role differed according to their own socio-economic
position. A wealthy king wants a trophy wife: female beat1ty and dainti
ness a1Ae desirable for him, and he does not need 01A indeed want a wife
who works. The average man, however, needs a wife who will pull her
weight about the house, and beauty is not a priority; tellingly, the ideal
bee-woman is not singled out for her looks.Finally, the scene represents
a humorot1s dig at men who are taken in by beauty and end up with a
useless wife.
57 1nnos cx� p fl xa1TiEaa' 'a luxt1rious, long-maned mare': for similar
polemic against 'useless luxt1ry' (cxf>pocrvvas ...cxvc.ucpcAeas), cf.Xenoph.
3.1 *.A horse's pride in its mane is used to characterize the self-satisfied
Paris, V 4' 0U bE KCXPll €Xcl, cxµcpi bE xaiTal I wµo1<; cx'f<J<JOVTOl (Il. 6.509- 10).
58-62 Whe1Aeas the donkey-woman works relt1ctantly, the mare-woman
does no work at all (for the role of social class, see 43-9, 57-7onn.).ft ...
nE p1Tp inE1 'who pushes slavish chores and trouble upon others'. 6ouA1'
neatly captu1Aes the mare-woman's own view of household tasks.nEp1Tp inE1:
the verb ('tum a1Aound, divert') is used elsewhere of transferring responsi
bility; cf.Lys.6.13 vµcis O\JV µ17 f>ou/\c<J6c clS vµas Tl7V aiTiav TOVTllV TTcplTPE4' 0l.
µuA11s ... 1<oa1<1vov I ... Konpov ... I ... invov, 'millstone ...sieve ...dung
... oven', are everyday wo1Ads (so too cxcrf,6Ari, 'soot') giving a rep1Aesenta
tive sample of a wife's routine duties. Even an upper-class woman, who
might not be expected to do these things herself, should at least supervise
the slaves who do. µuA11S ... 1<oa1<1vov: i.e. g1Ainding and sieving corn to
make bread, an essential part of daily life. a p E1Ev 'lift', 3rd sg. aor. opt. of
cxcipc.u.ovTE ... I 1{01T' 'or sit by the oven, since she avoids soot'.
62 cxvcx y1<111 . . . cpiAov 'she makes her husband well acquainted with
necessity': he1A poor household management (58-62), coupled with her
expensive addiction to hot baths and perfume (63- 4), threaten to impov
erish her husband: cf.69-70, 1o 1-2; also Thgn.35 1-2 ex 8c1A17 llcviri ... I
...µ17 817 µ' ovK E6e AovTa cpi Ac1. Ho1Ases were notoriously expensive to keep
(e.g. Ar. Clouds 83-5), and the same is true of the mare-woman.By con
trast, the industrious bee-woman increases her husband's prosperity (85
6ai\i\c1 8' vn' avTfiS KanaE�cTa1 �ios). Some interpret the line as 'she makes
a man her lover by necessity' (i.e. her beat1ty ove1-powers a man's disap
proval of her behaviour), but her economic 1-atl1er than e1-otic impact is
more relevant to the context.
63-4 :houTa1 . . . pvnov 'she washes the dirt off herself every day'.
:houTa1 ... &no = anoi\oOTa1 (tmesis), with a recessive accent on the ver
bal prefix (an6) when it comes after its ve1Ab (anastrophe: Smyth §175,
CGCG §§24.37, 60.14); anoi\oOTa1 implies a full bath in warm water,
rather than a quick wash, at considerable expense. For bathing as a sym
bol of a luxurious lifestyle in general, see Ar. Clouds 837-8. (Men had
access to bath-houses; women washed at home.) 6is ... T pis 'twice, some
times three times': enjambment emphasizes the excess, especially after
TTCX<JT)S 17µEpT)s (i.e. once every day would be bad eno11gh). Kai ... a:hei q> ETa1
'and anoints he1-self with pe1-fume': perfumes we1-e expensive and so
could be seen (like frequent baths) as luxurious and decadent.
65-6 aiei ... I ... iaK1aaµiv11v 'she always wears her lush hair combed
out and decked with flowers'. aiei, i.e. not just for special occasions,
stresses the extravagance. xaiT11v recalls her mother's 'mane' (xa1TEccrcr',
5 7). �a6e'iav (lit. 'thick') denotes the hair's luxuriant fullness; cf. /\p1crTaios
�aevxaiTT)S (Hes. Theog. 977). cxv6i µo1a1v: &v6cµov (neuter) is a rare poetic
equivalent of &veos.
67-8 Ka:hov ... I &:h:ho1a1, Tw1 6' txovT1 ... KaKov: chiasmt1s and enjamb-
ment underline the contrast ('a lovely sight for others, btit ...'). wv (=
ovv) emphasizes µEv, which is then answered by 8E. Ka:hov . . . 6i 11µa . . .
I &:h:ho1a1: despite the positive reaction of others, the mare-woman's hus
band cannot take pleasure in her good looks (cf. 30-1 n.). Tw1 6' t xovT1
'[but evil comes] to the man who has her': cf. LSJ exw A I 4 'have to
wife or as husband (usually without yvvaiKa, &v8pa)'; fiv Tl Kai 80KEwcr1v
wcpci\civ I exovT1 ( 97-8).
69-70 r\v ... 111 'unless he is some tyi-ant 01- scept1-e-bearing king': only
a very wealthy ma11 could affo1-d to maintain such a woman. Tv pavvos: the
word is first attested here, though Archilochus has Tvpcxvvis (19.3*) and
(probably) TvpavviT) (23.20). aK 11TrTou xos: a Homeric epithet applied to
�ao-1i\cvs (or �ao-1i\fics), but also used by itself (8s TlS . . . I o-KT)TTTouxos T' clT),
ll. 14.92-3). oaT1s ... cx y:hcx'f(eTa1 'whose heart delights in such creatt1res':
his expensive and high-maintenance wife serves as a symbol of his own
st1ccess; see 57-7on. To1ovT01s: as often in Ionic the first syllable (ust1ally
scanned long: e.g. To100Tov, 77) is shortened before anothe1- vowel; cf.
Semon. 1.4* (6ovo-1v, 1.17* (6c1v, West 1974: 79.
71-8� The monkey-woman is exceptionally ugly, devious, shameless,
and 1nalevolent. A1-chilochus' conte1npo1-a1-y fable of the fox and the
monkey shows a proud monkey outwitted by an even more cunning
opponent (frr. 185-7; see further on 75-6 below). Monkeys were kept
as luxu1--y pets or for entertainment, since thei1- talent for imitation was
found amusing.
71-2 61aKp16ov I ... µiy1aTov ... KaKov 'absolutely the biggest evil':
the catalogue of bad women culminates in the worst of all, enhancing the
cont1-ast witl1 the ideal bee-woman wl10 comes afterwards. Zius: cf. 1-2n.
w1Taaiv: m.eant i1-onically, since 6-rrcxsw, 'bestow', is usually used of giving
positive things (e.g. honour, wealth, beauty, etc.); contrast xapiscTa1 (92),
where Zeus's favour is genuine.
73-7 foct1s on the monkey-woman's physical repulsiveness, 78-82 on
her awful character, and the two sections are linked by µev (73) . . . 8E
(78). For the link between looks and character, cf. e.g. Homer's Thersites
(aYcrx1crTos 8e cxvT)p v-rr6 ,,li\1ov rii\6c, Il. 2.216) and the disgusting wea
sel-woman ( 50-4).
73-4 aiax1aTa ... 1Tpoaw1Ta 'her face is hideous': on the monkey's
p1-ove1-bial ugliness, cf. Pind. Pyth. 2 .72-3 Kai\6s To1 -rri6wv -rrapcx -rra1criv, aici
I Kai\6s ('Pretty is the monkey in the eyes of children, pretty indeed!').
aaTEOS ... yiAws: public ridict1le of the monkey-woman's looks brings
shame on her husband too (cf. 30-1, 67-8nn.).
7 5-6 Asyndeton enhances the pt1nchy list of complaints: 'short
neck, moves awkwardly, no bum, all legs'. K1vti'Ta1 µoy 1s reflects the
monkey's gait when trying to walk on two legs. a1Tu yos: lit. 'without
bt1ttocks'. Hesiod by contrast warns against the woman who flat1nts her
attractive behind: µri8e yvv11 <Jc v6ov -rrvyocrT6i\os E�CXTTCXTCXTW ( vVD 3 7 3);
sex-workers could use padding if they we1-e under-endowed, wcrTc TT)V
cvTTvyiav I avar,oav Tous cicr186vTas (Alexis fr. 103.11-12 K-A; Arnott
1996: 276-7). The monkey's lack of buttocks was felt to be comic. In
Archilochus' fable the monkey is trapped with his bum sticking up into
w
the ai1-, and the fox mocks him, To111v8c 8', -rri6TJKE, TT)V -rrvyT)v E XWV (fr.
187); similarly, in the Aesopic version, where the monkey's dancing
has won him the title of king of the animals, the fox asks the trapped
w
animal, Tit6TjKc, <JU 8€ TOlCXVTT]V -rrvy�v exwv TWV ai\oywv sw lWV r,acr1i\cvc1s;
(Fab. 81 Perry). A monkey's bum, lacking hair, would be particularly vis
ible, making it a likely subject of mocke1-y. avToKwAos, 'all legs', stresses
he1- lack of buttocks.
76-7 ix TaAas avflp 'Ah, poor man': the speaker's seemingly serious
language and pitying tone have a comic effect. ayKaAi(iTa1, 'embraces', is
deliberately placed last, summing up the monkey-woman's physical faults
and concluding the section devoted to them (73-7n.).
78-9 6T}vta ... E1TiaTaTa1 'she knows all the t1-icks and schemes':
monkeys were proverbially tricky and deceptive (e.g. Ar. Ach. go 5-7),
qualities shared with the vixen-woman (7-11). wa1Ttp Tri6 T} Kos: 37-42n.
ov6i . . . µiAi1, 'no1- does she mind being laughed at' (1-athe1- than
'she doesn't like a joke' (West)), picks up yEi\ws (74) and stresses the
monkey-woman's shamelessness, a failing also possessed by the bitch

woman (19).
80-2 The monkey-woman's explicit malevolence rounds off the cata
logue of bad female types. ou6' ... E p�e1ev 'she'd do no one any good' (3rd
sg. ao1-. opt. of fp8w). Repetition ( TOOT' . . . I Kai TovTo; oKws Tl Kws) and
synonymy (6pa1 I ... r,ovi\EvETa1, 'looks to ... and plans') underline her one
and only goal. E p �tttv KaKov: the contrast with Ev fp�EtEv (80) stresses her
constant ill will towards everyone.
83-93 The bee-woman is a paragon of indt1stry, affection, mother
hood, and fidelity. Whereas Hesiod compares women to parasitic drones
living off the labour of productive 'worker bees', i.e. men ( Theog. 594-
602; cf. tt-V 302-6), Semonides extends the animal's reputation for hard
work to the female sex, or at least to one small part of it.
84 Keivf}t ... 1Tpoa1�avt1 'on this woman alone does no blame settle':
the ve1-b -rrpoo-1scxvw is used of insects landing on flowers; the metaphor
thus imagines 'blame' as a troublesome insect, flying from woman to
woman, but not landing on the bee-woman.
85 6aAAEt . . . �ios, 'and under her management resources flourish
and increase', contrasts the bee-woman's positive effect with the drain on
the household represented by other female types (cf. 6, 24, 46-7, 58-66,
101-2). 6aAAt1 continues the flower imagery.
86 cpiAT} ... cp1AiovT1: both elements of this figura etymologi,ca are active
('loving'), stressing the mutual affection of wife and husband (for the
classic statement of marital 'harmony', see Od. 6.180-5). yT) p<XaKtt adds
the idea of enduring love.
87 TtKouaa ... yivos 'having borne beautiful and glorious offspring':
significantly, the bee-woman is the only female type who is presented as
having children, unde1-lining her statt1s as the ideal wife. Female sext1ality
is spoken of here in terms of its 'proper' purpose (cf. 90-1), in cont1�ast to
tl-1e shameful promiscuity of other women (48-9, 53-4). KwvoµaKAuTov =
Kai 6voµcxKi\vTov (crasis): the grand epithet exalts the bee-woman's mater
nal role.
88-9 Kcx p11T pt1TflS: the epic word ap1-rrpETIT1S, 'outstanding', enl1ances
her exceptional status. 6ei1"} ... xc:x p1s 'and divine grace surrounds her': a
further epic image (cf. e.g. Od. 2 .12 6Eo--rrEo-i ri v 8' &pa Tw1 yE xcxp1v KaTEXEVEV
J\6T1v ri) expresses the bee-woman's miraculous charm. In contrast to the
dangerous xcxp1s of Pandora, a sexual allure which leads men astray (Hes.
tt-V 65-6), the bee-woman's 'grace' comes from her success as a wife and
mother (see Hunter 2014: 161-2).
90-1 Bees were symbols of chastity and purity, and various goddesses
and priestesses were desc1ibed as 'bees', e.g. Artemis (Ar. Fr'Ogs 1273-
4), Demete1- ( Callim. Hymn 2 .11o), and the Pythia (Pind. Pyth. 4.60).
However, unlike (for example) the abnormally asexual Hippolytus, who
b1-ings Artemis a ga1-land from 'an untouched meadow' populated by bees

(a.AA' a.KT")paTov I µEAlCJCJa AE1µwv' 17p1vT) 81EPXETa1, Eur. Hipp. 76-7), the bee
woman has the correct attitude to sex, doing her bit for the sake of legit
imate children (87) and shunning other women 'when they talk about
sex' (91). G1-eek pat1-ia1-chal ideology f1-amed women as lascivious and
always gossiping about sex (e.g. Ar. Lys. 21-5, Thesm. 471-519; on the
threat posed by such gossip, see McClure 1999: 56-62): tl1e bee-woman's
restraint is a sign of her ideal CJwq>poCYuvri (cf. 108 CJWq>povEiv 8oKEi).
92-3 Toias yvvaiKas 'women like her'. av6p cxa1v ... I ZEus 'which Zeus
bestows upon men': though l1is bad female types outnumber tl1e good
(nine to one), the god is responsible for this 1-are blessing (cf. 1, 7 2, 94,
96, 115). no1\v<ppa6EaTcxTas, 'most sensible', s11ms up the bee-woman's
combination of intellectual and moral excellence.
94-118 Having described the ten separate types, the poem concludes
with general 1-eflection on the evil nature of women.
94-5 Tex ... I ... µivE1 'but those other breeds, by Zeus's design , all
exist and remain with men'. The speaker moves from the admirable bee
woman to general condemnation of women by reminding his audience
of the nine bad q, vAa. TauTa is contemptuous (cf. LSJ ovTO$ C I 3). µivE1:
for Zeus has ensured that men cannot do without them; cf. 83-7, 115-16,
Hes. Theog. 602-12.
96-7 The same idea underlies Hesiod's misogyny: W$ 8' avTW$ &v8pECYCJ1
KaKov 6vriToiCJ1 yuvaiKa$ I ZEV$ V4'l�pEµETT]$ 6f\KE ( Theog. 600-1). yvvaiKas:
emphatic enjambment. The poem's central idea (ZEV$ . . . KaK6v) is
repeated word for word at the end (115); for the phrasing, cf. 71-2.
97-8 emphasize the idea of women merely 'see1ning' (80KEWCJ1v) to
be good (cf. 29-31), which is used to discredit the entire female sex (see
108-11). Deception, a quality typical of the vixen- and monkey-women
(10-11, 78-9), is now presented as an inescapable female trait. EXOVT1 •••
KaKov: cf. 68 Tw1 8' gxovT1 yivETa1 KaK6v. The focus is tellingly on the harm
done to the man.
99-100 ou . . . I &naaav 'never gets through a whole day in a good
mood': once again the speaker foreg1-ounds (with comic exaggeration)
women's negative effect on men. oaT1s ... va1ETci1 'tl1e man who lives with
a woman': the transmitted 1TEAETa1 gives good sense, but is unmet1ical; the
best conjecture is Wilhelm's va1ETcx1 (cf. Hes. 1neog. 592 on the 1-ace of
wo1nen, TTf\µa µEya 6VT]TOlCJ1, CJUV av8pcxCYl VOlETCXOUCJa1).
101-2 ou6' ... I ... 6Ewv 'nor will he q11ickly thrust H11nger from his
home, a hateful housemate, a hostile deity'. A1µ6v: personified Hunger is
used by Hesiod to motivate Perses to work: o q,pa <YE /\1µ6$ I EX6aipri1, q, 1AET]l
8E CJ' EVCJTEq>avo$ .6.riµT")TTlP I ai8oiri ( 1iVD 299-301); b11t whereas Hunger will
'hate' (Ex6aipri1) the indust1-ious Perses and so avoid his home, here it is
a hateful (Ex6p6v) housemate of the unlucky husband. avvotKflTfi p a: the
word (attested only here) imagines Hunger cohabiting with the couple
in a miserable menage a trois. For women as a drain on the household's
resources, cf. 6, 24, 46-7, 58-66. Hesiod says of the unmarried man, 6 8'
ov l316Tov y' E1T18Ev17s I (wE1 ( Theog. 605-6). 6Ewv: some prefer Grotit1s' 6E6v,
but the partitive genitive, lit. 'hostile one among the gods', evokes epic
- as in, for example, the Homeric 8ia 6Ecxwv - and the g1-ande1- style (cf.
37-40, 66, 88-9, 116-18) suits the baleful image of Hunger.
103-5 avfl p ... I ... oiKov 'when a man seems to be particula1-ly happy
with his hot1sehold': a man's ft1n is n1ined once again (see on 99-1oo above).
µ oipav . .. xap iv: accusatives in apposition, expanding on 6vµ178Eiv, '[to be
happy] by god's favour or man's kindness'. Eupouaa ...KopvaaETa1 'she finds
some fat1lt and girds herself for battle': mock-epic language (Kopvcrcrw is a
Home1ic verb of arming) expresses the wife's short temper and hostility.
106-7 restate the idea that bad wives make it difficult to receive guests
(cf. 19n.). yap (delayed to suit the met1-e) int1-oduces another 1-eason for
the statement Tw1 µcxA1crTa yivETa1 KaK6v (98, with ycxp in 99). 6EKoiaTo:
Ionic 3rd pl. present optative (with &v omitted), 'they cannot even give a
hearty welcome', where 'they' refers to men (i.e. husbands) in general.
108-9 TjTlS ... I ... 1\w�wµiv11 'let me tell yot1, the one who seems the
most respectable, she's the one who in fact commits the greatest outrage'.
Some scholars have seen an inconsistency between these lines and the
existence of the bee-woman; thus Schear 1984, for example, claims that
the bee-woman exists only in her husband's imagination. However, the
point is not that the bee-woman does not exist, but that she is a rare excep
tion; and these lines warn men not to assume that a wife who behaves
well is in fact a bee-wife. This idea is elaborated in 112-14, where men's
tendency to p1-aise their own wives and criticize others' is shown to be
mistaken. Toi ('I tell yot1', 'mark my words': cf. GP 537 'To1, strictly speak
ing, implies an audience') reinforces the didactic relationship between
speaker and addressee (see tl-1e introduction above). µ a?\10-Ta ... I ...
µiyiaTa: the opposing superlatives magnify the extent of the woman's
deception. 1\w�wµiv11 implies shocking mistreatment or insult. Although
Semonides allows his audience to imagine the lurid details, crwq,povEiv
(108) is often used of female sexual restraint (e.g. Eur. Bacchae 31 7-18)
and leads the listener to think of illicit affairs (among othe1- crimes).
110-11 KEX11v0Tos . . . av6 pos 'for while her husband gapes open
mouthed' (genitive absolute): xcxcrKw (perf. KEX17va) is used of inattention
(e.g. Ar. Knights 1032 oTav crv 1To1 aA/\ocrE xcxcrK171s) and here marks the
man as oblivious to his seemingly virtuous wife's true nature. oi 6s yEiToVES
I . .. cxµ apTavE1 'tl1e neighbot1rs take pleasure in seeing how he too is
fooled'. yEiTovEs I xaipoua': according to Hesiod, you should choose a
wife carefully, µ17 yEiTocr1 xo:pµaTa y17µ171s (vVD 701); cf. Archil. 196a.33-
4�� (of the promiscuous Neoboule) o]-rrws Eyw yvvaiKa T[o] !OVTT)V EXWV I
yci]Tocr1 xcxpµ' Ecroµa1. Kai Tov: i.e. he is not the first man to be dt1ped by
his wife. cxµapTave1: lit. 'is mistaken', i.e. is wrong to assume his own wife
is exempla1-y.
112-14 By pointing ot1t that every man tends to believe mistakenly
that his own wife is the equivalent of the bee-woman, Semonides clev
erly pt1nctures his male at1dience 's sense of complacency. The speak
er's humour at the audience's expense is unexpected and pointed, but
does not in any way challenge the poem's (or the audience's) patriar
chal ideology. At the same time, the lines assume that Greek men were
proud of their wives, despite the general culture of misogyny; and while
they had a negative conception of women in general, they could also
admire and love the women they we1-e married to and knew best (cf. 86
cpii\ri 8e crvv cp1i\EovT1 y ripcxcrKEl 1TO<JE1). TT}V f\v ... I yvvaiKa 'his own wife'.
aiviati µeµv11µivos 'will do all l1e can to praise': for µ1µvT)<JKoµcx1 in the
sense 'take care to', cf. LSJ µ1µvT)<JKW B 4. TT}V ... fJWfJfl<TtTa1 'and will find
fault witl1 tl1e other man's': cf. 84 KEivri1 yap 0Yri 1 µwµos- ov 1Tpocr1<:cxvE1. ia11v .
.. y1vwaKoµev 'but we don't realize that we have an equal lot': appropri
ately, as the poem nears its end (115-18n.), the speaker strikes a strong
note of male solida1-ity. Compensatory lengthening of the syllable before
an original postconsonantal digamma is regt1lar in the earlier Ionian
poets (ficrfos- > epic 'icros-), hence Ycr riv rather than Ycr riv. However, the short
vowel scansion is found at Hes. VVD 75 2 Ycrov and Semonides could have
used this island Ionic form.
115-18 Most recent editors have judged that the poem is incomplete,
arguing that Tovs- µEv (117) was originally answered by a 8E clat1se contain
ing further mythological examples of evil women. However, emphatic µEv
solitarium is well attested (see GP 359-61), and it makes excellent sense to
end such a poem with Helen, the pre-eminent femme fatale of G1-eek myth
(see below on 117-18).
115 = 96: the repetition t1nderlines the poem's central theme, while
the ring composition enhances the sense of clost1re.

116 Kai ... ni611v: lit. 'and he has placed around [us] a bond, an
unbreakable fetter', i.e. 'he has bound us to them with an unbreakable fet
ter'. The imagery of bonds and fette1-s emphasizes Zeus's sup1-eme power
(e.g. [Aesch.] Pr·omethe us 1 Bo,und 6 8Ecrµwv Ev appT)KT01s- 1TE8cx1s-; Hes. Theog.
521-2 8i7<JE 8' CXAVKT01TE◊Tll<Jl Tlpoµri 6ECX 1TOlK1i\6f3ovi\ov, I OE<Jµois- cxpycxi\EOl<Jl)
and specifically his creation of a world in which men cannot do without
women: cf. 83-7, 95, Hes. Theog. 602-12.
117-18 i� ou is temporal ('from the time when') rather than causal
('because of this [evil]'): the poet is not implying that women did not
exist or were not a problem before Helen, but is simply foregrounding
the T1-ojan War as the outstanding symbol of the havoc they cause (nat
urally, all male responsibility, not least Paris' initial offence, is elided).
The major cycles of early Greek epic feature several importa11t and
potentially threatening women (e.g. Medea, Althaea, Deianeira), but no
106 COl\tIMENTARY: SEMONIDES 7 : CALLINUS
event is as far-reaching in its repercussions as the abduction of Helen,

and no figure embodies the 'beautiful evil' (Kai\ov KaK6v, Hes. Theog.
585) that is woman to the same degree (see Allan 2008: 10-13). Tous .
.. I ... a µcp16t1p1wµ ivous 'Hades received those who fot1gl1 t for the sake
of a woman'. yuva1Kos: Helen does not need to be named, so noto1-ious
is her part in the suffering of the Trojan War (e.g. n. 2. 161-2 'Apyci riv
'Ei\EVTJV, ris ElVEKa 1Toi\i\oi 'Axa1wv I Ev Tpoi ri 1 a1T6i\ovTo), but the refusal
to name her is a further sign of the speaker's contemptuous attitude
towards women in general (cf. Aesch. Ag. 62 1Toi\vcxvopos aµcpi yvva1K6s).
a µcp 16t1p1w µevous: 8 rip1cxoµa1 is a regular epic word (cf. ll. 12.421 ws T'
aµcp' ovpo1cr1 8v' avEpE 8rip1cxacr6ov), but the rare compot1nd verb, whose
placement necessitates an unusual elision at the caesura, creates a grand
(cf. 101-2n.) and sombre ending.
CALLINUS
Callint1s of Ephesus is probably to be dated around the middle of the
seventh century BC. In fr. 5 'now the cruel Cimmerian horde advances',
he refers to a tribe from sot1thern Russia which invaded Asia Minor c.
652 BC, sacking Sardis and burning the temple of Artemis in Ephest1s.
T he poem included here (1 *), quoted (like Tyrt. 12*) by the anthol
ogist Stobaeus under the heading E1Ta1vos Toi\µris (4.10.12), is the only
piece of any length still extant and may be complete ( apart from a brief
lacuna after line four). It p1-esents an urgent call to arms, addressed
to a grot1p of young men (w vE01, 2), who are rebuked for lying idle
(KaTcxKE1cr6c, 1) while their country is under attack. (Who the enemy are
is uncertain, though it is tempting to link the poem to the Cimmerian
invasion.)
KaTCXKE1cr6c can mean 'recline' as well as 'lie idle', implying that the
young men are enjoying themselves at a symposion, just like the audience
of the poem itself. This clever alignment of audiences (internal and exter
nal) highlights how the performance of such poetry of martial exhorta
tion (of a type found also in Sparta, in the elegies of Tyrtaeus) shapes and
reinforces the community's values: the young men's shameful idleness
and their unreadiness for war ( 1-4) t1nderlines the importance of cot1r
age in battle, which is clearest in the soldier's glorious death in defence of
his family and people (6-8).
Elegy was the most popular fo1� fo1- these ma1-tial themes (besides
Tyrtaeus, cf. Archil. 5*, 17a*, Mimn. 14*, Sol. 1-3*), not least because
the metre allowed easy adaptation of Homeric for1nulae: virtually every
phrase of Callin. 1 is paralleled in epic (see below and Introduction
§§1, 5). Moreover, the appeals to sl1ame and glory used in exhortatory
elegy echo those familiar from the Iliad, and both epic and elegy stress
COMMENTARY: CALLINUS 1 107
the individual's service to the community (for the difference made by

the development of the city-state, see on Tyrt. 1 2*). Although it remains
a commonplace to stress the difference between Homer and the eleg
ists, on the assumption that Homer was concerned with individual hon
our and the elegists with collective honour, both fo1-ms of poet1-y make
clear that the two are interdependent: Callinus' fighters, too, care about
their individual reputation and postl1umous glory (cf. 6-8, 16-2 1, Tyrt.
12.27-42*).
Callinus I
Sourr;e: Stobaeus 4.1o.12.

1-3 The text begins with three urgent questions in succession, creating
a sense of crisis. µixpis Tio (i.e. Tivos µexp1 xp6vou) 'how long?': Teo is Ionic
gen. sg. KaTcxKe1a6e: present for futu1-e, since tl1e speake1- wonde1-s l1ow
long their state of idleness will last. On the word's meaning ('lie idle',
but also 'recline') and its implications for the atldience, see above. This is
the earliest reference (in literature or art) to the convention of reclining
at the symposion (cf. Bowie 1990: 223). KoT(e): Ionic for TIOTE ('when?').
CXAKlfJOV ... 6u µ6v: cf. Tyrt. 10.17 aAAa µeyav TfOlclTc Kai CXAK1µov EV <ppccri
6uµ6v. The phrase echoes the Homeric &"AK1µov T)Top, used at line 10 below.
w vioi: the men are yotlng,but of fighting age,and should know better; cf.
Tyrt. 10.15, 11.10. ou6' marks the speaker's indignation ( GP 198). ai6eia6'
cx µq>11Tep1KTiovas 'feel shame before your neighbours' (lit. 'those who dwell
all around', with the compound prefix aµcp1Trcp1-). For the moral pressure
of 'those who dwell rotlnd about', cf. Telemachus' unsuccessful attempt
to shame the suitors: vcµccrcr17611Tc Kai auToi, I &"A"Aous T' a18ecr611Tc TicplKTiovas
avepwTIOVS, I o'i Ticp1va1cTCXOUCJl ( Od. 2.64-6). Ho1-tato1-y appeals to a18ws
are a staple of martial poetry f1-om the fliad onwards: see Cairns 1993:
160-1. µe61ivTes: 1nasc. nom. pl. present active part. of µc6f11µ1, 'to relax,
be at ease'; it is regtllarly used in Homer of those who 'slack' in battle
(e.g. Hector rebuking Paris: a"A"Aa EKwv µc61cis Tc Kai ouK E6e"Ac1s, Il. 6.523).
Unlike the Ephesians (presuming the poem is addressed to them), the
neighbouring communities are ready for war.
3-4 The contrast is emphatic: peace (Ev cip17v111) versus war (TIOAEµos),
supposition (8oKci'Tc) ve1-sus fact (a.Tap, with strong adversative force: GP
52). i,a6a1, 'sit arotlnd', reinforces tl1e charge of idleness. e xe1: metaphor
ical,'the whole country is in the grip of war'. The switch from the specific
situation in 4 to general moralizing in 5 suggests that more than one line
is missing, btlt the lacuna could be as small as three lines (hexameter
pentamete1--hexameter). From line 5 onwards the poem focuses on the
war1ior's glo1-ious death in defence of his community. The t1-opes of martial
exhortation deployed by Callinus (and Tyrtaeus) are familiar from Homer,
108 COMMENTARY: CALLINUS 1
and thei1- continuing popula1-ity and relevance to audiences throughout

Greece is 1-eadily unde1-standable, since all able-bodied men were expected
to fight (and potentially die) for their commt1nity if the need arose. Like
other forms of p1.1blic discourse (e.g. war memorials), these martial texts
emphasize the impo1-tance of winning glory and averting shame, bolster
ing the citizen-soldier's resolve in the face of life-threatening violence.
5 TtS 'any one', equivalent to 'eve1�one' in injunctions (cf. 9 a/\Aa TlS i6vs
YTw): 'and let a man hurl his last spear even as l1e dies'. uaTaT' cxKovT1aaTw:
lit. 'let him ht1rl his spear for the last time'; 3rd sg. aor. impe1-. of cxKovTi(w.
Seventl1-century vases sl1ow fighters with two spears (as in Homer), each
usable for throwing or thrusting (cf. Anderson 1991: 16-17).
6-8 assert the bonds of family and commt1nity that are worth risking
one's life for. Ttµ f}Ev ... cxy1\aov 'honourable and glorious': the words (as
in epic) stress the war1ior's enhanced status. nep1: where the preposition
follows its noun, the accent is 'thrown back' (anastrophe: Smyth §175,
CGCG §§24.37, 60.14). Kov p 16i11s T' &1\oxov: a Homeric phrase, '(lawfully)
wedded wife', as opposed to a concubine. o:Aoxos ('of the same bed') is
formed from the so-called copulative alpha+ AEXos.
8-13 For the argument (since death is inevitable, let t1s fight and win
glory), found in many traditions of heroic poetry; cf. Sarpedon's account
of the hero's privileges and obligations (ll. 12.322-8).
8-9 6vaµ Evea1v· 6cxvaTos: enjambment and juxtaposition, acknowledg
ing the risk of death at the hands of the enemy, which is then defused
by the inevitability of 'fate'. Moipa1: the Fates (named Clotho, Lachesis,
and Atropos by Hes. Theog. 905) appoint the time of death when they
'spin' the 'thread' of a person's life at their birth (cf. e.g. Il. 24.209-10).
intKAwawa': 3rd pl. aor. act. subjunctive of ETilKAw6w ('I spin'), with
66.vaTov t1nderstood.
9-11 Having established that fighting is necessary, the speaker
explains how it should be done. iTw: 3rd sg. pres. imperative of e1µ1 ('I
go'). 2yxos cxvaaxoµ Evos 'brandishing his spear': aor. middle part. of cxvExw;
cf. ll. 11.594 6oupaT' &va<Jx6µevo1. un' cxani6os ... I tAaas 'protecting (lit.
covering) his brave heart under l1is shield': aor. act. part. of eYAw; cf. n.
13.408 Tf\1 vTio (sc. a<JTii61) TICXS EaATJ. µ E1 yvv µ evov noAe µ ov: gen. absolute;
the 'mixing' metaphor ( common in Homeric battle narrative) expresses
the turbulence and confusion of combat: cf. Il. 4.456 ws Twv µ1<JyoµEvwv
I , I I
Y EVETO 1axri TE TIOVOS TE.

1�-13 The idea that even the gods' children (such as Achilles, son of
Thetis, or Sarpedon, son of Zeus) cannot escape death is fundamental to
the tragic fo1~m and i1npact of the Iliad, and hence to all subsequent Greek
poetry on the glory and the cost of war. Kws: Ionic for Tiws. Ei µ a pµ evov
iaTiv 'it is fated': pe1-f. pass. part. of µeipoµa1 ('I receive as my portion'),
sharing the same root as Moipa (9, 15).
COMMENTARY: CALLINUS 1 109
14-21 The remainder of the poem depicts the contrasting fates of the
man who flees the battlefield (14-16) and the man who fights bravely
(17-21).
14-16 noAAcxK1: the asyndeton marks these lines as explaining what
has gone befo1-e (Smyth §2167b). 6ri10TfiTa ... 6o0nov aKovTwv 'tl1e ca1-
nage and the thud of spears': Homeric vocabulary, underlining the shame
of flight. cpvywv: aor. pa1-ticiple, used substantively and without the arti
cle, in an indefinite sense, 'a man who has fled'. ePXETa1 '1-eturns safely
home', emphatic enjambment. iv 6' 01Kw1: cf. Sol. 4.28-9* fo1- a similar
image of fleeing but finding no escape, even in one's own l1ome. Kix ev:
unat1gmented gnomic aor. of K1xcxvw; the metaphor of being 'overtaken'
by death is familiar from epic, e.g. Il. 9.416 (Achilles on his retu1n home)
ov8E KE µ' wKcx TEAos 6cxvcxToto KlXEi 17 . o µiv: contrasting with the brave man
(Tov 8') in the next line. e µ nris 'in any case'. 6f1µ w1 ... ou6e no6e1v6s: i.e.
sl1unned by the community, dead or alive.
17-2. 1 The description of the courageous warrior highlights how the
individual (Tov 8' ... I ... µovvos Ewv) is honoured by the whole community
(Acxw1 ...cruµncxvT1), and emphasizes his exalted status alive or dead: univer
sal mourning marks his demise (17-19), while in life he stands out from
the crowd (like a tower: nupyov, 20) and is raised to the status of hero (&�10s
r
f)µ16Ec.0v, 19).oAiy os ... Kai µ iyas: the polarity (sc.'high and low', ' g eat and
small') stresses the grief of all citizens at the brave fighter's death.Tyrtaet1s
too emphasizes mot1rning by the whole community (12.27-8*).tiv Tl ncx6ri1:
a familiar euphemism.Aaw1: the word has a strong epic charge, casting the
warrior's death in heroic terms. n66os: in contrast to ov8� no6E1v6s (16).
KpaTepocppovos av6p6s: another Homeric phrase (e.g. Od. 4.333, Menelaus
on the 'stout-hearted' Odysseus). 6vf1crKovTos, (wwv: the juxtaposition is
emphatic. The brave man is honot1red like a hero while still alive. &�10s (+
gen.) 'ranks with' (lit. 'worth as much as'); cf.Agamemnon's complaint, vvv
8' ov8' Evos &�101 EiµEv I "EKTopos (Jl. 8.234-5). 11 µ 16iwv: the word is used once
by Homer looking back from a late1- period to the men who fought at Troy
(ll. 12.23) and by Hesiod of the superior 'heroic race' that preceded his
own (00 160-1). In each case the word marks outstanding qualities and
status as mucl1 as bi1-th (strictly speaking, only some heroes had a divine par
ent), and its t1se here elevates the citizen-soldier to the pinnacle of human
achievement and reward. wanep ... nupyov: the metapho1- (cf. ou1- 'tower
r
of strengtl1') is regularly used to express an individual's exceptional cont i
bution to the defence of his community, e.g. Odysseus to Ajax in the t1nder
wo1-ld: TOlOS ycxp CY<plV nupyos CXTIW/\EO, Od. 11.556. iv ocp6aAµ oia1v o pwa1v: such
pleonasm (with or without Ev) is cha1-acteristic of epic. ep 6e1: anotl1er word
(poetic and Ionic: Ep8w, 'I do') typical of epic. noAAwv a�1a: echoes &�10s
f)µ16Ewv just above; although just one man (µovvos Ewv, epic-Ionic for µ6vos
wv), his deeds are equal to those of many.
110 COMMENTARY: TYRTAEUS 4
TYRTAEUS
The Spa1-tan Tyrtaeus, like the Ionian Callint1s, was working around the
middle of tl1e seventh century BC, and most of what survives of Tyrtaeus'
poetry, including the three longest pieces (10, 11, 12*), deals with mar
tial themes, especially the depiction of the ideal soldier. (On the Homeric
background to such exhortatory elegy, see the introduction to Callint1s
above.) We know from the late seventh-century choral poet1-y of Aleman,
and from archaeological discoveries in local sanctuaries po1-traying danc
ers and aulos-players, that early Sparta had a rich cultural and musical life,
far removed from the stereotypical image of the Spa1·tans as milita1istic
philistines (for a wide range of sources, including inscriptions and ded
ications as well as poetry, see Cooley 2017). Even the poetry of Tyrtaet1s
is not limited to military ideology, since it also responds to contempora1-y
social and political problems (see 4*). Nonetl1eless, it should not surprise
us if most of Tyrtaeus' poetry were martial, as his career coincided with
the Second Messenian War, a b1utal struggle in which Sparta reasserted its
dominance over the Messenians, a neighbouring people whom they had
st1bjt1gated two generations before (see 5-7*).
The immediacy and realism of Tyrtaeus' martial elegies led some
scholars (ancient and modern) to believe they were written for recita
tion during military campaigns as a kind of parade-ground performance,
intended to prepare the soldiers for imminent battle. But there is evi
dence of symposion-like gatherings both at Sparta itself (in syssitia, com
munal meals of citizen-soldiers) and on campaign (in the king's tent,
among a select group of commanders), and it is likely that these smaller,
select groups, in part akin to the aristocratic symposia of Ionian commu
nities, formed the original audiences of Tyrtaeus' martial poetry (see
Bowie 1990: 2 24-9). By contrast, Tyrtaet1s' political elegies, including
his Eunomia ('Good Gove1-nment', 4 ��), were written for performance at
public festivals (cf. Bowie 1986: 30-1). Although l1e is the earliest surviv
ing elegist composing with Doric speakers in mind, Tyrtaeus uses (with
a few exceptions: cf. on 7.1 *) the established Ionic dialect of elegy, thus
exploiting his at1dience's knowledge of Panhellenic tradition and ensur
ing his work's disse1nination and fame beyond the borders of Laconia.
Tyrtaeus 4
Source: Plutarch, Lycurgus 6 (1-6); Diodorus Siculus, Universal History
7.12.6 (3-10).
This is the most extensive of two surviving fragments ofTyrtaeus' E1unomia.
We cannot be ce1-tain Ty1-taeus himself gave the poem this (or indeed
any) title, but it was clearly the traditional name for it by Aristotle's time
COMMENTARY: TYRTAEUS 4 111
(Pol. 1306b36). The other f1-agment, from a papyrus of the late first or
early second century AD (P Oxy. 2824), tells how the descendants of
Heracles, the mythical ancestors of the Dorians, were granted control of
the Peloponnese by Zet1s (Tyrt. 2). Tyrt. 4'� is conce1�ed more specifically
with Spartan history, and reports a Delphic 01-acle which had decreed
the prope1- roles of kings, elders, and people in the government of the
state. According to Aristotle, Tyrtaeus composed the poem in response
to factional discord caused by the Second Messenian War (cf. Tyrt. 5-7*),
as those hard pressed by the war called for a redistribt1tion of land. The
surviving text makes no mention of sucl1 a demand, but the empl1asis
here on the god-given pre-eminence of the kings and council of elders
(3-5), together with the warning to the people not to make plans that
would damage the state (8), suggests Tyrtaeus' support for the established
order, which also includes (he insists) the power of the people to decide
the will of the assembly by 1najority vote (9). In othe1- words, both sides
are reminded of the importance of mutual respect. For a similar appeal
to all sides aimed at ending factional strife in Athens, cf. Solon's use of
Euvoµi17 at 4.32-9*.
1-2 TTu6wv66ev 'from Delphi' (TTvBwBEv is also found): for the story of
how Apollo gained control over TTvBw (Delphi), see HHAp. 282-374,
which spells out the traditional aetiology of the name Pytho (TTvBw =
'cause to rot'), the place being named after the rotting corpse of the ser
pent killed by Apollo. tvetKav: 3rd pl. epic-Ionic aor. of <pEpw. According
to Plutarch (Lye. 6), the oracle was given to the kings Polydorus and
Theopompus, who brought it back to Sparta (cf. 1 01Ka8'). Polydorus and
Theopompt1s were commanders in the Fi1-st Messenian War ( c. 700 BC),
recalled in Tyrt. 5-7*. Our other source for Tyrt. 4*, Diodort1s Sict1lus
(7.12.6), believed the 01-acle was given to the legendary Spartan lawgiver
Lycurgus, but there is no evidence that Tyrtaeus mentioned him. It was
not unusual for Greek states to seek 1-atification of their political deci
sions from oracles, especially Apollo's at Delphi (cf. Thuc. 1.118.3 and
3.92.5 for the Spartans doing this before declaring war on Athens in 432
and founding a colony at Heraclea in Trachis in 426), a process which
proved highly profitable to the shrines and the st1rrounding communi
ties (see Parker 2000: 81-2, 85-94).Just as Tyrtaeus evokes the military
heroism of past generations which secured victory over the Messenians
(cf. 5.6* a1xµ17Tai TTaTEpwv -f)µETEpwv TTaTEPES), so here he recalls the polit
ical wisdom of the same period in order to rally his contemporaries.
TEAeevT': lit. 'certain to bring fulfilment', i.e. 'certain to be fulfilled'; cf. n.
8.247 aiETov . . . TEAE16TaTov TTETE17vwv, or TEAE105 as an epithet of Zeus ( e.g.
Aesch. Ag. 973).
3-9 As is typical of oracles, inst1�uctions are given in a series of

infinitives (&pxE1v ...µv6E1<J6a1 ...fp8E1v ...�ovi\EvE1v ...ETTE<J6a1),
standing for imperatives.Oracles were delivered in hexameters, and
it has been argued that lines 3, 5, 7, and 9 qt1ote the original 01�acle,
with the pentamete1-s (4, 6, 8) being added by Tyrtaeus (cf.West 1974:
184-5).
3-5 a p xE1v ... �ouAf\s: the kings and elders are to take the lead in all
political discussions. The important word ('rule') is put first.6EoTlfJT}Tous,
'honoured by the gods', reinfo1-ces the kings' authority.µiAE1: the word
implies tl1at leading tl1e city is the kings' proper concern; cf.Il. 6.492-3
(Hector to Andromache) n6i\Eµos 8' &v8pE<Y<J1 µEAT)<JE1 I ncx<J1, µcxi\1<JTa 8' eµoi.
i µ EpoEaaa: the epithet is chosen for its appeal to all Spartans; cf.Sol. 1.1 '�.
npEa�uyEvias ... yipovTas: the Spartan council of elde1-s (gerousia) con
sisted of twenty-eight men over sixty, who were appointed for life, plus the
two kings.
5-9 More space is given to defining the power of the demos, perhaps
st1ggesting that Tyrtaet1s is responding to discontent among them (see the
introduction above).
6 Eu6Eia1s pf1Tp a1s avTanaµE1�oµivous 'as they respond to (or with)
straight proposals': on the first interpretation the authorities' decisions
are 'straight' (i.e.correct, and so should be accepted); on the second the
people's own response is to be 'straight', i.e.not introduce any 'crooked'
alterations (cf.8 <<YKoi\16v>) - either way the proposals of the kings and
elders a1�e not to be disto1�ted but simply voted on.The use of the wo1�d
rhetrri led later writers to see a reference here to the Spartan constitu
tional agreement known as the 'Great Rhetra', which Plt1tarch dated to
the time of Lycurgus (Lye. 6).However, many later developments were
backdated to the legendary Lycurgus, and it is possible that Pluta1-ch's
rhetrri came after Tyrtaeus (cf.van Wees 1999). Nonetheless, it is striking
tl1at the r·hetr·a recorded by Plutarch gives the people 'the right to speak
in opposition and the power' ( cf.KapTos, line 9 belovv), so it may be that
Plutarch's r·hetr·a was (like its amendment: see on line 8) a product of the
time of Polydo1-us and Theopompus.
7 f p6E1v: see on Callin.1. 2 1 *.
8 <aKoA1ov>: the supplement gives good sense and is supported by
Plutarch's account of the amendment to the rhetra made by the kings: 'If
the people speak crookedly ( <JKoi\1cxv), the elders and leaders are to set
aside their proposals' (Lye. 6).
9 K<X pTos: epic (and Doric) for KpaTos.sn2a6a1 'belong to', lit.'follow',
with dat.(ni\i\6Et).
10 <l>oi�os: ring composition conclt1des the god's instructions
(<Poi�ov, 1).avicp11v2: 3rd sg.aor.of avacpaivw ('to reveal'), a word suited
to oracles (cf.Il. 1.87 llavao1<J1 6Eonponias avacpaivEtS).
Tyrtaeiis 5-7
Tyrtaeus recalls how the Spa1-tans conquered the Messenians two gener
ations before ( c. 700 BC) in the so-called First Messenian War, 1-educing
then1 to the status of helots (see below). It seems likely that these frag
ments were part of a larger poem in which Tyrtaet1s 11rged the Spa1-tans to
emulate their forefathers by cr11shing the major Messenian revolt of his
time. (Bowie 1986: 30 suggested ascribing 5-7* to the Euno1mia (4*), but
our sources for 5-7* indicate a separate poem focused on the Messenians
rathe1- than the Spartan constitution.) This conflict, known as the Second
Messenian Wai- ( c. 640 BC), saw the Spartans emerge victorious, and the
Messenians remained under their control (despite further rebellions)
until the Tl1eban victory over the Spartans at Leuctra in 371 BC. The
fundamental role of the helots (or 'captured people', deriving EYi\wTE$
f1-om the passive of ��Ei\w = aipEw) was to supply their Spartan masters with
food, and Tyrt. 5�1c compares them to toiling donkeys, worn out by their
heavy loads and compelled to b1-ing the Spartans half thei1- produce. The
helots' forced labour brought great prospe1-ity to Sparta (as seen in sev
enth-cent11ry dedications at local sanctuaries) and also made Sparta's mil
itarized society both possible, since male citizens were freed from work to
become full-time soldiers, and necessary, to qt1ell the permanent danger
of slave rebellion. Tyrtaeus' su1-viving poetry is geared to maintaining the
helots' subjugation and to reinforcing the increasingly militaristic values
of Spartan society during the crisis of the Second Messenian War.
Tyr·taeus 5
Source: Pausanias 4.6.5 (1-2); Schol. Plato, Laws629a (3); Strabo 6.3.3 (4-8).
This piece (which is made up of three separate fragments: 1-2, 3, 4-8)
begins in mid-sentence, so we cannot say precisely why Theopompus is in
the dative, but Pausanias quotes lines 1-2 as proof that Theopompus 'put
an end to the war' (4.6.5), and it seems clear that he is being celebrated
for leading the 01iginal conquest of Messenia.
1 fltJETi pw1 J?,aa1Afi1: Tl1eopompus, who reigned c. 720-670 BC, was a

member of the Spartan royal house known as the Eurypontids; for his
genealogy, stretching back to 1-Ieracles, see Hdt. 8.13 1. Polydorus, his col
league in the First Messenian War (Paus. 3.3.1, 4.7.7), came from the
royal house of the Agiads ( cf. Tyrt. 4.1-2*). 6Eoia1 ..• 0Eono µnw1: the
jingle (6Eo1- 6Eo-) and epithet 'dear to the gods' 11nderline the approp1i-
ateness of the triumphant king's name.
� ov 61cx ( = 81' ov): the postposition of 816: puts emphasis upon the
relative pronoun and so highlights Theopompus' cont1ibution. EtAOtJEv:
COMMENTARY: TYRTAEUS 5-6
the first-person plural verb ( 'we captured'), like 17µeTEpc.01 ( 1), st1-esses the
collective achievement of the Messenian conquest, which benefited all
Spartans. eupuxopov 'with broad dancing-places': a common Home1ic epi
thet, denoting a flourishing community, and so marking Messenia's value
to her Spartan conquerors.On the importance of choral performance in
Greek life, see Swift 2010: 1- 5.
3 Meaa,;vt')v ay a66v: though modifying a feminine noun, aya66s is
attracted into the same masc.form as the preceding (two-termination)
adjective evpvxopos; cf.Hes.Theog. 406-8 /\17Tw KVOV01T€1TAOV ...µei"A1xov
,, ) ' , '
...7l1TlOV ...µel/\lXOV
'A ...ayavwTaTOV. a:, yauov
.a. ' ... UTEUElV
q> good to
plot1gh and good to plant': the repetition underlines the fertility of
Messenia (cf.TTiova Epya, 7), whose produce supported Spartan society
and its increasing militarization.
4-8 evoke the twenty years of hard fighting to conque1- Messenia.
The use of precise numbers (EvvEa Kai 8EK' ET1l, e1KocrTw1) and temporal
adverbs (vw"AeµEws atei) stresses the duration of the war and hence the
effo1-t invested by the Spartan audience's ancestors, which, Tyrtaeus trusts,
will not have been in vain.
4 cx µq>': strictly 'to secure possession of', but the local sense of aµcpi is
also felt since the fighting took place on Messenian territory.
5 vwAeµiws 'relentlessly'. TaAaaiq>pova: a Homeric epithet ( especially
characteristic of Odysseus: 12 of 13 Homeric examples refer to him), ft1r
ther emphasizing the Spartans' heroic endurance.
6 naTi pwv ... naTip es: the original conquest took place two genera
tions ago but already has the exemplary character typical of heroic myth.
11 µ eTi pwv: see on eY"Aoµev (2).
7 oi µiv: i.e. the Messenians. KaTcx ... A1novTES 'leaving behind' (tme
sis of KaTaAeiTTw). tpya 'fields' (i.e. earth that has been 'worked'), a stand
ard term for agricultural land: cf. n. 12.283 av8pwv TTiova Epya.
8 '16wµaiwv ... 6 piwv 'from Ithome's high peaks': rising to over Boom
above the Messenia11 plain, Mt Ithome was the site of the ancient capital
of Messenia and formed a natural refuge and rallying point for the helots
(cf.Thuc. 1.101-3 for a lengthy Spartan campaign against rebels there
in the 46os-4 5os BC).In contrast to Tyrtaeus, later accounts of the First
Messenian War, written by non-Spartans, and after the liberation of the
helots, portray the Messenians' resistance on Mt Ithome in heroic and
tragic terms (cf.e.g.Paus.4.9-13).
Tyrtaeus 6
So1ur-ce: Pausanias 4.14.5.
Pausanias, our source for 6-7*, thought it was the harsh treatment
described here that led the Messenians to revolt, sparking the Second
COMMENTARY: TYRTAEUS 6-7 115
Messenian War (4.14. 6). Tyrtaeus and his Spartan audience will have
seen matte1-s differently, of course, and the poem's evocation of the
Messenians' misery is likely to have functioned as a further encourage
ment to the Spartans not to lose this battle, lest they face similar degra
dation or worse.
1 wan2 p ovo1: Ajax is compared to an ass at ll. 11.558-62 (the word's

sole occurrence in Homer), but the simile's point of comparision here
is not tenacity (as with Ajax) bt1t g1-inding physical effort, as in the mt1le
(T)µiovoi) simile of n. 17. 742-6, wl1ere Menelaus and Meriones labour to
carry the coipse of Patroclus from the battlefield. TE1 p6 µ2vo1 'oppressed,
wearied': the same verb is used in the Homeric mt1le simile Ev 8E TE 6vµ os I
TElpE6' 6µov KCXµCXTWl TE Kcxi 18pw1 CJTTEV◊OVTECJ<JlV (Jl. 17.744-5).
2 62anoauvo1a1 'to their masters': the adjective 8ECJTT6<Jvvos is here used
substantively (= 8ECJTT6TT)S). 'fi µ 1au: neuter used adve1-bially, 'to the extent
of a half'. The helots' contribution of natural produce helps maintain the
system that enslaves them. Assuming that Spartan citizens were better fed
than helots, this percentage suggests that the enslaved population out
numbered the free Spartans, adding to Spartan anxiety and reinforcing
the militarization of their society.
3 apou pa: a standard poetic word for tilled land (cf. cxp6w 'I plough').
Tyrtaeus 7
Source: Pat1sanias 4.14.5.
Pausanias records that following their subjt1gation the Messenians we1-e
forced (among other indignities) to mourn the deaths of Spartan kings
and other officials (4.14.4-5). The scenario of fellow Greeks lamenting
for their 'masters' will have struck non-Spartan audiences as grotesque,
and Herodotus compares the helots' forced participation in the funeral
rites to Persian practice when their kings die (6.58).
1 62an6Tas: the acc. pl. ending -cxs scanned short (long in Ionic) is a rare
Doric feature ( cf. 4.5 * 8T)µ6Tcxs). oi µ w�ovTES 'wailing for': [Thgn.] 1 203-6
attests a natural 1-eluctance to attend the funeral of one's enemy. o µ i:>s
aAoxoi TE Kai auToi: all adult Messenians are co1npelled to participate,
marking the humiliation of the entire community.
2 EUTE 'when': epic-Ionic. ouAo µ iv11 'accursed': aor. part. of oi\i\vµcx1
(oi\6µEvos, i.e. that of which one says oi\01To, 'damn it'), with metrical
lengthening. µoipa ... 6avaTou: a formulaic phrase in epic (see Callin.
1.15 * for being 'overtaken' by death), casting tl1e deceased Spartans (Ttv',
'one of them') in heroic terms.
Tyrtaeus I2
Sour'Ce: Stobaeus 4.10.1 (1-14), 4.1<).6 (15-44).

The three longest extant fragments of Tyrtaeus (10-1 2), together with
Callin. 1*, shape our notion of 'exhortation elegy'. Ty1-t. 12* is the most
extensive example and is quoted (like Callin. 1 *) by the anthologist
Stobaeus under the heading ETTa1vos ToAµris. All celeb1-ate the ideal sol
dier, describing the honou1- achieved in victory or heroic death on the
battlefield, and cont1-asting it with the shame of defeat or flight. Despite
the claims of some modern scholars (discussed by Irwin 2oo5: 22-9), the
development of the city-state (polis) did not fundamentally redefine mil
itary arete (whose communal aspects are already highlighted in Homeric
epic), but it did make the individual's loyalty and obedience to the col
lective a central tenet of being a good citizen and soldier. This stronger
group mentality is seen most clea1-ly in phalanx warfa1-e (cf. Tyi-t. 12.15-
22*), where there is no place for single combat or a Homeric aristeia,
and where what matters is sticking together in the line and putting the
common good above one's own glory or self-preservation.
Compared with Tyrt. 10-11, 12* is more positive in tenor, emphasizing
the benefits (both personal and communal) of martial arete rather than
the shame of failure. Luginbill's analysis of 12* as a form of recruitment
literature and 'a response to some manpower crisis in the Spartan army'
(2002: 413) may be going too far, since its martial sentiments are tradi
tional, but it is certainly true that the demands of the Second Messenian
War will have made Tyrtaeus' celebration of military excellence particu
larly resonant and timely. The regularity of warfare in all city-states (not
just in Sparta), and the centrality of fighting prowess to G1-eek notions of
masculinity, make it easy to understand the appeal of exhortation elegy
throughout the Greek world: Tyrt. 1 o, for example, is quoted by the
fourth-century Athenian politician Lycurgus to illustrate the importance
of patriotism (Against Leocr·ates 107).
The poem falls into two sections and shows every sign of being com
plete: the first l1alf establishes martial valour as the pre-eminent a:rete,
which serves the common good (1-22); the second depicts the honours
given to the soldier who dies in battle (23-34) or returns home victorious
(35-42), concluding with a final couplet of explicit exhortation (43-4).
1-12 An elabo1-ate priamel (a list designed to emphasize the final item:

see Race 1982) establishes the importance of martial cou1-age. By listing
and qt1alifying several commonly accepted 1narkers of manly excellence
(physical strength and beauty, wealth, nobility, and eloquence), all of
which are said to be useless in war without courage, Tyrtaeus highlights
the supreme value of the brave soldier. The use of repeated negatives
COMMENTARY: TYRTAEUS 12
('not for speed or wrestling or ... ') to emphasize a speaker's point is a

popular rhetorical device: e.g. Archil. 19*, 114*, 122, Semon. 7.16-20*.
1 ouT' av µv11 aai µ11v 'I would not recall', i.e. consider him worthy
of mention. ouT' iv Aoyw1 ... Tt6Ei11v 'nor would I hold a man of any
account'. To focus on a man's value rather than the poet's skill (as does
Schwinge 1997, who translates 'nor would I include a man in my poetry')
better suits the context, which is entirely concerned witl1 various determi
nants of 'reputation' (86�av, 9). Plato twice quotes the line with the mid
dle optative form T16siµ17 v, but as West 1974: 187 observes, 'A quotation,
especially by Plato, is liable to be less trusty tl1an a direct tradition, and ...
T16siµ17v was more likely to displace T16si17 v after µv17 craiµ17 v than vice versa.'
2 TTo6wv a p ETT)S ... TTaAa1 µoauv11 s 'for prowess in running or wres
tling': genitive of cause, commonly used in expressions of evaluation
('I praise/blame etc. x (acc.) because of y (gen.)': Smyth §1405, CGCG
§30.30). Fo1- running and wi-estling as ma1-ke1-s of male excellence, cf.
e.g. Il. 23.700-39 (Ajax and Odysseus' wrestling bout is declared a draw),
740-97 (Odysseus wins the foot-race). Priam's son Polydorus is TTo8wv
cxpETT)V cxvacp aivwv ('displaying his fleetness of foot') when he is killed by
Achilles (fl. 20.411).
3 µiyE6os TE �i11v TE: an epic phrase, used of the massive Ajax (Jl.
7.288). Both in Homer (where they are shepherds) and in Hesiod (where
they are craftsmen) the giant one-eyed creatures known as Cyclopes are
prone to lawless violence (cf. Od. 9.105-15, Hes. Theog. 139 ysivaTo 8' au
l<vKAwTTas vTTep�1ov YJTop EXOVTas), so the comparison suggests that me1-e
size and strength are not enough in themselves: what counts is courage in
battle ( 6ovp18os CX/\KT)S, 9).
4 6iwv: present participle (as indicated by the accent). E> p11'11<1ov
Bo p i11v: the swiftness of the North Wind in partict1lar, blowing down from
Thi-ace, was proverbial: cf. Hes. Theog. 378-80 /\crTpaiw1 8' 'Hws cxveµovs
TEKE KapTEpo6vµovs, I cxpyECJTT)V Ze cp vpov Bope 17 v T' ai 4117 poKEAEv6ov I Kai N6TOV.
5 T16wvoio ... xa p1iaTE p os: Tithonus' exceptional handsomeness led
to his abduction by Eos, goddess of the dawn, and to his deathless ageing,
when Eos asked Zeus for immortality for him but forgot to ask for eter
nal youth (e.g. HHAphr. 2 25, Sapph. 58.19-22). Their son, the Ethiopian
king Memnon, is desc1ibed by Achilles as the handsomest man he ever
saw ( Od. 1 1. 5 2 2).
6 Mi6Ew Kai K1vupEw: eastern kings who (like Gyges and Croesus)
became bywords for wealth. Cinyras of Cyprus gave Agamemnon a richly
deco1-ated corslet as a guest-gift (Jl. 11.19-28; for his 1-iches, cf. Pind. Nem.
8.18), while Midas, a late eighth-century king of Phrygia, became a popu
lar fi gure in Graeco-Roman mythology: for the sto ry of how he acquired
(to his cost) the 'Midas touch', see Ov. Met. 11.90-193. µcxA1ov: ra1-e Ionic
form of the comparative µaAAov (with gen.).
7 �aa1AEUTEpos: Pelops, son of the reprobate eastern king Tantalus

(Pind. OZ. 1), fi1�st gained the kingship of Pisa (the region around
Olympia) and then expanded his power to such an extent that the entire
Peloponnese was named after him (cf. Thuc. 1.9).
8 :46pflaTou: king of Argos, Adrastt1s was the only commander to sur
vive the expedition launched to restore his son-in-law Polynices to the
throne of Thebes. (In Aeschylus, Adrastus leads the expedition, but is
not one of the Seven, who all die in the attack: Seven against Thebes 575).
The myth, known to Homer (e.g. Il. 23.346-7), was elaborated in the
cyclic epic Thebais (which probably postdates Tyrtaeus). µ E1A1xoy11puv:
the epithet ('smooth-voiced') occt1rs only here. Plato's Socrates speaks
of µEAiy17pvv 'f\6pcxcrTov (Phdr: 269a). Despite his reputation for eloquence,
Adrastus initially fails to persuade Theseus to help recover the bodies of
the Seven, but is later given the task of delive1ing the funeral speech ove1-
the fallen (Eur. Suppl. 110-270, 838-917).
9 6ov p16os aA1<fis: the priamel structure throws particular emphasis
on the final words, which encapsulate the poem's central conce1�. The
phrase is a frequent Home1-ic line-ending (e.g. Il. 6.112 6:vepcs McrTE, cpiA01,
µv11crcx<J6E 6� 6ovp16os CX/\KT)S).
10-12 justify (yap, 10) the selection of martial courage as the supreme
cxpET11. Et fJ11 TETAai11 ... op wv 'unless he can bear to see': 3rd sg. perf. opta
tive of T/\cxc.v (more often with the infinitive). cpovov aiµ aToEvTa 'bloody
slat1ghter', an epic-sounding phrase (cf. Il. 1g.214 cx/\Aa cp6vos TE Kcxi aTµcx
KCXl cxpycx/\EOS <JTOVOS cxv6pwv). 611iwv o p e yo1T' 'aim at the enemy' (with gen.
of the target). iyyu6Ev iaTcx µ Evos: for skill in close combat, cf. Tyrt. 11.29
Eyyvs lG0V' 11.38 TT/\17criov l<JTCXµEVOl, 19.13 Eyyv6cv l<J [TCXµEVOl.
13-20 elaborate upon 10-12, with ovTos cxv11p cxycx6os yivET0'.1 EV TToAeµc.01
( 20) echoing OU yap CXVl)p cxycx6os yivETCXl EV TTO/\Eµc.01 ( 10). Tyrtaeus spells
out the qualities needed for fighting at close quarters and stresses the
war1�ior's value to the commt1nity as a whole.
13-14 116' apETfl, T66' aE6Aov 'this is excellence, this is the best prize
... ': the image of 'winning a prize' (&c6Aov . . . I ... cpepc1v) recalls the ath
letic prowess of the priamel's runners and wrestlers, and prepares for the
difference (made explicit in 15): the warrior's excellence brings greater
benefit to the state. Unlike Xenophanes (2*), however, Tyrtaet1s is not
criticizing the honour shown to athletes (or those who possess the other
qualities included in the priamel), but simply asserting the supreme value
of a particular virtue.
15 �uvov 6' ia6Aov: the 'common good' achieved by the warrior is a
traditional epic idea, but it is given greater prominence in the developed
city-state (see the introduction above). noA11·t TE navTi TE 611 µw1: the 1-epe
tition emphasizes the collective benefit; cf. Callin. 1.6-8*, 1.16-21�", Tyrt.
10.2, 10.13, 12.33-4 . ��
16-22 encapsulate the military virtues of steadfastness and mutual

suppo1-t and p1-otection.
16 oaT1s: the detailed relative clause clarifies To0To (15). 61a�cxs 'tak
ing a firm stance': aor. part. of 81af3aivc.0 ('stand with legs apart'), a stand
ard militai� term (e.g. Il. 12.458 E0 81af3as). iv 1Tp oµ cxxo1a1: for valou1- in
the front ranks, cf. Tyrt. 10.1, 10.21, 11.4, 11.12, 12.23*, Mimn. 14.6*.
17 vwAEµ iws: cf. Tyrt. 5.5*. aiaxpfis 6e cpuyfis: for the shame of flight,
cf. Callin. 1.14-16*.
18 41ux11v ... 1Tap6iµ Evos 'risking his life and bi-ave heart': aor. middle
part. of 1TapaTi6riµ1 ( 'lay on the line'); cf. Od. 2. 23 7-8 crcpas yap 1Tap6EµEvo1
KE<pai\as KOTE8oucr1 f31aic.0s I OlKOV '08ucrcrfios.
19 6a pauv1'}1 ... 1Ta pEaTws: encouragement of one's comrades, espe
cially those adjacent in the ranks, was an important pa1-t of maintaining a
strong phalanx line.
21-2 sum up the c1-ucial feats of the ideal warrior (20) and lead into
the second part of the poem on the honours given to him, dead ( 2 3-34)
or alive (35-42). eTpE41E: aor. of repeated action, like the following E<JXE6E
( 2 2). cpcxAayyas I TPTlXEias: lit. 'jagged battle lines': the enjambed epithet
evokes the enemies' bristling spears. The disciplined use of phalanx-type
formation and tactics contributed to the Spartans' own military success.
a1Tou6fi1 'by strenuous effort'. Kuµ a fJ<XXTlS: the metaphor draws on the
epic comparison of armies to waves (cf. n. 15.381-4, which compares the
Trojans breaching the wall of the Achaean camp to waves battering a ship).
2 3-34 The man who dies nobly in battle wins rewards not only for
himself, but also for his family and descendants.
2 3 EV 1Tpoµ cxxo1a1: cf. 16 above.
24 aaTu ... EUKAifaas: the glory is communal, not simply personal or
familial (cf. �uvov 8' ecr6i\ov TOVTO, 15).
25-6 aa1Ti6os o µcpaAoiaa1'}s: though not a featt1re of contemporary
armour, the Homeric phrase 'bossed shield' is used for its heroic reso
nance. 1T poa6Ev EA1'}Aa µ ivos, 'pierced from the front', emphasizes the fact
that the man faced his death and did not flee: cf. Tyrt. 11.19-20 aicrxpos
8' E<JTi VEKVS KOTOKEiµEVOS EV KOVl'fll<Jl I VWTOV 01Tl<J6' a1xµfi1 8oupos ei\rii\aµEvos.
27-8 For the brave warrior mou1-ned by all, cf. Callin. 1.17-19*.
KEK1'}6E: perf. used in present sense ( 'is distressed').
29-30 a pia1'}µ 01 'pointed out': both the war hero (in his bu1-ial
mound) and his family enjoy a new prominence. 1Tai6wv ... i�o,,.iaw: cf.
Sol. 13.32�� (in a less reassu1ing context) f) TTai8Es TovTc.vv f) yEvos e�oTTicrc.v.
31-2 The promise of eternal fame crowns the list of rewards. ou6i ...
a1ToAAuTa1 .. • I • . . a6cxvaTos: the wa1- l1ero's transcendent status is god-like;
cf. Callin. 1.19* (wc.vv 8' &�10s 17µ16EG0V.
33-4 cx p 1aTEuovTa ... µ apvcx µEvov: epic vocabulary further elevates the
fallen soldier. yfis 1Tt p1 Kai 1Tai6wv: the same phrase is used by Callinus
120 COMMENTARY: TYRTAEUS 12 : MIMNERMUS
(1.6*); cf. Tyrt. 10.13-14 6vµw1 yf)s TTEpl TT)O'bE µaxwµE6a Kai TTEpi TTai8wv I
6vT)crKwµEv. 6ou pos 'J\p11s: another Homeric phrase (e.g. n. 24.498 Twv µEv
TToAAwv 6ovpos 'Apris vTTo yovvaT' EAvcrEv), echoing the warrior's own 6ovp1s
cxAKT) (9). 6:hia111: for the omission of &v, see on Sol. 13.9-10*.
35-42 The returning victor enjoys special privileges for the rest of his
life.
35-6 Kfj pa Tav11:he yios 6avcxToto 'the doom of death's long s01Tow':
cf. Il. 8.70 EV 8' ET{6El 8vo KT)pE TaVflAEYEOS eavoTOlO. VlKT}O'as ... EA11l: lit.
'and by his victory achieves his glorious spea1--prayer'. ai xµ fis ... eu xos:
Homeric warriors often pray to the gods to direct their spear-casts (e.g.
Diomedes' prayer to Athena, Il. 5.114-20, fulfilled at 5.290-1); the gen.
a1xµ11s denotes the prayer's topic. ay:haov: cf. Callin. 1.6*.
37-42 T hese lines are adapted in the Theognidea (935-8) to describe
the honour that comes to the 1-a1-e man who has both vi1-tue and good
looks. Similarly, [Thgn.] 1003-6 reproduce lines 13-16 above except
for the change of VEGul (14) to crocpw1. On the Theognidea's reuse of elegy
(especiallyTyrtaeus, Solon, and Mimnermus), see Noussia-Fantuzzi 2010:
55-65.
37 oµws vioi 116i naAatoi: the esteem of young and old is repeatedly
stressed: cf. 27, 41-2.
38 noAAcx ... TEpnvcx: a few of these 'many joys' are spelled out in what
follows (39-42).
39-40 y11p cxaKwv 'as he grows old'. IJETanpine1: the verb ( 'stand out
among', with dat.) is frequently used of heroes in epic (e.g. Il. 2.579,
describing Agamemnon, TTacr1v 8E µETETTPETTEV 17pwEcrcr1v). ou6i . . . I ...
e6i:he1: the potentially negative feelings of his fellow citizens are denied.
�AcxnTetv: with genitives of separation, 'deprive him of his due respect
and rights'.
41-2 All give up their seats for the war hero, a traditional mark of
respect. Contrast Xenophanes' complaint about the athletic victor, Kai KE
TTpoE8piriv <paVEpT)V EV &y wcriv &polTO (2.7*).
43-4 Tyrtaeus concludes with a rousing exhortation. TaUT11 S ...apeTfis:
emphatic, continuing the emphasis on this form of excellence (cf. fi8' cxpETT},
13) and recapping the point of the priamel. TtS avi}p 'every man': cf. Callin.
1.5 *. ne1pcxa6w: 3rd sg. imperative of TTE1paoµa1 ( 'let every man now endeav
our'). 6u µ w1 'with all his heart': cf.Tyrt. 10.13-14 (quoted at 33-4 above).
µ 11 µe612is no:hiµ ou 'not slacking in the ·fg
i ht': see on Callin. 1.3 * µE61EVTES.
MIMNERMUS
Mimnermt1s of Smyrna was active in the second half of the seventh cen
tury. He is said to l1ave mentioned an eclipse of the sun (dateable to 6
April 648: fr. 20), while various fragments look back to a battle of the
COMMENTARY: Mll\tINERMUS 1 121
66os in which the Smymaeans 1-epelled an attack by the Lydians under

Gyges, and one (14 *) may have been written in the final decade of the
seventh century, as Smyrna was once again threatened by the Lydians,
now led by Alyattes. In later tradition, Mimnermt1s was connected to the
more prominent city of Colophon, whose foundation and alliance witl1
Smyrna he celeb1-ated (9.3, 10), but his work as a whole points to Smyi-na
as his l1omeland. By the Hellenistic period, Mimnermus' poetry circu
lated in two books, known as Srrty'rneis and Nanna. Callimachus 1-emarked,
'Of the two the delicate ... showed that Mimnermt1s is sweet, bt1t the big
wo1nan did not' (fr. 1.11-12 Harder), where the shorter poems of Nanna
are preferred to the lengthy Smyrneis. (Callimachus also alludes here to
the poems' names, since vavos = 'dwarf, while Smyrna was an Amazon, a
'big woman', who gave her name to the city (Strabo 14.1.4).)
Smyrneiswas an extended narrative elegy that commemorated the recent
war against Gyges and the Lydians (cf. Simonides' Plataea Elegy��), co1n
plete with an epic-style proem invoking the Muses (13) and a vivid account
of the close fighting (13a); it may also have described the city's founda
tion, as did (for example) Xenophanes' later poem on the foundation
of Colophon. (Bowie 1986: 29-30 argues that Mimn. 9, dealing with the
Smymaeans' migration from the Peloponnese to Asia Minor, also comes
from the Srnyrneis and that it was falsely ascribed to the Nanno by Strabo.)
Nanno took its name from an aulos-player (i.e. not a citizen woman)
loved by Mimnermus, but she does not feature in any of the extant
fragments. As a collection of shorter elegies, Nanno t1-eated a va1iety of
st1bjects suitable for sympotic performance, from reflective pieces on
desire, pleasure, and the loss of youth (1*, 2*, 3-7) to mythological
narratives (11-11a (Jason), 12* (the Sun), 19 (Niobe), 21 (Antigone
and Ismene)). Mimnermus' later reputation as creator of the genre of
love elegy (Prop. 1.9.1 1 plus in amore ualet Mimnermi uersus Homer·o; cf.
Hunter 2013) makes the loss of his poen1s about Nanno all the n1ore
frustrating, but the fame of his love poetry should not be allowed to
obscure the variety of his work.
Mimnermus I
Sour·ce: Stobaeus 4.20. 16.

The poem (which may be complete: cf. 1n.) falls into two halves, the
first on the pleasu1-es of love and youth, the second on the evils of
old age. The speaker's celebration of e1-otic joy (life is not worth living
witl1out it, he decla1-es) is as decisive and extreme as his condemna
tion of getting old. Mimnermus' portrayal of ageing is tinusually neg
ative: here, instead of the conventional transition from foolish youth
throt1gh sober maturity to respected old age ( cf. Sol. 27*), Mimnermus
122 COIVIMENTARY: MIMNERMUS 1
magnifies the contrast between youth and old age by introducing in the
middle of line 5 a sudden shift from the first stage, which is delightful
but brief, to the final one, which is no better than death ( cf. Miron.
2 .10*). This 'anthem to youth' (Falkner 1995: 130) is presented from
the pe1-spective of a youthful speaker (note line 2 'may I die when these
things no longer interest me'), contrasting with the wistful retrospec
tive viewpoint of fr. 2*.
1 The rhetorical double question (intensified by the omission of eo-Ti)

immediately focuses our attention on tl1e value of 'golden Aphrodite'. Tis
62 �ios: inceptive 8E ( GP 172), if indeed this is the beginning of the poem,
gives the opening a conversational liveliness ('What's life, what's pleas
ure ... '). xpuo-fis J\cppo6iT11s: though gods are often associated with gold,
Aphrodite is the only deity in early Greek poetry who is herself 'golden'
( the epithet is later extended to Ai-temis by Bacchylides, 11.117); the
metaphor expresses her power to dazzle and allure.
� Tt6vai11v: an arresting wish, rejecting the joyless and sexless old age
that lies ahead. TavTa: the vagueness is intriguing, making us wonder
what exactly could be so important, and preparing for the answer in the
following line. µiA01: the subordinate temporal clause takes the optative
by assimilation with Tc6vaiT)v (cf. Smyth §2186b, Goodwin §558).
3 The tricolon's pleonasm emphasizes the speaker's one-track mind.
KpvnTa6i11 cp1AoT 11S: the phrase 'secret love-making' is used of adultery at
Il. 6.161 (so too KpvnTa8iTJ1s i:uvf\15 at Hes. VVD 329), but the speaker can
hardly be celebrating such an offence, and here it refers to the clandes
tine love-affairs of the young. Nonetheless, the possibility of pre-1narital
sex for young women ( yuva1�iv, 5) is shocking. µtiA1xa 6w pa: the language
of 'gifts' st1ggests the reciprocity of love-making.
4-5 01' 'which are' (lit. 'such things as are', 01a). ii�11s ... cxp naAia
'the enticing blossoms of youth': flower in1agery is frequently used in
Greek poetry to express youth's fleeting and natural beauty (cf. Miron.
2.3*). Here, by implication, the 'flowers' of sexual pleasure flourish
briefly and are to be seized all the more eagerly. cxpnai\Ea (from cxpna(c.v,
'seize') implies 'rapturous', 'all-consuming' as well as 'to be snatched'; cf.
cxpnai\Ec.vs 'greedily'. av6p ao-1v 1162 yuva1�iv: the enjambment stresses the
erotic pleasure of both sexes.
5-6 06uv11p ov 'painful': for the inescapable physical degeneration of
old age, compare Sappho's 'Tithonus poem' (fr. 58, restored by West): Eµo1
8' &nai\ov npiv] �o"!"' [E]C?VTCX xpoa yf\pac fi8TJ I ETTE/\/\af,c, /\cVKCXl 8' ey] EVOVTO
Tpixi:c EK µi:i\aivav· I f,c:xpuc 8E µ' 6 [6]0µC?� TTcTTOT)TCXl, y6va 8' [o]u q>Epo1c1, I TO'.
8-ii noTa i\ai4'TJ P' Eov opxTJ c6' Yea vi:f,pio1c1. iniA6111 'comes upon', personifying
old age as a hostile force. yfipas: tl1e key word is enhanced by enjamb
ment. o ... T16t'i '[old age] which makes a man both ugly and worthless':
COMMENTARY: MIMNERl\tIU S 1-2 123
Mimnermus not only draws attention to the ugliness (and sexlessness: cf.
line 9) of old age, but also links the old man's appearance to his moral and
social standing. This reverses the aristocratic ideal of KaAoK6:ya6ia (the unity
of beauty and virtue) and presents all people, including the rich and well
bom, as equally condemned to a loathsome and loveless old age. aiaxpov:
for the loss of good looks, cf. Mimn. 5.5-6 To 8' cxpyaAtov Kai &µopcpov I
yf)pas vTIEp Kc<p aAf)s avTix' u1TcpKptµaTa1. KaKov: the conjecture makes a more
pointed claim (see above) than the transmitted KaA6v, '[old age] which
makes even a handsome man ugly' (with Doederlein's oµws for 6µws).
7 cpp ivas aµcpi: for postpositive cxµcpi, and the <p pEvcs ('l1eart') as the
seat of cognition and emotion, cf. Hes. Theog. 554 xwcraTo 8E <p ptvas cxµ<p i,
HHAp. 273 <JU 8E <p pEvas cxµ<p i ycy176ws. TEi pouo-1 'wear away': cf. Il. 4.315
(Agamemnon wishes that Nestor's physical strength matched his spirit)
CX/\/\a <Jc yf)pas Tclpcl 6µoi'iov.
8 auycxs ... T}EAiou: the old man's inability to enjoy sucl1 elemental
beauty marks the misery of his condition; cf. Mimn. 2. 2 *, where youthful
growth is nourished by the sun's rays.
9 ix6 pos ... yuva1�iv 'hated by boys and scorned by women': the bal
anced clauses present pederastic and heterosexual liaisons as complemen
tary aspects of the sex life of the adult male (cf. Sol. 24.5-6 1Ta186s T' 178E
yvva1K6s, ETIT)V Kai TavT' cx<piK17Ta1, I wp17, Introduction §4), b11t also as equally
impossible for the ugly old man. aTiµ aaTos: the adjective ( occ11rring only
here) denotes the old man's loss of TtµTi from women, compounding his
sexual alienation. At Mimn. 5.7 old age itself is ex6p6v 6µws Kai aT1µov.
10 ouTwsapyaAiov: old age is similarly'painful' atMimn. 2.6* and 5.2;
this picks up on 68vv17p6v (line 5 above). 6eos: Zeus, who gives Tithonus
yf)pas, 8 Kai 6avaTov piy1ov cxpyaAtov (Mimn. 4. 2) and is responsible for
mankind's hard existence: ov8t Tis ecrT1v I cxv6pw1Twv w1 Zeus µT) KaKcx TioAAcx
81801 (Mimn. 2.15-16*).
Sou,y·ce: Stobaeus 4.34.12.

Like Mimn. 1 *, this may be a complete poem (1n.) and falls into two
halves, the first on the brevity of youth (1-8), the second on the miseries
of old age (9-16). While youth is carefree (the young 'know nothing',
4-5), old age is full of suffering (poverty, childlessness, and illness are
singled out). Once again (cf. Mimn. 1.5-1 o*), ageing leads to anxiety and
isolation rathe1- than serenity and esteem.
1-5 The 'men as leaves' theme is a traditional motif already in Homer,

b11t whe1-eas Il. 6.146-9 (often thought to have been adapted he1-e by
Mimn.: see Griffith 1975) and 21.462-7 emphasize the ephemerality of
COIVIMENTARY: MIMNERMUS 2
each mortal generation, Mimnermus' stress is on the brevity of youth.

There is the1-efore no 1-eason to see him engaging directly with the
Homeric similes, but rather using a commonplace idea for his own ends
( cf. Kelly 2015: 2 2-4).
1 11µiis 6': for inceptive 8E, see on Mimn. 1.1*. oicx TE cpvAAa: so-called
epic TE, with relative, used in generalizing statements (cf. line 13 below wv
TE, Mimn. 1.6*) or tl1ose describing habitual action (cf. line 8 below ocrov
T'): GP 521-4. cpvAAa cpui1: alliteration (and figur·a etymologi,ca, whether cor
rect or not) marks the basic idea of fecundity; so too with ai 41 ' avyf\1s
av�ETa1 in tl1e following line.
1-2 1T0Avcxv6iµos ... I Ea pos 'the flowery season of sp1ing': the natural
world mirrors the beauty and brevity of 'youth's bloom' (&v6Ecr1v fi�ris, 3;
cf. fi�ris &v6Ea, Mimn. 1.4:�). au�tTa1: the subject (cpvi\i\a, object of cpvE1) is
understood from its opening thematic position, 'when they quickly grow
in the sun's rays'. flEAiov: the uncont1-acted epic-Ionic fo1-m, as always in
Homer, except for "Hi\1os at Od. 8. 271.
3 Tois (= TOVT01s) iKtA01 (lit. 'like them') maintains the focus on
cpvi\i\a. 1Tt1xv1ov i1Ti xp ovov 'for a short time' (lit. 'for a cubit's length of
time'). The cubit is the distance from elbow to tip of middle finger, and
its use to measure time, first attested here, is parallel to such expressions
as 8cxKTvi\os cxµEpa (Alcaeus fr. 346. 1). &v6ta1v: instrumental dative (LSJ
TEpTTG0 II. 2).
4-5 1Tpos ... I ... cxya6ov 'knowing neither the bad nor the good
that come from the gods': in our youthful ignorance we are unaware of
the inevitable changes of fortune that will end our happiness. As in the
final lines (15-16), the emphasis is on the inescapability of suffering, dis
pensed by the gods.
5 Kfipis are traditionally bringers of death, but Mimnermus' 'Dooms'
bring old age as well, to suit his focus on the mise1ies of ageing. µiAa1va1: the
epithet creates an effective contrast between 011r yo11th 'in the rays of the sun'
( 2) and the 'dark Dooms' that are always standing beside us (TTapEcrTi)Kacr1).
6 y11p aos cxpyaAiov: see on Mimn. 1.1 o*.
7 6avcxT010: i.e. an early death, before the misery of old age takes l1old.
7-8 Once again the central idea of fleeting youth is expressed in
imagery of natural growth (fi�ris KapTT6s ~ &v6Ecr1v fi�ris, 3) and the sun.
µivvv6a: adverbial, 'for a short time', modified by ocrov. oaov . .. 11iA1os 'for
as long as the sun's light is spread upon the eartl1', i.e. for a single day,
and thus even briefer than the leaves' flourishing TTi)xv1ov ETTi xp6vov (3).
Ki6vaTa1: Ki8vaµa1 (passive of Ki8vriµ1) is found only in poetry; crKE8cxvvvµa1
(standard in p1-ose) is similarly used of the sun's rays at Aesch. Per-sae
502-3 TTpiv crKE8acr6f\va1 6Eov I cxKTivas.
9 avTcx p ... w p ris 'but wl1en this, the fulfilment of youth, passes by'.
TtAos suggests a state of perfection. 1Ta p aµti 4'tTa1: short-vowel aorist
COMl\tIENTARY: MIMNERMUS 2, 1 2 125
subjunctive. wpfls: used earlie1- for a season of the year (1), the word rein
forces the connection between natural and human flourishing.
10 auTiKa 611: emphatic, 'straightaway'. Te6vava1 'to be dead': the first
syllable is sho1-t (so-called Attic correption, before a mute-liquid com
bination). �EATtov 'it is better' (with ellipse of tcrTi, as often in gnomic
statements). �ioTos: epic equivalent of l3ios. For the thought 'it's better to
be dead than stay alive' in the context of old age, cf. Mimn. 4.2 yf)pas, 8
Kai 6aVCXTOV piy1ov apyaAEOV.
11 TIOAAct •.. KOKO: three examples follow (aA.AoTe ... &11.11.os ...&11.11.os):
poverty, childlessness, and illness. iv 6uµw1 locates the evils at the cen
tre of 011r awareness. aAAoTE 011<os: here the initial digamma originally in
foiKos prevents hiatus; contrast 6' Epy' in the next line, where the original
digamma is ignored. For &11.11.oTe in hiatus, see on Archil. 13.7 *.
11-12 011<os I TpuxovTat ' ( one man's) household is consumed': see on
Sol. 4. 21-2�!{ (TPVXETa1). -rrtvifl s ... -rreAEt 'and a painful life of poverty is
his'. -rrevifl s ... t py ': the struggles faced by the poor (lit. 'works of pov
erty'); see on Sol.13.41-2*.
13-14 Since children were meant to support elderly parents, see to
their f11neral rites, keep alive their memory, and continue the family
line, the lack of children would be felt with particular intensity as death
approached. But iµeipwv (1 4) also s11ggests an instinctive longing for chil
dren, and parental love free of self-interest. i-rr16tuETa1 'lacks' (+ gen.).
KaTcx yi;s... Eis Ai"6fl v: emphatic ta11tology, as KaTa yf)s itself already points
to the underworld.
15-16 vovaov ... 6uµocp6o p ov 'a disease that wears down his heart'
(rather than 'a life-destroying disease', since death has already been
declared preferable to being old). Ztus: Achilles famously described
the two jars of Zeus, one containing evil things, the other good; the
best mortals can hope for is a mixture of the two, and no human life is
free of suffering (Il. 24.527-33). 61601: an epic-Ionic contracted form
(= 6{6wcr1).
Mimnermus I2
Source: Athenaeus, Scholars at Dinner 11.469f- 7ob.

This fragment is quoted in a section of Athenaeus devoted to drink
ing cups: 'Mimnermus says in the Nanno that Helios crosses to the
east as he sleeps in a golden bed made specifically for this purpose by
Hephaest11s, and he makes a riddling allusion to the hollow shape of the
cup (aiv1crcr6µevos To KoiA.ov Tov TTOTT)piov). He puts it as follows: ·He11.1os µEv
yap KTA.' The myth of Helios' night-ti1ne voyage a1-ound the wate1-s of
Ocean from west to east in a golden cup or bowl is used by many authors
from Archaic epic onwards (Pisander's Her·aclea fr. 5 Bernabe; e.g. Stes.
COMMENTARY: MIMNERMUS 12
fr. 185 PMG, Aesch. fr. 69 R). West 1997: 507 claims that 'Mimnermus
describes the eternal course of the Sun-god and his steeds, no doubt
to contrast it with the nt1mbered days of man' (cf. Frankel 1975: 213),
but the poet's emphasis is 1-athe1- on the never-ending work undertaken
by Helios and his ho1-ses (1-3), and so if any contrast with mortals is
implied, it is more likely to be along those lines: cf. Gerber 1970: 111
'Mimnermus may have introduced this account of the Sun's daily toil as
proof (note yap in v. 1) that not only men, but even gods, must endure
hardships.'
1-4 The stress on continual work prepares for the depiction of the
soundly sleeping god (5-8).
1 ya p : the particle may support the idea that this is not the beginning
of the poem (cf. Gerber, quoted above), but the presence of such particles
as yap and a/\Aa at the sta1-t of elegiac pieces could aid tl1ei1- perfo1-mance
at symposia, where a poem might be t1sed to pick up on, or contradict, the
ideas expressed in the previous speaker's contribution. eAaxtv: the idea
of a god's 'lot' (apportioned by Zeus) is a familiar one in early Greek
thought (e.g. Hes. Theog. 73-4), but whereas the emphasis is t1st1ally on
the welcome honours (T1µai) given to each deity, here Helios' lot is rr6vos,
far from the ideal state of the gods 'who live at ease' (p1:Ta (wovTES, e.g. fl.
6.138). t1t,.taTa navTa 'day after day' (lit. 'all the days that are').
2 ou6i ... a µnaua1s ... ou6t µia 'never any rest': similar admiration for
the 'tireless' sun is exp1-essed in the Homeric ph1-ase 'HeA1ov . . . a.KaµavTa
(fl. 18.239, 484).
3 1nno1aiv TE Kai auTw1: Helios' horses and chariot are first men
tioned in HHDem. 63, 88. The cyclic Titanomachy specified two male and
two female ho1-ses (fr. 7 Bernabe). po6o6aKTuAos: this formulaic epithet
('rosy-fingered Dawn') is usually taken to refer to rose-coloured 1-ays of
light spreading through the sky, creating a pattern like a spread hand,
but it could refer to a single 'finger' of light at the horizon (cf. Alcaeus
fr. 346.1 6aKTuAos aµepa). If the epithet evokes the fragrance, beauty, and
erotic associations of the flower, 'rosy-fingered Dawn' migl1t also imply
'with beautiful hands displaying as a rose the essence of Aphrodite, or in
a word, "sexy"' (Allen 1 993: 101-2; cf. Irwin 1994).
4 'CA>Ktavov ... oupavov: the sky was conceived as a dome covering the
round flat earth, which was in turn surrounded by the river Ocean. The god
dess Dawn precedes the sunrise, 1ising into the sky (1:icravaf?,f)1) fi_-om the east.
Mimn. f1-. 11a depicts Helios' rays stored in a golden chamber at the eastern
edge of tl1e rive1- Ocean. tiaavaf>ij1: aor. subjunctive of repeated action.
5-7 The detailed description of Helios' 'bed' or 'co"L1ch' (1:vv11, 5) is a
'riddling allusion' (see Athenaeus' comment in the introduction above)
to the cup fashioned by Hephaestus.
COMMENTARY: MIMNERMUS 1 2
5 noAu11p aTo s: the epithet is particularly apt for the exhausted god's
intricately crafted 'bed', as it can mean both 'very lovely' and 'much
longed for'.
6 KoiiA1) 'hollow': an initial clue to the 'riddle' of the bed/cup. As the
stand.ard 1--Iomeric epithet for ships, Koil\os is also well suited to a vehicle
that carries Hephaestt1s a1-ound the waters of Ocean (see line 7 below for
the cup's handles as ship's oars). iA11Aaµiv11 'forged': perf. part. passive of
EAavvc.v ('to drive'), used of metal-working in the sense 'beat out'.
7 xpuaou TllJ11EVTo s : gen. of material, the appropriate metal for divine
handiwork; cf. ll. 18.474-5 (Hephaestus prepares to forge arms for
Achilles) xaAKov 8' EV Tivpi �cxAAEv cxTElpEa KacrcriTEp6v TE I Kai xpvcrov TtµfivTa
Kai &pyvpov. vnonTEp o s 'winged' (of the cup's handles), enabling it to
skim swiftly over the surface of the water (&Kpov E <p ' v8c.vp). Some depic
tions of the cup in ea1-ly Greek vase-painting show the handles as wings.
The image evokes a comparison to the 'wings' wl1ich are a ship's oars.
8 Ev6ov6': agreeing with Tov (5), the participle takes us back to Helios,
afte1- the description of his 'bed'. cx p naAiws connotes intensity ('soundly')
as well as pleasure ('gladly', cf. Mimn. 1.4 *), an apt end to the day's labours.
8-9 'EanE pi6wv... Ai616nwv: i.e. from the extreme west to the extreme
east. Hesiod describes the Hesperides as daughters of Night, who tend
the golden apples that grow beyond the western edge of Ocean ( Theog.
215-16). The Ethiopians, at the edge of the known world, are generally
depicted positively in Greek thought as being better than ordinary people
and enjoying a special relationship with the gods. At Od. 1. 2 3-4 they are
divided into two groups, western and eastern, but their association with
the east/sunrise is primary and more prevalent, and their king, Memnon,
was the son of Eos/Dawn.
9-10 1va ... I iaTcxa': Helios' ho1-ses and chariot await the new dawn.
It is left unexplained how they themselves are transported overnight
from west to east. One ancient author (Pherecydes 18a Fowle1-, quoted by
Athenaet1s, 11.470c) placed the horses in the same 'bed' as their master,
but Mimnermus avoids such a crowded cup. 11 p1yivE1a: Dawn is born (the
root yev-) ea1-ly (f)p1-) each day.
11 iv6' ... ui6 s 'and there Hyperion's son mounts his other vehicle'.
inif,11: gnomic, or timeless, aorist, expressing the st1n's regular action.

ETipwv 'other': i.e. his chariot, in contrast to his 'bed', described at length
in the previous sentence. o xiwv: the plural (oxea) is regularly used by
Homer of a single chariot. 'Yne piovo s ui6s: in Home1-, Hyperion (popu
larly derived from VTIEP iwv, 'he that moves on high') is usually an epithet
of the Sun, but most authors, including Mim11ermus, follow the tradition
used by Hesiod, whe1-e Hyp e1ion is the father of the St1n ( and also of the
Moon and Dawn: Theo g. 371-4). As it ends with a hexameter, the frag
ment is clearly incomplete. The poem may have conclt1ded soon after
128 COMMENTARY: MIMNERMUS 12, 14
by returning, in ring composition, to the god's daytime labou1-s, but the

narrative may equally well have taken a new turn.
Mimnerrnus I4
Sou'rce: Stobaet1s 3.7.11.
Mimnermus recalls hearing of a warrior of the previous generation who
excelled in battle against the Lydians, and contrasts his he1-oism with the
qualities displayed by - most probably (see on Toiov, line 2 below) - contem
porary citizens of Smyrna. Tl1e piece may come from tl1e S1myrneis, which
commemorated the glorious victory over Gyges and the Lydians in the
66os, or it cot1ld be part of a separate exhortatory elegy that looked back
to the same war (as Tyrt. 5-7* look back to the so-called First Messenian
War). Smyrna was eventually destroyed by the Lydians under Alyattes c.
600, and it is tempting to link the poem to tl1at disaster, but it may equally
well refer to some earlier crisis calling for military action. In either case,
the speaker is challenging his audience to match the fighting spirit of their
elders. (Stobaeus quotes the fr. under the heading TTEpi cxv8pEicxs (3.7.11).)
Mimnermus' portrayal of an exceptional warrior single-handedly rout
ing the enemy reworks the pattern of a Homeric aristeia (cf. Swift 2015b:
1 00-1). His warrior is like Achilles, the best of all fighters (ou yap TlS KEivov
8riiwv ET' cxµE1v6TEpos cpws, g), and like Diomedes, who similarly decimated a
foreign opponent with the st1pport of Athena (Tov µEv &p' ou TTOTE naµncxv
EµEµ4'CXT0 TTcxAAcxs 'l\Biivri I 8p1µu µEvos Kpcx8iris, 5-6). The passage also adapts
a topos of Homeric battle exhortation, where warriors are spurred on by
being compared to great fighters of the past. So Agamemnon, for exam
ple, seeks to motivate Diomedes by comparing him unfavourably with his
father, Tydeus (Jl. 4.370-400). In contrast to epic, however, which looks
back to the distant world of mythological heroes, Mimne1�mus invokes the
example of the previous generation, and he gains his knowledge of the
past not only from the Muses (whom he invoked in the poem's proem:
fr. 13), but also from the eyewitness reports of his fellow citizens (EµEo
TTpOTEpG0V TTEvBoµcx1, 01 µ1v i8ov, 2).
1 ou µiv s,; KEivou yE: the repeated negatives t1sed to describe the war
rio1-'s achievements (cf. 5 Tov µEv &p' ou noTE naµncxv, g ou yap TlS KEivov)
underline the contrast with the feeble fighters of today. KEivou: tl1e iden
tity of the famous warrior was presumably well known to the audience (or
may have been made explicit in lines now missing). µivos Kai ay,;vopa
6uµov 'might and warlike spirit'. The phrase is used by Odysseus as he
tries to placate Ajax in the underworld: 8aµcxcrov 8E µEvos Kcxi cxyiivopcx Bvµ6v
( Od. 11.562). In Home1-, 'when a man yields to his Bvµos cxyiivwp, his
actions have negative effects for other men' (Graziosi and Haubold 2003:
COMMENTARY: MIMNERMUS 14 129
66), but the phrase is wholly positive here. Fowler 1987: 46 observes '[the
poem's] subject [i.e. martial exhortation] engenders a larger number
of epicisms than is normal in this poet'; see below on 1tvK1vas Ki\oveovTa
cpai\ayyas (3), cpWTO cpcpEµµEAillV (4), bp1µu µEVOS KpabillS (6), 1tpoµaxovs (6),
aiµaT6Ev<Tos lv> uo-µiv ri1 1toi\eµo10 ( 7), cpvi\61t18os KpaTEpf\s I [pyov (10-11).
2 Toiov 'such ( as yours)': given the tradition of battle exho1-tation, a
contrast with the fighting spirit of the speaker's audience is the likeliest
scenario, though othe1-s are imaginable: e.g. Bowie 1986: 29 'Tl1e narra
tive could have run: "Then x and his hetairoi were hard pressed: his hetai
roi began to panic and retreat; not such ... "'. Moreover, as Swift 2015b:
101 notes, 'Since we lack the poem's wider context, we should be cau
tiot1s of assuming that it was accusatory overall: if, for example, the lines
were spoken by a character in the heat of battle, and were followed by
a description of his companions' courageous rallying, our interpreta
tion of the tone would be quite diffe1-ent.' 1Teu6oµa1 ('I learn'), with tl1e
information in the accusative (µevos . . . I Toiov) and its source in the gen
itive (lµeo 1tpoTEpc.0v), as in 1tvv66:vco-6ai T1v6s Tl. TTEv6oµa1 is the preferred
form in epic. i µ io 1T p 0Ti p wv: lit. 'from those before me', i.e. 'from my
elders'. The warrior's fame endures from one generation to the next,
a key theme of military exhortation (cf. Irwin 2005: 19). The speaker
is too young to have fought at the battle itself, which matches the tra
ditional date of Mimnermt1s' birth, c. 670, and the defeat of Gyges in
the 66os. West changed the transmitted lµEv to lµeo; cf. Il. 10.124 lµeo
1tp6Tepos, thot1gh that is the only instance of the intermediate form in
Homer (lµeio > lµeo > lµEv). 01 µ1v i6ov: as Swift 2015b: 101 observes,
'The description is vivid and exciting: we are encouraged to imagine
the older men's story as a visual narrative, with the details of location,
military equipment, and the hero's dynamic movement th1-ough the
battleline.'
3-4 '[who saw him] routing the close-packed ranks of the Lydian cav
alry on the plain of Hermt1s with his ash-spear'. i1T1Toµa xwv: Herodotus
describes the Lydians of Croesus' time (560-546 BC) as superb horse
men (1.27.3, 79.3). 1TuK1vas ... I ... 1Te6iov: the deployment of epic
pl1raseology t1nderlines the warrio1-'s p1-owess: e.g. Il. 5.93-4 (Diomedes'
ar·isteia) ws UTTO Tv8e't8ri1 TTVKtvai K/\OVEOVTO cpai\ayyes I Tpwwv, 5.96 OvvovT'
&µ 1te8iov 1tp6 eOev Ki\oveovTa cpai\ayyas. "E p µ1ov: the river Hermus (now
tl1e Gediz), known to Homer (JZ. 20.392) and Hesiod ( Theog. 343), runs
into the Aegean Sea north of Smyrna (cf. Hdt. 1.80.1). The possibility
that Mimnermus' own name commemorates the battle (µiµv- + "Epµos,
'he who resists at the Hermt1s') is attractive, but na1nes ending in -Epµos
were common among Ionian Greeks of the time. (If the etymology is
accepted, Mimnermt1s' bi1-th would of course need to be dated afte1-
the battle c. 660.) a µ: apocope of cxva before a labial (&v before dentals,
COMMENTARY: MIMNERMUS 14: SOLON
e.g. &v Tov Toixou; &y before gutturals,&y yvaAa). q>wTa: the use of poetic
cpws ('man') to add a description is characteristic of epic, e.g. Il. 7.136
Toicr1 8' 'Epcu6aAic.vv TTp6µos 'icrTaTo, icr66cos cpws. q>e peµµe1'i11 v 'carrying an
ash-wood spear': the epithet,found only here,may have been prefer1-ed
to 1--Iomeric EvµµEAiris in order to create alliteration and avoid hiatus.
5 TTaAAcxs J\6flv11: the goddess had a large temple in the centre of
Smyrna,and so she is fit to judge the local hero's courage.
6 6 p1µu ... Kpa6i11 s 'his heart's fierce might'.
6-7 eu6' ... I creua16' 'when he rushed': optative (3rd sg. aor. middle)
of repeated action in the past (Goodwin §532). aiµaToev<Tos ... n0Aeµo10
'in the combat of bloody war': once again typically Homeric langt1age
(e.g. n. 9.650 OU ycxp TTpiv TTO/\sµo10 µc817croµa1 aiµaTOEVTOS) emphasizes the
figl1ter's bravery.
8 �1a�6µevos 'defying [the enemy's sharp missiles]': the meaning
'overpower' is more common,but the sense here parallels l3ia1 + gen. 'in
spite of'. �eAea: javelins,spears,arrows.
9-10 ou ... I tcrKEv 'no man of the enemy remained his better'.
aµe1v6Tepos: a rare double comparative, formed from &µ civwv. tcrKev: 3rd
sg. epic imperfect of ciµi,with dt1rative aspect.
10-11 inoixecr6a1 ... t py ov: lit. 'at going about the task of harsh
war', another expression with an epic colouring: e.g. Il. 6.491-2 Kai
&µ<plTTO/\Ol<Jl KS/\cUc I Mpyov ETToixccr6a1, 16.208 <pV/\OTTlbOS µsya Mpyov'
18.241-2 TTCXV<JaVTO bE 8101 Axa1oi I <pU/\OTTlbOS KpaTcpf\s Kai 6µ01Tou
TT0Asµo10. oT' ... 11eAio10: West's supplement (= line 12) <EIKEAa xaAKcio1s
Tcvxccr1 AaµTT6µcvos> is the neatest suggestion so far: 'when he advanced,
his bronze armour gleaming like the swift sun's light' (cYKcAa, n. pl.
used adve1-bially). The interpretation favoured by some,'so long as he
moved in the rays of the swift sun' (i.e. as long as he was alive),is unten
able,since the bare dative 'in the rays' (avyf\1cr1v) and 'he moved' 01- 'he
lived/was carried throt1gh life' for cpspcTo a1-e impossible. cpspcTo in the
sense 'he 1�ushed/advanced' is a standard epic term in a battle context,
but the clause is incomplete. wKeos 11eAio10: for the st1n's swift chariot
an d h orses,see M.1mn. 12.9* .
SOLON
Solon (c. 640-560 BC) is a central figt1re in the early history of Athens.
Politician, legislator, and poet, he is the fi1-st Athenian (and the only
one before Aeschylus in the 47os-45os) whose works have survived,
and his poems were one of the main sources for later histo1-ians of
the pe1-iod. As a1-chon in 594/3, he introduced 1-efo1-ms that affected
almost every area of the Athenian state (see further below),and later
tradition celebrated him as a wandering wise man, one of the Seven
COMMENTARY: SOLON
Sages. Thus Solon's reputation for wisdom and moderation (the lat
ter a recurring idea in his political poems: see esp. 4c, 5 *, 6*, 7, 36*,
37) led Herodotus, for example, to depict his encounter in Sardis with
Croesus, king of Lydia, who fatally ignores Solon's reflections on the
dangers of excessive wealth and the unce1-tainty of human life (Hdt.
1. 29-33). By the late fifth century Solon had become a quasi-legendary
figure honoured in hero-cult (Kearns 1989: 198), hailed by some as
the founding hero of Athenian democ1-acy, by othe1-s as the guardian
of a more conservative ancestral constitution (patrios politeia). Such
attempts to co-opt Solon's authority have influenced his presentation
in the ancient sources, but we can still be confident that there is more
history than myth in the surviving accounts of his laws and reforms (cf.
Rhodes 2006: 259).
Solon's main economic reforms came in response to growing ten
sions between rich Atl1enian overlo1-ds and poor fa1-me1-s. Solon's solu
tion, commonly known as the 'shaking-off of burdens' (or seisachtheia:
see Sol. 36�1<), probably meant that the farmers were no longer obliged
to rende1- up a sixth of their produce to their overlords; it also liberated
those Athenians who had been enslaved for debt, repatriated those
who had been sold abroad, and made the future practice of enslave
ment for debt illegal (cf. Stanley 1999: 210-18, Harris 2002, Forsdyke
2006: 347).
Solon 's political reforms were geared to extending decision-mak
ing power beyond a na1-row a1istoc1-atic elite. He c1-eated a new council
(r,ovA-ri) of 400 members to consider business for the assembly. He also
divided the citizenry into fot1r classes based on the size of their annual
harvest; although only the three highest classes could hold political office,
the poo1-est were allowed to attend the assembly and tht1s have a say in
the running of the state. As with Solon's new legal code (cf. 36.18-20*),
which gave all citizens access to the courts, the egalitarian thrust of his
policies makes Solon a key figure in the development of democracy at
Athens. By weakening the power of the wealthy elite and their inherited
privileges, and by focusing on the cohesion and benefit of the community
as a whole, Solon laid the foundations for the classical concept of the free
Athenian citizen, who is expected to play a part in rt1nning the city (cf.
Manville 1990: 124-56, Lewis 2006: 6).
Thus we cannot really separate 'Solon the poet' from 'Solon the
politician', and the 1-ole of the poet as a public figure in Archaic and
Classical Greece is nowhere clearer than with him. Moreover, we can
see how Solon's skills as a poet, especially his striking use of language,
simile, metaphor, and persona, enabled him to inflt1ence his audience,
persuading them of the need for change and the wisdom of his pol
icies. But it would be a mistake to see Solon as exclusively a political
COMMENTARY: SOLON 1-3
w1-iter, since he also deals with homosexual desire (25), travel ( 28), food
(38-40), gnomic reflections on human life and happiness (14, 16-18,
23, 26, 27*), and even the untrustworthiness of poets (20, 29). Indeed,
excluding the Theognidea, we have mo1-e elegy from Solon than anyone
else ( c. 230 lines), including the longest su1-viving elegiac poem before
the Hellenistic period (13*).
As regards the chronology of the poems, some political pieces are
likely to pre date Solon's archonship (e.g. 4*, 4a, 4c), while others are
evidently later because they defend his reforms (5*, 34, 36:", 37) or boast
of having resisted the chance to beco1ne a tyrant (32-3). Thougl1 most
of Solon's works were composed for performance at symposia, whether
among like-minded hetairoi or to persuade fellow aristocrats of the need
for reform, we cannot rule out performance in more public settings (for
example, at public meetings or city festivals: see 1-3*, 36*). In any case, as
far as the political poems a1-e conce1-ned, it is striking how, unlike Alcaeus
or Theognis, for example, who address an audience that shares their
social and political views, Solon mtlst balance the competing demands of
different sections of Athenian society, and so uses all his rhetorical skill to
persuade the listener to accept his political and ethical values.
With a historically significant figure like Solon it is particularly tempt
ing to interpret the primary narrator in a simple biographical manner,
but while Solon's poetry clearly draws on his own experiences as a politi
cian and legislator, he too must fashion a convincing authorial persona
(see Introduction §3). His self-p1-esentation underlines his role as a mod
erate and impartial reformer, not a revolutionary, and by drawing on the
language, ethics, and theology of Homer and Hesiod (especially in 4*
and 13*), Solon imbues his commitment to jtlstice and communal values
with the authority of traditional wisdom.
Solon I-J
Solon 's poem (originally 1 oo lines long, according to Pltltarch, Sol. 8.2)
engages with Atl1ens' wa1- against Megara for control of the island of
Salamis. Occupying a strategic position in the Saronic Gulf, Salamis was
important to the t1-ade routes of both cities, and its capture was a signif
icant event in the ea1-ly expansion of Athenian power ( c. 600 BC). As in
the martial elegies of Callin us and Tyrtaeus, the speaker of Salamis stages
a dramatic call to arms. So skilful is Solon 's evocation of crisis and public
exhortation that later tradition presented him rushing into the agora to
perform the poem (Pltlt. Sol. 8.1-2). Though it is not impossible that
the work was composed for a public occasion rather than the symposiorl,
the 'agora' is likely to be based on a misunderstanding of the poem's
COMMENTARY: SOLON 1 1 33
opening lines (see on 1.2*). Only eight lines survive, but they are enough
to show Solon's skilled use of persona (as quasi-he1-ald in 1*) and emo
tion (shame in 2* and 3 ��), building on the elegiac tradition of martial
exhortation.
Solon I
Sour·ce: Plutarch, Solon 8.1-2.

Plutarch quotes these lines as the beginning of the poem. auTos intensi
fies botl1 tl1e following words, stressing not only that the speaker l1imself
has come from Salamis (and so has witnessed events there personally),
but also that he is acting as his own herald. Kfipu�: the image evokes
the sacred inviolability and trust invested in the role of herald (cf.
KT)pVKES .6.16s &yye/\Ol 178E Kai cxv8pwv' Il. l ·3 34; KT)pVKES ... Liii' <pl/\Ol, 8.517)'
encouraging the audience to see Solon as a credible messenge1- acting
in the best interests of Athens. i µ tpTf\s: Salamis is 'lovely' or 'desirable',
a common epithet for cities or islands, especially one's homeland (cf.
�TTO:PTTJS iµep6ecrcra TT6A1s, Tyrt. 4.4*), but he1-e also reminding Solon's
(Athenian) audience that Salamis is worth going to war over. Koaµov .
. . 6iµ tvos 'adopting (lit. composing) song, an ordered form of words,
instead of speech'. Solon plays on the incongruity of a singing her
ald, while also advertising his skill as a poet, whose message will be
all the more memorable for being in verse. Koa µov iniwv: in apposi
tion to Wl8T)V (cf. Sol. 13. 21-2 * Bewv e8os OlTTUV lKO:VEl I oupav6v). The
phrase K6crµov ETTEwv is also t1sed by Parmenides: 86�as 8' cxTTo Tov8e
�poTeias I µ6:vBave K6crµov Eµwv ETTEWV CXTTOTT]Aov o:Kovwv (fr. 8.51-2 DK =
D8.56-7 Laks-Most). The '01-derly array' of poetry is also claimed
by Simonides: 11.23* T6v8[e µeA]�cppova K[6crµov cxo]18f}s. For praise of
poetry sung KaTa K6crµov, cf. Od. 8.489, HHHerm. 433. K6crµos denotes
civic order and good government (e.g. TT6Aewv K6crµo1, Pl. Prt. 322c),
and so bolsters Solon's claim to be offering sound political and military
advice. avT' ayopfis: already in Homer cxyopfl can mean simply 'speech'
as well as the 'assembly' where speeches are made (cf. Il. 2.788 01 8'
cxyopas cxy6pevov); its misconstrual here as 'before the assembly' may
well be the origin of the idea that Solon performed Salamis in the agora
of Athens. (A statue of Solon commemorating his intervention was set
up in the agora of Salamis in the early fourth century BC: Aeschin.
Against Timarchus 25, Dern. On the False Embassy 19.251.) Most schol
ars a1-e sceptical, favou1-ing the symposion (so too Bowie 1986: 19), but
the possibility of performance before a broader audience cannot be
definitively excluded (cf. Thomas 1995: 111-12); on public eleg")', see
Int1-oduction §§1-2.
1 34 COMMENTARY: SOLON 2-3
Solon 2
Sour'Ce: Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosopher-s 1.47.
Diogenes, who quotes these lines, describes them as having a particu
lar appeal for the Athenians, presumably because of their ebullient
patriotism.
1-� Eit1v ... I ... naTpi6' a µE141cx µ Evos: to exchange his l1omeland is
a shocking wish for Solon to express befo1-e his fellow Athenians, under
scoring the national disgrace of abandoning the strt1ggle for Salamis.
TOT' 'in that case', i.e. 'if we give up fighting for Salamis', emphasized
by the preceding particle 811 (cf. GP 228). <l>oi\Eycxv6p1os i\ I1KtVflTt1S: the
use of Pholegandros and Sicinos, minor islands in the southern Cyclades,
exploits mainlanders' contempt for poore1-, less developed islanders (cf.
Iolaus at Eur. Held. 84-5, ou vri cr1wTriv, w �Evo1, Tpi�w �iov, I a.AA' EK MvK rivwv
<JT)V acpiyµEBo xB6vo). Mo1~eover, the southern Cyclades had been colonized
by Dorians from the Peloponnese, so Solon's wish is effectively to become
Dorian instead of Ionian, a shaming declaration for his Athenian audi
ence to hear.
3-4 Solon's qt1otation of anonymous, shaming criticism mirrors the
use of T15-speeches in Homer (for Rector's particular concern with 'what
people will say', cf. Il. 6.459-61, 22.106-1o), a connection reinforced by
the epic phrases 014' 0 yap and µET' avBpwTTOl<Jl. J\TTlKOS (like /\Brivaiou in
line 2) implicates Solon's Athenian audience in the blame to come. ovTos
&vflp: for the contemptuous use of ovT05, cf. LSJ C 3. Twv Iai\a µ 1vacpETiwv
'one of those Salamis-ceders'. Solon's sarcastic neologism (LoA0µ1voq:>ETTlS,
from LoAoµis + acpi ri µ1) gives the imaginary insult a punchy, humiliating
ending. Mo1-eover, the neologism itself hints at the widespread notoriety
of losing Salamis ('Salamis-ceder' will become a familiar te1-m), making
the Athenians' shame all the mo1~e intense.
Solon 3
Source: Diogenes Laertit1s, Lives of the Philosophers 1.47.
Diogenes continues by quoting these lines. We do not know if 3* fol
lowed 2* in the original poem (the asyndeton makes it unlikely). In
any case the transition from evoking shame (2�') to urging battle (3�!{)
is typical of martial exhortation (cf. Callin. 1�', Tyrt. 1o, 11, 12 *). ioµEv:
1st pl. epic short-vowel subjunctive, with lengthened iota. The move
from critical 'I' (in 2*) to t1nited 'we' rallies the Athenians behind the
war. µ axt1aoµ Evo1 ... anwao µ Evo1: future participles expressing purpose
( Goodwin §840, CGCG §52.41). i µ EpTfis: marked by enjambment, and
st1~essing again that Salamis is wo1~th the fight: see on Sol. 1.1*. xai\Enov
T' aiaxos: strong language of disgrace; for Homeric aischos and its root
COMMENTARY: SOLON 3-4 1 35
meaning of 'ugliness', see Cairns 1993: 54-5. cxTrwaoµtvo1: the middle

form of anweew is typically used in epic of driving back the enemy (e.g.
Il. 8.206 Tpwas cxnwcracr6a1) and so evokes the image of Solon and the
Athenians physically repelling disgrace as they go to fight the Megarians
for control of Salamis.
Solon 4
Source: Demosthenes 19.254-6.
Demostl1enes quotes this poem to illustrate Solon's patriotism, whicl1 he
contrasts with the treacherous behaviour of his opponent Aeschines ( On
theFalseErnbassy, delivered in 343 BC). For Demosthenes and his al1dience,
Solon embodied the ideal Athenian statesman, an enemy of greed and
corruption, who enabled Athens to flourish. The poem's insistence on
restraining the city's wealthy elite, whose conduct has led to the enslave
ment of poorer citizens (23-5), suggests composition before Solon's
reforms. Though the transmitted text lacks some verses, the lacunae are
unlikely to be large (see 11, 23-5nn.), and it is the second longest poem
of Solon's to have survived (13* being by far the longest). Having stressed
the gods' concern for Athens (1-4), Solon analyses the threat posed to
the whole city by the selfish and unjust conduct of its citizens, especially
its wealthy leaders (5-29). He ends with a personal warning to his fellow
citizens to avoid lawlessness and embrace order, which is the solution to
their troubles (30-9).
One of the most striking features of Sol. 4* is the way it applies the
language of epic combat to civil war (stasis), and so st1ggests that the
dichotomies of war versus peace, and enemy versus self, do not work in
contempora1-y Athens (see on 3-4, 9-10, 12-13, 19-20). Solon draws
on traditional conceptions of personified Justice (Dike) and Lawfulness
(Eunomia), and enlivens his analysis with striking imagery that makes
abstract ideas concrete and easier to grasp: the foundations of Justice
(14), the wounded city ( 17), slumbering war ( 19), evil leaping into the
l1ome (28), the flowers of ruin (35), and so on (for Solon's use of imagery
in general, see Noussia-Fantuzzi 2010: 67-77; on this poem specifically,
Henderson 2006).
Solon's insistence on humanity's personal responsibility for their suf
fering is a leitmotif of 13�" as well, yet here there is even more emphasis
on the 1-epe1-cussions of individual c1-ime fo1- the whole community. The
poem's stress on social cohesion and the rule of law makes it an eloqt1ent
state1nent of Greek (and not solely Athenian) polis ideology.
1-8 The opening lines encapsulate the central argument of the poem:
the gods will never destroy Athens (1-4), but its foolish citizens will
COMMENTARY: SOLON 4
(5-8) - unless they take Solon's advice. By denying that the gods are to
blame, Solon 1�einforces not only the Athenians' own culpability for their
city's collapse but also their responsibility for finding a solution ( cf. Sol.
11.1-4 *).
1-4 T1-aditional epic language (the 'po1-tion/ dispensation' of Zeus,
'blessed, immortal gods', 'stout-hearted' Athena, 'of the mighty sire',
etc.) evokes the enduring power and concern of the gods.
1 fltJETE PT\ 6i n61'.1s: though (as usual) we cannot be certain this is the
opening of the poem, 'ot1r state' grabs the at1dience's attention, while
also implying that .Solon has everyone's interests in mind. For the particle
8E t1sed to begin a speech, see GP 172-3; it serves here to create a sense of
spontaneous performance.
2 cpp ivas ('intentions') stresses the gods' active care for Athens.
3-4 offer the ultimate reassurance for an Athenian audience, the
protection of their 'guardian' (E-rrio-Ko-rros) goddess. o�p1µ onaTp11: the
epithet ('daughter of a mighty father') is unique to Athena and triggers
the audience's awareness of her role in epic as Zeus's favourite child and
the enforcer of his will (e.g. Il. 5.747, Od. 3.135; cf. Allan 2006: 20-1),
enhancing the status of both Athena and her favourite city. X Eipas unEp6Ev
£ XE1: a familiar gesture of divine protection (e.g. Il. 24.374, where Priam
thinks a god may be helping him, b11t ironically does not understand
how). Athena, then, will assuredly oppose the city's enemies, which makes
the threat from within Athens itself (5-8) all the more disturbing, for (it
is implied) even divine p1-otection cannot help if you are fighting you1�
own people.
5-16 The ca11sal (and moral) sequence 'greed, hybris, punishment' is
typical of Archaic and Classical Greek thought; see on 9-10 below. Irwin
2005: 164 calls lines 5-8 'essentially a barrage of Hesiodic themes'.
5-6 auToi ... I aaToi 'the citizens themselves'. Solon makes clear that
all Athenians are susceptible to the temptations of greed and injustice,
not just the 1-ich. Enjambment emphasizes the key ,vord (cf. v�p1os in line
8). acpp a6i 111a1v 'by their foolish actions'. XPf\tJaa1 n2166 µ tvo1 'persuaded
by wealth'. Solon is the earliest Greek thinker to analyse the dangers of
an unlimited desire for wealth (cf. Sol. 13.71-3��, where the desire is
described as insatiable). On Solon's stand against avarice and its impor
tance to politics of the Classical period, see Balot 2001: 79.
7 611µ ou 6' 11ytµ 6vwv a611<os voos: a new st1bject added to the previous
one (rathe1- than a new sentence). Solon's focus now moves to 'the leade1-s
of the people', the ruling class whose crimes are described in lines 9-14.
Solon's view of leadersl1ip is traditional (and spelled out in detail in both
Homer and Hesiod): the good leader protects his community and does
not endanger it by the selfish pursuit of wealth and power. But altl1ough
Solon is part of a wider Archaic tradition criticizing the selfishness and
luxu1-y of aristocrats (cf. Donlan 1973: 147-54), his insistence on treating

the 8f}µo) fairly is unusually clear and tied to the contemporary crisis in
Athens. 01a1v iToiµov 'for whom [much pain] is ready and waiting', with
EcrTi understood.
8 v�p1os iK µ EycxA11s: epic-Ionic gen. sg. of v�p1), 'as a result of tl1eir
great insolence'; hybris embraces a wide range of insulting and/ or outra
geous actions, as tl1e following lines make clear.
9-10 focus on typical benefits of peace ('tl1e festivities of the ban
qt1et'), but make clear that the citizens are not capable of enjoying them.
Solon is tl1us undermining the traditional dichotomy of war versus peace -
one might think, for example, of the city at war and the city at peace
depicted on Achilles' shield, where there are two modes: either you are
at war, where there is bloodshed, but also divine support and opportu
nity to win glory; or you are at peace, where there is law and order, and
the pleasu1-es of stable life sucl1 as weddings and feasts (fl. 18.490-540).
But Solon departs from this by suggesting that in his world, thotlgh the
Athenians are formally at peace, they have civil strife, which disrupts the
dichotomy of enemy versus self and is harder to manage. KaTE XEtv Ko pov
'to restrain excess' (i.e. their insatiable desire for more). For the 'Archaic
chain' of koros (satiety or greed) leading to hybris (arrogance) punished
by ate (ruin, or the delusion leading to it), cf. e.g. Sol. 4.34-5*, 6.3-4*,
13.11-13*, 13.71-6*, Thgn. 44-52*, 153-4, 227-32. One of the bless
ings of Eunomia is therefore the halting of koros (see line 34). Eu cppoauvas
... 6a1Tos: the leaders cannot even feast p1-operly, i.e. their excess extends
to food and drink. The gluttonotlS suitors of the Odyssey begin a long
Archaic tradition (especially pro1ninent in poetry about the sy,mposion: cf.
Xenoph. 1*) which identifies excessive consumption with moral diso1-der.
Koa µ eiv 'to arrange (in an 01-derly fashion)': for the word's connection
with feasts, cf. Pind. Nern. 1.21-2 Ev6a µ01 cxpµ681ov I 8Ei'nvov KEK6crµriTa1.
11 At least two hexameters are missing either side of the pentan1eter
line 11, but the al1-eady substantial list of hybristic acts (9-14) suggests
the gap was not much bigger (cf. Faraone 2008: 173). 1TAovTiova1v: for
the consequences of unjustly acquired wealth, cf. Sol. 13.7-13*, Hes. ½,V
320-6. 1Te16o µ evo1 'relying on' + dat.
12-14 These lines describe the g1-eediness of the Athenian elite, but
do so using the language of a sacked city (note especially aq:>apnayf\1,
13), where the enemy run ainok and plunder shrines (here the shrine of
Dike he1-self). This pillaging, however, is internal: there is no 'tls' versus
'them' as in a real war, and the selfishness of the factions is condemned.
Neither sac1-ed nor public p1-operty is safe. The lust for unjust wealth
leads to anarchy. Tt: adverbial: 'in any way'. cpe16o µevo1 'spa1ing', empha
sized by enjambment between distichs (cf. 25). acpap 1Tayfi1, 'by pltlnder',
marks the forcefulness of the stealing; cf. 34.1 (on those Athenians who
COMMENTARY: SOLON 4
demanded a redistribution of land) oi 8' E q, ' 6:pTTay171cr1v 11i\6ov. aAAo6tv

aAAos: an epic formula (e.g. Il. 9.311, also at line-ending). Fo1- epic for
mt1las in elegy, see Introduction §5. atµvcx 1\iKT}S 6i µ t6Aa 'the venerable
fot1ndations of Jt1stice', conjt1ring up the image of an altar, temple, or
statue dedicated to the personified goddess - all imposing structures that
inspire reverence. Kicking the altar of Dike is a consequence of excessive
wealth and greed at Aesch. Ag. 381-4 and E1um. 538-41.
15-16: For Justice overcoming hybris in the end, cf. Hes. 1iv.D 213-18,
concluding TTa6wv 8 E TE vi)TT1os Myvw. Solon's thought is traditional (cf.
Lloyd-Jones 1983: 44-5), but adapted to suit the political crisis in Athens.
a1ywaa: the goddess' silence is menacing. Tw1 ... xp 6vw1: on justice 'slow
but sure', see also Sol. 13.25-32*. ncxvTws T}A6': gnomic aorist, 'certainly
comes'. an0Tt1ao µiv1'}: future participle expressing purpose (Goodwin
§840, CGCG §52.41), 'to exact punishment'.
17 With 'this' (TovT', 17) Solon refers back to the crisis outlined in
5-16, comprising both the outrageous behaviour of the citizens and the
ensuing vengeance of Dike. 1161'1 ('already') stresses how urgent the crisis
is. The combination of present ( EPXETa1) and gnomic aorist (18 fii\v6E and
20 wi\EcrEv) gives Solon's analysis a general validity that bolsters its appli
cation to the social breakdown in contemporary Athens. ncxa1'}1 n6At1: all
suffer, not just those ca1Tied away by greed. Solon's emphasis on the col
lective good was an important contribution to the development of Greek
political thought: cf. Vlastos 1993: 38. EAKOS acpuKTov 'as an inescapable
wot1nd', in apposition to TovTo. The metaphor figures the city as a social
organism; for the 'body politic' in Greek thought, see Brock 2o13: 69-8 2.
18 is ... 6ouAoauvT} v 'and swiftly it [the city] falls into vile slavery',
i.e. the subjugation of the many to the few, as the leading citizens pursue
their own interests with no regard for the wide1- community; lines 23-5
further specify the enslavement of the poor.
19-20 Civic turmoil and death are presented as the inevitable result of
gross inequality and exploitation; cf. Thgn. 39-52*. fi: the relative clat1se
elaborates upon its antecedent, 8oui\ocrvvriv. aTcxa1v e µcpuAov: lit. 'strife
within the tribe', as 1-ival aristocratic factions compete for money and power.
crTcxcr1s in the sense 'civil war' is first attested here; cf. Thgn. 51 * crTcxcrtES TE
Kai Mµq,ui\01 q,6vo1 cxv8pwv, Hdt. 8.3 CYTCXCYlS yap Mµq, ui\os TTOAEµov 6µo q,poVEOVTOS
TocrovTw1 KcxK16v ECYTl ocrw1 TTOAEµos Eipi)vris. noAEtJOV 6' tu6ovT' intyti p21: for war
awakened from its 'sleep', cf. n. 20.31 (of Zeus) TTOAEµov 8' cxi\iaO"Tov MyEtpE;
the common metaphor is made more sinister by being applied to internal
conflict (rather than fighting external enemies). i p aT,;v ... T}AtKiT} v: Solon
evokes (typically Home1ic) pity for the loss of 'lovely youth', but the context
of civil wa1- makes then- destruction peculia1-ly shocking.
21-2 iK... 6uaµtviwv 'at the hands of its enemies'. As O"Tcxo-1v (19) and
q, ii\ovs (22) make clear, however, the city's ene1nies are its own citizens.
Taxiws: destruction comes quickly; cf.18 TaxEws.-rro1lutipaTov: Athens is

'much-loved', like 'beloved' Salamis (Sol. 1.1�,�, 3.2*).TPVX £Ta1: lit. 'con
sumed', st1ggesting the careless waste of the city's resou1-ces. iv auv6601s
Tois cx61Kioua1 cpi1lous 'in gatherings of those who wrong their f1iends'.The
damning word (cpiAovs, i.e. their fellow Athenians) is delayed for maxi
mum effect.
23-5 Solon gives a specific example of how 'these evils' (Ta0Ta . . .
KaKcx) are undermining Athenian society, as some of its poorest citizens are
sold into slave1� abroad. In 36*, a defence of his political achievements,
Solon boasts of liberating and repatriating these Athenians. aTp icptTa1
'roam at large'. -rr pa6ivTES ... 6t6ivTES: aor. pass. participles, from 1TEpv 11 µ1
('I sell'; cf. 36.9*) and 8Ew ('I bind'). The indignity is underlined by the
figur-a etymologi,ca 8Ecrµoi'cr1 ... 8E6EVTES.At least one (pentameter) line is lost
afte1- 2 5, the sense of which may be p1-eserved in ga1-bled fo1-m in a single
MS.: TiaiKaKa (sc.rrcxyKaKa) 8ovAocrvv11 s (vyo: <pEpovcr1 �ia.
26-9 As Will 19 58: 309 remarks, 'The picture of the city haunted to
its last nook by evil is one of the great visions of Greek poetry.' The verbs
(MpXETa1, vTIEp6opEv, EvpE) characterize the KaKov as an unstoppable crea
tt1re, echoing the personified evils that 'roam at large' (crTpE<pETa1, 23).
6T'}µ oa1ov ... oiKa6' eKcxaTw1: the evil is 'public' but invades every house
hold. auAt101 ... 6v pa1 'the cot1rtyard doors refuse to hold it back any
longer'.V 4'T')Aov 6' v-rri p ... v-rrip6optv: repetition heightens our sense of
the evil's 'leap'.-rrcxvTws 'assuredly' (cf.16).cp tvywv ... ri1: 3rd sg.pres.
subj. of Eiµi, used in a periphrastic construction with the participle ( cf.
Rijksbaron 2006 : 126-7, CGCG§ 52.51, Bentein 2016), 'even if he flees'.
iv 1-.1uxw1 ... 6aAcxµ ou: a Homeric phrase (like au/\E101 ...6vpa1)' 'to the
innermost recess of his 1-oom'. The everyday details (ya1-d, doors, wall,
room) encourage the audience to picture thei1- own ho1nes under attack.
30-8 Having catalogued the city's troubles, Solon now offers a clear
cut solution.
30 Ta0Ta 1-efers back to the whole description of unjust behaviou1-
and its consequences ( 5-29). 6uµ os ... µt KEAEV£1 'my heart bids me'. An
epic ph1-ase, lending autho1-ity to Solon's moral and political advice.After
lengthy third-person analysis of the Athenians' folly, the declaration of
Solon's first-person perspective is arresting.616cx�a1 ... :46T'}vaious: all Greek
poets were expected to teach as well as entertain (cf.Ar.Frogs I o 5 3-6), but
Solon adopts an explicitly didactic persona, reminiscent of Hesiod's con
demnation of greedy kings who abuse justice ( vVD 248-64).Solon aims to
teach 'the Athenians' in general, not a nar1-ow aristocratic elite, since even
if the poem were composed with the syrnposion in mind, it could also be
repe1-formed and 1-ead in othe1- contexts (see Introduction §2).
31-9 L1vcrvoµi11 and Evvoµi11 are personified powers in Hesiod ( Theog.
230, 902), where the former is daughter of Eris (Strife), and the latter
COMMENTARY: SOLON 4
is daughter of Zeus and Themis, and has Dike (Justice) and Eirene
(Peace) among her sisters. Since Solon has already in effect enumerated
the bad effects of Disorder (5-29), he recaps them here in a single line
(31) as a foil to the extensive and artft1l description of Good Order and
he1- benefits (32-9). As an encomiastic list of Eunomia's va1-ied powers
(note how she is the active subject of the many verbs), the passage has
a hymnic quality (similar in manner and content to Hesiod's catalogue
of Zeus's powers: vVD 5-8), wl1ose solemnity is enhanced by an elevated
style, inclt1ding chiasmt1s (34-5, 36-7), asyndeton and epigrammatic
brevity (34), numerous metaphors (34-7), successive verbs in first
position (35-8), and 1ing composition (&pT1cx TTcxvT', 32 ~ TTcxvTcx . . .
apTlCX, 39).
3� EuKou µ a Kai apT1a 'well ordered and fitting'. Eunomia restores the
kosmos ('order') which was the one of the hallmarks of peace (Kocrµ1:Tv ...
EV 11crvxiri1, 10).
33 ni6as 'shackles'. Unlike the chains binding the poor and enslaved
( 25), these are merited.
34 The double chiasmus (object-verb, verb-object, object-verb)
includes a meaningful juxtaposition of Solon's fundamental concepts
(1Tcxv1:1 Kopov, vf3p1v cxµcxvpoi'); see on line 9 above. Tp axia AE1aivt1 'makes
the rot1gh smooth'; cf. Isa 40.4 (NRSV) 'the t1neven ground shall become
level, I and the rot1gh places a plain'. a µ au p oi 'weakens'.
35 auaivE1 ... cpuo µ tva '[she] shrivels up the budding flowers of delu
sion'. A striking double metaphor. Already in Hesiod, Zet1s cxyT}vopcx Kcxpcp1:1
( 'withers the proud', v\,V 7), and Solon's 'flowers of ate' are part of a wider
pattern of i1nagery in Greek thought that associates human wickedness
with (excessive) vegetal g1-owth: see Michelini 1978, esp. 39-40 on botan
ical metaphors of hybris and ate. cxvcxivw is Attic, otherwise cxucx{vw. <XTflS
av6ta: normally emblematic of flourishing life, flowers here become a
symbol of human delusion and suffering.
36-7 tu6uvt1 ... 6iKas uKoA1cxs 'straightens out crooked judgements'.
A traditional metaphor for the restoration of distorted justice: cf. Hom. fl.
16.387 [Zeus grows angry at men] o'i f?>iri1 1:1v cxyopf\1 crKo/\10:s Kpivwcr1 6Eµ1crTcxs,
I EK 8E 8iKTJV E/\cxcrwcr1, Res. v\,V 9 (addressed to Zet.1s) 8iKTJl 8' 16vv1: 6Eµ1crTcxs.
unt p11cpava ... I 1rpauvt1 'restrains (lit. soothes) arrogant behaviot1r'.
37-8 1raut1 ... I 1rau21: the repetition underlines Eunomia's power to
end civil strife. 61xouTaui11s: the word (lit. 'standing apart') is first attested
here, and similarly applied to civic disco1-d at Thgn. 78.
39 navTa ... apT1a: 31-9n. apT1a Kai 1r1vuTa 'fitting and rational'.
Mirroring its reassuring opening ( 1-4), the surviving text concludes on
an optimistic note (the ring composition suggests we have a complete
poem, lacunae excepted): unde1- Eunomia (vTT' cxvTf\S, 38) the Athenians
can end the disorder and violence threatening their society.
COMMENTARY: SOLON 5
Solon 5
Sour·ce: [Aristotle], Athenian Constitutio'n 11.2-12 .1.
These lines are quoted to illust1-ate Solon 's policy of pt1tting the safety of
Athens first, even at the risk of being hated by botl1 the people (8-fiµos)
and the notables (yvwp1µ01), who were equally disappointed by his
reforms. The poem itself does not spell out the detail of Solon's pol
icies (l1ence thei1- divergent interpretation in the ancient sources: cf.
1 n.), bt1t its vagt1eness and generality ai-e deliberate, since the goal is
not to engage in a tecl1nical discussion of the Athenian constitution,
but to assert Solon's impartiality in balancing the competing demands
of both the 8-fiµos and the elite. (34, 36*, and 37 defend Solon's political
achievements in similar terms, but in iambics.) The poem is carefully
structured not only to reflect the idea of balance - each group is given
equal attention: 1-2 on the 8-fiµos, 3-4 on the elite - but also to unde1-
line Solon's active authority and concern for all Athenians: he is the
agent of the main verbs (f8c.vKcx, f cppcxcrc'.xµ17v, ECYTT)V, Etcxcr'), and the final
couplet is devoted to his success in preventing 'an unjust victory' for
either side. The poem is calculated to appeal to as wide a set of the
Athenian audience as possible.
1-2 In epic it is the major heroes who are granted a yEpcxs as symbol of
their T1µ-ri, and these awards represent the appreciation of the wider com
munity. He1-e, by contrast, it is the common people who a1-e granted 'priv
ilege', and this 'striking departt1re from heroic language' (Irwin 2005:
2 31) magnifies both the people's status and Solon's own, as he claims the
autho1-ity to dispense privileges and determine honour. Ancient sources
disagree over the precise 'privilege' referred to here, and its limits ('as
much as is sufficient'): the author of the Athenian Coristitution connects
the poem to the cancellation of debts which annoyed the rich as well as
to the people's disappointment that Solon did not carry out a complete
redistribution of property (11.2), while Plutarch quotes it as evidence of
Solon claiming credit for increasing the power of the popular courts (Sol.
18). But the poem's vagueness is productive, since as well as avoiding con
troversial detail, it allows Solon to appeal as mt1ch as possible to all sides.
Above all, the language of tirneand gercis likens Solon to the ideal Homeric
leader, who (unlike Agamemnon in the fliaa) knows how to apportion
honour and privilege so as to c1-eate social ha1-mony. Toaov ... a1TapKEi
'as much privilege as is sufficient for them'. The limits of popular power
are stressed, reasst1ring the wealthy that tl1eir own privileges will not be
removed. Plt1tarch has KpcxTos ocrcrov ETTcxpKEi, but the Athenian Constitution's
papyrus text is superior, since it preserves the language of yEpcxs and
T1µ-ri, while aTTcxpKEi better expresses Solon's insistence on not giving too
COMMENTARY: SOLON 5-6
much. TtfJiis: partitive gen., with both participles, 'neither detracting

f1-om their honour no1- giving more'. i1To pt�a µ tvos: aor. middle part. of
E1TopEyw. Some interpret this to mean 'nor reaching ot1t to take [honot1r]
fo1- myself, but the context (what constitutes 'sufficient' honour for the
people) makes 'nor giving more' mt1ch likelier (cf. Mulke 2002: 187-8).
Moreover, the implicit reaction to 'a new charge brought against Solon'
(Noussia-Fantuzzi 2010: 288) would be 1Aather sudden and distracting.
3-4 Power and wealth are explicitly connected. &yf1Toi 'admired for'
(causal dative). attKtS appeals to the elite's heightened sense of their own
statt1s: 'suffer no indignity (lit. have nothing shameful)'.
5-6 A clever, paradoxical refashioning of traditional military imagery,
stressing Solon's fairness and concern for all Athenians. The idea of pro
tecting one's fellow citizens with the shield evokes the behaviour of the
good hoplite, but Solon is able to cover both sides with his shield, whe1-eas
a real hoplite could cover only one comrade. Solon, tl1en, is not only
a good Ho1neric leader (cf. 1-2n.) but also a kind of super-hoplite, on
whom everyone depends. By uniting all citizens under one shield, and
by raising the possibility of civil strife (especially in the 'unjust victory' of
one side over another), the image emphasizes Solon's success as recon
ciler and peacekeeper. EO'Tflv: emphatic first position, focusing our atten
tion on Solon himself. aµ q,1(3aAwv ... a µ <p0Ti po1a1: the repetition of &µcpi
underlines the care shown to both sides. Rhodes 1981: 172-3 considers
it 'likelier that Solon claimed to have held out his shield not in protec
tion of both sides but in defence against both'. However, both the use of
&µcp1�cxAAw ('I cast around', 'cover') and the previot1s lines' emphasis on
Solon's concern for each side support the idea of protection rather than
opposition. KpaTtp ov aaKos: the epic-sounding phrase characte1izes Solon
as a resolute protector. aµ<p0Ti p o1a1: dative of advantage. tiaa': 1st sg. aor.
of Ecxw, 'and did not allow', underlining Solon's refusal to favour one side
over the other.
Solon 6
Source: [Aristotle], Athenicin Constitution 11.2-12.1.
Having cited 5 * as proof of Solon's opposition to the excessive demands of
both the 817µos and the wealthy elite, the author of the Athenia'n Constitution
quotes these lines to demonstrate Solon's view of 'how the masses [1TA176os]
shot1ld be handled' (12.2). But although the people are expected to 'fol
low their leaders' (1), the poem is not limited to an elite view from above,
for it expresses the importance of moderation for both groups.
1 6fi µ os ... E1To1To: a patrician view of the people and their leaders, show
ing how far Solon's picture of a well-governed society differs from that of
COMMENTARY: SOLON 6, g 1 43
the Athenians of late1- centuries who tried to claim him as the originator
of their democratic system.
2 t-t'TlTE ••. �1a<oµ tvos 'neither released nor restrained too mt1ch'. The
image prest1pposes that the 8fiµos needs to be controlled, with violence
(0ia) if necessai�: cf. Sol. 36.16*. &vt6tis: aor. part. pass. of aviriµ1, 'let
loose'.
3-4 Solon deploys a piece of gnomic wisdom (' excess b1-eeds hybris')
to support (yap) his specific political advice on l1ow best to treat the
6fiµos. But like all gnorn,ai, Solon's observation is meant to apply gener
ally, and is a warning to botl1 tl1e people and their leaders to be moder
ate (cf. Sol. 4.5-8'�, where both groups are co1Tupted by wealth). For if
the rt1ling elite repress or exploit the people too much, they risk violent
insurrection, resulting even in tyranny. Theognis reworks Solon with a
predictably aristocratic bias (TiKTEl Toi Kopasv0p1v, oTcxv KcxK&:>1 oA0os E1Tf1Ta1
I av6pc.01Tw1 Kcxi 0Tw1 µ17 v6os &pT1os �1, 153-4): in Solon excess is a dange1-
for everyone (note the universalizing av6pc.01To1s 61T6cro1s), not just the low
born (Theognis' KcxK6s). As Desmond 2006: 52-3 shows, this 'Archaic law
of wealth' (i.e. excessive wealth as the cause of hybris) flourished in Greek
literature and thought throughout antiquity, and (p. 53) 'contribt1ted to
the latent sense of the virtues of the non-hubristic poor'. TiKTt1: similar
genealogies of morals (particularly involving hybris, as parent or child) are
fot1nd throughot1t Greek literatt1re: e.g. Aesch. Eum. 533-4 8vcrcre0ias µEv
v0p1s TEKOS ws ETvµws, Soph. OT 873 v0p1s q:>VTEVEl Tvpavvov. On breeding
metaphors, see also on Sol. 4.35*. Kopos u�p1v: the juxtaposition encour
ages the audience to think of the next link in the chain K6pos-v0p1s-&Tfl,
i.e. the ruin that awaits those 1nade arrogant by their prosperity: cf. Sol.
4.9-1c>*, 13 .11-13 *. voos apT1os 'soundness of mind': compare the&81Kos
v6os of the wealthy elite at Sol. 4.7��; &pT1os also defines decent behaviour
at So1 . 4.32 * and 4.39*·.
Solon 9
Sou'r·ce: Diodon1s Siculus, Universal History 9. 20. 2; 19.1.4 (3-4); Diogenes
Laerti.us, Lives of the Pliilosophers 1.50 (1-4); Plutarch, Solon 3.6 (1-2).
The authors who quote frr. 9-11 - Diodorus, Diogenes, and Plutarch -
see Solon reacting to the ty1-anny of Peisistratus, whether warning the
Athenians of its emergence ( 9-1o) or blaming them for its establish
ment (11). The latter point is chronologically unlikely, however, since
Solon was probably dead by the time of Peisistratus' second (successft1l)
attempt to establish a ty1-anny c. 556. Moreover, Peisistratus is nowl1ere
named, and 11.3 speaks vaguely of 'these men'. So it seems that the later
biog1-aphical t1~adition could not resist connecting these two famous fig
ures, the 'father' of democracy and the tyrant of Athens. Nonetheless,
COMMENTARY: SOLON g
even if Solon does not have Peisistratus specifically in mind (and could
even be reacting to much earlier troubles, before his archonship in
594/3), these texts confront the dangers of demagogues and their rhet
oric, and are testimony to the political t1pheaveal that made Peisist1-atus'
rise to autocratic power possible. Solon's own claim in frr. 32-3 that he
had the chance to become a tyrant but 1-esisted it shows that the con
cept of one-man rule was in the air in Athens, a possibility reinforced
by the spread of tyi-anny around the Greek world in this period (see
Introdt1ction §4).
1-4 These lines take the form of a priamel, a series of parallel statements
throwing the last into relief: as sure as snow and hail come from clot1ds,
and thunder follows lightning, so is a city destroyed by men who are given
too much power. They are also a foil to lines 5-6, for the use of nature
imagery underlines tl1e inevitability of the city's 1-uin (one cannot halt
natural processes), unless the Athenians heed Solon's concluding advice.
As elsewhere (e.g. fr. 12, where the sea, calm or stormy, probably repre
sents the state of a city), Solon's accessible imagery makes abstract politi
cal ideas easier to understand.
1 niAETa1: a poetic word, equivalent to yiyvi:Ta1. µivos: the force of
nature foreshadows the violence of the tyrant.
3-4 noA1s oAAUTa1: cf. Sol. 4.1* T)µETEPT'J 8E TT6A1s- . . . ovTToT' 0Ai:TTa1.
µovcx pxou: dependent on 8ou/\ocruvriv ('enslavement to a monarch').
The word µ6vapxos- is first attested here (and soon after in Thgn. 52*),
though µovapxia was already rejected by Ale. 6.27. Some follow Diodorus
in reading the 1netrically equivalent Tupcxvvou (Diod. Sic. 19.1.4; he has
µovcxpxou at 9.20.2), but it is apt that Solon should use the 1-arer and more
vivid word to underline the absoluteness of one-man rt1le, stressing, with
8ouAocrvvriv, the citizens' loss of freedom (cf. Sol. 4. 1 s��). cx16 pi 1'}1 'th1-ough
their own ignorance', i.e. about the consequences of autocratic rule (cf.
Sol. 11.5-8*). The juxtaposition 8f\µos a'i8piri1 calls attention to the peo
ple's own share of responsibility for their loss of power. tnEatv: gnomic
aorist (Goodwin §15 5).
5 Ai T}v 6' i�cx pavT' 'having raised [someone] too high', masc. acc.
sg. aor. part. of E�aipw, 'I raise in statt1s, exalt', referring back to the
8f\µos as subject, with T1va understood. As in Sol. 11.3* avToi yap
TovTous riv�i)craTi:, it is the citizens themselves who are at fault. KaTaaxEiv
'1-est1-ain'. Contrast Sol. 36.22* and 37 .7, whe1-e it is the 8f\µos itself that
is to be kept in check.
6 <XAA' ii61'1 'so now is the time'. An urgent ending: there is still a
chance to resist the rise of a tyrant. <KaAcx>: West's st1pplement gives
more specific advice than the othe1-s so fa1- p1-oposed (<T1va>, <TTi:pi>,
<TC:XbE>).
COMMENTARY: SOLON 10-11 14 5
Solon ro
Sour·ce: Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers 1.49.
Diogenes, ot1r only sou1-ce for these lines, claims that when Solon rushed
into the assembly to warn the Athenians of Peisistratus' plans fo1- a coup,
the latter's suppo1-ters accused Solon of being mad, prompting this
response. The story is suspiciously similar to Plutarch's account of events
surrounding the Sala'mis poem, where Solon, feigning madness, is said
to have rushed into the agora to deliver his advice ( 1-3*). In any case,
tl1ese verses make no mention of tyranny, and could equally well be con
strued as a response to c1-iticism of the numerot1s reforms made during
Solon's archonship. Their mixture of sarcasm and self-confidence makes
for a forceful persona. 6Ei�E1 ... I 6Ei�E1: anaphora underlines the speaker's
certainty. 611: for the particle t1sed ironically, giving 'the effect of inverted
commas', see GP 2 34-5; hence 'my "1nadness"' or 'my so-called madness'.
µavi11 v µ iv i µ 11v: alliteration and assonance draw attention to the (mis
taken) accusation. Moreover, as Miilke 2002: 215 observes, since µcxvia
could denote a prophetic state of divine inspiration, the word is doubly
ironic: what his opponents call insanity is not only sound reasoning but
also a true vision of the city's future. J?,aios xpovos 'a short time'. For time
bringing the truth to light, cf. Sol. 36.3* EV 8iKT]l Xp6vov; its grandiloquence
contrasts with the speaker's snappiness here. aA116Ei11 s ... ipxoµiv11 s: geni
tive absolute. The verb suggests the truth's willingness to make itself pub
lic. is µiaov 'into the open': late1- a bywo1-d for democratic transparency
and equality; cf. Hdt. 3.142 .3 (Maeandrius replacing the tyrant Polycrates
of Samos) Eyw 8€ ES µicrov TT)V cxpxf1v T16cis 1crovoµiri v vµTv npocxyopcuw.
Solon II
Sour·ce: Diodorus Siculus, Universal History 9.20.2; Diogenes Laertius, Lives

of the Philosophers 1.51; Plutarch, Solon 30.8 (1-4, 5-7).
Solon emphasizes the Athenians' own responsibility for the rise of ty1-an
nical leaders (so too 9.3-4��). Despite the views of the ancient sources, it
is unlikely that these lines refer to Peisistratt.1s: see on 9* above, and Rihll
1 989: 279-80, who observes that fr. 11 does not fit with the other st1rviving
evidence concerning Peisistratus' first coup (especially Hdt. 1. 59.6 and
Thuc. 6.54.5-6). Tl1e first two couplets expose the Athenians' complicity
in their own 'slavery'; the second two explain how such foolishness was pos
sible, namely, thei1- failt11-e to g1-asp the deceptiveness of political rhetoric.
1-4 For the thought - the gods are not to blame, you are - cf. Sol. 4.1-8*.
1<a1<0T 11Ta 'badness' is further defined in what follows as the addressees'
culpable stupidity. i-rraµq,i pETE: 2nd pl. present imperative of Encxvcxcpipw
COMMENTARY: SOLON 11, 13
('ascribe'). TovTous: as with the unspecified &v8pes µeycxA01 of Sol. 9.3�1�,

the speaker leaves it to the audience to work out who 'these men' are
(unless their identity was made clear in an earlier, lost part of the poem).
St1ch vagueness abot1t who the powerful are is useft1l from a perfo1ma
tive standpoint, not least because it makes the poem transferable to other
Greek communities, giving Solon's poetry a wider audience. 11u�,;aaTE:
2nd pl. aor. of av�cxvw ('for you yourselves (emphatic avToi) increased the
power'). pu µ aTcx 6ovTes: lit. 'by giving them means of protection'. Many
see an allusion to bodyguards (as employed by Peisistratus and other
tyrants: e.g. Plut. Sol. 30.3), but pvµaTa ('defences') probably refers here
to more intangible forms of political support. 'Bodyguards' narrows the
focus too much, since the 'slavery' of line 4 is the citizens' loss of politi
cal autonomy in general. Diogenes' pvcr1a ('sureties', 'seized property') is
defended by some (e.g. Rihll 1989, albeit as a 1-efe1-ence to Draco's ea1-lier
laws), but makes for a rather confusing scenario. KaKflV ... 6ou1'.oauv11v:
Cf . S01 . 4.1 8�
. ' 9.4* .
5-6 Solon contrasts the individual citizen's fox-like cunning in pt1rsu
ing his own interests (cts µEv EKacrTos) with the collective stupidity of the
whole group (crvµrracr1v 8'), which allows them to be outwitted by their
powerful masters. aAwTTEKOS 1x vEa1 'in the fox's tracks'. The ct1nning of the
fox is proverbial: e.g. Archil. 185, where the fox tricks the boastful and
pretentious monkey. auµ naa1v ... voos: a phenomenon of mass psychol
ogy, exploited by tyrants ancient and modern. x auvos 'empty': cf. 34.4 (on
those who hoped for a redistribution of land) xauva µEv ToT' E<p pcxcravTo.
7-8 The distinction between mere words (yAwcrcrav ... Kai ... €TIT']) and
actual deeds (€pyov) is a staple of Greek thought, especially in the ana
lysis of political rhetoric. o pciTE suggests the audience's mesmerized gaze
as they experience the c1-afty orator in action. ai µ u1'.ou: the adjective can
mean both 'flattering' and 'wily', and is the mot juste for the manipulative
orator who rises to power by telling his audience what they want to hear.
Eis tpyov ... y1yvo µevov 'at what is actually being done': cf. Sol. 4.15* To:
y1yv6µeva rrp6 T' EovTa. ou6iv: adverbial, 'not at all'.
Solon 13
So1urce: Stobaet1s 3.9.2 3.
At seventy-six lines (and probably a complete poem), Solon's so-called
Ekgy to the Muses is the longest extant elegy from the pre-Hellenistic period.
Solon begins with a prayer to the Muses for justly acquired wealth, free
from Zeus's punishme11t (1-32), goes on to survey the e1nptiness of me11's
hopes and the variety of their attempts to make a p1-ofit 01- ward off evil (33-
62), then returns to tl1e basic uncertainty of human life (63-70) - except
for, as he concludes, the certainty that the excessive desire for wealth will
trigger god-sent 1-uin (71-6). The poem thus combines general reflection
on human optimism and fallibility with more specific mo1-alizing on the
corrosive effects of greed and the inescapable reach of Zet1s's pt1nishment
(which spans generations: 25-32n.). As is typical of Greek ethical thought,
Solon's empl1asis on mortal ignorance and vulnerability enhances the
audience's awareness of their shared humanity, while the focus on greed
and ruin underlines the threat posed by injustice to the individual, his
descendants, and wider society. (The poem is quoted by Stobaeus (3.9.23)
t1nder the heading 'OnJt1stice'.)
Many scholars l1ave found the poem 'rambling' ( e.g. Gerber 1970:
124 'Solon seems to be w1iting as he is thinking, rather than thinking
before he writes'), and many have sought to pin it down to a single,
underlying idea (e.g. wealth, wisdom, ate, divine justice), but its parat
actic style is typical of Archaic poetry, and the poem as a whole is con
ceptually both cohe1-ent and powerful. (For a detailed discussion and
overview of previous scholarship, see Noussia-Fantuzzi 2010: 133-6,
Gagne 2013: 2 26-49.) The poem's concern with the unjust pursuit of
wealth means it has much in common with Solon's other political poems
(especially 4 *), not least because greed, hybr·is, and injustice form the
ultimate political background to all Solon's work (whether in govern
ment, law, or poetry).
1-6 Solon's invocation features many of the standard features of ancient

Greek prayer: direct address of the power(s) concerned (en1-iched
with epithets: ay"Aaa, 1), their genealogy and location (1-2), the call to
hearken to the speaker ( KAUT€ µ01 svxoµEvc.01, 2), followed finally by the
reqt1est itself (o"A�ov ... 86Ts ... , 3-6): cf. e.g. Il. 1.37-42; Pulleyn 1997:
133-55. Petitione1-s often list thei1- previous services too, but as a poet
Solon can leave implicit his special relationship with the Muses and
the honour paid to then1 by his works. Moreover, as this poem attests,
the power of the Muses is not limited to poetry: in Hesiod, for exam
ple, the Muses help kings make 'straight judgements' (Theog. 85-6), and
they possess a wide range of knowledge from Homer onwards (cf. Allen
1949: 64-5). The Mt1ses' all-encompassing wisdom will not only ensure
(so Solon hopes) prosperity and repute, bt1t will also help humans cope
with the uncertainty of life.
1 MvT}µoauvT}s ... TEKva: Hesiod describes the union of Zeus and
Memo1-y, with nine nights of sex p1-oducing nine daughte1-s (Tlteog.
53-62). An alternative genealogy made them the offspring of Earth and
Ot1ranos (cf. Alcm. 5 fr. 2 PMGF, Mimn. 13), but Solon uses the more
traditional version, not least because Zeus's pt1nishment of wrongdoing
will be a central theme of tl1e poem (11-32, 71-6). In addition, the role
of Memory enhances Solon's authority to impart his own views, building
COMMENTARY: SOLON 1 3
on traditional wisdom and enabling his conception of wealth and success

to become part of the Athenians' collective morality.
2 TT1Ep i6Es: Pieria, the region north of Mt Olympt1s, was the Muses'
bi1�thplace; cf. Hes. Theog. 53, Simon. 11.16*.
3-4 The two gifts (prospe1-ity and reputation, the fi1-st f1-om gods, the
latter from men) are arranged chiastically. oA�ov emb1-aces all aspects
of a successful life (cf. Sol. 27* for some of its main components) and
depends on more than material wealth, though Solon desires that too, if
honestly gained (7-8). npos... npos: with genitive, 'from'. 6Ewv µcxKa p wv:
all good tl1ings come from the gods; cf. Theog. 96-7 6 8' oi\�1os, ovT1vcx
Movcrcx1 I <pii\wvTcx1. n pos c:xnavTwv I av6 p wnwv: as the enjambment under
lines, Solon is not merely concerned with how he is seen by a narrow
aristocratic elite, but hopes to enjoy the esteem of all his fellow citizens.
6o�cxv EXElV! cf. Tyrt. 12.9:�.
5-6 y AUKVV w6E <piA01s, ix6 p oia1 6£ TTlKpov: the chiasmus and juxtapo
sition ('friends, enemies') stresses the traditional distinction between
helping friends and harming enemies, one of the cardinal principles
of ancient Greek morality (e.g. Rippon. 115.14-16*; cf. Blundell 1989:
26-49). cxi6oiov ... 6E1vov: a st1ccessful life is (among other things) to be
respected by one's friends and feared by one's enemies.
7-15 Solon distinguishes between justly acquired wealth and its oppo
site (7-8), then elaborates on their respective benefits (g-1o) and dan
gers (11-15).
7-8 Chiasmus and enjambment highlight the rejection of dishonest
wealth. XPTllJCXTcx 'wealth', not 'money', since coinage was introduced
into Athens a generation after Solon in the mid-sixth century BC (cf.
Seaford 2004: 130-1, 165). a6iKws: for the elite's unjust riches, similarly
punished in the end by LliKll, cf. Sol. 4.11-16*. TTETTcia6cx1: pe1-f. inf. of
1Tcxoµcx1 ('possess'). uaTE p ov ... 6iK11: the profound implications of such
delayed retribution are explored in due course (29-32). The asyndeton
is explanatory (' ... I do not want, for ...'): Smyth §2167b. f1A6E: gnomic
aor., expressing certainty.
9-10 6wa1: for the omission of &v in relative clauses with the subjunc
tive, see Goodwin §540; cf. lines 11, 29, 30, 55, 76. ncxpcx yi yvETcx1 ... I
e µ n26os '[god-given wealth] abides by a man, secure'. EK ... Kop u<pT}v:
TTv6µ17v can refer to the bottom of a jar or cup, so 'from the bottom of the
storage jar to the top' or 'from the bottom of the cup to its lip'. Gagne
2013: 230-1 argues for the latter, seeing a reference to the poem's sym
potic context, but the former bette1- expresses the immediate idea of
1naterial prosperity.
11-32 After a single couplet on honest wealth, Solon details at length
the consequences of its opposite: hybris and ate (11-15), unfo1-eseen punish
ment from Zet1s (16-25), which can afflict even future generations (25-32).
11-13 for the connection between unjust (or excessive) wealth, hybris,
and ate, see on Sol. 4.9-10* and 6.3-4*. T1µ wa1v: cf. Theognis' complaint
on men who marry for money, xp11µaTa µEv T1µwcr1 ( 189*). 1<aTcx 1<oaµov:
cf. Sol. 4.10*, 4.32*; also Thgn. 677 xp11µaTa 8' apTTCX�OVCYl l3iri 1, Kocrµos 8'
an6Ac.v/\Ev. EPXETa1 ... n-E16o µ Evos I ... in-ETa1: the bad kind of wealth is pe1-
sonified as disorderly (ou KaTcx Kocrµov), undependable (ouK EBiAc.vv), and
depraved (a8iK01s ...nc1B6µEvos).ava µ iay2Ta1 <XTfll 'is mixed with ruin'.
14-15 Thefirst of two similes inquick succession (cf. 17-25). Nowhere
else does Solon use them so densely; the only other similes in the surviv
ing fragments are 36.26-7* (Solon l1i1nself like a wolf) and 37.9-10 (like
a boundary-marker).ap xf'is ... n-up os 'which (i.e.ruin, defining &Tri 1, 1 3)
from a small beginning grows like [that of] fire'.<pAaupfl ... avtflP11 'paltry
... lethal': the contrast expresses ate 's irresistible growth.
16 ou yap 6,iv 'for not long-lasting [are mortals' violent deeds]'.
17 nctVTwv ecpopcx1 TEAos: a t1~aditional exp1-ession of Zeus's sup1-eme
power: cf.e.g.Archil. 177* for Zeus as overseer of men's deeds (good and
bad), and Semon. 1.1-2 �� for his control over the Otltcome (TEAos) of all
things.
17-25 Solon's longest simile compares Zetls's punishment (Zri vos . . .
Ticr1s, 25) to a sudden storm (E�anivris ... I ... &vEµos, 1 7- 18) in spring (11p1v6s,
19).As often in Homer's extended similes of the natural world, Solon takes
a topic familiar to his atldience (the weather, and its unpredictable violence)
and creates a picture of tlnexpected destruction (cf.n. 16.384-92, where an
ang1y Zeus sends a storm to punish human injustice). The indisc1iminate
violence of the storm, and its effect upon sky ( 18- 19, 2 1-2), sea ( 19-20),
and earth (20-1), prepare for the all-embracing Ticr1s of Zeus, which engulfs
even the innocent (25-32).At the same time, however, the image ends with
the storm's cleansing effect, which leaves the sun shining in a clot1dless sky
(2 2-4), suggesting also the positive impact of Zeus's justice.
18 61Ea1<i6aaEv 'scatters': gnomic aor. (so too eBT')KEv, 2 2), expressing
the scene's timeless familiarity.
19-20 n-0Av1<uµ ovos, 'swelling with many waves', is first attested here.
aTpvyiT010: an obscure Homeric epithet, whose likeliest meaning is
'ti1-eless' (see on Thgn. 247-8*). n-u6µ iva: the sea-floor is stirred up; cf.
nvBµivos ( 1 o).
21 6t'}1waas: ao1-.act.part.of 8ri'i6c.v, 'to ravage'.The violent wind flat
tens the crops (nvpocp6pov) and undoes human industry (Ka/\cx epya).t pya
'fields' (i.e. land that has been 'worked'): see on Tyrt. 5.7*. 1<a1\a: the
epithet expresses the farmer's pride in the product of his labour (cf.niova
yaTav, 2 3).i6os ain-uv 'high seat'.
22 ai6piflv, 'clear sky', is first attested here. The stress on sight and
clarity (a1Bpi ri v ...18ETv, I AcxµnE1 ... I Ka/\6v, ...18ETv, 2 2-4) enhances tl1e
vividness of the image.
23 T)EAio10 µivos: for the fo1-ce of natu1-e, cf. Sol. 9.1* x16vos µEvos 178E
xa/\0(175.
24 KaAov: adverbial, and emphasized by enjambment (as in 1917p1v65,
20 TTv6µEva, 21 8171wcras). aTcxp is 'p1�ogressive, with little or no idea of con
trast' ( GP 53). vtcpiwv ... Ev 'not a single cloud'. Ring composition (cf.
vc cp EAas, 18) brings the scene to a close.
25 Tia1 s: i.e. the ate which follows hybris: cf. vcp ' vf3p105 (11)' vf3p105 Epya
( 16).
25-8 stress Zeus's admirable patience, as he avoids lashing out every
time he is provoked by ht1man wickedness. icp' eKcxaTw1: neuter, 'at every
thing', i.e. every transgression. o�uxoAo s, 'qtlick to anger', is first attested
here. aiei ... 61aµntpis: lit. 'for ever ... continually'; the temporal adverbs
stress Zeus's permanent vigilance. ov e AiA116t '[the man with a sinful
hea1-t] does not escape him': the gnomic perfect exp1-esses a gene1-al t1-uth
( Goodwin § 154), in this case the infallibility of Zeus. ncxvTws ... i�tcp cxv11
'for he is revealed, without fail, in the end', taking the sinful man as sub-
ject. Miilke 2002: 280 sees Zeus as the more probable subject, 'and he
assuredly reveals himself in the end', bt1t the former avoids the sudden
change of focus and makes for better continuity with what follows (a.AA' 6
'
µcv ... occ;::,
u ... ) .
29-32 This famous passage spells out the consequences of Solon's
fundamental idea, TTCXVTWS vcrTcpov flA6c 8iK17 (8). Belief in delayed pt1n
ishment, endt1red by later generations, is a traditional element of Greek
moral and religious thinking: e.g. T hgn. 197-208; see Parker 1983: 201-
2. (For 'the sins of the fathers' in Near Eastern thought, including the
Old Testament, cf. West 1997: 511.) To lament Solon's use of a primitive
'dogma' (Vlastos 1993: 47) misses the point, for belief in the hereditary
transmission of guilt remained a basic moral concept throughout antiq
uity. Leaving aside its ethical problems (also discussed in antiquity: e.g.
[Thgn.] 731-52, challenging the notion that the innocent shot1ld pay fo1�
their ancestors' crimes), the idea proved so tlseful and enduri11g because
it helped people make sense of the indispl1table fact that evildoers are not
always punished and the innocent suffer, while the threat of one's descend
ants being punished (and one's line potentially extinguished) constituted
a powerful sanction. Herodotus' emphasis on Croesus' descent from the
wicked Gyges illustrates the principle, while his inclusion of Solon shows
their shared moral view: Hdt. 1.29-33. Pace Gagne 2013: 248, Solon is not
developing a new notion of ancestral fault 'now extended to the entire
collectivity of the polis', but deploying conventional wisdom, since the
principle's universality, and the concept of inherited guilt, are already
clear in Ho1ne1-'s accot1nt of the fall of T1-oy (cf. Allan 2006: 6).
29-30 cpu y wa1v I • .. Kix111: subjunctives in general relative clause, with
conditional force, 'and if some the1nselves escape ...'. Kix111: the mot juste
COMMENTARY: SOLON 13
for being 'overtaken' by fate: cf. Hecto1-'s realization, vvv avTE µc µo1'pa
K1xavc1 (Il. 22.303). i1T1ouaa, 'pursuing', personifies the gods' punishment
as an inescapable attack.
31 ft:hu6e: gnomic aor. (cf. �ASc, 8). 1T<XVTWS 'for certain': the hallmark
of divine jt1stice; cf. 8, 28. auTtS 'at some other time' is menacingly unspe
cific. avaiT101: the st1ffering of the innocent proves the inevitability of
divine punishment.
32 1Ta16es ... ii yivos i�o1Tiaw: cf. [Thgn.] 205-6 a.AA' 6 µEv auTos ETclcrc
KaKov XPEOS ou8E cpiA01cr1v I &Triv E�on-icrw n-a1criv ETTcKpEµacrcv; also Tyrt. 12. 30*
(in a more positive context of enduring glory) Kai TTai8wv n-a1'8cs Kai yEvos
c�01TlO"G0.
>►
I
33-62 Having established that only Zeus has a comprehensive vision

of human crime and punishment, and tl1at only tl1e gods can guarantee
lasting prospe1-ity, Solon turns to the emptiness of men's hopes, as they
think all will turn out well (33-6), indulge comforting thoughts of escap
ing misfortune (37-42), and toil to ensure wealth and wellbeing with no
certainty of success (43-62).
33-6 Human optimism is universal (6µws ayaS6s Tc KaK6s Tc, 33)
b11t misleading. voioµev: the change from the third-person analysis of
Zeus's j11stice (9-32) to first-person pl11ral ('we think') 11nites speaker
and audience in the condition of human ignorance, making the poet's
moral advice more palatable. eu peiv: the conjecture ('run well'; lit.
'flow'), in the context of 86�av ('expectation'), is supported by [Thgn.]
639-40 TTO/\/\CXKl TTCXp 86�av Tc Kai EATTi8a yivcTal c\J pclV I epy' av8pwv,
0ouAa1's 8' ouK ETTEycvTo TEAos. 1T piv Tt 1Ta6eiv: 'learning thro11gh suffer
ing' is a traditional motif of Greek moralizing; cf. Hes. vVD 218 naSwv
8E Tc VT}lTlOS ey vw. a xp1 6e TOUTOU 'until this point'. xcxaKOVTES 'with gap
ing mouths', i.e. in eager expectation. Kov cpa1s EA1Tia1: the deceptiveness
of hope is proverbial: cf. Hes. vVD 498-501, Semon. 1.6-10*, [Thgn.]
637-8. TEp1To µ e6a: the final word ('delight') underlines how deluded
we humans are.
37-42 Three examples (one couplet each) illt1strate the vanity of
human optimism.
37-8 1Ttta6fi1: 3rd sg. aor. subj. pass. of n-1E�G0 ('oppress'). KaTecp pcxaaTo
'he thinks' (gnomic aor.): an imposing word (lit. 'he considers deep in his
mind'), in final position, which underlines how ingrained the sick man's
hope is.
39-40 These lines p1-obably refer to one man (note the stress on
&AAos) rather than two, who is in fact low-born (8c1A6s) and ugly (µop<pT)v
ou xapiccrcrav exwv), but considers himself noble (ayaS6s) and handsome
( KaA6s). Ka:hos: with bOKcl eµµcva1 understood.
41-2 a xp11 µwv: first attested l1ere. 1Ttvi11s ... t pya: lit. 'works of pov
erty', i.e. the struggles faced by the poor; the same periphrasis at Mimn.
2.12*, variants at line 16 above vr?>p10) Epya, Sol. 4.37* Epya 81xocrTacriri)•
�1cxTa1 'constrain', with neuter pl. subject.
42 1<T,iaaa6a1: the aor. infinitive is common 'in prophecies . . . and
othe1- expressions of confidence about the ft1tt1re' (West 1966: 339 on
Hes. Theog. 628), and the1-e is no need to adopt Sylburg's KTflCYEcr6a1 (as do
Campbell and Gerber).
43-62 A catalogue of professions: sea-merchant (43-6), farmer (4 7-
8), craftsman (49-50), poet (51-2), seer (53-6), doctor (57-62). In the
first three there is an emphasis on p1-ofit (Kep8o)) and making a living
(r?>ioTo)) which continues tl1e poem's 1-eflections on wealth, while tl1e last
two focus on the human experts' limited knowledge and their inability to
avert what is fated.
43-6 highlight the dangers of the sea. Hesiod's ideal was to be able to
make a living without resorting to seafaring: VVD 236-7, 618-94. aneu6e1:
the fi1-st word st1-esses the eagerness with whicl1 each figure in the ensu
ing catalogue pursues his fortune. &i\i\o6ev &i\i\os: cf. Sol. 4.13*. ai\c:xTat
'roams', in search of profit, but also suggestive of the dangers of sea-travel.
i x6uoevT': fish were thought to consume the bodies of the dead (e.g. n.
2 1.122-7). The adjective is separated from TTOVTov by a whole verse: st1ch
a striking hyperbaton is rare outside lyric and, along with line-initial posi
tion and enjambment, emphasizes the threat posed to sailors. cpo p eo µ evos
'tossed'. cpe16wi\T}v ... 6iµ evos 'with no regard for life and limb': Ti6ecr6a1/
6ecr6a1 + verbal noun is a poetic periphrasis for the verb itself (= 4'vxf\)
cpe186µevo)), lit. 'with no sparing of life'.
47-8 TE µvwv ... I i\aT peue1: each word expresses the endless, exhaust
ing effort of agriculture. eis iv1auTov 'the whole year round'. 1<a µnui\'
& poT pa 'the curved plough': symbolic of the farmer's life in general. For
how to bt1ild and operate a plot1gh, see Hes. VVD 427-47 (good luck).
49-50 As patron gods of handicrafts (cf. Od. 6.232-4), Athena and
Hephaestus were often associated, but especially so in Athens, where
( among other connections) Athena had a statue in the major temple of
Hephaestus overlooking the agora (see Burkert 1985: 220). noi\uTi xvew:
first attested here, stressing the god's versatility. r pya 6aeis: aor. pass. part.
of 8aw, 'who has learned the skills'. �ui\i\i yeTat: lit. 'brings together'; mid
dle voice, i.e. for his own t1se.
51-2 As is traditional in ancient accounts of poetic skill (crocpiri ),
these lines stress the combination of divine inspiration (Movcrewv TTapa
8wpa) and hard-earned human knowledge (eTT1crTaµevo)): as the ba1-d
PhemitlS pt1ts it, avTo8i8aKTO) 8' eiµi, 6e6 ) 8e µ01 EV <ppecriv oYµa) I TTOVTOlCX)
evecp vcrev ( Od. 22.347-8). 'Oi\u µ n1a6wv: cf. line 1 above. na pa: where the
preposition follows its noun, the accent is 'thrown back' (anastrophe:
Smyth §175, CGCG§§24.37, 60.14). i µ e pTrjs: the poet's skill is 'longed
for' (cf. Sol. 1.1 *, 3.2*) by audiences. aocpi f)s: crocpiri can denote technical
skill, whether in carpentry (Il. 15 .412) or playing the lyre ( HHHerm.

483). This is its earliest st11-viving use for poetry, thotigh the idea of the
poet's p1-ofessional skills and knowledge is t1-aditional. µ iT pov 'measu1-e',
i.e. the rules of poetic composition. ETt'to-Tcxµ evos: the gift is divine, btit
the poet's expertise is his own: cf. Archil. 1.2* MovCJEwv EpcxTov 8wpov
) I
ETTlO"TCXµEVOS,
53-6 A seer can discern the approach of evil (KcxKov ... Epx6µ1;vov), but
not even his skill can avert what is fated (Tex ... µ6pCJ1µcx). ava� iKcxE py os
;\T['oi\i\wv: an epic line-ending ( e.g. Il. 21.461). The etymology of EKcxcpyos
is disputed, but it was construed in antiquity as 6 EKcx6Ev Epycx�6µ1;vos ('he
who works from afar') or 6 EKcx61:v Eipywv ('he who wards off from afar').
e6T}KEV . . . I eyvw: gnomic aorists, expressing certainty of action, with
different subjects (Apollo and the seer). av6 pi: dative of disadvantage
(Smyth §1481, CGCG§30.49). w1 ... 6eoi 'if the gods favour him', i.e. the
seer. auvo µ apTflO"c...>0-1: 3rd pl. aor. subj. of CJuvoµcxpTEW (first attested here),
'attend on'; cf. 9-1on. ovTE ... iep cx 'neither augury nor sacrifice', i.e. by
studying the flight of birds or the ent1-ails of sacrificed animals. puaeTa1
'will ward off (LSJ Epvw B 3).
57-62 Doctors too, despite their skills, cannot guarantee health. Since
medicine was highly regarded - one might compare, for example, the
first stasimon of Antigone, where medicine is listed as the crowning item in
a catalogue of skills that characterize human progress (354-64) - Solon's
insistence on its limitations is all the more striking. On the portrayal of
medicine in Greek literary texts, see Allan 2014: 260-2. TTa1wvos: gen.
sg. of the Ionic form llcx1c.0v. Paean (llcx1cxv) is a god in his own right in
Homer, where he also operates as physician to the gods (e.g. Il. 5.401-2).
By the Classical pe1-iod Paean was identified with Apollo, but Solon can
still speak of him as an individual power. iT}T poi: with 1:iCJi understood, 'oth
ers ... are doctors'. Kai ... Tii\os: Kai is intensive, 'even they can give no
guarantees'. For TEAos in the sense 'power to decide 01- control the out-
come , cf. s emon. 1.1-2* .
'
59-62 Two contrasting examples - one of failure, the other of unex
pected success - illustrate the limits of human medicine. i� oi\iyT}s ...
µiya: the juxtaposition underlines pain's often baffling 01igins. i\uaa1T'
'can provide relief': 3rd sg. aor. middle opt. The middle voice suggests
the doctor's own interest in the treatment. 'flTt'la cpcxpµ aKa: the epic phrase
(e.g. n. 11.830) highlights in this case the inefficacy of the doctor's tradi
tional methods. KuKwµ evov: present pass. pa1-t. of K uKcxw (lit. 'to mix, stir');
the image expresses the disease's disturbing effects, both physical and
mental. vouo-010-1 ... a py ai\ia1s: the repetition (cf. vouCJ01CJ1v vTT' cxpycxAE T) tCJ1,
37) connects the deluded optimism of the sick to the docto1-'s unp1-edict
able success. cx41 cxµevos xe1 poiv: a mere touch of the hands and the patient
is suddenly (cx141cx) cured.
1 54 COMMENTARY: SOLON 1 3
63-70 Following on f1-om the various examples of human struggle

and igno1-ance (33-62), Solon returns to the gods' central role in direct
ing ht1man fortunes (cf. 16-32). The principle of alternation (63-4) - i.e.
that no human life is free from misfortune and the best one can hope for
is a mixture of good and bad - is fundamental to Greek thinking about
mortal limitations. Its classic exposition is the meeting between Achilles
and Priam (ll. 24, especially 525-33), where tl1e inevitability of suffering
underscores the importance of the characters' shared humanity. Solon
t1ses the principle to emphasize the t1ncertainty of any action's outcome,
since the gods can change everything (65-70).
63-4 To1: the particle (equivalent to 'you know'), repeated at 6 5,
is 'very frequent in gnomic writing' ( GP 542-3) and reinforces Solon's
use of traditional wisdom. aq> uKTa 'inescapable': cf. 55-6 on Ta µ6pcr1µcx.
&cp vKTo) is first attested in Solon (cf. 4.17*), but the idea (one cannot
escape what the gods give) is a staple of G1-eek moralizing.
65-6 Kiv6uvos 'risk'. ov6i .. -1 ••• a pxoµivou 'and no one knows, when
a thing starts, how it will turn out'. Simple language for a central idea.
1JEAAt1: the periphrastic future (µEA/\w + inf.) emphasizes the unpredictable
outcome. ax11ai1v: fut. inf. of EXW used intransitively, 'how it is going to
tum out': cf. Soph. Ajax 684 Ev crxricrc1.
67-70 As at 59-62, Solon gives two contrasting examples, one of fail
ure, the other of unexpected - and in this case undeserved - success.
One man tries to do well (6 µEv EV Ep8c1v TTEtpwµEvo)), but ends up ruined;
another is incompetent (Tw1 8E KcxKw) Ep8ovT1), but is granted success by
the gods. ov TTp ovo11aas 'without foreseeing it', with ETTEcrcv (gnomic aor.,
stressing the fact of the well-intentioned man's fall). 6i6s: no partict1lar
god or goddess is meant, since all can shape a man's 'fate': cf. Moipcx . . .
I ... 6cwv (63-44). aT11v: only when 'disaster' strikes does he realize his
en-or; cf. 33-6. For intentional hybris punished by ate, cf. 11-13, 75-6.
TTtpi TT<XvTa 'in every respect'. tKAua1v & q>p oauv11s: lit. 'an escape from folly'
(in apposition to crvvTuXiT)v aycx6riv, 'a good outcome'), i.e. freedom from
the negative consequences of his incompetence.
71-6 The text ends with ring composition (a popular closural tech
niqt1e, suggesting we have the complete poem) as Solon returns to the
opening themes of right and wrong ways of pt1rsuing wealth (cf. 7-8),
the danger of hybris and ate (11-13), and the certainty of Zeus's punish
ment (29-32). The focus earlier had been on the means by which wealth
is attained, here it is the related desire for too much of it: greed, like
t1njustly acqui1-ed wealth, leads eventt1ally to ruin. For the 'Archaic law
of wealth' and its vitality in later Greek thought, see on Sol. 4.9-1o'r- and
6.3-4*.
71-3 TEpµa 'limit'. TTE q>aaµivov '1-evealed': perf. pass. part. of cpcxfvw.
ya p : proving the preceding claim about human natt1re (71). vuv 11µiwv,
COMMENTARY: SOLON 13, 27 1 55
'us now', ties the general observation to Solon's Athens in particu

lar. 1TAEiaTov: by focusing on those who already have the largest share
of resou1-ces, Solon undersco1-es how insatiable the human desi1-e for
wealth is. 611Ti\cxa1ov a1TEu6ova1 'st1ive £01- twice as much'. Tis av KopiaE1Ev
a1TavTas; a rhetorical qt1estion, implying (as 74-6 make explicit) that only
if humans show restraint can the chain of K6pos-uf3p1s-&T11 be broken. For
greed as a threat to social cohesion, cf. Sol. 4.9* ov yap E1TicrTavTa1 KaTEXc1v
Kopov. Sol. 24 states the ideal: one should be content with jt1st enough
to get by, since (among other things) 'no one goes to Hades with all his
countless possessions' (7-8).
74-6 The final antithesis between kerdos ('profit') and ate ('ruin')
sums up the poem's reflections on the improper and corrupting pur
suit of wealtl1. Toi: cf. 63-4n. w1Taaav: 3rd pl. (gnomic) aor. of oTTcxsw
('g1-ant'), 1-egula1-ly used of gifts f1-om the gods. i� auTwv: i.e. as a 1-esult of
their KEp8ca (whetl1er excessive wealth or wealth unjustly gained). Since
&Tri can also mean 'loss' in a financial sense (cf. Hes. VVD 352 µ17 KaKcx
Kcp8aivc1v· KaKcx Kip8ca icr' aT111cr1), Solon's connection of kerdos with ate is
dot1bly apt. fiv (= &Tri) ••• I ... &i\i\oTE &i\i\os EXEt: the polyptoton ( 'now one
man, now another') underlines the inevitability of Zeus's retribution (cf.
16-32 ). TE1aoµiv11v: future (middle) participle expressing pt1rpose, 'to
punish them'. &i\i\oTE &i\i\os: for hiatus in this phrase, see on Archil. 13. 7*.
Solon 27
Source: Philo, On the Creation o_f the World 104; Clement of Alexandria,
Miscellanies 6.144.3; Anatolius, On the Decad (p. 37 Heiberg).
Solon's 'Te n Ages of Man' is quoted by ancient authors dealing with
both the division of human life (Philo, Clement) and the number seven
(Anatolius) and is referred to by several at1thors in Latin, indicating its
popula1-ity th1-ougl1out antiquity. Its division of the (male) human life
cycle into ten seven-year phases is unique (most poetic treatments make
do with four: childhood, youth, adulthood, old age), but Solon is proba
bly drawing on popular beliefs about matu1-ation that made use of seven
year periods, as found in later medical texts of the Classical period
(losing baby teeth at seven, beginning puberty at fourteen) - indeed, the
Hippocratic treatise 01n the Hebdomads speaks of seven such periods, which
may 1-emind us of Shakespeare's 'Seven Ages of Man' (As You Like It, II.7).
The stn1cture is simple but effective, with a couplet devoted to each
seven-year period (for the one deliberate exception, see 13-14n.). Six
of the nine couplets are enjambed, and variety comes from the differ
ent types of development (physical, social, political, and intellectual)
displayed at eacl1 stage. The poem is particularly valuable for what it
reveals abot1t standard Greek conceptions of manliness, good citizenship,
and the successful human life. Solon speaks in general terms, avoiding
explicit references to (for example) Athenian age-rituals or the required
age for particular political offices, so that his broad categories - powerft1l
soldier and athlete, husband and father, wise and eloquent citizen - have
the widest possible appeal.
1-2 The ancient Greeks show comparatively little interest in child devel
opment, seeing children as pre-rational beings who take time to become
interesting. They often ret1-oject behaviot1r of the adt1lt on the child (e.g.
Heracles strangles snakes as an infant because he will be a strong hero),
but there is little evidence of our idea of childhood as a crucial formative
period that shapes one's ultimate character. A child's acquisition of lan
guage and reason were seen as gradual (and interconnected) processes,
from 'a bestial state with bestial noises' (Thomas 2010: 197) to rational
ity and speech. av11�os iwv ETt v111T1os: &vri�os (lit. 'not fully grown') rein
forces vfin1os ('child'), which denotes the immature, pre-rational state of
the young; hence vfin1os in the sense 'foolish, without forethought' when
applied to adults, as often in Homer: e.g. Il. 16.46 µEycx vfin1os (the nar
rator on the doomed Patroclus). t p Kos 66ovTwv: the typically epic phrase
(most frequent in the exclamation noi6v CJE enos <pvyEv €pKos 686vTwv;),
normally used by and of fully grown heroes, is here amusingly applied
to milk teeth. cpuaas iK�cxAAt1: the juxtaposition underlines the rapidity of
the child's development, as if the boy no sooner grows the teeth than he
spits them out. TipwTov, 'for the first time', 1-eminds llS that he will lose
his teeth again as an old man.
3-4 TEAia-111 6tos: the thought 'with god's help' is particularly appro
priate in a culture where many children did not survive their early years.
fi�11 s ... yt1vo µiv11s 'he shows the signs of pt1berty's onset'. The variety
of bodily changes defies expression in a single line, hence the catch-all
crfiµcxTcx, which are elaborated in the following couplet.
5-6 yivtiov ... I 1'axvouTa1 'his chin grows fuzzy'. The first sign of a
beard is one of the most common markers of childhood's end, and of the
t1-ansition to male maturity, in Greek literature and art (e.g. Od. 11.317-
20, on the teenage giants Otus and Ephialtes, killed by Apollo). at�oµivwv
•.• I ••. aµ t1�oµiv11s: genitive absolt1tes, varied by chiasmt1s (verb-noun,
noun-verb). av6os: the skin's changing 'bloom' marks the transition from
the delicate beauty of youth ( explicitly erotic in Sol. 2 5: ecre' fi�ris EpcxToicr1v
En' &v6Ecr1 ncx18o<p1Aficrri1, I µripwv iµEipwv Kcxi yAvKEpov crT6µcxTos) to the vigou1-
and desirability of the adult male.
7-8 µiy ' ap1aTos I iaxuv: acc. of respect, 'is fa1- best in st1-ength'. The
Homeric µEy' &p1crTos is apt, defining the age when men are most heroic
in their fighting strength and physical p1-owess. TIEi paT': Stadtmiille1-'s
conjecture for the transmitted crfiµcxTcx (perhaps copied from line 4) or
µv1)µaTa is convincing, since TTE'i'pap ('decision', 'determination') well

exp1-esses the idea that acts of physical strength ( e.g. warfare or athletics)
are a test of cxpETfl (he1-e 'manliness') 01- - as we might say - separate the
men from the boys.
9-10 Althot1gh men had public roles denied to women, their domes
tic duties as ht1sband and father could be as important to ancient Greek
ideals of masculinity as the roles of wife and mother were to female status
and identity. w p 1ov 'it is time' (plus acc. and inf., with ECJTi t1nderstood).
Similarly, Hesiod advises men to marry 'not far short of thirty or much
beyond it' (adding ycxµos 8E To1 wp1os ouTos), while the bride should be five
years beyond pube1-ty ( vW) 694-7). nai6wv ... yeve,;v: the continuation of
the oiKos by the be getting of children (especially sons) was seen as a cen
tral element of a successful marriage; cf. Harrison 1968: 1. 18. eiaoniaw
'to follow afte1- him'.
11-12 As man ages, so the focus moves from physical to mental excel
lence. nepi navTa KaTapTUETa1 'is being trained in every way'. anaAaµva:
the word denotes both '1-eckless' and 'feckless' behaviour, and both senses
reinforce the idea of 'discipline' present in KaTapTvw. i6' o µ ws . . . 6iAe1
'no longer eqt1ally disposed [to do stupid things]'.
13-14 The peak of a man's intellectual and rhetorical abilities covers
two seven-year periods (43-9, 5<)-6), handled in a single couplet. Pace
Faraone 2008: 66, there is no reason to think a couplet is missing or
these lines are a later addition. These are the prime years of a man's
engagement in public life, and both the interrupted pattern and the
emphatic fourteen (cxµ<poTEpwv TEcrcrapa Kai 8EK' ETTJ) draw attention to
the extent of these valuable years. µiy ' a p 1aTos: the repeated epic phrase
(and acc. of respect, vovv Kai yi\wcrcrav: cf. 7 above) is appropriate, since
the ideal Homeric man is 'both a speaker of words and a doer of deeds'
(Il. 9.443) ·
15-16 A man's skill in speech and thought grow 'weaker' (µai\aKWTEpa),
but as Anhalt 1993: 52 remarks, 'For Solon, the significant fact about the
aging process is not the physical deterioration which may accompany it,
but the opportu : nity it provides for intellectual development.' Cf. Sol. 18
Y TJPCXCJKG0 8' aiEi noi\i\a 818acrK6µEvos; Falkner 1995: 153-68. n pos tJEY<XAT)V
a peT,;v: lit. 'with respect to great excellence', i.e. in speaking and thinking
(which l1e achieved at l1is peak).
17-18 For seventy years as the natural measure of a human life, com
pare Solon's words to Croest1s in Herodott1s (probably influenced by this
poem): ES yap E/380µ1)KOVTa ETEa ovpov Tf\S �6ri s cxv6pWTTG01 TTpOTltJTjµl ( 1. 3 2. 2).
Contrast Sol. 20, where Solon corrects Mi1nnermus' wish to live to sixty
(Mimn. 6) to eighty. TflV 6eK<XTflV (sc. E/38oµcx8a) ••• TEAiaas 'if he we1-e to
complete the tenth age'. KaTa µiTpov 1Ko1To: lit. 'and reacl1 the measure';
µETpov implies that seventy is the 'full meast1re' or 'limit' of a human life
COMMENTARY: SOLON 27, 36
(cf. LSJ I.4). awpos iwv: ring composition with &vTJ�os Ewv (1), rounding
off the life cycle. The litotes 'not before his time' and the receipt of his
'allotted share' (µoTpav) reinforce the appropriateness of death at this
age, tht1s avoiding a doleful conclusion.
Solo'n 36
Source: [Aristotle], Athenian Constitution 12.4.
This poem is one of the most fascinating surviving examples of the
political use of iambus in the Archaic period. As in the elegiac fr. 5*,
Solon defends his policies as being in the best interests of all Athenians,
and boasts of his resistance to the extreme demands made by both the
8f\µos and their wealthy opponents. By focusing on the liberation of the
Athenian land (3-7) and its citzens (8-15), Solon foregrounds the dam
age to Athenian society caused by g1�eed, debt, and enslavement, and pre
sents his unbiased reforms as having prevented civil war (22-5).
The Aristotelian Athenian Constitution quotes the text in connection
with Solon's cancellation of debts and liberation of enslaved debtors, a
process it calls seisachtheia ('shaking-off of burdens'), while Plutarch (Sol.
15.5-6) applies the term, which he claims was invented by Solon, to the
ending of debt slavery and the removal of 8po1 from mortgaged land (cf.
6n.). However, the te1� seisachtheia is nowhere attested in the surviving
Solonian texts and may well be a later invention, while the lack of contem
porary evidence means that the precise details of the policies celebrated
in 36* are disputed (for a defence of the Aristotelian account, see de Ste.
Croix 2004: 109-28).
Nonetheless, the broad themes of liberation, repatriation, impar
tiality, and incorn1ptibility are clea1�, as is Solon's skill in presenting his
achievements in the best possible light. He begins by declaring that he
fulfilled all the promises he 1nade to the people (1-2), then justifies this
claim in three long sentences (3-7, 8-15, 15-20) that cumulatively st1�ess
not only the range of his concerns (the land of Athens, enslaved citizens
both at home and ab1�oad, the creation of a fair legal system) but also his
dynamism and authority, underlined by a plethora of first-person verbs
(�vv-riyayov I, ETTavcraµT]V 2, OVEl/\OV 6, av-riyayov 9, E6Tj KO 15, EpE�a, 81f\A6ov,
vTTEcrx6µT]v 17, Mypa41a 20, fi6EAov 22, EcrTpacpTJ v 2 7) and a concluding sim
ile that places l1i1n at the centre of events in a dramatically striking way
(26-7).
1-2 Tl1e opening (rhetorical) question engages the audience imme

diately and marks the speaker's confidence. Its unusual phrasing (lit.
'the reasons why I called the people together, which of these had I not
achieved when I stopped?') foregrounds Solon's initiative in calling a
public meeting to resolve the crisis. iyw: placed fi1-st, underlining Solon's
authority (cf. 5, 2o). n piv TUXtiv: for Solon achieving all he said he would,
cf. 17 below; also 34.6 & µev yap clTTa, CJVV 6cOlCJlV T)VVCJa.
3-7 Solon draws on the tradition of swearing oaths by Earth (cf. e.g.
n. 19.258-63, where Agamemnon swears by Zeus, Eartl1, Helios, and the
Erinyes that he never slept with Briseis), invoking the 'greatest' (4) of
deities as a powerful 'witness' (3) to tl1e truth of l1is opening claim (TavT',
referring back to 1-2). Earth is doubly appropriate here, since her own
'liberation' is Solon's first achievement (5-7).
3 auµµcxp Tupoi11 ... &v: the verb is first attested here; the prefix crvµ
emphasizes the goddess' close support. iv 6iKT}l X povou 'in the court of
Time'. A bold metaphor, personifying Chronos (along with Earth) as an
arbiter of justice; one might compare Solon's contemporary, the philos
opher Anaximander of Miletus, who claimed that existing things 'give
justice and 1-epa1-ation to one another for their injustice in acco1-dance
with the ordinance of Time' (KaTa Tf1V Tov xp6vov Ta�1v, DK 12 B1). More
often, as at Sol. 4.16*, justice is said to come 'in time' (i.e. at last). 8iKTJ
(Judgement') here signifies the place where justice is dete1-mined (cf.
LSJ IV.2).
4 IJT)TT}P . . . 'OAuµniwv: for Earth as mother of all, including the
Olympian gods, cf. Hes. VVD 563, Theog. 45-6, 117-18.
5 &p1aTcx: adverbial, modifying crvµµapTvpoiri . rij: the delayed name
(like &p10-Ta) adds to the impact of her intervention. µiAcx1vcx: a standard
poetic epithet fo1- earth, emphasizing its fertility ( cf. Sol. 38.4-5). The
darkening of upt11med earth after ploughing is mirac11lously represented
in gold on the shield of Achilles: n. 18.548-9. Tf\S iyw: as Mulke 2002:
374 observes, the positioning of E yw after Tf\S creates 'a direct and positive
relationship' between the goddess and the speaker.
6 o p ous ... n2n11y0Tcxs 'whose mortgage stones, fixed far and wide,
I removed'. Some have doubted the traditional interpretation of opo1 as
ma1-ke1-s of mortgaged land and a sign of indebted 'sixth-pa1-ters' or
hekternoroi, but see de Ste. Croix 2004: 107-28. In any case, line 7 makes
clear that the stones sym bolize (in Solon's view) a damaging state of ser
vitude between small farme1-s and their overlords. Contrast 37.8-9, where
Solon himself is the boundary (opos), in a positive sense, between the
8f\µos and its enemies: E yw 8i: TovTwv wcrTTcp Ev µcTa1xµiw1 I opos KaTECJTTJV.
This striking image (a 'bo11ndary-marker' set in 'the place between two
armies') emphasizes that their conflict is best resolved not by civil war but
by peaceful agreement (i.e. a lawf11l boundary-marker), a symbol of recon
ciliation embodied by Solon himself: see Allan 2018: 126-7. n2n 11y0Tcxs:
perf. part. of TTT)yvvµ 1.
7 The goddess was he1-self enslaved (8ovi\cvovcra), st1-essing the out1-a
geous treatment of the poor who work the land.
160 COMMENTARY: SOLON 36
8-15 describe Solon's measures to end the suffe1�ing of his fellow

Athenians, focusing on three separate groups (demarcated by 1roi\i\ov) 8'
.. - I ... Tov) 8' .. - I ... Tov) 8'): those sold into slavery abroad (8-10),
those forced to flee by economic hardship ( 10-12), and those endu1�ing
slave1� in Athens ( 13-15).
8 6toKT1Tov: the city's founding by Athena rather than human settlers
was naturally a source of pride; cf.Sol. 4.3-4*.
9 npa6evTas 'sold' (as slaves); cf. Sol. 4.2 3-5*. Though not spelled
ot1t, the likeliest cause of their status is enslavement for debt, a practice
ended by Solon's legislation.
9-10 &i\i\ov eK6iKws, I ai\i\ov 61Kaiws 'some illegally, others legally'. In
other words, even if some were sold in line with the law then in force, the
practice itself is abhorrent and has been ended by Solon.Those enslaved
'illegally' may have included victims of kidnapping.
10-11 avayKai ris ... I xpt1ovs 'compelling need' (gen. sg. of XPEtw).
Again, probably a reference to debt (and the threat of enslavement).
Economic hardship was a common cause of migration: cf. e.g. Hesiod's
father, who moved from Cyme on the coast of Asia Minor to Ascra in
Boeotia 'fleeing evil poverty' ( l,VD 63 5-8).
11-12 yi\waaav ... I ievTas: the loss of their native dialect is singled
out as a particular privation for the Athenian refugees. Just as the Greek
language marked identity vis-a-vis 'barbarians', so did its component
dialects, in opposition to other regions of Greece. Since Attic and Ionic
shared most features, the audience will think mo1-e of those areas of the
Greek world where other Greek dialects (Doric, Aeolic, Arcado-C ypriot)
were spoken. The dialects were mutually intelligible (cf. Morpurgo Davies
1987: 12-13), but it was possible to poke fun at other people's way of
speaking Greek (as, for example, the Laconian dialect of the Spartans in
Aristophanes' Lysistrata). 1riµ1 is regularly used of speaking a language (as
well as uttering inarticulate cries): cf. Thuc. 3.112.4, where the Athenian
general Demosthenes deploys Messenians in the front ranks, .6.Gup18a TE
yi\wo-o-av ievTa), to outwit the enemy.ws ... ni\avwµivous 'so far and wide
their wanderings'. West's 81) for &v removes the unwanted potentiality,
since these people really are refugees. Their repatriation by Solon has
restored them to their mother-tongt1e.
13 ev6a6' avTov: emphatic repetition, 'right here'. The first two
groups suffered abroad, while the third endured the shame of slavery in
thei1- own city.at1Kea: cf.Sol. 4.2 5* 8eo-µoio-i T' cxE1KEAio10-1.
14 t1611 6taTToTiwv Tpoµtoµivous, 'trembling at their masters' whims',
stresses the dehumanizing powerlessness of the slave. Note the synizesis
of -EGu- and -Eo-, each scanned as one long syllable.
15 ei\tu6epous £611Ka: a triumphant conclt1sion to Solon's catalogue of
achievements.
15-17 Solon defends his actions (TavTa ... I ... I eps�a) as the fitting
together (�vvapµ6cras) of 'force' and JUStice'.The use of force (01 11), usu
ally associated with tyranny (e.g. Sol. 32.2-3, 34.8), is here exercised in
the interests of the comm11nity (cf.Irwin 2005: 221-30). K p<XT£t 'in power'
01- 'by my power', but in eithe1- case during Solon 's period of office. oµ ou
... �uv(apµoaas): the pleonasm underlines the surprising unity of two
principles ( 'might' and 'right') that are typically opposed (e.g. Hes. ½W
274-8). The need for 0i11 acknowledges the resistance of Solon's wealthy
opponents, but its combination with 6iKT) asse1-ts the rightness of Solon 's
reforms. Tl1e dichotomies of force andjustice, power and wisdom, became
central ideas in later discussions of the best statesman; for Solon the wise
legislator as a precursor to the Platonic ideal of the philosopher-king,
see Desmond 2011: 71- 3. 61fiA6ov 'I completed'. ws u-rrtaxoµT}v: Solon
reiterates his opening claim ( 1-2) that he fulfilled all his promises to the
Athenians; cf. Sol. 34.6 & µEv ycxp EtTTa, crvv 6Eo1cr1v -fivvcra.
18-20 Verbal and syntactic parallels with 15-17 (6iKT)V �vvapµ6cras ~
cxpµ6cras 6iKT)V, epE�a ~ eypa41a) present Solon's legal reforms as a further
example of his pursuit of the public good. 6taµ ovs: only here in his sur
viving poetry does Solon refer to his achievements as a lawgiver (exclud
ing the doubtful hexameter fr. 31).Athenians throughout the Classical
period continued to refer to their legal system as 'the laws of Solon',
despite the revisions made to them in the intervening centuries. For the
extant fragments (ranging from criminal law to religious regulations),
quoted by later authors, see Ruschenbusch 201o.oµ oiws ... Kcxya6w1 'for
the lowly and the noble man equally'. The principle that all citizens are
equal before the law (or icrovoµia) became a central tenet of democratic
ideology in the Classical period. tu6tiav ... 6iKT}v: lit. 'fitting straight jus
tice for each man'. Solon's laws naturally embody Eunomia, which Ev6vvs1
.. . 6iKas <YKo/\16:s (Sol. 4.36*). iypa\J'a: the wo1-d's marked position (last
in sentence, first in line) underlines Solon's pride in a crucial feature of
his legislative reforms, namely the laws' inscription on &�ovss (revolving
pillars) set up on the Acropolis (cf.Sickinger 1999: 29-31). Their publi
cation fostered equal access to the laws (even the illiterate poor could ask
for them to be read aloud) and made it harder for aristocratic Athenian
officials to favo11r their own interests. Solon also made it possible for citi
zens to launch appeals against magistrates' decisions.
20-2 Solon imagines the conduct of an inferior man as a foil to his
own good leadership. KEVTpov: the 'goad' metaphor, applied to political
control, typically describes the condt1ct of a tyrant (cf. Thgn. 847-50,
Aescl1. Ag. 1624). Solon draws on tl1is idea to evoke the possibility that
another man would have 11sed his power tyrannically, whipping up the
people fo1- his own ends rather than using the goad (as Solon did: ws
Eyw, 20) to keep them in line ( ovK &v KaTE<YXE 6f\µov, 2 2). Solon's use of
the 'goad' exemplifies his prudent use of 'force' (f?,iri, 1 6) and figures the
817µos as something that needs to be properly controlled (cf. Sol. 6.2*;
also Sol. 37.6, repeating the ph1-ase ovK &v KOTECJXc 817µov). The animal
imagery contint1es in the simile of the wolf and the dogs in the final lines
(26-7). KaKocp pa611s TE Kai cp11'0KTfllJWV 'unscrupulo11s and greedy'. For the
dangers of greed, whether among the 817µos itself or the ruling elite, cf.
S0. 1 4.5- 1 4* '33. 5, 34. 1 -2.
22-5 The style is compact and punchy (see below); a full translation
will help to clarify: 'If I had been willing to do what the people's oppo
nents then desired, and in turn to do what the other party planned for
them, this city would be mourning many men.' To demonstrate his own
excellence as a leader, Solon imagines the bloody consequences if he
had yielded to the demands of either side. In Sol. 37 he similarly rebt1kes
both sides for complaining that they did not get what they wanted. a
..• fiv6avEv 'wl1at pleased their (i.e. the 817µos's) opponents'. TOTE: i.e.
during Solon's archonship. a ... cppaaaiaTo 'what the others (i.e. the
817µos) would have contrived fo1- them' (3rd pl. epic-Ionic ao1-. optative
middle of cppcx(w). The vagueness of the phrase is sinister, bt1t the threat
of violence is made explicit in the following line. av ••• ix11p w611 'would
have been bereft of (3rd sg. aor. passive of xrip6w). For the catastrophe
. .
'"' ·· the emph at1c
of c1v1·1 war, cf. So 1. 4 . 19-22*, 4.37- 8*, 5.5-6*. 11" 6' ••• TrO/\lS'
final position of 'this city' underlines the key idea that Solon considered
what was best for the community as a whole, unlike the rival factions of
the previot1s lines.
26-7 Solon 's wolf simile is highly ironic and stresses the ingratitude
of the Athenians who attacked him because of his reforms. Although
Solon worked for the whole community, their reaction has fo1-ced him
into the 1�01e of the wolf (see below), while the two sides, the 817µos and its
opponents, have united (like a pack of dogs) to attack him, despite their
incompatible interests. As with the shield simile of Sol. 5*, the animal
simile here evokes Homeric epic, and adapts epic imagery to suit the
new and disturbing context of civil war. In contrast to the shield simile,
however, where Solon stands in the middle protecting both sides, here
he is forced into the middle because he is under attack from all sides.
Ti:>v ouvEK' 'for these reasons', i.e. becat1se Solon reft1sed to take sides
(as explained in 22-5). The phrase echoes line 1 ( Twv . . . ovvcKa), and
the ring composition links Solon's opening claim (he achieved all his
goals) with its conseqt1ence (he is attacked unfairly by all sides). cxAKflV
( 'defence') continues the ma1-tial imagery of civil war in 22- 5. Tr<XVT06Ev
... I ... iv Kuaiv TrOAAfj1a1v: the scene ('on every side ... among many
dogs') stresses Solon's heroic isolation as both g1-oups tu1-n on hi1n and
outnumber him. ws ... AvKos: the simile only becomes clear with the final
word, enhancing its impact. Since the wolf can have positive as well as
COMMENTARY: SOLON 36 : Tl-IEOGNIS
negative associations in G1-eek thought, Solon's image works in diffe1-ent

ways, but all to his advantage. As an animal known for its independence -
cf. the fable (Fab. 346 Perry) of the 'free' wolf, who rejects the easy but
'slavish' life of the dog - it highlights Solon's courage in sticking to his
principles and refusing to se1-ve either side. On the other hand, the wolf's
reputation as a selfish predator (even turning on its fellow wolves to get
its prey: cf. Il. 4.471-2) emphasizes Solon's unfair t1-eatment as an out
sider, as he, the saviour of his community, is attacked by the group (the
dogs) and cast in the role of the anti-social animal.
THEOGNIS
Theognis of Megara was probably active around the middle of the sixth
century BC. It has been argued that references in his poetry point to an
ea1-lier date du1-ing the tyranny of Theagenes at Mega1-a ( c. 640-600;
West 1974: 65-71), but the alleged historical allusions are unconvinc
ing (cf. Lane Fox 2000: 37-40), and Theognis' warnings against the
rise of tyranny would be equally valid in the mid-sixth century (see on
39-52* below). Chronographers dated his jlor·uit to the Olympiads of
552-541. Theognis is the only poet in this volume whose work survives
in a medieval manuscript tradition, yet most of the 1389 lines transmit
ted 11nder his name are excerpts from other poets (including Tyrtaeus,
Mimnermus, and Solon) or are composed by later imitators. Because
the surviving verses we1-e taken at diffe1-ent times from separate anthol
ogies (each including the work of several poets), it is diffic11lt to isolate
the work of the original Theognis (cf. Bowie 1997). The main criterion
used to identify genuine verses has been to single out those addressed
to his young male lover, Cyrnus (also called Polypa1des). This 1-es11lts in
around 300 lines of 'authentic' Theognis, but caution is needed here,
since later i1nitators could easily have mimicked the original poet's tech
nique (for Cyrnus' name as potentially the 'seal' of Theognis, see on
19-20 below).
The poet's persona is that of an embittered aristocrat, a man who
has lost his estates in a pro-democracy revolution and, perhaps fo1-ced
into exile (cf. 1197-202*), now hopes for revenge ( 337-40*, 361-2).
Tl1eognis abhors the common people, who are ignorant and untrustwor
tl1y (69-72�'). He laments the disappearance of class distinctions (53-
68*) and complains that inte1-ma1-1iage has diluted aristocratic blood lines
(183-92*). Theognidean poetry thus captures the anxiety of aristocratic
communities throughout Greece in tl1e Archaic period, as their rule was
threatened by the emergence of democracies or by demagogues who rose
to power on popular support and then set themselves up as tyrants (cf.
39-52 ��). His defence of established privilege and his detestation of the
COMMENTARY: THEOGNIS 19-26
vulga1- and the nouvea'ux riches made his elegies a popula1- choice at a1-is
toc1�atic symposia (cf. 237-54*), where their performance helped build
group and class solidarity in the face of th1-eatening change. In addition
to elitist political ideology, the collection contains a wide range of stand
a1-d sympotic themes, from gnomic moralizing on friendship, luck, and
death to celebrations of drinking and love (both heterosexual and homo
sexual: cf. 1225-6*). As the largest corpus of early Greek elegy, the poems
give us a good sample of the social and moral attitudes circulating at sym
posia in the Archaic period and beyond.
I9-26
After a series of invocations (to Apollo, Artemis, and the Mt1ses and
Graces) comes a long seqt1ence of poetry addressed to Cyrnus (19-254).
The poet's emphasis on his own name, city, skill, and fame in 19-2 6 will
have made them an attractive 'prologue' in the eyes of later compilers.
19-20 Kv p ve ... I ... fnea1v 'Cyrnus, as I practise my poetic craft let a

seal be set on these verses'. Kv p ve: the name occurs 76 times in the cor
pus, always in the vocative (so too with Polypaides, g times). Cyrnus, like
Theognis, is as much a persona as a real person, and may well be invented
for the poet's didactic purpose (cf. Hesiod's wastrel brother Perses in Works
and Days). The name Cyrn us is very rare, and the patronymic Polypaides is
not attested elsewhere (Selle 2008: 373). (Intriguingly, Hesychit1s says that
Cyrnus means 'illegitimate child', so we may have 'bastard son of the man
of many children' (Cyi-nt1s, Polypai:des), an addressee of precarious status
within the social hierarchy defended by Theognis.)The range ofTheognis'
advice creates a portrait of a naive and at times ungrateful young man in
need of instruction in aristocratic values. aocp1�oµ ivw1: the emphatic first
word (following the vocative) immediately draws attention to Tl1eognis'
expertise (crocpia: see on Sol. 13.52*). acp p11yis: the seal is a mark of authen
ticity. It is a mistake to limit its reference to one thing (the name of Cyrnus
or Tl1eognis being the most frequent suggestions: cf. Gerber 1997b: 124-
7, Bakker 2 o17: 108-9), since the seal refers to the whole of Theognis'
poeu-y, that is, both his distinctive (didactic) persona and the quality of his
work, which will ensure that it cannot be interfered with (20-1). fnea1v:
the plural STTEa, which refers more co1nmonly to hexameter epic, can also
refer to poetry in general ( cf. Alcm. fr. 39 fETT17 Tcx5e Kai µEi\os).
20-1 AT}o-21 . . . KAEnTo µ eva 'their theft will never go t1nnoticed'.
Theognis anticipates the risk of plagiarism (someone intentionally 'steal
ing' his lines) and false attribution (verses 'stolen' and given to another),
dangers that applied both to written texts of his work and to their perfor
mance at symposia. Ironically, our uncertainty over what counts as genuine
COMMENTARY: THEOGNIS 1 9-26, 27-30
Theognis, and the p1-esence of other poets in the corpus, belie the speak
er's confidence in the effectiveness of his 'seal'. ou6i ... napeovTo s: lit.
'nor will anyone exchange something worse for the good that is there',
i.e. no one will be able to get away with altering the text or attribt1ting the
work of inferior poets to Theognis.
22-3 By naming himself, Theognis seeks not only to guarantee the
correct attribution of his poetry, but also to ensure l1is immortality. ncx s
Tt s: everyone will recognize Theognis' poetry, so distinctive is its 'seal'.
ovoµaaTo s 'famous' (with EcrTi understood): the praise is spoken by oth
ers, 1naking it all the more genuine. In addition, the universal fame of
Theognis' verses will make them harder to fake or interfere with.
24 cxaToia1v . . . 6uvaµa1: despite his fame beyond Megara (TTcxvTas
6E KaT' cxv6pwTTovs, 23), the content of Theognis' poetry (i.e. its political
and social reflections) means that he cannot please all his fellow citizens
(cxcrToicriv 6', with 6E pointing the cont1-ast, which is further enhanced by
matching sounds: ovoµacrT6s· I cxcrToicr1v). Solon faced a similar problem:
Epyµacr1 (yap) EV µEycxi\01s TTCXCYlV 6:6Eiv xa/\ETTOV (fr. 7).
25-6 Theognis reassures his friend (TToi\vTTat6ri): if not even Zeus can
please everybody (proverbial wisdom, so indisputable: cf. Thgn. 811-14),
Cymus shot1ld not worry if Theognis' poetry arouses opposition. ouv: the
reading ovv for 6 (found on a late third-century BC ostracon (potsherd)
from Egypt: P Berol. 12319) is preferable, since the article with the god's
name is foreign to hexameter, elegiac, and lyric poetry. ou6' uwv ... ovT'
cxvixwv 'whether he sends rain or holds it back': the same example is used
at Soph. fr. 524.3-4 R (spoken by Agamemnon) ETTEi ov6' 6 KpEicrcrwv Zeus
Eµou Tupavvi61 I OUT' E�ETTOµ�pwv OUT' ETTavxµ11cras cpii\os. TTCXVTEO'a' cxv6cxvEt
echoes TTcxcr1v 6:6Eiv (23) and reinforces the poet's comparison of himself
to Zeus.
27-30
The first distich encapsulates the collection's central relationship
(Theognis will pass on to Cyrnus the aristocratic values he himself learned
as a boy, 27-8), the second some of its key markers of excellence (pres
tige, st1ccess, and wealth, 29-30).
27 aoi ... eu cppoviwv 'with good will towards you': the older man's con
ce1-n £01- the wellbeing of his young protege (and lover) was a basic tenet
of the aristocratic (and pederastic) system of education; cf. Dover 1978:
202, Introduction §4. aoi 6' iyw ... vno611aoµa1: the juxtaposed pronol1ns
(croi 6' Eyw; cf. Hesiod ¾,D 286 croi 6' EYW Ecr6i\cx VOEWV EpEW, µEya VT)TTlE
TlEpcrri) and the use of a standard term of moral instruction (vTT0Ti6riµ1)
underline the roles of educator and pupil.
166 COMMENTARY: THEOGNIS 27-30, 31-8
28 cxTro Twv cxy a6wv: throughout the corpus Theognis deploys typ
ical aristocratic terms of moral and social evaluation, allying himself
witl1 the aya6oi/to-6i\oi (well-born, morally good), in opposition to the
KaKoi/8E1i\oi (low-born, bad). Trais ET' iwv: the importance of lea1-ning
good conduct when young was a popular topic of gnomic literatt1re; cf.
Phocylides fr. 15 XPT1 1Ta18' ET' EovTa I Kai\cx 818ao-KE1v Epya. For the fool
ishness of youth, see on Sol. 2 7.1 * 1Ta1s µEv &vrif3os Ewv ET1 Vf11T1os. e µ a6ov:
with the final word Theognis emphasizes that he too had to go throt1gh
the process of learning aristocratic values, justifying his current didactic
purpose.
29-30 TriTrvuao 'be sensible'; imperative of 1TE1Tvuµa1 (perf. passive of
TIVEW with present sense). µ 116' ... I ... µ 116': the first µT]8E introduces the
imperative EAKEo (2nd sg., EAKoµa1, 'do not amass for yourself'), giving the
specific advice he1-alded by 1TE1Tvucro, the second µT]8E links the two adjec
tives ('from disgraceful or urtjust deeds'), the third and fourth connect
the three objects ('prestige, success, or wealth'). T1µ as ... cxpeTcxs: the
plural 1-efers to concrete examples of esteem and excellence, i.e. material
honours and great achievements.
JI-8
These lines are probably separate from 27-30 (as West 1974: 150
remarks, 'TavTa µEv ovTws 1cr61 (31) is surely the summation of a longer
paragraph than 29-30'), but their central idea (associate with, and learn
from, aya6oi rather than KaKoi) makes it easy to see why they have been
placed after 2 7-30.
31-2 Trpoao µ iAe1: for the familiar idea 'good/bad company leads to
good/bad development', cf. Eur. Andr. 683-4 T) 8' 6µ1i\ia I TiavTwv f3p0To1cr1
yiyvETa1 81800-Kai\os. exeo 'cling to': middle imperative + gen. (cf. LSJ EXW C
2 'lay hold on, take advantage of').
33-4 Trive Kai 2a61e: Cyrnus will eat and d1ink with aya6oi at the syrnpo
sion, where aristoc1-atic manners and ideology a1-e inculcated, and where
Theognis' poetry is performed (Introduction §2). For the kinds of food
available at symposia, cf. Xenoph. 1.9-1o,i,. av6ave ... 6uvcxµ1s 'and please
those whose power is great': here it is still the aya6oi who have money
and influence, in contrast to other scenarios, where Theognis' cherished
social hierarchy has been destroyed (53-68*, 183-92*).
35-6 ia6Awv ... aTr' ia6Aa: quoting these words, Aristotle a1-gues that
one can learn virtue from associating with good people (NE 117oa12,
1172a14). µa611aea1: for Cyrnus as pupil, see on Eµa6ov (line 28 above).
Kai •.• voov 'even the sense that you have'.
COMMENTARY: THEOGNIS 31-8, 39-52
37-8 µa6wv ... oµiAti: reiterating the message of µa611crsa1 (35) and
1TpocroµiAs1 (31, ring composition). tu auµ�ouAEutiv: for Theognis' concern
to benefit Cyrnus, cf. sv <ppovewv (27).
39-5 2
The poet fears that the corrupt behaviou1A of the city's leaders will lead
to civil war and the rise of a ty1Aant. The dictator need not be Theagenes
(c. 640-600), since Theognis can be expressing some fifty years later the
fear of a new Megarian tyranny, exploiting his audience's awareness of
the past. Though his political sympathies are very different from Solon's,
Theognis here echoes the Athenian's diagnosis of civic degeneration,
where the elite ruin their city for the sake of personal gain (46, e.g. Sol.
4.11 *), spa1Aking factional strife (51, Sol. 4.19*) and a descent into one
man rule (52, Sol. g*).
39 KupvE, Kuti: alliteration grabs Cyrnt1s' attention (and ot1rs). Kuti: the
image of a 'pregnant' city is a striking extension of the metaphorical 'body
politic': cf. Sol. 4.17*, where the city suffers an 'inescapable wound'. The
unusual picture is intensified by the birth of a full-grown man, 'a correc
tor' (4<)). noAtS i\6t: Megara (within the world of the poetic persona), bt1t
the non-specific phrasing guides the audience to think of similar tensions
in other cities, including their own, and encourages reperformance of
the poem in different communities (cf. Bakker 2017: 104).
40 tu6uvTfi pa ... 111JETip11s: lit. 'a straightener of our wicked inso
lence'. Greek narratives abot1t the emergence of ty1Aants often empha
size their role as (harsh) restorers of justice, who come as a consequence
of wicked behaviour (Irwin 2005: 227); compare Solon's combination
of justice with force, 6µou f3iriv Ts Kai 8iKriv �vvapµ6cras (Sol. 36.16�"), and
his teaching of Et1nomia (lawfulness), which 'straightens out crooked
judgements' (su6uvs1 . . . 8iKas crKoA1cxs, Sol. 4.36*). With 'our', it soon
becomes clear, Tl1eog11is is insisting on the culpability of his own elite
class, whose dishonesty and greed have brot1ght the city to breaking
point.
41-2 cxaToi µiv . . . 11YEIJOVES 62: the poet distingt1ishes between
'self-controlled' (cra6 <ppovss) citizens and their intemperate aristocratic
leaders. (By contrast, Solon c1iticizes all Athenians for giving in to the
temptations of greed and irtjustice: Sol. 4.5-8*.) 26', 'still', leaves open
the possibility that the people could change, stressing the dangerous
political situation. TET pcx<paTat: 3rd pl. perf. middle, 'have begun to
fall'; for Tpe1Tscr6a1 (middle) +infinitive = 'begin to', cf. Thuc. 2.65.10
ETpCXTTOVTO Ka6' 178ovcxs TWl 811µw1 Kai TCX TTpcxyµaTa EV8186va1.
168 COMMENTARY: THEOGNIS 39-52, 53-68
43-4 cxya6oi ... I ... KaKoia1v: Theognis distinguishes between those

who are truly good and a subset of the elite (the 17ysµ6vss, 41) who have
proven to be bad.Tht1s his criticisms of tl1e latter do not unde1-mine his
basic commitment to the system of aristocratic privilege.
45-6 specify particular examples of shocking behaviot1r (vf3pi(s1v, 44),
and the leaders' crimes are marked by extensive alliteration. 6fiµ ov TE
cp6Eipwa1 'and they destroy the people': corrupting them, so that they are
no longer cro:6 cppovss (41). 6iKas T' a6iK01a1 616wa1v 'and give judgements
in favour of the unjust': the perversion of justice leads to popular disaffec
tion and the emergence of an authoritarian ruler (see on line 40 above).
oiKEiwv .•• K p <XTEOS 'for private profit and power': the poet makes use
here of the 'Archaic chain' linking greed (oiKsiwv Ksp6Ewv, 46), arrogance
( vf3pi(s1v, 44), and ruin (cp6sipovcr1, 45; 6riµocriw1 crvv Ko:Kwt, 50): see on Sol.
4.9-10*.
47 EATTEo ... aT p EtJiEa6a1 'do not expect that city to remain unshaken
for long' (aTpEµiccr60:1: future infinitive after a verb of expectation).
48 t-t 116' Ei 'even if'.vOv ... 11auxi11 1: i.e.the cur1-ent calm is precarious.
49-50 reiterate the dangers expressed in 44-6. Ki p6Ea ... i px oµEva:
'profit that comes with public ill'.611µoaiw1 auv KaKw1: cf.Sol.4.26* ovTw
6riµ6crtov Ko:Kov EPXETO:t oYKo:6' EKCXCJTWt.
51-2 Theognis rounds off his analysis of the city's perilot1s condition
(cf.Kvs1, 39) by summing up a universal pattern of decline (the plurals
are generalizing: crTcxcr1ss ...cp 6vo1 ... I µovvo:pxo1). aTaa1Es: civil war, as
factions fight for supremacy.tµ cpu:ho1 cpovo1 'slaughter within the clan': cf.
crTcxcr1v MµcpvAov (Sol.4.19*). µouva pxoi TE: enjambment caps the descent
into tyranny.For the decadence of the elite resulting in one-man rule, cf.
Sol.9.3-4 av6pwv 6' EK µsycx/\WV TTO/\lS 0/\/\VTO:l, ES 6E µovcxpxov I 6-fiµos a'i6piri1
6ov/\ocrvvriv ETTE<YEV.noAEt ... Tfi16E returns to the poem's initial focus, the
fate of Theognis' own city: TT6A1s ii6c (39). Ring composition suggests a
complete poem. Tfi16E &601: hiatus at word:junctu1-e, though 1-are, is found
in epic and elegy with words originally beginni11g with digamma (Tfi16s
(f)&601). Of the 50 instances of hiatus in Theognidea, 19 involve digamma
(Seele 2008: 122). Nonetheless, digamma is more often neglected (cf.
Thgn. 24* TTacr1v cx6civ) and does not prevent elision (cf. Thgn. 26'1<
TTCXVTECJCY' cxv6cxvst).
53-68
Theognis condemns the social change that has made the common
herd supe1-ior to the aristocracy, and urges Cyrnus to fake friendliness
towards these upstarts, while in fact recognizing their moral failings.
The piece is characterized by strong antithesis - the town versus the
country (53-6), low-born deceivers versus the righteous elite (59-60,
COMMENTARY: THEOGNIS 53-68 169
65-8) - and inversion (the KaKoi/8E1Aoi are now the aya6oi/Ecr6Aoi and
vice versa, 5 7-8).
53 Ku pvt ... &?\?\01 'Cyrnus, this city is a city still, but its people are very
different': Theognis distinguishes between the city (1T6A1s µev), with which
he still identifies, and its inhabitants (Aaoi 8e), not all of whom are to his
liking. Si 611: st1-ongly adversative ( GP 259).
54 ovTE 6iKas ... vo µ ovs : ignorance of justice shows lack of civilization
(as with the monstrous Cyclops: &yp1ov, ovTE 8{Kas Ev Ei86Ta ovTE 6eµ1crTas,
Od. 9.215).
55-6 Since the possession of justice distinguisl1es humans from ani
mals (cf. Hesiod's fable of the hawk and the nightingale, WD 202-12), its
lack encourages Theognis' presentation of the common people as beast
like and sub-human. a µ cpi n?\tv paia1 'a1-ound their sides'. 6opa s aiywv: goat
skins (and other animal skins) were typically worn by poore1- rustics and
slaves. KaTET pi�ov: lit. 'wore out (i.e. to tatte1~s) ', a contemptuous detail,
sneering at the people's poverty. t�w ... Ti;a6' ... no?\tos: their rightful
place, according to the speaker. t?\acpo1: the timidity and cowardice of deer
were proverbial: cf. Achilles' insulting address to Agamemnon, oivo0apes,
Kvvos oµµaT' gxwv, Kpa8i T) v 8' EAcx cpo10 (Jl. 1.225) and Agamemnon's attempt
to rouse the Achaeans, Ti cp6' ovTws g<JT T)TE TE6 T) TTOTES 17vTE vE0poi; (Jl. 4.243).
Such associations enhance Theognis' indignation at the people's newly
acq11ired authority. iviµ ovTo 'lived': but since veµoµa1 can also be used of
animals (in the sense 'pasture/graze'), its deployment here strengthens
the simile.
57-8 The two blunt, incredulous, statements, followed by an exasper
ated question, underline the speaker's outrage. aya6oi ... ia6?\oi I ...
6t1?\oi: by using the traditional polarized terms of aristocratic superior
ity (aya6oi/Ecr6Aoi verst1s KaK01/8E1Aoi) Theognis makes the inversion
of social class all the more shocking. Kai ... aya6oi 'and now they a1-e
the gentry': the tone of aya6oi is contemptuous, since these people are
emphatically not 'well-born'; the complaint is effectively 'and now they
are in charge', i.e. former 'goatskin wearers' now occupy the privileged
position in the city once enjoyed exclusively by the aristocracy (the true
aya6oi). TTo?\vna°i'6 T}: the pat1-onymic stresses Cyrnus' good birth (unless
he is illegitimate: cf. on Thgn. 19-20*) and thus encot11-ages his sha1-ed
anger· at the city's social 1-evolution. Ti s .. . iaopwv; the question ('who
can stand tl1e sight of this?') presents Theognis' disgust as natural and
co1~1-ect.
59-60 The terms aya6oi/Ecr6Aoi/8E1Aoi (57-8) imply moral worth as
well as social class, and Theognis now turns to the moral failings of the
new elite. anaTwaiv ... yt?\wvTtS: their cheating and mockeiy 1~eveal
their bad character, in implied contrast to the honesty of Theognis
and his f1-iends. The fact that they treat their own g1-oup in this way
(emphasized by the repetition ai\i\fli\ovs . . . En' ai\i\fli\01cr1) adds to the
condemnation, since they lack the solidarity of Theognis' aristocratic
hetair-eia. K11rke 1989: 540 sees in the phrase 'a contemptuous aristo
c1-atic pe1-iphrasis for the practice of retail trade', but tl1e allusion to
lower-class t1-ade, while well suited to Theognis' aristocratic persona,
is hard to detect, and one would need more explicit reference to the
agora or money to make this connection. ouTE ... aya6C>v: lit. 'having
knowledge neither of what is bad nor of what is good', i.e. with no moral
sense. Some understand yvwµcxs as '1nodes of thought' and the genitives
as masculine rather than net1ter, 'knowing the ways of thinking neither
of the base nor the noble', bt1t since the previous verse concerns dishon
est conduct, a reference to awareness of moral principles (rather than
men) seems more suitable.
61-2 Nothing can justify making any of tl1ese men a f1-iend: cf. Thgn.
113-14 µT}TTOTE TOV KCXKOV &v8pcx cpii\ov TTOlEtCY6cx1 ETCXipov, I ai\i\' CXlEi <p EVYElV
wcrTE KcxKov i\1µEvcx. Twv6E ... aaTwv reinforces the idea that these boors
(55-6) now live in the town. TToi\vncx'f6 11: the patronymic again marks the
difference between the noble Cyrnus and the arrivistes (see on 57 above).
EK 6vµov: lit. 'from the heart' (cf. Achilles on Briseis: Eyw TflV I EK Bvµov
cpii\Eov, 8ovp1KTTJTflV TTEP Eovcrcxv, Il. 9.342-3), so here 'your true friend'.
xpti11 s ... µ11 6tµ1fis 'for any reason' (cf. LSJ XPEicx 111.1 'use, advantage,
service').
63-5 60Kt1: 2nd sg. present imperative. ncxa1v: i.e. all 'these towns
people' (61), the so-called aycxBoi (57), whose true nature (KcxKoi/8E1i\oi)
is soon revealed (65-8). ano yi\waa11s 'in word alone', as opposed to EK
Bvµov (62); cf. Thgn. 979 µT} µ01 CXVY)p ElT] yi\wCYCYT] l cpii\os, ai\i\a Kai Epyw1.
x pfiµa ... I anov6aiov 'bt1t share with none of them any serious matter
whatsoever'. avµµti�111s: 2nd sg. aor. subjunctive of crvµµEiyvvµ1. anov6aiov:
emphatic enjambment.
65-8 reiterate their cheating, faithlessness, and lack of mo1-al princi
ple (cf. 59-60). yap 'for (if you do befriend them)'. 01(vpwv 'miserable',
in a condemnato1-y rather than sympathetic sense. ws ... ov6tµ ia: lit.
'since tl1ere is no trustworthiness in their actions'. en' = ETTEcrT1. 6oi\ovs
. . . noi\vni\oKias 'treachery, deceit, and cunning': a barrage of syno
nyms, hammering the point home. noi\vni\oKicx is found only he1-e, but
cf. Thgn. 215-16 novi\vnov 6pyY)v YcrxE noi\vni\6Kov, 8s noTi TTETPTJl, I Tf)1
npocroµ1i\flcrri1, Toios i8Eiv E <p cxvri. i cpii\11aav: ingressive aorist, 'have grown to
love'. ouTws ws 'just like': more forceful than simple ws. 1J 11KETl aw1(oµtvo1
'past all salvation': the new elite may be beyond hope, but Theognis
leaves open the possibility of the city's eventual deliverance (echoing
the opening idea: n6i\1s µEv ge' 118c n6i\1s, 53), if Cy1-nus and his kind can
reassert their dominance.
COMMENTARY: THEOGNIS I I 9-28
II9-28
Theognis laments that it is easier to detect adulterated gold and silver

than it is to tell a person's true cha1-acter. To wish for a clear outwa1-d sign
of a person's inner (and real) self became a popular n1otif (e.g. Eur. Hipp.
925-7), as did the analogy between false metals or coinage and decep
tive human character: cf. Eur. Med. 516-19, where, as here, the ease of
detecting counterfeit gold is contrasted with the difficulty of identifying
bad people.
119 xpuaov ••• <XTfl 'the damage caused by counterfeit gold and silver
can be end11red'. K1�6,iA010: the trick involved putting a precio11s-metal
exterior around a base-metal core. For the comparison of good/noble
people to 11nalloyed coins (of silver and gold) and bad/low-born peo
ple to inferior coinage (bronze plated with silver), see Ar. Fr'Ogs 718-3 7.
avaxtTos (epic variant of cxvacrxcT6s) sets up a contrast with the 'unendu1-
able' harm of a false &-iend ( 121-4).
120 i�tuptiv: various 1nethods for detecting adulterated metals were
available, including weighing, melting, and the use of touchstones (for
the latter, cf. Thgn. 415-18, 447-52, 1105-6). av6pi aocpw1 'an expert'.
121-2 cpiAou . . . av6pos: the deceiver's identity as a friend is fore
grounded. ivi aT,i6taa1 ... I ... iv cpptai v 'flTop: an Attic drinking-song
features the wish that one could open up a man's breast to examine his
mind and check his honesty (889 PMG). 4'u6p6s 'lying' (a ra1-e alternative
to 4'cv811s). 60A1ov ... 'flTop: contrast Thgn. 77-8, where a t1ustworthy man
is said to be worth his weight in gold and silver.
123-4 K1�6flA0TaTov 'the most fra11d11lent thing': the rare fourth-foot
caesura stresses the word (see Introduction §5). yvwva1 ... av1f1poTaTov
'to discover it involves the g1-eatest pain of all'. TovT': i.e. that a friend is
not who he seems.
125-8 For the diffic11lty (and importance) of recognizing a 'counter
feit man'' cf. Thgn. 117-18 K1�811Aov 8' cxv8pos yvwva1 xa/\c1TG0Tcpov OVbEV' I
l<vpv', ov8' cV/\O�l'TlS EO"Tl 1Tcpi 1T/\EOVOS.
125 ou6e yap ti6tifl s: Aristotle cites these lines, beginning OU yap &v
(Eth. Eud. 1 237b1 3), but potential optative without &v is not unusual.
126 npiv ... uno(uyiou 'until you have tested it like a beast of burden'
(i.e. to see whether it can carry a load). Trttpf16tifl s: 2nd sg. aor. pass. opt.
of 1Tc1pcxw (with gen.), 'to test, make trial of'; the subordinate temporal
clause takes the optative by assimilation with ci8ciTJs ( cf. Smyth §2186b,
Goodwin §558).
127 ou6i ... iA6wv 'nor can you j11dge it (i.e. a man's or a woman's
cha1-acter) as if inspecting (lit. coming to) something in season': tl1e
image here comes from agriculture (following on f1-om the pack-animal
of the previous line), namely, checking the quality of a product that has
COMMENTARY: Tl-IEOGNIS 119-28, 183-92
reached maturity. Camerarius suggested ES wviov ('as if inspecting some

thing for sale'), but the transmitted reading wcrTIEP TioT' ES wp1ov EA6wv
makes good sense, and the breach of Hermann's Bridge (stating that the
fourth biceps is normally undivided) is attested elsewhere in Theognis
(e.g. 1171 yvc.0µ17v, KvpvE, 6Eoi 6v17TOlCJl 81800cr1v apiO"Tl7V).
128 i6ia1 'appearances': the final word sums up the central problem
of the wl1ole piece. The word 18Ea is first attested here.
r83-92
Tl1eognis complains that although his fellow Megarians breed their ani
mals from the best possible stock, they themselves are now ma1-.i-ying fo1-
money, leading to intermar1-iage between ayaeoi and Ke<Koi, which has
spoiled human bloodlines (yEvos; cf. 190-1). For the e1-osion of class
distinctions, see also Thgn. 53-68*, and for ht1mans compared to ani
mals, Tl1gn. 126��. As a staunch aristocrat, Theognis considers eugenics
(aya6oi breeding with aya6oi) essential for maintaining human excel
lence and social orde1-. The discrete seqt1ence of thought suggests a com
plete poem.
183-5 Animal husbandry was an essential part of life in most Greek set
tlements, and Theognis' opening appeal to the importance of successful
breeding creates a commonly accepted premise for his argument. The
poet has chosen three different animals to make his point, inclt1ding the
lowly donkey, the implication being that if people want the best breeding
partner even for a beast of burden, they should be all the more discrim
inating in the selection of their husbands and wives. Kp1ous ... I tu ytvias
'with rams, donkeys, and horses, Cyrnus, we seek out the purebred': the
key idea (good birth) is emphasized by enjambment. Kp1ous: sheep could
be bred for high-quality wool and cheese, a valuable source of income.
Later Classical sources point to Megara as an important exporter of wool
len clothing (At-. Ach. 519, Peace 1002, Xen. Mem. 2.7.6). ovous: famot1sly
hardy and ve1-satile animals, integral to tl1e a11cient eco11omy and daily
life; cf. Griffith 2006: 205-2 8. t1T1Tous: as symbols of nobility, wealth, and
social prestige, horses are the obvious choice to illustrate good breeding.
For the extensive technical literature on ho1-se-keeping in antiquity, see
Anderson 1961. Kai .. -1 �11ata6a1 'and everyone wants them to breed (lit.
'to 1nount', futt1re inf. of �aivw) from good stock'. The future infinitive
after verbs of wishing makes the reference to the future partict1larly prom
inent (Goodwin §113), underlining here the hope that one will find the
best breeding partner for one's animals.
185-8 detail the pe1-vasive greed of the aya6oi/ECJ6Aoi, as both men
( 185-6) and women ( 187-8) willingly debase themselves. KaKT}v KaKou
'a worthless daughter of a worthless father'. yfiµa1 ... ou µtAE6aivt1 'does
not mind marrying'. tiv ... 616w1 'if he (the father) gives him (the Ecr6Aos
av11p) a lot of money'.The bride's do\vry (xp11µaTa may refer to property
as well as money) ot1tweighs the noble man's sc1-uples about class. ou6i
... avcxiveTcxt 'nor does a woman refuse': as with ov µ1:A1:8aiv1:1 (18 5), the
negative underlines the bad choice being made. n1'ouaiou: the key con
dition is emphasized by pause and position, 'provided that he is wealthy'.
acp veov ... avT' aycx6ou 'a rich man rather than a man of worth'.
189-90 restate the complaints of 185-8, but with a male st1bject
in each scenario (noble or low-born groom). µiv: the solitary particle
emphasizes xp11µaTa, 'It's money they value'. E Y111J E I ... E IJ Et�e: gnomic
aorists, unde1-lining the general trt1th embodied in the complaint.
n1'ouTos ... yivos 'wealth corrupts blood': asyndeton highlights the
speaker's trenchant conclusion. E IJ Et�e: lit. 'mixes up': cf.µicry1:Ta1 (192).
Since µ1:iyvvµ1 can also mean 'have sex with', it is a particula1-ly apt
word to express Theognis' hostile view of such 'mixed' marriages and
their consequences.The idea of '1nixing' is prevalent in Archaic Greek
thought, especially in the Presocratics, with theories ranging from
Parmenides' 'oneness of being' to the atomists' belief in the random
mixture of atoms forming our universe. For an attempt to link various
thinkers' 'fear of diversity' to the development of political thought in
ancient Greece, see Saxonhot1se 1992.
191-2 ovTw ... I µcxupoua6cx1 'so don't be surprised, Polypai:des, that
the citizens' stock is fading'. aaTwv: not the entire citizen body, but the
elite, who are the only people Theognis cares for.
2 37-54
Theognis describes in great detail the unique gift of immortality through
poetry that he has bestowed upon Cyrnus (237-52) and complains of
his ing1-atitude (253-4). The poem also celebrates the sympotic setting
that is the context for Theognis' work: the poet looks forward to future
pe1-formances (239-43), whicl1 will sp1-ead Cyrnus' fame (and his own)
throughot1t the Greek world ( 247-8). This is one of the longer pieces in
the Theognidea; it may well be complete. West 1974: 42 st1ggested that
'the disproportion between 237-52 and 253-4 may have been less in the
complete original' , but the abruptness and punchiness of the final com
plaint are effective. The g1-ande1- style deployed here - ma1-ked by meta
phor (the wings of song in 237-9, 247-50), simile (wcrTTcp µ1Kpov TTai8a,
254), and nt1merous epic fo1-mulae and epithets (e.g.ETT' a1T1:ipova TTovTov,
237, vTTo K1:v61:cr1 yairis I ... 1:is 'At8ao 86µovs, 243-4, ixBv61:vTa ...TTOVTov ETT'
aTpvy1:Tov, 248) - is well suited not only to the central idea of the power
of poet1-y, but also to the speaker's emotional state, as he condemns his
protege's disrespect and deception.
237-9 The speaker evidently describes a wondrous gift (for with it one
can fly 'over the boundless sea and all the earth with ease'), but does so
allt1sively, engaging the at1dience's curiosity. aoi µi:v i yw: Cyrnt1s' debt
to Theognis is immediately stressed, preparing for the breakdown in
recip1-ocity 1-evealed at tl1e end, avTcxp Eywv ... TTapcx O"tV ( 254).TI'TE p ':
a popular metaphor fo1- poetry, first attested here. auv: with instru
mental dative. a21p6 µ 2vos 'soaring' (lit. 'lifted up'). prfi6iws: empl1atic
enjambment.
239-43 reveal how Cyrnus' fame will manage to spread so widely.
Composing for performance primarily at sy'rnposia (see Introduction
§2), Theognis looks to similar convivial settings where pipes are played
and elegiac poems are sting.6oiv1'}1s ... I ... Traacx1s 'you will be present
at eve1-y dinner and feast': pleonasm (6oivri1s ... Kai e1/\aTTivri10-1) and
enjambment (Ev TTcxcra1s) heighten the honour conferred upon Cymus
by his (virtual) p1-esence at these gatherings, not just in Megara but
throughout Greece. TroAAwv ... aToµ cxa1v explain Cyrnus' miraculous
omnipresence: though physically absent, he will be present as the sub-
ject of song. Given the nature of the relationship between speaker and
addressee, the phrase (lit. 'lying on the lips of many') also has erotic
connotations, enhanced by the 'lovely young men' (vE01 &v8pes I ...
EpaToi, 241-2) who will sing abot1t Cyrnus. Although Theognis here
foregrounds the role of oral transmission in circt1lating his poetry,
his worries about plagiarism, false attribution, and alteration (see on
Thgn.20-1 *) envisage w1-itten texts too and assume that his audience
is not restricted to those attending symposia or similar occasions (see
Introduction §6). auv 'accompanied by'. cxuAiaK01a1: as the diminutive
of auA6s, auAicrKos suggests shorter and therefo1-e higher-pitched pipes.
Aristoxenus (fr. 1 o 1 Wehrli), writing in the fot11-th century BC, speaks of
five kinds of aulos, the highest pitched being the 'girl-type' (parthenioi),
followed by the 'boy-type' (paidikoi), the latter perhaps envisaged here,
though we cannot be certain these categories applied in Theognis' day.
A1yvcp66 yyo1s: lit.'clear-voiced', a compliment to the skill of the aulos
player, but also creating a pleasing l1armony with the A1yEa (242) sing
ing voices of the young men.tuKoaµws, 'orderly', further characterizes
their singing, but may also st1ggest the decency and good condt1ct of
the young men themselves.KcxAa ... A1yecx 'with beautiful, clear voices'
(adverbial accusatives).
243-52 Having described the remarkable expanse of Cyrnus' fame
(ETT' CXTTeipova TTOVTOV I ... Kai yfiv TTacrav, 237-8, EV TTCX<Ja1s, TTO/\/\wv, 240),
Theognis now turns to its endt1rance through time; for in addition to
transmitting a1istocratic values to his protege, Theognis has bestowed
upon him an undying name (&cp61Tov ovoµa, 246), which makes Cyrnus'
failt1re to reciprocate (253-4) all the more unjust.
COMMENTARY: THEOGNIS 237-54 1 75
243-4 The sudden focus on Cyrnus' death and his containment

below the ea1-th creates a deliberate contrast with his movement through
out Greece (237-9) and his association with active youth (241-3). Only
Theognis' poetry, it is st1-ongly implied, can save Cyrnus' memo1-y from
extinction. For the links between death, Hades, memory, and poetry used
in a less friendly fashion, cf. Sapph. fr. 55 (said to be addressed to an
uncultured woman) Ko:T6avo1cra 8E KEicrT11 ov8E rroTa µvaµocrvva crE6Ev I ECJCJET'
ov8E trroK't VCJTEpov· OU yap TTEbEXTllS (3p68c.uv I TWV EK TT1Ep{as, a'A'A' O.q>CXVT1S KCJ.V
'A'f8a 86µc.u1 I q>OlTCXCJTllS TTE8' aµavpc.uv VEKVC.UV EKTTETTOTO:µEVO:. U1TO KEU6ea1 ... I
... 66µous: cf. fl. 2 2.482-3 (Andromache to Hector) vOv 8E crv µEv 'A'f8ao
86µovs vrro KEv6ecr1 yaiT1s I EPX EO:t. 6vocp epfis ... y ai11 s 'down in the dark
depths of the earth' (a transferred epithet, or hypallage). 1ToAv1<w1<uTovs
'full of wailing', attested only here, may be a new coinage by Theognis to
stress the bleakness of Hades.
245-6 Homeric language of fame and i1nmo1-tality underlines not only
Cymus' quasi-heroic privilege but also Theognis' status as a poet whose
work is capable of Stlch enduring influence. µ eA11ae1s I ... av6pw1To1s 'you
will be in men's thoughts'. acp61TOV ... ovoµ a: cf. Thgn. 23* ovoµO:CJTOS (the
poet on his own fame). Appropriately, ovoµa is followed here by the only
use ofCymus' name in the entire poem (247).
247-8 The naming of multiple geographical features (mainland,
islands, mountains, rivers, harbotlrs, etc.) is a technique often used to stress
wide expanse, especially when describing divine power: cf. HHAp. 20-1
TTCXVTT1l yap TOl, CDoT(?>E, voµos (3E(3A110:TO:l w18f\s, I 11µEv av' T)TTElpov TTOpT1Tp6 q,ov
178' &vex v11crovs. The pairing here of 'mainland and islands' emphasizes
Cyrnus' tlniversal repute ( and, again, the extent of the poet's popularity).
aTpwcpwµ evos, 'roaming', implies free, unhindered movement. ix6u6evTa
... aTpuy eTov 'crossing the fish-filled, untiring sea': the Homeric epithets
suggest the effort and dangers of sea travel (see on Sol. 13.43-6*), which
Theognis' verses effortlessly overcome. aTpuy eTov: a notoriotlsly obscure
wo1-d, probably formed from a-privative + Tpvxc.u, 'unwearied, indefatig
able'. The alternative meaning 'barren' (from a-privative + Tpuyac.u, 'har
vest') is less likely if the sea is full of fisl1; cf. Rippon. 128.4*.
249-50 oux . . . icp 11µ evos 'not riding on the backs of l1orses', as a
young aristocrat like Cymus would often do. 1Tiµ41e1 'will escort': a sense
often used (as he1-e) of helpful deities (e.g. Od. 11.626 ·EpµEias 8E µ'
ETTEµTTEV 18E yAo:UKWTTlS 'A611vT1). ayAaa ... ioaTE<pCXVWV 'the splendid gifts of
the violet-garlanded Muses': i.e. 'my poems', but elevated by ornate and
hono1-ific description. 6wpa ioaTecpcxvwv: for hiatus before digamma ( (f)
i'ov, cf. Lat. viola), see on Tl1gn. 51-2��.
2 51-2 1Tcxa1 ... I ... o µ ws 'for all who care about them and for future
generations alike you will be a stlbject of song': µiµ11 Ae: the subject is
Movcrcxc.uv 8wpa. Kai iaaoµivo1a1v &01611: a quintessentially epic expression
COMMENTARY: Tl-IEOGNIS 237-54, 337-40
for poetry's 1-ole in preserving fame: cf. Od. 8.579-80 (Alcinous on the
fall of Troy) TOV 8E 6eoi µEv TEU�av, ETTEK/\WCYaVTO 8' oi\e6pov I ov6pWTTOlCY',
'iva T)l<Yl Kai ECY<Yoµevo1CY1v 001817, Il. 6.357-8 (Helen on Hector and he1-self)
OlCYlV ETT1 Zeus 6f\KE KaKOV µ6pov, ws Kai OTTlCYCYGu I ov6pWTTOlCYl TTEAWµE6' 00{81µ01
ECY<Yoµevo10-1. ocpp ' ... 11i:h1os 'as long as earth and sun exist': the verb (T)l)
is understood.
253-4 Theognis' lengthy promise of immortal fame gives his final
terse complaint particular force. 6:hiy11s ... ai6o0s 'even a little respect':
this is more than just the deference due to the older generation, for as
part of the ct1stom of aristocratic pederasty, their relationship is not only
social and political, but also sexual (see Introduction §4), and a18ws here
refers to the sexual favours owed by Cyrnus in return for Theognis' many
kindnesses (the focus has been on the gift of poetic immortality, but the
audience would also be awa1-e of Cy1-nus' moral and political education).
The formal language of 'respect' avoids explicitness, but the amatory rela
tionship explains what kind of betrayal Theognis is alluding to. For earlier
erotic allusions, see 240-2 above. wcr1TEp µ 11<pov 1Tai6a: the language again
hints at the breakdown of their age-based relationship, as Theognis, the
elder mentor who deserves respect, is treated like a child. The power of
boys over older lovers is a frequent theme of sympotic poetry: e.g. Anacr.
360 PMG w TTai' TTap6EVlOV f?>i\ETTGuV I 8i(riµai <YE, CYV 8' OU K/\VElS, I OUK E18ws OTl
Tf\s Eµf\s I 4'vxf\s f)v1oxEvE1s.
Theognis prays to Zeus. The desire to 'help friends and harm enemies', car
dinal principles of ancient Greek ethics (first combined at Od. 6.182-5), is
often expressed as a prayer: cf. Sol. 13.5-6* (to the Muses), Sapph. 5.6-7
(to Aphrodite and the Ne1-eids); Thgn. 869-72 present a negative va1-ia
tion ('may the sky fall upon me if I don't help, etc.'), and Thgn. 1107-8
lament having brought JOY to n1y enemies and trouble to my friends'.
Some link Theognis' various comments on the sweetness of revenge (e.g.
361-2, 363-4) to his hatred of the Megarian tyrant Theagenes (see the
introduction above), but the poet nowhere names the tyrant or his ene
mies (contrastAlcaeus, who names both), and the poems' generality make
them well st1ited to 1-eperformance in a variety of contexts.
337-8 Ticr1v: Theognis wants to 'repay' both groups equally (Twv TE cpii\wv
... I Twv T' EX6pwv). Cognates and compounds of Tivw ('I pay') are com
monly used in expressions of reciprocal justice and 1-epayment in kind
(cf. 0TTOTE1craµEvov, 340). 01 µE <ptAEOcr1v: an idea already implicit in cpii\wv,
but spelling it out t1nderlines their kindness to the speaker and his debt
to them. µEi�ov .•• 6vv11croµEvov 'by overpowering them': µEi'(ov is adverbial
accusative (neuter); the future participle looks forward to the fulfilment

of his p1-ayer. The acc. 8vvricr6µevov afte1- µ01 (subject of the pa1-ticiple) is a
common anacolt1thon.
339-40 xouTws = Kai ouTws (crasis): i.e. if my prayer is granted. µ tT' ...
6i6s 'a god among men': the exalted comparison emphasizes the speaker's
great pleast1re in both friendship and revenge. a-rr0Tt1aa µivov 'having paid
back both groups'. µ oipa ... 6avaTou: for this familiar epic expression, cf.
Sol. 20.4 6y6wKovTaETTl µoipa Kixo1 6avcxTov, correcting Mimn. 6 a'i ycxp &Tep
VO\JCYWV TE Kai apyaAEWV µE/\EbWVEWV I E�TlKOVTaETT) µoipa KlXOl 6aVCXTOV.
805-IO
Theognis explains to Cyi-nus that envoys to Delphi must 1-eport the god's
response exactly. Like many other Greek cities, Megara consulted Delphi
on significant political matters, and it was important to prevent oracular
responses from being falsified or invented. (Tl1eognis need not be imply
ing that Cyrnus or someone else in their circle had been appointed as an
envoy.) The piece is neatly constructed, with the first and third couplets
foct1sing on the honesty of the delegate (6ewp6s) himself, the second on
the role of the priestess as the god's messenger.
805-6 To pvou ... I ... q,ul\aaao µ tvov 'An envoy, Cyrnus, must take care
to be straighter than a pair of compasses, a plumb line or a set square'.
Topvou ... yvw µ ovos: tools used to create circles, straight lines, and right
angles. 6twp6v: this standard term for an envoy sent to consult an ora
cle on a state's behalf is fi1�st attested here (Ruthe1�fo1-d 2013: 97-8).
iu6uTtp ov: the tools rely on straight lines, but the moral connotations of
ev6vs are equally apt.
807-8 present the envoy entering the innermost sanctuary (ady
ton) and communicating directly with the p1-iestess. w1T1v1 'the one
to whom'. TTu6wv1 'at Pytho', i.e. Delphi, so named when the serpent
killed by Apollo rotted away (TTu6w = 'I rot'); cf. HHAp. 371-4. Hudson
Williams' K' Ev for KEV is unnecessary, since the locative dative TTv6wv1 is
well attested. 6iou ... ie pi1a 'the god's p1-iestess' ( the Pytl1ia of Apollo).
xp 11aaa' 'in her response': aor. part. of xpcxw ('I proclaim'), frequently
used of oracular pronouncements. o µ q,11v a11µ 11v111 'communicates the
oracle': lit. 'reveals the voice' ( of Apollo, understood f1-om the previous
line). For the oracle's enigmatic 'signs', cf. Heraclitus' description ovTE
AEyE1 ovTE KpvTTTEl aAAcx crriµaivE1 ('he neithe1- declares nor conceals, bt1t
gives a sign', f1-. 93 DK). -rriovos i� &6uTou 'fi.-om the 1ich temple': cf. Il.
5.512 TTiovos E� a8vT010 (of Apollo's temple at Troy). As a major inflt1-
ence in Greek politics since the eighth century, the sanctuary at Delphi
amassed considerable wealth.
178 COlVIMENTARY: THEOGNIS 805-10, 1197-202
809-10 Oracles might be given 01-ally or in wi�iting, but in either case

envoys were trusted to prese1�e their original formulation (presumably by
writing down oral communications correctly as soon as possible). Cases
of deliberate manipt1lation by envoys are attested (cf. Rt1therford 2013:
106). Hexamete1- 01-acles, issued occasionally at Delphi, would be harder
to tamper with. OUTE Tl yap 1Tpoa62is .. -1 ou6' CX <p tAwv: cf. Deut 4.2 (NRSV)
'You must neither add anything to what I command you nor take away
anything from it, but keep the commandments of the LORD your God
with which I am chai-ging yot1.' cpcx pµ aKov 'a ct11-e', i.e. for the problem
wl1ich motivated the consultation in the first place. 1Tp os 62c'.:>v aµ 1TAaKi 11v
'sacrilege in the eyes of the gods' (rather than 'harm from the gods', as
in Rutherford 2013: 93): to be a 61:c.vp6s was a sacred office (cf. Soph. OT
114, where Laius' status as an envoy returning from Delphi makes his
killing by Oedipus even more shocking), and tampering with oracles was
an offence against the gods as well as one's community.
II97-202
Theognis laments the loss of his land, which is now farmed by othe1-s. The
speaker's distress is poignantly triggered by a bird's cry, which 1-eminds
him of the season for plot1ghing. Some take the poem as evidence that
Theognis had been driven into exile as well as dispossessed (cf. 1202 *).
The piece skilfully reworks a passage of Hesiod (see below, and Hunter
2014: 128-31) to emphasize the injustice done to Theognis.
1197-9 Hesiod points to the crane's southward migration across Greece

(in late October or early November) as a sign of the ploughing season:
<ppc'.x(1:cr6a1 8', EvT' &v yi:pc'.xvov <pWVT)V ETTaKovcrT) lS I V4' 661:v EK VE<pEWV Ev1avcr1a
KEKAT) yviT)s, I ii T' cxpoTOlO TE crfiµa <pEp!:l Kai xi:iµaTOS WpT) V I bElKVVEl 6µ0pT) pOV
( vVD 448-51). There are several echoes here: opv16os cpc.vv17v ~ yi:pc'.xvov
<pWVT)V, o�v 0owcrT)s ~ KEKAT) YVlT) S, T)KOucr' ~ ETTOKOVCYT) lS, ii TE 0POTOlS &yyi:Aos
�/\6' cxpOTOV ~ ii T' cxp6To16 TE crfiµa <pEpEl. o�u J?,owa 11s: for the strident cries
of migrating cranes, cf. Il. 3.2-6 (a simile for the advancing Trojans).
apoTou I w paiou 'ploughing in good season': cf. Hes. vVD 616-17 ToT'
ETTElT' cxpOTOV µi:µvT) µEVOS ElVal I wpaiov.
1199 Compare Hes. vVD 451 (continuation of the quotation above)
Kpa8iT) v 8' e8aK' 6:v8pos 6:0ovTi:c.v, 'and it [the crane's cry] stings the heart
of the man without oxen'. Theognis' Kpa8iT) is similarly affected, but for
a very different reason: not because he lacks oxen, but because his land
and animals have been stolen from him. µ i1'a1vav is proleptic, 'it struck
my heart and made it black'. Blackening of the Kpa8iT) ( and related organs
such as <ppEvi:s and crTTAcxyxva) is a sign of emotion, ust1ally fear, anxiety, or
anger (for the last, cf. n. 1.103-4 on Aga1nemnon: µEVEOS 8e µEya <ppEVES cxµ<pi
µEAa1va1 I 1riµ1rAavT'). Here a mixture of anger and melancholy is present.
COMMENTARY: THEOGNIS 1197-202, 1225-6 179
1200-1 give the 1-easons for Theognis' 'black heart'. The 1-epetition
of µ01 marks his personal turmoil. 0TT1: causal particle ('because'), as
often after expressions of emotion. tuav6tis ... aypous 'others possess
my flower-cove1-ed fields': the speaker's foct1s on the beat1ty of his lost
land is touching. 11µiovo1 'mules' (offspring of male donkey and mare)
we1-e essential to ancient agriculture and transportation (cf. Thgn. 183*).
Kucpov 'curved': the syllable -6v is lengthened by caesura.
1202 A perplexing line ('because of tthe other memorablet sea-voyage').
vcxvT1Airi could 1-efer to the cat1se of Theognis' dispossession (for example,
a sea-voyage into exile) or its consequence (l1e must resort to seafaring
to make a living). On balance some reference to a jot1rney away from
Theognis' lost home seems likeliest, even if we cannot reconstrt1ct its exact
form (µcxAcx µ1crri Tf\$ (Hertzberg, Crusius), 'greatly hated', is worth consid
ering). For the miseries of exile, cf. e.g. Thgn. 209-10 ou8Ei$ Toi cpcvyovT1
cpiAo$ Kcxi n1crTO$ ETcxipo$· I TT\$ 8s cpvyf\$ E<JT1v TOOT' cxv1ri p6TEpov. Alte1-natively,
Gerber (Loeb) thinks it likely that 'Theognis has lost his land becat1se of a
disastrous sea voyage', but he offers no st1ggestion for the first half of the
line. By contrast, building on Young's VTJ<JTE1$ ('fasting' or 'on an empty
stomach', hence 'working non-stop', referring to the mules) for µvri crTf\$,
West 1974: 165 argued, 'If the mules are particularly pressed for time, it
is because they have started late, and if it is becat1se of the trading voyage,
the latter has been extended; of the possible reasons for that, the one that
suits the context is commercial success.' His IEG'}, apparatus offers exempli
gratia TT\$ Iaµiri $ vficrTEl$. Such a memory of fo1-mer success would certainly
add to the poem's nostalgia, bt1t the thought process is laboured, and a
complaint about exile is much more likely.
I225-6
cxya6fls: the proverbial statement 'there is nothing better than a good

wife' is often followed by the qualification 'and nothing worse than a bad
one': cf. Hes. vVD 702-3 OU µsv yap Tl yvvcx1KO$ CXVT)p ATji(ET' &µElVOV I TT\$
cxycx6f\$, TT\$ 8' CXVTE KCXKT\$ OU piy1ov a/\Ao, echoed by Semon. 6 yvvcx1KO$ ou8sv
xpf\µ' avT)p Ari'f,ETcx1 I Ecr6Af\$ & µcivov ou8s piy1ov KcxKf\$. Theognis stresses here
the more optimistic view. For the ideal of harmony (6µocppocrvvri , 'like
mindedness ') between husband and wife, see Od. 6. 180-5. yAuKtpwTtp ov:
the comparative form yAuKiwv is more common in Theognis (as else
where). yuva1Kos: the topic of the speaker's extravagant praise is revealed
only with the final word. µapTus i yw 'I can testify to that': boasting of
his wife's vii-rues enhances Theognis' own standing. au ... cxA116oauv11s:
a compressed expression, lit. 'and you make yourself [a µcxpTV$ of] my
truthfulness', i.e. by marrying a good woman yourself. Once his period as
Theognis' protege and lover is over, Cyrnus is expected (like all men) to
180 COMl\tIENTARY: THEOGNIS 1225-6 : XENOPHANES 1
take on the adult responsibilities of marriage and fatherhood. a7tr16oavvri

is a hapax, one of 30 in 1431 verses (Selle 2008: 129), a strikingly high
nt1mber, whose significance is complicated by the composite nature of the
collection (see the introdt1ction above).
XENOPHANES
Fr. 8 tells us that Xenopl1anes began his career as a wandering poet and
thinker aged twenty-five, and that he has been on the road 'throughout
the land of Greece' fo1- the past sixty-seven years. Asst1ming that he left
Colophon when it was captured by the Persians c. 545, fr. 8 suggests that he
was born around 570 and was still active at the age of 92 around 478. His
long life is matched by a wide 1-ange of interests, from theology and epis
temology to sympotic etiquette ( 1*) and the civic benefits of intellectual
thought (2*). Despite the c1-iticisms of Heraclitus ('mt1ch learning does
not teach sense', fr. B 40 DK= D20 Laks-Most) and Aristotle ('he said
nothing that was clear ... [and was] rather too unsophisticated', Metaph.
A5 986b18-27), Xenophanes is an important figt1re in the development
of early Greek philosophy and rationalism (cf. Lesher 1992: 3-7, Heitsch
1994, Bryan 2012: 6-57). His tone is often opinionated and polemical,
and turned against a variety of targets: traditional stories of divine warfare
( 1.21-4*), the standard anthropomorphic view of divinity (B 14*), the
mindless worship of athletes (2*), the damaging effects of luxt1ry (3*),
the bizarre theories of rival philosophers (7-7a*), and many others.
Rather than adopt the new medium of literary prose to commu
nicate his ideas (as, for example, Anaximander of Miletus had done),
Xenophanes chose to use the most commonly pe1-formed types of verse
( dactylic l1exameters and elegiacs), and did so in order to reach the wid
est possible non-specialized at1dience (cf. Granger 2oc)7; for the use of
iambic metre, see 14��). Thus, for all his pride in his own o-oq>iri (2.12*),
Xenophanes addressed a popular audience rather than an intellectual
elite, seeking to correct widespread misconceptions, whether abot1t the
gods, the natt1ral world, or the valt1e of clever people like himself.
Xenophanes I
Source: Athenaeus, Scholars at Din 1ner· 11.462c.

Poetry composed for the symposion often reflects on the context of its
own performance and may even (as here) take the symposion as its central
theme (cf. Hobden 2013: 22-65 on 'metasympotics', Clay 2016: 207-10,
Int1-oduction §2). This (probably) complete poem, quoted by Athenaeus
to illustrate a 'symposion full of every delight', is one of the best st1rviving
examples of such metasyinpotic literature, outlining not only the ideal
COMMENTARY:XENOPHANES 1
physical preparations fo1� the symposion (1-12) but also va1�ious rules for
the conduct of party-goers (13-24). Strikingly, as regards proper behav
iour, Xenophanes links together the refinement of social conduct and
the positive moral effects of certain kinds of poetry: songs that celebrate
'noble deeds' ( 19) spur the audience on to pu1-sue virtue and are tl1e1-e
fore to be commended, while those that describe violent conflict among
gods and l1eroes are 'useless' (23) and should be avoided, since they
offer false and pernicious paradigms of moral education (cf. Ford 2002:
46-66).
1-12 Symposia took place in the cxv8pwv, with drinking groups as large as
thirty, reclining one or two per couch around the room. All symposiasts
were male, but slaves, performers, and prostitutes of both sexes we1-e on
hand to serve them. Xenophanes makes no mention of professional acro
bats, dancers, and musicians, focusing instead on the guests' own perfo1-
mance and the selection of appropriate subjects for their songs.
1-2 Explanatory yap (emphasized by 817) indicates that something is
missing from the start, but it need be no more than a couplet or two
(to the effect 'Our party can begin ... For now the floor is clean, etc.').
(cx1T£6ov is a secondary formation from 8anE8ov ('floor'): see Richardson
1974: 254 (on HHDern. 283), West 1974: 188-9. Floors of cement or
mosaic were easier to sweep and swab down. For the images on cxv8pwv
mosaic floors (mythological scenes, exotic flora, the god Dionysus, and
much else), see Franks 2018. Ka6ap ov (with lcrTi unde1-stood) modifies the
two nouns that follow as well, stressing the cleanliness and ritual purity
of the room, the drinking grot1p, and the vessels. The same adjective is
later applied to the water (8) and the men's words about the gods ( 14),
creating a further link between physical cleanliness and the 'purity' of
the group's piety and morality. KuAiKes: wine-cups came in a variety of
shapes, as did mixing-bowls (KpT)TllP, 4) and wine:ia1-s (KEpaµo1s, 6); they
we1-e often decorated vvith self-reflexive images related to the actions of
the symposiasts (cf. Lissarrague 1991, Lynch 2012).
2-3 cx µq>1T16ei: Ionic equivalent of cxµq>1Ti6T)CJ1. The subject (&i\i\os µev,
followed by &i\i\os 8') is left unexpressed ( cf. GP 166), bt1t is easily under
stood from the context ('one servant puts woven garlands on t1s, another
offers ...'). euc':>6es µv pov, 'fragrant perfume', combines with the smell of
wine (6), frankincense (7), and flowers ( 11) to create a pleasing convivial
atmosphe1-e. Since perfumes we1-e often associated with sex and sensual
ity (e.g. Ar. Lys. 938-45), this may also hint at the sexual gratification on
offer (see on 1-12 above).
4 µeaT<>S ivq>p oavv11s 'full of good cheer': contrast Sol. 4.9-1o*, where
it is characteristic of Athens' dysfunctional leaders that their Evq> poCJuva1
('festivities') are marked by excess and disorder.
COMMENTARY: XENOPHANES 1
5-6 a1'1'os ... iToiµ os: EcrTi again understood.os ... npo6wat1v 'which
promises never to run out'; fo1- the verb used idiomatically of the 'fail
ure' 01- running dry of liquids, cf. Hdt.7.187.1 1Tpo8ovva1 Tex pEE6pa Twv
1T0Taµwv. µ ti1'1xos, 'gentle', reinfo1-ces the personification of the wine.
av6EOS o(o µ tvos 'with a flowery bouquet'.
7-8 cxyv,;v 'sacred': frankincense (i\1f,avwT6s-) became widely used in 1-eli
gious worship and was burned at weddings (Sapph.44.30) as well as symposia.
111 a1v 'sends up' (in the rising smoke).'t'uxpov ... Ka6apov: the descrip
tion 'cold, fresh, and pure' emphasizes the water's suitability for drinking,
whether on its own or combined with wine in the mixing-bowl (KP17TTlP, 4), to
a strength set by the symposiarch; for ancient discussion of the proper ratio
of water to wine, see West 1978: 308 on Hes.vVD 596, which recommends
three parts water to one of wine.Xenoph.5 insists on putting the water in the
mixing-bowl before the wine.The d1inking of unmixed wine was a sign of
barbarism (cf. Anac. 356b).'Civilized' symposiasts got drunk slowly, though
the rowdy procession (Kwµos-) afterwards might result in no less mayhem.
9-10 napKEaTat 'lie to hand': Ionic 3rd pl. form with apocope (=
1TapcxKElVTa1). �av6oi: the loaves are golden-brown, and the appetizing
nature of the spread is f11rther emphasized in the next line, where the
table is 'laden with cheese and rich honey'. y tpap,;, 'splendid' or 'lordly',
stresses the host's generosity and the honour (yEpas-) shown to the guests.
Understandably, the speaker's focus is on the big bt1ffet table, not the low
tables set before each drinker. Tvpou ... cx x6oµ iv11: the genitive is mod
elled on expressions of fullness (cf. µEcrTos- Ev cp pocrvvris-, 4).
11-12 �w µ os ... o:v (= &vex) To µiaov: a (small) central altar, where
the frankincense was burned ( cf. EV 8� µEcro1s-, 7). navT11 1 ntnuKaaTa1 'is
covered on every side': alliteration encourages the reader to dwell on
( and so visualize) the colourful scene.µ oATrfl ... 6a1'i11 'song and festiv
ity pervade the house'.cx µcpis £ X t1: lit.'encompasses', 'enfolds' (&µcp is- is a
poetic fo1-m of &µcp i).
13-24 Having established the ideal sympotic setting, Xenophanes 110w
specifies the kind of poetry to be performed by the guests (whether they
sing thei1- own compositions or those of others).It is first and foremost
poetry with a 'reverent' and 'pu1�e' vision of the gods (Ev cp i)µo1s- µv601s- Kai
Ka6apo1cr1 i\6yo1s-, 14), since this will encourage in its listeners the pursuit
of moral excellence (µv17µocrvv11 Kai Tovos- &µcp' apETT)S-, 20).Xenophanes'
rejection of traditional stories of divine and heroic conflict ( ov T1 µcxxas-
81E1TE1v ... I ... ii crTcxcr1as- crcp c8avcxs-, 2 1-3) was taken up most enthusi
astically by Plato, who notoriously banned the prestigious and popular
genres of epic and tragedy from his ideal state, and (like Xenophanes)
envisioned an alte1-native sanitized t1-adition of song, with a positive and
morally improving portrayal of divine and human conduct (e.g. Republic
Books 2-3, Laws 2.655-6, 7.817a-d, 9.858c-e).
COMMENTARY:XENOPHANES 1
13-14 XP11 governs a succession of infinitives (vµvETv, 13; TTivE1v, 17;

aivETv, 19; 81ETTE1v, 21; EXE1v, 24), giving a series of moralizing precepts.
Trp wTov: as soon as the performances begin. 6t6v refe1-s to divinity in
general rather than a specific deity (fo1- Xenophanes' rationalized pan
theon, see on B 14:i� DK below). tucppovas: like the wine:jar itself (µEo-Tos
Evcppoo-vv11s-, 4), the men are 'of good cheer' (i.e. have had a drink or two)
and so all the more in need of being reminded to censor their songs.
tu cp11µ01s ... Aoyo1s 'with reverent stories and pure words': the content
matches the 'purity' of the setting (see on Ka6ap6v, line 1 above).
15-17 tu�a µ evous ... I Trp tiaat1v 'praying for the ability to do what is
right': the strikingly moralistic prayer (far from the usual request that
the gods bring success or prosperity) chimes with Xenophanes' unusually
rigorous piety. The goal of moral excellence (apETT)) is restated in line 20.
The postponement of caesu1-a to the fou1-th foot in line 15 is ve1-y 1-a1-e
(see Introduction §5); its effect is to stress the importance of their prayer
(Ev�aµEvovs-). Ta0Ta ... I u�pt15: lit. 'for indeed (wv = ovv) these things (i.e.
just acts), not acts of hybris, lie closer to hand'; TTPOXEtp6TEpov here cannot
mean 'easier', since the road to virtue is proverbially harder (cf. Hes. VVD
287-92), but means either 'more obviotls' in the sense 'more obviously
correct' (a nuance readily supplied by the context) or 'more straightfor
ward' ('good acts are more straightforward than crimes', i.e. do not have
unpleasant conseqtlences).
17-18 Trivt1v 6': the infinitive (still dependent on XPll, 13) introduces
a new instruction, namely not to drink so much that one cannot get home
on one's own. Warnings against excessive drinking are a staple of sym
potic poetry (e.g. Thgn . 211-12, 467-96). Plato's model of self-control,
Soc1-ates, is able to outdrink his fellow symposiasts, tucking the last ones
up as day breaks, before going about his usual daily routine and heading
home unaided ( Symp. 22 3c-d). oTroaov KEv e xwv: a breach of Hermann's
Bridge (stating that the fourth biceps is normally tlndivided), hence 'vix
K' EvExwv' in West's appa1-at11s, but this also occ11rs in line 19 (and else
where in Xenophanes). acpiK010: the second-person singular addresses the
call for moderation directly to each listener ( or 1-eader). avtu Trp oTroAou
'without an attendant'. l-'11 Travu y11paAeos acknowledges that some will
need help nonetheless ('unless you're very old').
19-20 os ia6Aa ... avaq,aivt1: lit. 'who brings noble things to light',
i.e. the poetry he performs focuses on morally edifying material. ws ...
a pETT}S 'so that there may be recollection of and striving for excellence'. �1
(Ahrens) is preferable to oi (Koraes) since it puts the focus on the poet
ry's effect on the syinposiasts ratl1er than the performer himself. Tovos
a µcp' a ptTfis: Ko1-aes' suggestion is closest to the manuscripts' Tov os- and
makes good sense: cf. �uvaTo-1 8' &µcp' apETaTs- TETaµa1 ('I strive for achieve
ments that benefit the community', Pind. Pyth. 11.54).
21-4 Having praised mo1-ally imp1-oving poetry, Xenophanes now

rejects its opposite, focusing on traditional stories of divine and he1�oic
conflict, since they are central to epic, the most popular and influential
genre of Archaic poetry, and offer bad moral paradigms that legitimize
violence and disco1-d. Anacreon delivers a comparable rejection of strife
and warfare, but from the very different perspective of a love poet: ou
<p lAEW, 8s KpT)TT)pl TTapcx TTAEG0l OlVOTTOTO�G0V I VEiKEa Kai TTOAEµov 6aKpVOEVTa
AEyE1, I a.AA' OCJTlS Mov<JEG0V TE Kai ayAacx 6wp' 'Acp po8iTT)S I crvµµ{crywv EpaTT)S
µvi)crKETa1 Eu <p pocrvvT)s (fr. 2 W). ou Tt: for ou (as an alternative to µi)) after
XPT1 (13), see Smytl1 §2714. 61in21v 'relate, handle', but its Homeric use
in the sense 'marshal' (cf. ws 8 ye Ko1pavEc.0v 6iETTE crTpaT6v, ll. 2.207)
makes it partic11larly apt for this context. T1T,ivwv: the older genera
tion of gods defeated by Zeus and the Olympians and imprisoned in
Tartarus (cf. Jl. 8.478-81, Hes. Theog. 617-719, HHAp. 335-6). Hesiod
( Theog. 133-8) names six male and six female Titans, offsp1-ing of Earth
( Gaia) and Sky ( Ouranos). The quelling of the Titans, like that of the
Giants (see below), was often 11sed in poetry and art to symbolize the
triumph of civilized order over primal chaos, but for Xenophanes these
battles represent distastef11l examples of divine misconduct. r1ycxvTwv:
superh11man but mortal beings, created when blood from the castrated
Ouranos fertilized Gaia (Hes. Theog. 185). The Olympians overcame an
attack from them with the help of Heracles. Along with [Hes.] fr. 43a.65
MW lv (l)AEypT)l 8]� riyavTas u1rEp<p 1aAovs KaTETTE<p [vE, from the Catalogue
of Wome'n, composed c. 580-520 BC, this is the earliest explicit literary
reference to the Gigantomachy, though it is already present in art in the
late seventh century. KevTau p wv: wild creatures (human above, horse
below) whose lust, violence, and craving for wine sparked conflict with a
range of heroes (including Heracles, Peleus, and Theseus). Fo1- the bat
tle between the Lapiths (a Thessalian clan) and Centaurs, caused by the
latter's drunken attack on the new bride of the Lapith king Pirithous, cf.
ll. 1.262-8, 2.742-4, Od. 21.295-304. nAcxaµaTa 'fabrications': the neg
ative connotations of TTAacrµa (lit. 'anythi11g formed or moulded'), first
attested l1ere, imply that such stories of divine and l1eroic conflict are
misleading images of 1-eality. Moreover, as Fo1-d 2002: 58 observes, 'The
metaphor suggestively connects singers' false tales with the false, anthro
pomorphic images of divinity that are sculpted and painted by men.'
Twv n p oTi p wv, 'of men of old', evokes above all Homer and Hesiod,
underlining Xenophanes' break with epic tradition and £01-egrounding
his new and 'pure' sympotic entertainments. Since it was normal to hon
our one's poetic predecessors, the caustic phrasing marks Xenophanes'
radical approach. aTcxa1as acpe6avas 'violent factions': songs that depict
the partisan politics of civil strife (e.g. Thgn. 53-68*, Ale. fr. 129) are
similarly to be avoided, since they too have 'nothing useful' to offer
COMMENTARY: XENOPHANES 1-2
the sympotic g1-oup or the wide1- community (contrast Sol. 4.19*, whe1-e
poetry is intended to resolve crT6:cr1s). ou6ev xp11aTov, 'nothing useful',
completes Xenophanes' argument: stories of violent conflict (whether
among gods or mortals) contribt1te nothing to individual morality or
the cohesion of tl1e community; indeed, they actively undermine both.
On Xenophanes' concern fo1- 'law and orde1-' and the communal bene
fits of his own wisdom, cf. 2. 11-1 2*, 2. 19*. For XP17 <YT6s as 'useful to tl1e
city', see Dover 1974: 296-9. 6Ewv ... ay a611v 'and one should (cf. XPT1,
13) always have due consideration for the gods'. Xenophanes' pious
religious poetry is echoed by Plato, who admits into l1is ideal city only
vµvovs 6Eois KCXi eyKwµ1cx TOlS cxycx6ois (Rep. 607a).
Xenophanes 2
Sourr;e: Athenaeus, Scholar·s at Dinner· 10.413c-14c.

This may well be a complete poem. It has two roughly equal sections: the
first claims that athletic prowess is not worth as m11ch as Xenophanes'
wisdom (1-1 2); the second explains why this is so, focusing on the secu
rity and prosperity brought to the entire community by the intellectual's
skills (13-22). As we know from epinician poetry, victors in the major
Panhellenic games could excite considerable envy ( e.g. Pind. Pyth. 11.29-
30, Bacchyl. 13.199-209) and had to balance self-glorification with an
insistence that they were bringing honour to the whole community (cf.
Lys. 19.63). Despite these tensions, however, st1ccessful athletes we1-e
widely admired, and Xenophanes' criticism of the honours granted to
them (inclt1ding meals at public expense and cash rewards) is deliber
ately provocative (akin to his denigration of iconic poets like Homer and
Hesiod: 1.21-2*). He ft11-ther sharpens the challenge to conventional
opinion by claiming that it is his own intellectual achievements which
truly deserve such public recognition and reward.
Tyrtaeus had used skill in running and wrestling as a foil for the supe
rior value of the brave soldier (Ty1-t. 12.1-2*), but Xenophanes' denial
of the public benefit brought by successful athletes goes much further.
Euripides' satyr play Autolyc'us echoed both Tyrtaeus and Xenophanes in
its attack on selfish and socially useless athletes: 'What successful wres
tler, runner, discus thrower 01- boxer has defended his ancestral city by
winning a wreath?' (fr. 282.16-18 K); wreatl1s shot1ld be given to men
who are 'wise and bi-ave', who can lead their city 'with moderation and
justice', and whose words 'end wars and factional strife' ( 23-8). With a
simila1- emphasis on what is socially productive, Xenophanes' crocpf17 leads
to 'good government' (Evvoµi17 , 19) and a prosperous community (-rr1cxivE1
. . . µvxovs -rro/\Ec.vs, 22). One can easily imagine tl1is celebration of brains
over brawn going down well at a symposion of like-minded intellectuals; b11t
186 COMMENTARY: XENOPHANES 2
even a group of spo1-ty aristocrats could enjoy it,though they might treat
it in a more humorous manner,as a kind of utopian revenge of the nerds.
1-1� A lengthy priamel of sporting events ( 1-5) and civic benefits (6-g)
builds to a surprising conclusion: that it is brain powe1�,not athletic prow
ess,which deserves the city's highest honou1-s.
1-5 T<XXVTfiT1 no6wv covers all the running events: stadion (a length
of the stadium, almost 200m at Olympia), dia1ulos (the1�e and back),
dolichos (twelve laps at Olympia),and race in armour; cf. Pind. Ol. 1.95
(on Olympia) iva TaxvTcxs -rro8wv Epi�ETa1. T1s: all four Panhellenic games
featured separate events for men and boys, but mention of the pan
kratiori (see below) and the civic benefits listed by Xenophanes make it
clear he is thinking of adult male competitors. & po1To: 3rd sg. aor. opta
tive,&pvuµa1,'win'. nevTa6Aeuwv (participle) 'competing in the pentath
lon',a combination of long:jump,stadion, discus,javelin,and wrestling.
ev6a ... '01\uµniT} t 'where the precinct of Zeus <lies> by Pisa's stream
at Olympia'. As the oldest and most prestigious athletic competition
(cf. Pind. Ol. 1.1-7), the Olympic Games stand here for all the major
contests and the opportunities for victory they offered. TTiaao: epic gen
itive of TTicr ris,-ou (LSJ give only the feminine TTicra). Pisa was the district
around Olympia; 'Pisa's stream' is a periphrasis for the river Alphe11s
(cf. 21 TTicrao -rrap' oxeas). pofi1s: dative pl. naAaiwv: since there were no
weight classes in w1-estling (or in boxing and the pankration, the other
two fighting events), bigger men had the advantage. The winner was
the first to throw his opponent to the ground three times. nvKToavvT}v
cxAy1voeaaav 'the painful art of boxing': fist-fights were bn1tal and con
tinued uninterrupted until one of the competitors was unable to fight
or gave up. Bare leather st1-aps covered the hands; padded gloves and
head protection were used only in t1-aining. nvKToavvT}v ... exwv: the
periphrasis ( fxwv also governs &E6Aov) is more ornate than the simple
participle -rrvKTEvwv (-rruKTocrvvri is found only here) and makes it pos
sible to use the epithet (cf. Il. 23.653 avTcxp 8 -rruyµaxiris aAEyE1vf\s 6f\KEV
&c6Aa). eiTE ... KaAioua1v 'or that terrifying contest they call pankration':
the increasingly grand style satirizes the absurdly higl1 regard enjoyed
by these men. Like a modern cage-fighter, the pankratist (who fought
with bare hands) could do almost anything to dominate his opponent
(only biting, scratching, and eye-gouging we1-e p1-ohibited), hence the
name pankration ('complete test of strength'). This event was confined
to ad11lt men at Olympia in the Archaic and Classical periods. On Greek
combat sports,see Poliakoff 1987.
6-9 Tyrtae11s' war hero is honoured by all and given privileged seat
ing (12.37-42 *), but Xenophanes' victorious athlete gets this and more,
underlining the gap between public benefit and reward. For criticism of
athletes and thei1- rewa1-ds as a way of boosting the status of rival profes
sionals, including poets and philosophers, see Stewart 2017b: 169-73.
cxaToiaiv ... npoao pcxv 'he would appear more glorious in the eyes of the
citizens'. npot6 pi 11v ... iv cx ywa1v: the iota in 1TpoE8piri (first attested here)
is scanned long. Front-1Aow seating at games and other spectacles such
as the theatre was a widespread way of honouring public benefactors or
distinguished visitors. &p o1To: the repetition (line 1) marks the irrational
and unjust coupling of athletic skills (1-5) and civic rewards (6-9). Kai
... I ... noAiws 'and he would have (lit. there would be) meals from
tl1e public store by grant of the city': a valuable lifelong perk granted
to victo1-ious Olympic athletes by many poleis. Xenophanes' emphasis on
communal goods and decision-making (8 ri µocriwv KTEcxvwv I EK 1T6i\Ew5)
highlights the issue of the athletes' social utility (cf. Sol. 4.12:� KTEcxvwv
. . . 8riµocriwv). The privilege of food at public expense is used to similarly
sl1ocking effect by Plato, when the condemned Socrates argues that as a
poor man who has benefited the state, he is more deserving of this hon
our than any Olympic victor (Apol. 36d-e). Kai 6wpov ... KEllJT)Atov ii11
'and a gift that would be a valued possession for him': the epic phrasing
(cf. Od. 1.311-12 8wpov ... I ... 8 Toi KE1µfii\1ov E<YTa1) enhances the honour
granted to the athlete.v\lhile wreaths were the official prize at the major
games, sizeable gifts (including money) could be granted by the victor's
city.Xenophanes' wording suggests a precious object (cf. LSJ KE1µfii\1ov
'(KE1'µa1) anything stored up as valuable, treasure'), for example a decorated
bowl, tripod, weapon, or piece of raw metal (such prizes are awarded by
Achilles at Patroclus' funeral games (Il. 23.262-897)). Solon is said to
have set the reward for victory in the Isthmian Games at 1 oo drachmas
and in the Olympic Games at 500 drachmas (Plut. Sol. 23).
10 tiTt Kai 1nno1a1v, lit. 'or also with horses', is to be t1nderstood with
viKri v TlS &po1To (1), 'or if he won with horses', returning to the imagined
sporting progran1me (cf. EtTE 1Tai\aiwv I ... EtTE To 8E1v6v aE6i\ov, 3-5).
Equestrian events (1Aaces of four-horse chaiAiots and single horses) were
particularly expensive, and while envy or resentment of such extrava
gance was always possible, particularly in democratic communities (cf.
Thuc. 6.16.1-3 for Alcibiades' awareness of tl1is), admiration for eques
trian victories was widesp1Aead even in more egalitarian circles, since they
we1-e felt to bring honou1- to the entire community.
10-11 navTa is emphatic, 'he would get all tl1at', envisaging an athlete
who receives (undeservedly) every conceivable honour. ouK... iyw 'without

being worthy of it as I am': the core ofXenophanes' complaint; lyw contrasts
forcefully with the general TlS ('someone') at the beginning and end (1, 21).
11-1 � pw µ11s ... I ... aocpi 11 : the brain/brawn antithesis is a staple
of Greek lite1-ature (e.g.Il. 23.315 µfiT1 To1 8pvT6µos µEy' cxµEivwv T)E i,i ricp1),
thot1gh the foremost heroic figures (Achilles, Odysseus) have both.
188 COMMENTARY: XENOPHANES 2
11f..lETE PTl aocpiT} is delayed for maximum impact. The plural 17µeTEp17 (follow
ing Eyw) is not unusual (e.g. Thgn. 504-5 aTcxp yvwµ17 ) ovKET' Eyw Taµ117 ) I
17µeTEP1l)), but useft1lly encourages futt1re performers to identify with the
speaker's proud intellectualism. aocpiT} is to be t1nderstood here in the
broadest sense, covering all Xenophanes' brainy achievements, from his
skill as a poet (cf. Sol. 1 3.52*) to his expertise in government (the foct1s
of 19-22). For the idea 'brain does more to save a city than brawn', see
the introduction above, and compare the debate between Zethus and
Amphion in Eur. A'ntiope frr. 183-9, 193-202 I(.
13-14 voµi(tTa1 points to the habitual practice (v6µo)) of athletic
honours. µ aAa st1-engthens eiKf)1 ('haphazard, random'), 'but this custom
is completely irrational'. ov6e ... I ... aocpiT} s 'nor is it right to value
strength above good expertise'.
15-18 Four of the six events mentioned in 1 -1 0 a1-e 1-edeployed, with
running placed first in the opening priamel (1 ) and last here because it is
'the most admired of all physical feats in which men compete' (T6-rrep Ea-Ti
-rrp6T1µov, I pwµ17 ) OCYCY' av8pwv Epy' EV aywv1 TTE/\€1, 17-18). aya66s describes
the good boxer, pentathlete, wrestler, and runner, varying the con
struction each time (nominative TTVKT17 ), infinitive TTeVTa6Aeiv, accusative
-rra/\a1a-µoa-vv17 v, and dative TaxvTT)Tl -rro8wv). Its use encourages (a critical)
comparison with TT)) aya6f)) a-ocpi17 ) at the end of the previous line (1 4).
Aao'ia1 f..lETEiT}, 'were among the people', situates the victorious athlete back
home, preparing for the claim that he contributes little of importance to
his community (19-22). ov6e µiv 'nor again'. Tontp ... niAt1: Xenophanes
includes the strongest counter-case to his argument: i.e. not even in the
case of the most honoured athlete (the runner) can one speak of benefit
to the community as a whole.
19 The four conditional clauses ('For not even if, etc.', 15-17) build
to a forceft1l conclusion, which makes clear the civic basis of Xenophanes'
argument: what makes his a-ocpi17 supe1-ior to the achievements of the best
athletes is its contribution to the public good. TouvEKEv ... EtT} 'would the
city for that reason be better governed'. iv tvvoµiT} 1: cf. Solon's extensive
praise of Evvoµ117 (4.32-9*) and Ty1-t. 4*. Plato echoes these sentiments
when he claims that the guardians of his ideal state will live more happily
than any Olympic victor: viK17 v Te yap v1Kwa-1 a-vµ-rrcxa- 17 ) TT)) -rr6i\ew) a-wT17piav
( 'for the victory they have won is the preservation of the whole commu
nity', Rep. 465d7-8).
20-2 Xenophanes rounds off his argt1ment with a final appeal to the
public good, framed this time in economic terms. aµ 1Kpov ... xcx pµ a: 'little
joy' is tendentious, since there is ample evidence from literature, archaeol
ogy, and a1-t that athletic victo1-ies were greatly enjoyed by all levels of society
(cf. Miller 2004). Thus, Xenophanes' attempt to link Joy' here solely with
economic prosperity makes for a misleadingly narrow view of the pleast1re
COMMENTARY: XENOPHANES 2-3 189
derived from the victor's success. v1Kw1: 3rd sg. present optative (v1Kc.0117 in
Attic). TTiaao 1Tap' o x6as takes us back to the opening scene (Trap TTicrao
pofi1s, 3). ou ... 1T0Atws 'for that does not enrich the city's treasury'. By
focusing on economic gain, Xenophanes also st1ggests the cost to the city
of granting additional prizes to athletes (cf. g above). How exactly his own
cro<pi17 will improve the city's finances is not spelled out, though it is implied
that the 'good goverr1ment' he creates will be the catalyst. 1T1aivt1, lit. 'fat
ten', is well chosen, since it evokes the notorious gluttony of athletes; cf.
Eur. Autolyc1us fr. 282 I{, which Athenaeus quotes originally in connection
with gluttony (though, as was noted in the introduction above, its focus is
much more political) before citing this poem of Xenophanes as Et1ripides'
inspiration (Scholars at Dinner 10.413c-14c). µv xous: lit. 'innermost parts'
(of a building), where valuables were stored, hence 'storehouses'.
Xenophanes 3
Source: Athenaeus, Scholars at Dinner 12.526a.
Athenaeus quotes this fragment as evidence of the corrupting influ
ence of Lydian luxury: 'According to Phylarchus (FGrH 81 F 66), the
Colophonians were originally austere in their habits, but after they ran
aground on the reef of luxury and became friends and allies of the
Lydians, they went out with their hair elaborately decorated with gold
jewellery, as Xenophanes says: [fr. 3] '. The Colophonians' 'addiction to
luxury' (as Athenaeus calls it elsewhere: 12 .524b) became proverbial, but
here Xenophanes, a native of Colophon, pointedly blames their degener
ation on the Lydians, and focuses on the wealthy elite as the worst offend
ers. Criticisms of moral degeneration such as this embody the socially
productive effect of poet1�y insisted upon in Xenoph. 1 �r- and 2�r-. If this
comes from a sympotic elegy, it is interesting to see it reject the kind of
aristocratic lt1xury celebrated in other st1ch poems (see on 6:f?>pocrvvo:s, line
1 below; cf. Sol. 4.9-1o*). However, since Xenophanes is said to have
written a poem on the foundation of Colophon (Diog. Lae1�t. g.20), it
may well come from a historical elegy written for performance at public
festivals (cf. Bowie 1986: 31-2).
1 a�poauvas, 'luxury', is seen here as a symptom of decadence and

decline; contrast the positive 6:f3pocrvv17 ( 'luxt1riance, delicacy, refine
ment') of hair, cosmetics, and adornment in, for example, Sappho and
Anacreon (e.g. Sapph. fr. 58.25 Eyw 8E <piA17µµ' cxf?>pocrvvav). µa6ovTts:
by contrast, the poem's audience are to learn from the mistakes made
by the poet's fellow citizens. avwcptAias, 'unprofitable, useless', defines
the citizens' expense as going beyond respectable needs. By contrast,
Xenophanes' own expertise is useful (1.23�r-) and profitable (2.22*) for
the whole community. napa Au6wv: Colophon was an Ionian Greek city,
but located in Lydia (cf. Hdt. 1.142). Lydia itself enjoyed great natural
wealth (not least from mining) and expanded its power considerably
unde1- the Mermnad dynasty (c. 700-546). Already in Archilochus, the
first Mermnad king, Gyges, and all his gold are dismissed (Archil. 19��; cf.
Hdt. 1.14), and in Xenophanes' time the mainland Greek cities of Asia
Minor (including Colophon) came under the rule of the last Mermnad,
Croest1s (560-546), who forced them to pay tribute (Hdt. 1.6). Writing
from free Lesbos and Sparta, Sappho and Aleman can see fancy Lydian
dress as glamorous and desirable (Sapph. frr. 39, 98; Alcm. 1.67-9),
but the experience of Xenophanes and his fellow citizens (the latter at
least now living under Persian rule: see below on Tvpavviris, 2) creates
a more hostile attitude. For the Lydians 'living luxuriously' and their
subsequent defeat by the Pe1-sians, cf. Aesch. Per·sians 41-3 6:�po81aiTwv
8' ETTETal /\v8wv I o xi\os, o'iT' ETTirrav T)TTElpoyEVES I KaTEXOV<YlV E6vos) and line
2 below.
2 o cppa ... crTuye p fis, 'while they were free from hateful ty1-anny',
refers to the period before the Persian king Cyrus' conquest of Croesus'
kingdom in 547-546 (rather than Colophon's earlier destrt1ction by
the Lydians in the reign of Alyattes c. 600-590 ) pace Lane Fox 2000:
40); the Ionian Greeks' enst1ing revolt from Cyrt1s was repressed by
his general Harpagus c. 545 (Hdt. 1.169-70). Although Herodott1s
(1.169) refers to this as the 'second enslavement' of the Ionians (treat
ing their domination by Lydians and then Persians as comparable
blows to Greek freedom), this fragment focuses on the latter as the
major rupture, since the Persians were more obviously non-Greek than
the cosmopolitan Lydians, their subjects were more clearly subordinate
members of a vast empire, and it was quite possibly this event which
led to Xenophanes leaving his homeland (see the introduction above
on fr. 8). The speaker also implies that this 'tyranny' was a result of the
Colophonians' luxt1rious and soft lifestyle, an idea prevalent in subse
quent Greek thinking about the Persian Wars, especially in Herodotus,
where the once hardy Persians are themselves enervated by the opu
lence of their empire (indeed, Hdt. 1.71 identifies the Persians' con
qt1est of Lydia as the first step in their decadence) and come to grief
when opposed by tough-living Greeks: cf. Hdt. 9. 82, and especially
9.122, the final paragraph of the work, where Cyrus himself forewarns
the Persians of the dangers of conquest and luxury. So Xenophanes is
partially blaming his fellow citizens for their own suffering. Theognis,
who was active in the mid-sixth century and so may also be thinking of
Colophon's 1-ecent conquest by the Persians, is more explicit: v�p1s Kai
M cxyvri Tas CXTTW/\E<YE Kai Koi\ocpwva I Kai Lµvpvri v · TTCXVTWS, l<vpvE, Kai vµµ'
cxrroi\ET (1103-4). Tup avvi11 s: Tvpavviri (here with iota scanned long) is
COMMENTARY: XENOPHANES 3, 7-7A
a rarely found equivalent of Tupavvis ( cf. Archil. 19.3 ��, rejecting the
po\ver of Gyges the Lydian: µeyaAT)S 8' ouK epiw Tvpavvi8os).
3-4 fi1taav: 3rd pl. imperfect of e1µ1 ('they would go'). tis cx yop11v: the
central civic space, where citizen assemblies we1-e held. The wo1-d's polit
ical tenor t1nderlines the frivolity of the Colophonians, who spend their
time showing off rather than governing their city. 1TavaAoup yia (TTav +
&As+ epyov) ••• e xovTES 'wearing robes all of purple': purple dye was very
costly (it took c. 1 2,000 sea-snails to produce just 1.5 grams of dye), and
so the aqjective (attested only here) stresses the citizens' ostentatious lux
ury. Colophon ceased to be a rich city after its subjugation by the Persians,
and fifth-centt1ry Athenian tribute lists show it making only a modest con
tribution to the 'Delian League' (or Athenian empire). ov ... X£iA101 'no
less than (wo-TTcp = fi: cf. LSJ wo-TTcp IV) a thousand': the large number
suggests that nearly eve1� membe1- of the wealthy elite has succumbed
to self-satisfied preening. ws i1Ti1Tav, 'usually', points to regular displays.
5-6 The language ( especially avxa/\EOl 'boastful', cxyaA/\oµcVOl 'glory
ing', and 8cv6µevo1 'drenched') presents an unattractive scene. av xaAio1:
attested only here. xaiT111a1v ... £V1Tp£1Tt£aa1v 'glorying in their finely coif
ft1red hair'. Xenophanes' contemporary Asit1s of Samos refers to elabo
rately combed and decorated hair when he condemns the luxury of his
fellow Samians (fr. 1 3 Bernabe). Fancy hair is presented positively else
where, especially in maiden-songs (e.g. Alcm. 1.70). cxy aAAo µ tvo1: the syn
ecphonesis (-01 cv- scanned as one long syllable) is rare but possible ( cf.
n. 2.651 'Evua/\lu)l cxv8pcl<p0VTT)l, Od. 1.226 cl/\OTTlVT) T)e, Sapph. 1.11 w pavw
aY6epos), and there is no need for Wilamowitz's cxyaAµivo1. Some editors
feel there should be a reference to the gold ornaments mentioned by
Phylarchus (in the Athenaeus passage quoted above) and see &yaAµa in
the transmitted cxyaAAoµcv; hence such conjectures as xaiTT)S ev cxy6:Aµao-1v
(Hermann)' xaiTT)lO"lV cxyaAµao-i T' (Bergk). CXO'K11T01S . . . 6tuo µ£VOl
'drenched in the scent of elaborately prepared unguents': st1ictly speak
i11g, 68µiiv is acc. of respect after cxo-Kf1To1's ('elaborately p1-epared in respect
of their scent'). Each word hammers home the vanity and profligacy of
the Colophonian elite.
Xenophanes 7-7a
Sour·ce: Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Pliiwsopher-s 8.36.
In a section devoted to satirists who poked ft1n at Pythagoras, Diogenes
cites these lines as evidence for the doctrine of metempsychosis: 'As
regards Pythagoras having become different people at different times,
Xenophanes attests to this in an elegy which begins with the line: [fr. 7].
What he says about him goes like this: [fr. 7a].' Though Xenophanes'
philosophical writings are 1nainly in hexameters, here he uses elegy to
COIVIMENTARY: XENOPHANES 7-7A
parody a notorious theory of a cont1�oversial contempora1y (Pythagoras

was born, like Xenophanes, c. 5 70); these verses are the earliest sur
viving response to Pythagoras' belief in the transmigration of the soul.
Whereas Empedocles (c. 490-430) marvelled at Pythagoras' claim to
have knowledge extending back 'ten or twenty human generations' (f1�.
B 129 DK= D38 Laks-Most), Xenophanes is far less generous, mocking
the theory by presenting Pythagoras as able to recognize the soul of a
friend in the yelping of a puppy. No less pointedly, Heraclitus (active
c. 500) accused Pythagoras of selecting from the writings of others in
order to 'manufacture a wisdo1n for l1imself - a thing of much learn
ing and wicked artifice' (fr. B 129 DK= D26 Laks-Most). Despite these
criticisms, Pythagoras achieved st1perhuman status among his followers,
and was a major inflt1ence on Plato (among others), especially through
his ideas on the immortality and transmigration of the soul ( cf. Burkert
1972: 120-3).
1 vuv ... l\o yov 'now I shall move on to another story': the transitional
phrase (cf. the hymnic closing formula crEv 8' Eyw cxp�aµEvos µETcxl3ficroµcx1
a/\Aov ES vµvov, e.g. HHAphr. 293) presents a narrator capable of telling a
variety of separate tales, and perhaps more than one about Pythagoras;
cf. Hesiod's didactic A6yo1 addressed ostensibly to his brother Perses (e.g.
VVD 106 El 8' E6EAE1S, ETEp6v TOl Eyw Aoyov EKKOpvcpwcrw). 6Ei�w ... KEAEU6ov
'and will show the way': Xenophanes parodies the philosophical meta
pho1� of the path ( KEAEv6os/686s) of intellectual reflection: cf. Parmenides
fr. B 2.1-4 DK (= D6 Laks-Most) El 8' &y' Eywv Epew, K6µ1crcx1 8e (j\J µ06ov
CXKOV<YCXS I C:XlTTEp 68oi µovvcx1 81�ficr16s El<Yl vof\crcx1 · I T) µev OTTWS g<YTlV TE KC:Xi ws
OUK g<YTl µ17 ElVC:Xl, I TlE16ovs E<YTl KEAEv6os (/\A176Ei171 yap OTT178E1). The use of
KEAEv6os to describe a path of song or poet1� (e.g. Pin d. Isthm. 4.1 gcrT1 µ01
6Ewv EKCXTl µvpicx TTCXVTa1 KEAEv6os) also creates a cheeky double entrendre. the
poet's path/ song will show Pythagoras pursuing a lt1dicrous line of rea
soning. Diogenes' citation of these fragments suggests that some lines are
lost between them, wl1ich, given the sati1-ical openi11g, are likely to have
contained further parody of Pythagorean thought.
2-3 Kai 1T0Ti ... cpaaiv, 'and they say that once', often introduces
anecdotes or exemplary scenes, here giving the event, talked about by
others, an air of credibility. aTucpEA1(oµivou crKuAaKos 'as a puppy was
being thrashed': genitive absolute; the rare fourth-foot caesura (see
Introduction §5) underlines the animal's distress. e1To1KTipa1: Pythagoras'
admi1�able concern for the mistreated animal sets tlp the humotlr of the
following lines, where his pity's abst1rd cause is revealed. Xenophanes'
joke assumes his audience will be familiar with the Pythagorean belief
that the immortal human soul could pass into othe1- living beings. (This
resulted in certain restrictions, said by some ancient sources to be a total
COMMENTARY: XENOPHANES 7-7A, B 14 DK 19 3
ban, on the consumption of meat: Bu1-kert 1972: 180-5.) To6e cpcxa6a1

i'.nos: the anecdote's credibility is enhanced by the quotation of the
philosopher's actual words. Xenophanes may also be poking fun at the
Pythagoreans' fe1-vent belief in the words of thei1- master, summed t1p in
the mantra cxuTos Ecpcx (cf. Diogenes Laertius 8.46 E cp ' ov Kcxi To AuTos E cpcx
-rrcxpo1µ1cxKov Eis Tov �iov �A6Ev).
4-5 naOaaL, µ1162 pcxn1'' 'stop, don't beat him': the double impera
tives ma1-k Pythagoras' alarm and urgent intervention. inei ... I 41ux11 'for
in fact it's the sot1l of a friend': cxvEpos (epic gen.) and the enjambment
of 41vx11 emphasize the unexpected recognition (man as dog). TT}V • • •
a'iwv 'which I recognized when I heard its voice': Pythagoras' reasoning
ridicules not only the theory of transmigration, but also the notion that
one could detect the presence of a dead friend in a dog's yelp. As in
Empedocles ( cf. fr. B 117 DK= D13 Laks-Most 'For I have already been
a boy and a girl and a bush and a bird and a scaly fish in the sea'), tl1e
Pythagorean soul retains its identity and remembers previous incarna
tions (an idea rejected by Plato). cp6ey�aµiv11s: genitive following a verb of
perception (cx"iwv): Smyth §1361, CGCG§30.21.
Xenopha1nes B I4 DK(= DI2 Laks-Jvfost)

Source: Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies 5.109.1-2.
Clement qt1otes this fragment as evidence of Xenophanes' belief that
'god is one and incorporeal'. Xenophanes was highly critical of tra
ditional religious beliefs, and this piece mocks one of his favourite
targets, anthropomorphism, which he rejects elsewhere as being both
cultt1rally specific ('The Ethiopians make their gods black and snt1b
nosed, the Thracians 1-ed-haired and blue-eyed', fr. B 16 DK = D 13
Laks-Most) and pa1-t of a self-centred pattern of thought that is hard
to escape (fr. B 15 DK = D 14 Laks-Most: if cows or horses or lions
could draw, they would represent their gods in their own image). So, to
clarify Clement's formulation, Xenophanes' gods are 'incorporeal' in
the sense that they are non-anthropomorphic, and his 'one god' is the
main figure in a refined (i.e. rationalized and moralized) divine pan
theon: 'men shot1ld sing of god with reverent stories and pt1re words ...
and one should always have due consideration for the gods' (1. 13-4 �',
1. 24 *). Thus Xenophanes' break with the traditional gods of heroic
myth and popula1- belief is radical: 'Homer and Hesiod attributed to
the gods all the things which among men are matters of 1-eproach and
blame: stealing, adultery, and deceiving one anothe1-' (fr. B 11 DK= D8
Laks-Most). In their place he offers a st1preme rational being, ruling
witl1in a conflict-free polytheism, a vision that influenced many later
thinkers, especially Plato.
1 94 COMMENTARY: XENOPI-IANES B 14 DK
While Xenophanes' othe1- critiques of conventional religion are in hex

ameters (or,in fr. 1*,elegiacs),this piece is composed in an epodic metre
consisting of an iambic trimeter followed by a hexameter (see Introduction
§5). The combination of hexameters and iambics was used in the con
temporary (i.e. sixth-century) mock epic Margites, and Xenophanes draws
here on the parodic associations of the mixture (already present in the
l1umorous inscription on 'Nestor's cup', c. 750-700, CEG 454) to sharpen
his satirical attack on anthropomorphic conceptions of divinity. Late1- tra
dition refer1-ed to these theological fragments as o-iA/\01 ('lampoons').This
was the title of a tl1ird-century work by the sceptic philosopher Timon,
which included Xenophanes taking on the role ofTimon's gt1ide through
the underworld, in a parody of epic scenes of katabasis (especially the
'Nekyia' of Od. 11).
1 a"'A"'A' ••• 6Eous 'but mortals suppose that the gods are born': the birth
of the gods was a popular subject of Greek poetry and myth, and cen
tral to works like Hesiod 's Theogony and the major Homeric Hymns.
Its rejection here marks Xenophanes' highly untraditional theology.
According to Aristotle, 'Xenophanes said: "Those who say the gods are
born are as impious as those who say they die; for either way the result
is that there was a time when they did not exist"' (Rh. 1399b18). a"'A"'A'
suggests a previot1s statement by Xenophanes on the trt1e nature of
the divine. As it happens, Clement quotes this fragment just after fr.
B 23 DK (= D16 Laks-Most) 'There is one god, greatest among gods
and men, not at all like mortals in body or in thought' (E15 6Eos EV TE
6E010"l Kai cxv6pwTTOlO"l µey10-To5, I OU Tl 8eµas 6v riTolO"lV 6µoi105 ov8e v6ri µa).
60Kioua1: criticism of popular opinion (86�a) is a staple of pre-Socratic
philosophy: e.g. Parm. fr. B 1.28-30 DK (= D4 Laks-Most) XPEW 8e o-E
TTO'.VTO nv6eo-6a1 I 11µev ,Ai\ ri6Ei ris EVKVKAEOS CXTpEµes T)TOp I 178e �pOTCi>V 86�as,
TaTs ovK sv1 nio-T1s ai\ rie,;s.
2 T,iv aq>ETip11v ... TE 'and have clothes, a voice, and a body just like
theirs': specific and familiar features of anthropomorphism are scruti
nized sarcastically. Some translate 'and l1ave clothes, a voice, and a body
of their own',bt1t Xenophanes' focus is on the human-centr-ed image of the
gods which mortals mistakenly 'suppose' (80Keovo-1) to be true. On the
unbridgeable divide between gods and humans in Xenophanes' think
ing, see Warren 2013. 6iµ as: cf. fr. B 23 DI{ (quoted above on line 1).
According to Xenophanes, god's physicality is totally different from that
of humans: he pe1-ceives with his whole being (fr. B 24 DK = D17 Laks
Most), does not change or move (f1-. B 26 DK = D19 Laks-Most), and
controls everything with his mind (f1-. B 25 DK = D18 Laks-Most); cf.
Finkelberg 1990: 109-13.
COMMENTARY: HIPPONAX 1 95
HIPPONAX
Hipponax of Ephesus was active probably arot1nd the mid-sixth century
BC. The Parian Marble gives his flor·uit as 541/ 540, and tl1is is supported
by Pliny the Eider's statement (HN 36.11) that he was alive in the 60th
Olympiad (540-537). These dates chime with the only chronological
hint in the poetry itself, when Hipponax refers to the tomb of Attales
(whose brother Alyattes, the father of Croesus, died in 561) as a familiar
landmark for those travelling from Lydia to the coast of Asia Minor (fr.
42). A later dating to the reign of the Persian king Darius (521-486),
attested by Proclus ( Chrest. 7 ap. Phot. Bibl. 239), is possible (cf. Degani
1984: 19-20) but seems on the whole less likely. Tl1e Suda (s.v. ·1-rr-rrwva�)
reports that Hipponax was banished from Ephesus by the ( otherwise
unknown) ty1-ants Athenago1-as and Comas, and moved to Clazomenae,
another Ionian city. Although there is little sign of political engagement
in the surviving poetry, exile is a regula1- theme in ancient poetic biogra
phies, and Hipponax's low-life persona is a likely candidate for expulsion.
In any case, fr. 1, 'O Clazomenians, Bupalus has killed', suggests that his
q1.1arrel with the sculptors Bupalus and Athenis (disc11ssed below) was
located in Clazomenae.
Ancient commentators 1-efer to two books of Hipponactean iambics
(frr. 118a, 142; cf. 92.14-15*). Much of what survives is quoted by ancient
lexicographers and metricians particularly interested in obscure words
and the poet's choliambic metre (see below), bt1t we can still appreciate
the variety of Hipponax's work, which ranges from sophisticated parody
of prayer (3-3a*, 32*, 34*) and epic (128*) to scurrilous abuse (e.g. 12*
on the 'mother-fucker' Bupalus). The papyrus fragments, which offer a
less filtered pictt1re, confirm the power and range of Hipponax's poetry,
not least his talent for invective and obscene comedy (cf. 92*, 115*,
117�r-), and help us appreciate why he was ranked alongside Archilochus
and Semonides in the canon of iambic poets.
Distinctive of Hipponax is an ironic contrast between the poet's aristo
cratic name ('lord of horses'), often used by the narrato1- (32.4*, 36.2*,
37, 79.9, 117.4*), and the frequently low-class natt1re of his persona
and actions: as a tl1ief (3a*), for example, or a pauper begging Hermes
for wealth (32*, 34 *, 36*). Like Archilochus, who seduces a free-born
woman (the sister of his former fiancee) and so dest1-oys the family 1-ep
utation of his enemy Lycambes (Ai-chil. 196a�r-), Hipponax has illicit
sex with the mistress of his enemy Bupalus (16-17*, 84). Yet Hipponax
goes further than his iambic p1-edecesso1-s in depicting himself in unsa
voury situations, as when he undergoes a degrading cure for impotence
(92�r-). But although Hipponax often situates himself on the margins of
respectable society, this does not mean that he simply rejects or ignores
COIVIMENTARY: HIPPONAX
conventional values; on the contrary, as with Archilochus' condemnation

ofLycambes for oath-breaking (Archil. 172-81 *), Hipponax attacks a for
mer friend for the same crime (115*) and criticizes others for stupidity
(28), glt1ttony (26-26a, 118, 128'�), theft (79, 117), and sexual perver
sion ( 1 2�', 70). To achieve its goal, blame poetry needs tl1e audience to go
along with the na1-rator's criticism of his targets, and Hipponax exploits
l1is audience's received values in order to condemn his opponents (cf.
Carey 2o1 8: 12-13) .
Hipponax's language 1-eflects the often obscene and farcical situations
he depicts (e.g. '[my arse was] spattering me with sl1it', 92.9�1<), and there
is comic juxtaposition of high and low registers ( as later in Aristophanes):
dung-beetles, for example, advance like Homeric warriors (cf. 92.10-
15�1<), and the narrator's prayers to He1-mes veer between formal hymnic
style ('Hermes, dear Hermes, son of Maia, Cyllenian', 32.1*) and the
a1nusingly colloquial ('I'm bloody f1-eezing', 32.2�1<). His unusually fre
quent use ofLydian and other foreign words mimics the everyday speech
of eastern Greek cities such as Ephes11s (cf. Hawkins 2013). For his wider
Greek audience such local linguistic detail evokes a mixed culture on the
edge of the civilized world and creates a variety of comic effects, as in the
Lydian woman's spell (92*) or the use of TTcxi\µvs, Lydian for 'king', to
describe (among others) both Hermes and Zeus (3*, 38.1). No less dis
tinctive of Hipponax's style (and first attested in his poetry) is the use of
the so-called 'choliambic' or 'scazon' metre, which ends with a spondee
(see Introduction §5). T he th1-ee long syllables at the end have a d1-agging
and intentionally clumsy effect, accentuating the humour of the poetry
and (according to Demetrius, On Style 301) creating a broken metre that
suits the vigorous abuse of the poet's enemies (cf. Boedeker 2016).
Hipponax's best known enemies were the brothers Bupalus and
Athenis, who hailed from a famous Chian family of sculptors. According
to later tradition (Plin. HN 36.12, Suda s.v. CITTTTwva�), Hipponax was strik
ingly ugly, and the brothers made a grotesque statue of him and exhibited
it in public. Hipponax retaliated with such savage verses that the broth
ers hanged themselves. However, since Archaic sculpture did not present
realistic likenesses of specific individuals (b11t rather idealizing images of
naked youths (liouroi) and draped girls ( liorai)), this part of the story is
likely to be a post-Hellenistic fiction intended to explain why Hipponax
was at odds with a pair of sc11lptors. Bupalus and Athenis may have been
real people (various exte1nal sources refer to works by them and thei1-
family: e.g. CEG 425, Paus. 4.30.6, 9.35.6), but Hipponax has made them
part of his fictional world, using the iambic story-pattern of quarrel,
abuse, and s11icide, as seen in Archilochus' treatment of Lycambes and
l1is daughters (cf. Archil. 172-81 *, 196a*). Although the surviving frag
ments lack these narrative details, they do preserve other episodes in the
COMMENTARY: l-IIPPONAX 3 1 97
Bupalus song cycle (Athenis is mentioned only once: fr. 70.11 "W6 ri v1): fr. 1
accuses Bupalus of killing someone, and 12 -17�1� present a variety of unsa
voury scenes, including Hipponax having sex with Bupalus' mist1-ess Ai-ere
(so too probably f1-. 84), while frr. 120-1 imagine a direct conf1-ontation:
'Take my cloak, I'll punch Bupalus in the eye. I've got two right hands and
my punches don't miss' (a brawl later recalled by Ar. Lys. 360-1).
Hipponax's poetry is well suited to a range of perfo1-mance contexts.
Iambic poetry of the Archaic period, like most elegy, was written primarily
for the symposion, but it could be performed at more inclusive public fes
tivals (Introduction § 2). Drawn from all social classes, a festival audience
could enjoy Hipponax's scurrilous escapades or the next instalment in his
revenge against Bupalus and Athenis, while the more elite setting of the
sy 1mposion will have created an entertaining distance between the upper
class audience and the lower levels of society p1-esented so graphically and
comically by the narrator. The elite's fascination with the boorish behav
iour of the lower classes is an important feature of Hipponax's later influ
ence on the choliambic mimiamboi of the Hellenistic poet He1-o (n)das ( cf.
Degani 1984: 50-6). By contrast, and illustrating the range of Hipponax's
poetry, Callimachus adopts the persona of Hipponax rettlmed from
Hades at the start of his Iambi in order to criticize the quarrelling of con
temporary scholars (cf. Kerkhecker 19 9 9: 4-5, 11-48, Acosta-Htlghes
2002: 2 1-59).
Hipponax 3-3a
These fragments are sometimes joined together, with fr. 3* introducing
the invocation of Hermes in 3a*. This creates a plausible sequence, btlt
Hermes is often addressed in Hipponax (e.g. 3 2*, 34*), and 3a* could
well be performed in persona rather than being 1-eported speech. Yet even
taken separately, the fragments share features characteristic of Hipponax:
an ii-reverent attitude to the gods and the conventions of prayer; a close
relationship to Hermes, appealed to as god of thieves; and the tlse of unt1-
sual and foreign words.
Hipponax 3
Sour-ce: Tzetzes on Lycophron, Alexandra 219.
if?>waE: 3rd sg. Ionic aor. (restored in favour of the transmitted l�6 rio-E), 'he
called upon', with acc. of the person invoked. Mai11 s nai6a: the desc1ip
tion is honorific (Hermes' mother was daughter of Atlas and one of the
Pleiades), but also echoes the invocation itself, since reference to a god's
lineage is a typical element of prayers (cf. Rippon. 3 2.1* 'Epµ17, cpil\' 'Epµ17,
Mo:10:8Ev, KvAAT)VlE). Mo:iri (for Mo:ia) is an Ionism. KuAAflVflS ncxAµuv 'sultan
COMl\tIENTARY: HIPPONAX 3-3A
of Cyllene': the description marks the speaker's culturally mixed milieu,

but by comparing Hermes to a foreign potentate, it comically undercuts
the speaker's appeal to tl1e god's absolute power, and the effect is enhanced
if what he is asking fo1- is help with a burglary (see 3a*); cf. Hippon. fr. 38
'Zeus, father Zet1s, sttltan of the Olympian gods, why have yot1 not given
me lots of money?' KvAAflVf\S: for Hermes' conception and birth on Mt
Cyllene in Arcadia, see HHHer·rn. 1-19. The long syllable at the start of the
third metron (-?\ii-) enhances the 'limping' effect of the choliambic metre
(such lines, known as ischio1Togic, 'broken-hipped', are found 21 times in
Hipponax, or roughly 14 % of his iambics). Trc:xAµvv: Hipponax uses TTaAµvs
(from the Lydian qalmlus, 'king': cf. Hawkins 2013: 188-90) of Hermes,
Zeus, and the Thracian king Rhesus, 'sultan of the Aeneans' (72.7), and
refers to a landmark in Lydia as 'tl1e memorial of Tos, sultan at Mytalis'
(42 .4). Unlike Tvpavvos, derived from anothe1- Anatolian wo1-d for 'king',
TT6:Aµvs remained a local dialect word. Other Lydian borrowings include
Kau 17s ('priest', 4.1) and /36:KKap1s ('perfume', 104.21).
Hipponax 3a
Source: Tzetzes on Chiliades 1.147.
Hipponax adapts the familiar form of a kletic hymn - that is, the use of
multiple cult titles and epithets (Kvvcxyxa, Kav8au/\a, cpwpwv sTaTpE) to sum
mon a particular deity into the speaker's presence (8Evp6 µ01) - and gives
it a comic twist, with the petitioner revealed as a bt1rglar and Hermes as
patron of thieves.
1 Kvvc:x yxa 'dog-throttler': the pseudo-cult title (Kuv6:yx11 s is attested only

here) looks forwa1-d to the god's assistance in neutralizing any guard dogs
that threaten the speaker's plans ( cf. Rippon. 79.9-1 o). The scene envis
aged by Hipponax is a cleve1- variation on Hermes' more familiar role as
'slaye1- of Argus' (,ApyE1cp6vT17s), the all-seeing monste1- that He1-a set to
guard lo. Mf\1ov1aTi Kav6a0Aa '"Candaules" in Maeonian': the speaker
ingratiatingly displays his awareness of the god's titles and widespread
power. The Lydian god Candaules (whose worship at Sardis included
the sacrifice of puppies: Robertson 1982: 135) has become identified
with 'Hermes dog-throttler'. Such syncretism, whereby foreign deities
are equated with Greek ones, is a widespread feature of Greek ethnogra
phy, as when Herodotus eqt1ates Dionysus with Osiris, Apollo with Horus,
and so on (Hdt. 2.144.2); cf. Allan 2004: 116-20. Candaules is also the
name of an early Lydian king (c. 735-716; cf. Hdt. 1.7-12), thot1gh since
'the G1-eeks call him Myrsilus' (Hdt. 1.7), a 1-ecognized Anatolian name,
Candaules was probably the royal name that he took when he came to
power. Thus Candaules did not mean 'dog-throttler' in Lydian, but the
COMMENTARY: HIPPONAX 3A, 1 2 1 99
Lydian god's association with dogs unde1-lies the sync1-etism with Hermes.
M111ov1aTi: a hapax. According to Herodotus (1.7), the Lydians we1�e
known as Maeonians until they came to be ruled by the family of Lyd11s,
who is said to have pre dated the Heraclid dynasty which began c. 1221
BC. The terms Maeonia and Maeonian are used in poetry f1�om Homer
n.
onwards ( e.g. 2 .864-6).
� cpwpwv iTaipE 'comrade of thieves': Hermes is the great trickster
god who helps intruders escape detection (cf. ll. 24.333-8). Apollo calls
him 'leader of thieves': apxos q,ri Ari Tsc.vv KEKAT)o-Ecx1 fiµcxTcx TTavTcx (HHHer'm.
292). He helps burglars at Rippon. 79.9-10 and 32.6* (see ad loc.). 6Eupo
req11ests the god's presence and active assistance, and the omission of
the verb s11ggests not only the speaker's urgency but also his familiarity
with the addressee ( cf. Sapph. fr. 127 8Evpo 8ri vTE Mo10-cx1 xpvo-1ov Ai1To10-cx1).
aKa-rrap6Euaa1: aor. inf. <JKCXTTEp8Evc.v; a disputed hapax, tho11gh the likely ref
erence he1-e is to the activities of a bu1-gla1-. A o-KcxTTsp8cx was a rope used in
a tug-of-war game at the Dionysia (see LSJ), and so the sense is probably
'come and help me with this rope', as the speaker prepares to scale a high
wall. (A connection with o-Ka1TTE1v, 'come here and chop for me [through
this wall]', defended by Robertson 1982: 133, is less plausible linguistically.)
Hipponax I 2- I 7
These fragments offer a selection of lurid episodes in the evolving drama
of Hipponax's feud with Bupalus (for the origins of the Bupalus song
cycle, see the introduction above). They are unlikely to come from a
single poem, though 13-14 go together well, as do 16-17. Rather they
present snapshots of the relationship between Hipponax, Bupalus, and
a woman called Arete. For the original audience, familia1� witl1 the wider
cycle of Bupalus poems, these scenes a1�e instalments in a titillating story
of infidelity and revenge, as Hipponax demeans his enemy B11palus by
having sex with his mistress (for Arete 's 1�elationship to both men, see
on fr. 15*). As with Archilochus' Lycambes cycle (cf. Archil. 172-81 ��,
196a*), Hipponax's audience are able to place the individual episodes
within a broader narrative. Bupalus and Arete are comically humiliated
(as is the family of Lycambes), but the narrator's actions are disreputable
too (as in Archil. 5* and 196a*).
Hipponax I2
So'ur-ce: Tzetzes on Posthorrierica 687, '6iiTTEov'.

The only fragment to name both Bupalus and Arete presents them as
engaged in deception ( 6ri TTsc.vv) and g1-aphic sex ( v q, sA�c.vv Tov
8vo-wvvµov 8cxpTOV).
200 COMMENTARY: HIPPONAX 12
1 TovT01a1 refers back to the act of deception, e.g. 'with these words' or
'by these means'. 6T}1Tiwv: a 1-are \Vord, glossed by Hesychius as 'deceiv
ing, flatte1-ing, marvelling at' (E�aTTaTwv, KoAaKsvc.uv, 6avµa(c.uv); the fi1-st
meaning best suits the context here, though the second is also possible
(either way Bt1palus and Arete are getting the better of the Erythraeans).
Tous'E pu6 paiwv 1Tai6as: the epic-style periphrasis 'sons of the Erythraeans'
(cf. Homeric vTss 'l\xa1&v, Aesch. Per·s. 402 c11rai8ss 'EMi)vc.uv) strengthens
the condemnation of Bupalt1s and Arete by enhancing the prestige of
their victims. Erythrae was an Ionian community on the mainland oppo
site Chios (Bupalt1s' native island). According to Herodotus (1.142.3),
the Chians and Erythraeans spoke the same dialect (a different one
from Ionians in Lydia such as Hipponax's Ephesians), and the closeness
of the two communities t1nderlines Bupalus' wickedness in deceiving
them.
2 1-lflTpoKoiTT}S 'mother-fucker' (a hapax), probably used here (as in
English) as a general term of abuse, though a literal charge of incest
would add to Bupalus' sexual depravity. Rippon. fr. 70.7-8 abuses an
(unnamed) man, 'this godforsaken villain, who t1sed to poke his sleep
ing mother's sea-t1rchin'. Bou1TaAos ... 1'.p flTT}t: a pt1n on Bupalus' name,
comically etymologized as f,ov- ('bull-like') and -TTaAos (= <paAAos), i.e.
'Bull-Dick' or 'Big-Dick', would st1it Hipponax's attack on his enemy's
shameful lt1st (as argued by Rosen 1988: 32-7). (By contrast, Rosen's
interpretation of 'Erythraeans' as 'Red Men' (from Epv6p6s, 'red'), with
reference to the red glans of the penis, '"deceiving the Red Men" in that
he is able to outdo them with his own erection' (pp. 36-7), involves a
rather forced translation of 6ri1rec.uv.) In addition, Arete 's Homeric name
('prayed for (from the gods)'), borne by the queen of the Phaeacians,
seems deliberately chosen to play up the clash with the woman's sordid
adventures here. Moreover, &pYJTOS can mean 'accursed', and so her name
also chimes with her dis1-eputable behaviour.
3 Kai <µT}v>: 011e manuscript omits Kai, so that the missing start of the
line may have contained, for example, a finite verb before the participle
( <x-> v<peA�c.uv Tov 8vcrwvvµov 8apT6v). ucpiA�wv ... 6ap Tov: Masson's con
jecture for the unmetrical &pTov ('bread') creates a suitably graphic scene,
with Bt1palt1s 'preparing to draw back his accursed foreskin'. u cpiA�wv:
future participle (v <peAKc.u), expressing Bupalus' intention (Smyth §2044,
CGCG§52.41). 6uawvuµov, a typically epic and tragic word, apt for curses,
creates an amusing clash of registers and vocabulary when combined with
8apT6v. 6a pTov: usually used of the flayed skin of sacrifical animals, 8apT6s
has the anato1nical sense 'foreskin'; compare the use of 8epµa (~ 8epc.u,
'flay') at Ar. Knights 29 6T117 To 8epµa 8s<poµevc.uv cx1repxsTa1 ('because mastu1-
bators get their skins peeled off').
COMMENTARY: HIPPONAX 13-14 201
Hipponax I3- I4
These fragments, which probably come from the same poem, are cited
(in this orde1�) in Athenaeus' discussion of TT€AAa/TTcAAis, a broad-based
vessel used as a milk-pail. Arete is hosting a drinking-party, but she has
no proper drinking-cups, and so her guests take tt1ms in drinking from a
bt1cket. The scene pa1-odies the conventions of the symposion, presenting
Arete and her friends as low-life cha1-acters whose attempts to ape the pa1-
ties of the elite end in farce and slapstick ( a slave falls on a drinking-cup
and smashes it). Yet if Hipponax is present at the party himself, which
seems i1nplicit in the narrato1-'s focus on Bupalus and Arete (e.g. 14.2-3*
aAAoT' avT6s, aAAoT' 'ApT)Tll I TTpovTT1v1:v), we have a further sign of his own
unsavoury lifestyle.
Hipponax IJ
Sour·ce: Athenaeus, Scholars at Dinner 1 1.495c-d.
1 EK 1TEAAi6os 'from a pail': the partygoers' 1-eadiness to use such a large
and unsuitable vessel suggests excessive drinking and lack of self-control,
a breach of one of the basic rules of a well-run symposion (see on Xenoph.
1.17- 18*). 1TivovTis: the use of the third person in fr. 14* (ETT1vov,
TTpovTT1vcv) suggests the same perspective here ( 'they were drinking').Bt1t
even if Hipponax is describing the disgraceful behaviour of others, he is
still present and pa1�t of their set.
1-2 ov ... I KUA1� 'she didn't have a cup' ( the dot1ble yap explains
why the pail was needed): the amusing revelation that Arete had only a
single cup to sta1�t with (now broken by a slave) underlines the absurdity
of her attempt to hold a drinking-party.The KuA1� was the most common
type of drinking-cup, with a broad, shallow bowl and two opposing han
dles. auTfi1: she (Arete) is the host, a risque usu1�pation of a t1�aditionally
male role. 6 ... KaT,;pa�i 'as the slave had fallen on it and smashed it': a
vivid, comic detail which encourages us to imagine a raucous and disso
lute scene as the party gets out of hand. KaTi)pa�E recreates the sound of
the shattered ct.1p.
Hipponax r4
So'ur'Ce: Athenaeus, Scholars at Dinner· 1 1.495d.
2 e1T1vov 'they were drinking (from the pail)' (3rd pl. imperf.) rather
than 'I was drinking' ( 1st sg.), given the disgrace involved and because
the narrator is describing the drinking of Arete and another man (avT6s
...f\pT)T17), most p1-obably Bupalus.
202 COMMENTARY: l-IIPPONAX 14-15
2-3 aAAoT' ... aAAoT' ... I npoun1vtv 'now he, and now Arete would
drink a toast' (lit. 'would drink first'): the partygoers mimic the formal
etiqt1ette of a symposion, where a drinking-cup is passed around, but the
use of a bucket renders the scene lt1dicrous. The focus on Bt1palus' and
Arete 's drinking emphasizes their excess, an effect intensified by the
imperfect tenses (ETT1vov, 1Tpov1T1vev) expressing repeated action at the
start of successive lines.
Hipponax r5
Sou'rce: Choe1-oboscus, On the Canons of Theodosiusi.268.32.
The speaker's incredulous question, 'Why have you made your home with
that rogt1e Bupalt1s?', is addressed to a woman, probably Arete, and sug
gests a triangular relationship in which Hipponax not only has sex with
Arete (cf. 16-17;�) but also criticizes her for her poor choice of lover or
husband (see below on cruvoiK17cra)).
TcxAavTt: the adjective, usually compassionate in tone ('suffer
ing', 'wretched', etc.), can also be abusive (e.g. TcxAav, 'you wretch!').
auvoiK11aas: 2nd sg. t1naugmented aor. The woman has moved in with
Bupalus, and the speaker's tone suggests his jealous disapproval of
her perceived infidelity. But if Hipponax has been sleeping with Arete
behind Bupalus' back, his criticism both of her choice and of Bupalus
is hypocritical. cruvotKEC.U can mean 'live in wedlock' as well as 'cohabit'
and so opens up the possibilty that Arete has become Bupalus' wife and
is not merely a cohabiting mistress. If so, Bt1palus will incur mockery by
taking such a promiscuous woman as his wife, and if Hipponax contin
ues to sleep with Arete after this meeting ( an exact time line of the rela
tionship is not to be expected), the disgrace done to Bupalus by their
adultery will be all the greater - as will the shame of Arete and the fault
of Hipponax himself.
Hipponax I 6- I 7
These fragments may come from a single poem in which Hipponax
describes arriving atArete's house ( 16*) for a night of sex ( 17*). The audi
ence's awareness of Hipponax's feud with Bupalus would enable them to
interpret this as an act of revenge as well as lust.Another fragment depicts
the narrato1- having sex on the floor with an unnamed woman (probably
Arete): their affair is secret ('keeping a look-out throt1gh the doors ...
in case ... should catch us naked', Hippon. 84.12-14), and the na1Tator
rejoices in the harm he is doing to his enemy ('and I was fucking ... saying
"to hell with Bupalus"', 84.16-18).
COMMENTARY: HIPPONAX 16-17 203
Hipponax I6
Sour·ce: Herodian, On Anomalous Words ii.924.14.
6E�1w1 ... I ... ' p w161w1 'with a heron on the 1-ight', a lt1cky sign. The
name Epw1816s was applied to several species of he1-on (cf. Thompson
1895: 58-9, Arnott 2007 s.v. Erodios). They were birds of good omen
(e.g. Plut. Mor: 405d; cf. Mynott 2018: 255). As a bird sacred to Aphrodite
(Etym. Magn. p�816s), the heron signals Hipponax's intentions with Arete.
' pw161w1: aphaeresis is otherwise limited to prepositions in Hipponax:
e.g. 84.20 817 'TTi. (These lines are quoted by Herodian for tl1e trisyllabic
form of Epw18JS?s.) ,rap ' i\pflTT) V 'to Arete's place': presumably the same
hot1se which she used for her low-class symposion (13-14*) and which she
shares with Bupalus (15 *). KvEcpaios ii\6wv, 'arriving in the dark', suits a
surreptitious night of sex. 1<aTT1ui\ia6T)v 'I set up camp': KaTavi\i(oµa1 has
strong 1nilita1-y ove1-tones (e.g. [Eu1-.] Rhesus 518 vvv µEv KaTavi\icr617T1).
Tht1s the final word casts Hipponax's sexual conqt1est as a military cam
paign, a familiar Greek metaphor for male sexual domination (cf. Archil.
23.17-21, where the male speaker teasingly presents himself as a city
sacked by his female addressee). Hipponax parodies epic elsewhere (see
128*); here he uses military language ('making camp for a night') to
suggest both vigilance (this is a secret affair) and victory over his enemy.
Some go further and see parody of a specific moment in the Iliad, where
Athena sends a heron on the right as a good omen for Odysseus' and
Diomedes' night-time raid on the Trojan camp (10.274-6): cf. Degani
and Burzacchini 2005: 46-7. Whether an audience would detect such a
specific reference is t1ncertain, bt1t the narrator's deployment of the sex
as-war analogy wot1ld be clear.
Hipponax I7
Sou'rce: Ety'mologicum Genuinum i\ 156.
It is tempting to view this scene as the climax of Hipponax's night-time
'sexpedition' to Arete's house (fr. 16*).
1<u 41aaa ... µ01 'bending over for me': KVTTTw is often t1sed in sext1al or
obscene contexts, describing sexual penetration from behind (vaginal and
anal) or fellatio (Archil. 42�" combines both). Rippon. 129 parodies the
Odyssey by changing Kai\v4'ovv to Kv4'ovv: 'How did he come to Bendova's
isle?' (West's translation). ir p o s To i\u xvov 'towards the lamp': lamps
often feature in erotic scenes (cf. Ar. Eccl. 7-9, where Praxagora invokes
a lamp as co-conspirator: 'We reveal our plot to you alone, and rightly,
for in our bedrooms too you stand close by as we attempt Aphrodite's
COMMENTARY: HIPPONAX 17, 32
manoeuvres'). If 16-17* come f1-om the same poem, Hipponax's arrival

atA.i-ete's in the dark (16.2* KvEcpaTos) contrasts with their encounter in
the lamplight here.
Hipponax 3 2 and 34
These fragments probably belong together and may have formed a com
plete poem (though part of line 3 is now missing).Like several otl1er frag
ments (cf. Rippon. 3a*, 35, 36*, 38, 39), they parody the conventions of
praye1-, adopting an amusingly irreve1-ent attitude to the gods and mixing
the high-flown language of invocation with gross and bathetic 1nate1-ial
is1n, e.g. 'Zeus, father Zeus, sultan of the Olympian gods, why have you
not given me lots of money?' (fr.38). Here an impoverished and freezing
Hipponax asks Hermes for a variety of gifts, culminating in a shameless
request for a huge amount of money (32*).He then jt1stifies his demands
in a ludicrously self-pitying tone (34*).
Hipponax 32
Source: Heliodorus in Priscian, On the Metres of Terence iii.428.24 (1-2);

Tzetzes on Lycophron, Alexandra 855 (1, 4-6); Plutarch, The Stoics Talk
More Paradoxically than the Poets 6.1058d, On Love a/Wealth, 2 .523e, Against
the Stoics on Common Conceptions 20.1o68b (2-4).
1 'E pµf\ ... 'E pµf\ 'Hermes, dear Hermes': by addressing Hermes as a
cpiAos the speaker seeks to create (or implies that he already enjoys) a close
and affectionate relationship with the god, and the ingratiating tone is
strengthened by the honorific epithets ('Maia's son', 'born on Cyllene').
Maia6eu, KvAAT}vie: Rippon. 35 deploys a similarly flattering invocation:
EpEw yap ovTw· "KvAA11v1E Ma1cx8os 'Epµfi". Maia6eu: the metronymic form
Ma1a8Evs is found only here. It may be a coinage by the poet to ma1-k
the speaker's particularly flattering and manipulative tone. Ku1t1ti}vie: a
pure iambic line, followed by scazons. Maia conceived and gave birth
to Hermes on Mt Cyllene in Arcadia; cf. Rippon. 3* E{3u.:>crE Mairi s 1Ta18a,
Kv/1.AflVTlS TTcxAµvv.
2-3 eTTevxoµai Toi, 'I pray to you' ( To1 = cro1), completes the speaker's
formal appeal.The solemn prayer style (complete with lineage and birth
place) clashes humorously with the linguistic registe1- and content of what
follows. Kcx pTa ... I ... �aµ�aAv�w 'for I'm t-t-ter1-ibly cold and my teeth
are cl1attering': alliteration (KcxpTa ...KaKws, lit. 'very much and terribly')
ingeniously st1ggests the speaker's shivering, which is confirmed by the
onomatopoeic (3aµf3aAvsw (attested only here). The second part of the
COMMENTARY: HIPPONAX 32
line p1-obably continued to emphasize the speake1-'s physical distress (e.g.

'and my chilblains are bursting', if 34.4 * echoes the language of this frag
ment, as do 34.1-3��: p1y& ~ piyeos; 86s xi\aivav ~ EbWKas OVTE KW xi\aivav;
KCXCYKEpicrKa ~ acrKEPTJlCY1).
4- 6 A cheeky catalogue of requests which goes well beyond what is
needed. The diminutive £01-ms for tunic, sandals, and shoes (KunacrcricrKov
I Kai craµ0ai\icrKa KacrKepicrKa) initially downplay the size of Hipponax's
demands, but the effect is comically overturned by his final request for a
massive amot1nt of gold.
4 xl\aivav 'a cloak': a warm outer garment seems at first a reasonable
reqt1est, given the narrator's condition, but his demands quickly esca
late: cloak and tunic, sandals and winter shoes, plt1s an entire fortune.
'ITTTTwva1<T1: the introduction of poets' names is not uncommon in early
Greek poetry ( e.g. Hes. Theog. 22 a'i vu no6' (Hcrio8ov Kai\11v E8i8a�av ao18iiv,
whe1-e Hesiod refers to himself in the thi1-d person, 01- Sapph. 1.19-20 TiS er',
w I 't'ancp', a81Kiie1;, where Aphrodite addresses Sappho), and its frequency is
part of the author's const1uction of the character 'Hipponax' (or 'Hesiod'
or 'Sappho') as a figu re within the text, whose identity is (re)animated
in (re)performance. The name Hipponax is used to highlight the char
acter's greediness (here and 36.2*), his disreputable conduct (fr. 37 'said
they shot1ld pelt and stone Hipponax'), and his trit1mph over an enemy
(117 .4*).
4-5 All three diminutive forms are attested only here. They derive
f1-om Anatolian (p1-obably Lydian) loanwo1-ds (Kvnacrcr1s, craµ0ai\ov,
acrKEpa). 1<uTTaaaia1<ov 'a nice little tunic': a Kunacrcr1s (like the more com
mon x1Twv) was a si1nple everyday garment reaching to the mid-thigh,
usually worn with a belt. aaµf,al\ia1<a: craµ0ai\ov, Ionic-Aeolic equivalent
of cr6:v8ai\ov, 'sandal', separate adaptations of a foreign word. 1<cxa1<Epia1<a
(= Kai acrKepicrKa): acrKEpa, a fur-lined winter shoe.
5- 6 xpuaou I •.. i�111<ovTa: the contemporary (1nid-sixth centt1ry) coin
of the Lydian king Croest1s (l<poicre1os crTaTiiP), for example, was made
of pure gold (c. 11g each); sixty gold staters represented a stupendous
amount of wealth. The diminutives ('a nice little tunic, etc.') neatly cue
the punchline (' ... and sixty million pounds'). TouTi p ou Toixou: lit. 'of/
from the other wall', a disputed phrase. The likeliest explanation is that
Hipponax is revealed to be invoking Hermes as god of thieves (as in fr.
3a��), i.e. '[money] from the other side of the wall' (for the sense 'the
other side of x', cf. LSJ eTepos IV 2). Hipponax's entire request is thus
doubly outrageous: he wants not merely a phenomenal amount of money
and clothing, but goods stolen from someone else's house (cf. Ar. Clouds
w
1327 µ1apE Kai naTpai\oTa Kai To1xwpvxe for 'housebreaker' as a term of
206 COMMENTARY: HIPPONAX 32, 34, 36
abuse). In fr. 79, by contrast, Hermes helps someone bu1-gle Hipponax's

house, but the thief is later confronted at his place of work (a shop selling
cheap wine).
Hipponax 34
Source: Tzetzes on Lycoph1-on, Alexandr·a 855.
A connection with fr. 32* seems highly likely, as Hipponax attempts to
justify his shan1eless catalogue of requests by co1nplaining of tl1e god's
stinginess in the past. The speaker's self-pitying tone is enhanced by the
repetition of his demands (for a cloak and shoes), which also 1.1nderscores
his greed. The final low detail of his 'bursting chilblains' caps the parody
of formal prayer.
1 ya p further justifies Hipponax's appeal to Hermes (cf. 32.2;� KapTa yap

KaKW $ p1yw) and introduces his complaint of neglect. ovK ... KW (Ionic
for rrw), 'not yet', cheekily implies there is some obligation on the god to
meet demands of this kind.
2-3 6aaiiav.. - I• ..6aaiit11a1: the new and repeated detail ('thick', i.e.
l11xurious) emphasizes the speaker's excessive request. There is hu1nour
too in his focus on the quality of the cloak and shoes, overlooking the fact
that they actually belong to someone else (see 32.6*). cpcx pµ aKov piy ios
'a remedy against the cold': quasi-medical language, hinting at a serious
threat to his health if his prayer is not answered. ouT' ... I ... EK pu41as
'nor have you wrapped my feet in thick fur shoes': KpurrTw ('cover') has
connotations of protection (LSJ I 1), implying (as with ou ... Kw above)
the god's duty of care towards him. xi tJ ETAa 'chilblains': the word (cognate
with xcTµa, 'cold, frost' and used by medical write1-s: Hippoc. Epid. 5.1.57)
points to the exposed sores on Hipponax's feet and ends his self-justifica
tion on a comically vulgar and g1-otesque note. p11yvvTa1 'burst' (31-d sg.
after neuter plural subject): a strong word, evoking a graphic image of
exploding ulcers.
Hippo,riax 3 6
S01urce: Tzetzes on Aiistophanes, Wealth 87.
Tzetzes quotes this fragment to show that Aristophanes took the idea of
Wealth's blindness from Hipponax (see on TvcpA6 $ below). The speaker's
complaint of divine neglect, his self-pitying tone, and his demand for a
large amount of money all echo frr. 32* and 34 * (as well as frr. 38-9).
Hipponax's repeated use of this shameless persona attests to its popularity
with contemporary audiences.
1 i µ oi 6t TTAouTos: the poem's main characters are immediately intro

duced and opposed. i µ oi, placed first, emphasizes the speaker's self
interest; his identity is revealed by tl1e eqt1ally mai�ked 'l,r,r&va� (end of
line 2 and fi1�st word of the god's imagined speech). TTAouTos: the son
of Demeter and Iasion (Hes. Theog. 969-74) and the personification of
wealth, especially (as is natural in a predominantly agricultural econ
omy) that of the harvest (cf. HHDerrt. 488-9). Ploutos had no extensive
mythology or formal cult, but as Hipponax and Aristophanes show, his
embodiment of good fortune had comic potential. 2aT1 ... Tuq>Aos: the
parenthesis imitates conversational style (perhaps constructing the lis
tener as a sympathetic friend) and draws attention to a crt1cial detail.
Although this is the earliest reference to Wealth's blindness, it is unlikely
to have been a novel idea, given the unfair distribution of resources in
Archaic Greece. In Ai�istophanes' play the god's blindness means he can
not distinguish between the good and the bad, tl1e deserving and the
undeserving (Ar. Wealth 87-97). Similarly, Hipponax's insistence that the
god is 'utterly blind' (Air iv TvcpA6s) and 'dim-witted' (8eiAa1os ... TCXS cppEvas,
4) implies that he himself, a deserving recipient of Wealth's blessings, has
been t1nfairly passed over.
2 is ... ou6a µ ' 'has never come to my house' (Tw1Ki' = Tex oiKia):
Hipponax treats the god with unust1al familiarity (so too Hermes in 3a*,
32*, 34*, Zet1s in 38). His lack of reverence makes his bewilderment at
Wealth's neglect of him all the more amusing. 'lnnwva�: the speaker's
expectation that the god would address him by name emphasizes still fur
ther his disrespectft1l over-familiarity (on the use of Hipponax's name, cf.
32·4*).
3 µvias ... TPlflKOvTa 'th1�ee thousand silver drachmas': lit. 'thi1�ty
minas of silver'. The value of the mina varied (c. 70-150 drachmas),
but a notional 1 mina = 1oo drachmas gives the sum above. In any case,
thi1�ty minas 1�epresented c. 13-20 kg of silver, a huge amount of wealth,
like the sixty gold staters of fr. 32*. The god's imagi11ed gene1�osity is ren
dered even more fantastic by the addition of 'and lots of other stuff too'
(KOl lTO/\/\' ST' a/\/\a).
4 62iAa1os ... TCXS q>pivas 'No, he's an idiot' (lit. 'For he [is] feeble
minded', acc. of respect). Hipponax's response to the god's alleged
neglect is shockingly, and comically, insolent. (The alternative transla
tion, 'No, he's too hard-hearted', lacks the same impact.) The at1dience
can enjoy his persona's effrontery, knowing that 1�etribution is likely (fr.
37, 'said they should pelt and stone Hipponax', could come from such a
scene). The choliambic fragment ends with an iambic trimeter (cf. 32 .1 *
for the reve1�se).
Hi pponax 68
Sour'Ce: Stobaeus 4.22.35.
These lines neatly embody, and may even be taken to parody, the hegem
onic tradition of G1-eek misogrny. They play cleverly witl1 perspective (for
whom exactly are these two days 'sweetest'?), and the final caustic twist,
celebrating the woman's death, encourages us to reassess tl1e speaker's
viewpoint. For just as an Archaic audience can see beyond the grumpy
persona of Hesiod, Semonides, 01-Theognis, including their negative atti
tude to women (Hes. Theog. 570-612, vVD 59-99, Semon. 7*; contrast
Thgn. 1225-6*), so here they are led to question the speaker's rejection
of the benefits women bring, especially the bearing of children, which is
strikingly elided (see below). We do not know who speaks these comically
grouchy lines, but they suit the often outrageous and risible 'Hipponax'
pe1-sona (e.g. 32*, 34*, 36*).
1 6u' ... fi61aTa1 'two days in a woman's life bring most pleasure': the
exact number encourages the audience to guess what the two days are
and prepares for the witty surprise in the next line.
2 oTav ... TtS 'when a man marries her': the woman's sense of hap
piness at her marriage is called to mind, but crucially TlS focuses on the
man's perspective, preparing for the punchline. KCXK<pi pfl l Te6vflKuiav 'and
when he carries her out dead for burial': since Greek gender ideology
maintained that the telos of a woman's life was marriage and motherhood,
we expect something like 'when he marries her and she bears a son'. But
the sudden move from wedding to funeral reshapes their relationship:
just as Pandora, the archetypal woman, is a 'beautiful evil' (Hes. Theog.
585), so the bride here appears wonderft1l on her wedding day (when
she is still largely unknown to her new husband), but later turns out to
be a curse that he is glad to be rid of (cf. Se1non. 7.112-14*, where the
nar1-ator points out that all men tend to believe that their o,vn wife is one
of the good 'bee-women'). In other words, the wedding day may be 'most
sweet' for husband and wife, but the punchline makes us realize that the
statement as a whole is to be t1nderstood from the perspective of a hos
tile male speaker. His bias, which leads him to move straight from wed
ding to funeral and to omit the main purpose and pleasure of marriage
(the bearing of children), is ludicrously extreme. The leap fro1n wedding
to fune1-al also 1~epresents a da1-kly comic variation on the familia1- 'mar
ried to death' motif (e.g. Soph. Ant. 801-82; cf. the inscription on the
Phrasicleia kore contemporary witl1. Hipponax: 'Memorial of Phrasicleia: I
shall always be called "maiden", having received this name from the gods
instead of marriage'). This is normally applied to tragic young women
who die too soon, i.e. before they have a chance to marry and bear
COMMENTARY: HIPPONAX 68, 92 209
children, but here the woman cannot die soon enough. Finally, there is
sexual innuendo at the woman's expense, since a man may perceive the
day of a woman's marriage as 'most pleasurable' becat1se it is the first time
he can have sex with her. The lines a1-e often echoed by late1- comic poets
and write1-s of epig1-am, one of whom makes the sexual jibe explicit: Anth.
Pal. 11.381 (Palladas) 1TCXCJO yvv17 xo/\05 ECJTiV• EXEl 8' cxyaBcxs 8vo wpas, I TT)V
µiav EV BaAa µw1, TT)V µiav EV BaVCXTWl.
Hipponax 92
So'ur·ce: PSI 1089 (second-century AD papyrus fro1n Oxyrhynchus); P Oxy.
2174 fr. 24 (5-9); Tzetzes on ll. 1.273 (10-11).
The narrator recalls a magical rite performed by a Lydian woman.

Another fragment of Hipponax describes (in the third person) how a
man overcame impotence by making offerings to tl1e Cabi1-i and smea1-
ing his penis with mulberry juice (fr. 78). Similarly, the rite here is most
likely intended as a cure for impotence (cf. line 4 below), but is far 1nore
painful and degrading and is inflicted on the male narrator by an anon
ymous foreign woman. The scene is obscene and farcical: the na1Tator's
testicles are thrashed with a fig branch, something is inserted into his
anus, and he ends up spattered with his own excrement, which attracts an
invasion of dung-beetles. Assuming the lines are spoken in pr-opria persona,
'Hipponax' is recounting a particularly sordid escapade which marks him
ot1t as an unmanly and ludicrous figt11-e on the margins of respectable
society.
1 11u6a ... Au6i(ouaa 'she spoke in Lydian': the poetic av8aw makes for
a solemn opening, but this is comically unde1-cut by the lewdness that
soon ensues. The woman is uttering a spell. Hipponax's Greek audience
may have known very little abot1t Lydian religion or magical practices,
but the woman's methods confirm the dangerous potential of 'magic' or
'witcl1craft', which is often associated in Greek thought with women or
goddesses (e.g. Circe), especially foreigners (most notoriously Medea).
The scene also plays with the elite and luxurious connotations of Lydian
culture (cf. e.g. Sapph. frr. 39, 98 on fancy Lydian clothing), as the wom
an's cure descends into vulgar slapstick. �a��1 ... KpoAta: this is probably
intended as the Lydian equivalent of 'abracadabra' and may be a magical
nonsense word borrowed into Hipponax's local G1-eek (Ephesian) ver
nacular. Later sources speak of 'Ecp E<Y1a ypaµµaTa ('Ephesian letters [of
the alphabet]'), strings of incomprehensible words uttered as protective
spells (Suda s.v. 'E cp. yp.). Alternatively, a series of glosses by Hesychius
('f3aCJKE1T1KpoAEa: "hurry up ove1- here" in Lydian', 'f3aCJT1(a KpoAEa: "come
quickly" in Lydian', 'KpoAia�E: 'come here quickly'") has been used to
reconstruct the line, with the woman t1rging the na1Tator to approach and
begin his cure, but it is unlikely that Hipponax's audience knew enough
Lydian to decipher this, and Hesychius may well be guessing based on
his vision of the scene. If, as Hawkins 2013: 166 suggests, the Lydian
phrase here is translated into 'Arsish' (Tivy1crTi) in the following line (cf.
Hippon. 3a.1 �� 'Epµf) Kuvcxyxo:, M ri1ov1crTi Ko:v8o:Oi\o:, where the Lydian equiv
alent of the Greek is given), Hipponax may have used real Lydian for
Tov Tivycwvo: Tio:p [ ( 2), but again it seems unlikely that his audience will
have known enough Lydian to realize this.
2 nuy1aTi 'in Arsish': a comic neologism from Tivy,i ( cf. Archil. fr. 187
To1,iv8c 8', w Tii6TJKc, TT)V TIVYT)V Exwv), based on such forms as /\v81crTi/
M ri1ov1crTi, used of language. Tov nuyewva nap[: like Tivy1crTi, Tivycwv occu1-s
only here and is another new coinage for 'arse'; the lt1dicrous effect is
enhanced by alliteration, TivytcrTi· ''Tov Tivycwvo: Tio:p [ ". For possible
restorations (e.g. Tov Tivycwvo: Ticxp [cXE µ01 66:TTov or Ticxp [ EXE µwKtcrTo:), see
Gartner 2008. A5 subsequent events suggest, the Lydian woman inserts
something into the narrator's anus to act as a stimulant, but her treatment
backfires all too literally ( g- 1 o).
3 Kai ... cpai\[: Hesychius' gloss, q>6:i\o:· ii µ1Kpo: Kcxpo:, suggests Hipponax
is punning here on the 'little head' of the narrator's penis, and the gen
itive probably depends on a verb of touching or grabbing, e.g. Ko:i µ01
Tov opx1v TT)S q>o:i\f)s Tio:p-/TipocrEAKovcro:, 'dragging me by my little cock she
thrashed my ball(s), etc.' West's st1pplement Ko:i µ01 Tov opx1v TT)S q>o:i\6:KpTJs
£/\Kovcro: ('pulling my testicle by the bald patch') gives less good sense,
especially as using the penis as a 'handle' or 'rope' is later a well-attested
joke (e.g. Ar. Wasps 1341-4). Tov o px1v: this is probably singular for the
t1nmet1-ical plural (opxc1s, Ion. opx1cs, 'testicles'), though it may be a ref
erence to the narrator having only one testicle (or an undescended testi
cle), compounding his impotence.
4 K]�cx6111 auv11i\oi11aev 'sl1e thrashed [my ball(s)] with a fig branch':
crvvo:i\06:w ('smash, crush') is a strong word, expressing the speaker's
agony. wa,:r[e p cpap µaKw1 'like a scapegoat': Coppola's supplement is plau
sible, since Hipponax mentions elsewhere the practice of beating a scape
goat with fig branches (frr. 5, 6, g) and lashing his penis (fr. 1 o). Since
the pharrnakos ritual could be used to cot1nteract agricultural infertility
caused by plague, famine, or drot1ght, its application to the impotent nar-
1-ato1· is appropriate. Howeve1-, since the 1-itual ended in exile or death
for the unfortunate victim, alluding to it here suggests that the Lydian
woman's unconventional cure is t1-uly a fo1-m of to1-ture. Ancient Greek
gende1- ideology emphasized the active, peneu-ating male and the pas
sive, penetrated female, so that impotence was felt to be deeply shameful
and unmanly. Standard treatments included various vegetables and plants
( especially penis-sl1aped ones), which were ground down and drunk as
a potion or rubbed on the body, as well as the use of erotic images: see
McLaren 2007: 15-19.
5 .].:01s 61o<io1a1v probably refers to branches 'with two knots or eyes'
(LSJ 8io�o)) or to something with two b1-anches (o�o) = branch). West
1974: 145 suggested 'forked appliances pinning his legs to the ground',
translating 'fast [ened in] the stocks' (cf. 810�6oµa1, 'b1-anch out'). This is
unlikely, since the narrator is probably to be imagined as standing rather
than sitting or lying down ( cf. 7-8, 12-13 below).
6 Kai 611 6voia1v ev n6vo1�[1 'and indeed [I was caught] in two tor
ments', i.e. si1nultaneously being thrashed ( 7-8) and shitting himself
(8-9). For 'I was caught', cf. TTovo1cr[1v cix6µ17v: Bossi, TT6vo1cr[1v �ypcvµ17v:
Knox.
7-8 Tl ••• I ... eµ ninTouaa 'from one side the fig branch ... me,
descending from above': Coppola's E'Kv1�Ev ('was pounding') and Knox's
17Ayvvcv ('was causing me pain') a1-e plausible supplements, though tl1e
first is better, being more specific and vivid. eµ ninTouaa refe1-s to the
branch, which the Lydian woman, having grabbed the man's penis (see 3
above), is now bringing down on his testicle (s). Rather than picturing the
man sitting or lying on the gro11nd with the woman bent over him, we are
probably to imagine both the man and the woman standing, with the man
doubled over in pain (see on KOTE0aAov below).
8-9 K[ ... I napa4116a<wv �OA�iTw1[: Latte's K[avBEV O TTPWKTO) gives
good sense, 'a[nd from the other side my arse], spattering me with shit'.
napa4116a<wv, a hapax (cf. 4118E), 'droplets', 'drizzle'), creates a striking
and repulsive scene, as the anal stimulant backfires. �oA�iTw1: the word
usually refers to cattle dung: its use here (the only time it is applied to
human excrement) intensifies the narrator's degrading condition.
10 w(Ev ..• Aau p11 'the alleyway stank': /\C:Xupa (Ion. Aaup17), a small lane
or side street, enhances the sense of a fu1-tive and shameful ritual as well
as a stinking enclosed space.
10-1 5 The dung-beetles' attack, with its military lang11age (EµTTiTTTOVTE[)
I KaTE0aAov, EµTTEcr6vTE) Tex) Bupa[)) and large number of fighters (TTAEovE) ii
TTEVTT)KOVTa) split into separate formations (oi µi:v . .. oi 8i: ... oi 8'), recalls
the type of epic simile where soldiers are compared to swarming wasps
or bees (e.g. ll. 12.167-70, 16.259-65). The dung-beetles are themselves
comically cast as mini-warriors, and whe1-eas the Homeric insects fight in
defence of their yo11ng (&µuvovTat TIE pi TEKvwv, 12.170; &µvvE1 oicr1 TEKEcrcr1,
16.265), the beetles' aim is far from glorious.
10-11 Kav6apo1: KOAEOTTTEpo) is the general term for beetle, while
Kcxv6apo) is used of the various species of dung-beetle (Beavis 1988: 157).
po1(iovTES, 'buzzing', 'whirring', is onomatopoeic. KaT' 06 µ11v: though
obvious, the detail ( coming after w�Ev 8i: Aaup17) reinforces our awa1-eness
of the appalling smell.
12-13 Twv ... KaTi�aAov 'some of them attacked and knocked [me]
down': htimorous slapstick, as the puny insects overwhelm the speaker.
The object of KaTEr,aAov is lost, but is more likely to be the shit-spattered
narrator than the Lydian woman. KaTEr,aAov further confirms the idea that
the man is being treated standing tip. oi 6e Tovs 06..[: Kn ox's 686 [vTas
w�vvov ('others whet their teeth') creates a suitably macabre image as a
second division of dung-beetles prepares to attack.
14-15 oi ... I ... TTuyiAf1a1[: the phrase combines two ptins (unless
they belong to separate clauses), the first on 'door' (6vpa) as 'anus' (as
in the 'back-door' jokes of later comedy; cf. Henderson 1991: 199), the
second on Pygela, a town near Ephesus, which was founded when some of
Agamemnon's men were forced to stay there because of TivyaAyia ('but
tock pain'; cf. Strabo 14.1.20), and wl1ose name (derived from Tivy�: see
line 2 above) is here comically construed as 'Arseville', 'Buttocktown' 01-
the like ( cf. West's 'and others fell upon the Arsenal doors'). A marginal
note on the papyrus at line 14 indicates it is line 800 of the roll, perhaps
line 800 of Hipponax's first or second book.
Hipponax I I5 and I I 7
The authorship of frr. 115-17, commonly known as the Strasbot1rg
Epodes (after the city where the papyrus is now held), is a matter of mtich
scholarly debate. (Fr. 116, omitted here, consists of three badly preserved
lines in which no complete word is legible.) Fr. 117* probably contains
the name Hipponax ( 117.4:"), and its style and content are akin to what
we know of his poetry, so it is very likely to be b y him. Fr. 115*, however,
has been thought to be much more typical of Archilochus in both lan
guage and theme. Thus some attribute both poems to Archilochus, some
both to Hipponax, and others argue for separate authorship (115* by
Archilochus, 117�� by Hipponax), with the papyrus containing an anthol
ogy of different poets.
It is certainly true that 115 :� resembles Archilochus, both in its attack
upon a friend who turns out to be an oath-breaker (cf. Archilochus' epo
des against Lycambes: 172-81*) and its use of epic language and ele
vated 1-hetoric. However, Hipponax too is a master of invective aimed at
punishing those who transgress social norms (e.g. 26-26a, 118, 128* on
gluttony; 79 and 117* on theft; 12* and 70 on sexual perversion), and his
appeals to Hermes and Wealth, for example, exploit the ideas of friend
ship and betrayal (32:�, 34:�, 36*). Moreover, we have only a small amount
of Hipponax's work, and it is unwise to prescribe a single Hipponactean
style based on a pa1-ticula1- persona. Thtis, although he often uses grand
language to parodic effect ( e.g. 128*), there is no reason to believe he
could not deploy a high-flown tone seriously (as in 115��). Finally, if we
COMMENTARY: HIPPONAX 1 15 213
accept that Hipponax wrote 11 7*, we know that he composed epodes

with the same metrical scheme as 11 5 * (iambic trimeter followed by
hemiepes, also used by Archilocht1s). In conclusion, although it is pos
sible that the papyrus contained an anthology of different poets, it is no
less probable that Hipponax composed two invectives in the same met1-e
and was capable of varying his style to suit his goals. I therefore agree with
the most recent editors of Hipponax (West 1989, Degani 1991, Nicolosi
2007) in asc1ibing both poems to him.
Hipponax I I5
Sourr;e: P. Argent. 3 fr. 1.1-16 (second century AD).

The narrator revels in imagining his enemy shipwrecked, enslaved, and
mistreated in a foreign land (4-13) before revealing the reason for his
cu1-se: his friend has b1-oken his oaths and bet1-ayed him ( 14-16). In p1-ay
ing for shipwreck rather than a safe voyage, the poem is a kind of inverted
pr·opempticon (cf. Hor. Epode 1 o, probably modelled on this poem). It is
carefully constructed, with the reason for the speaker's curse held back,
and the sudden revelation of his motives makes us more receptive to his
complaint (cf. Thgn. 237-54*, where Theognis ends by declaring that
Cymus disrespects and deceives him 'like a small child'). The abn1pt shift
from third-person invective (i.e. 'may he suffer ...', 4-1 3) to first-person
anguish ('because I have suffered', 14-16) helps to guide our sympathy
away from the enslaved figure towa1-ds the betrayed narrator himself. The
former friend may have been named in the lost opening ( 1-3; the thief's
name in 117* is also lacking); in any case, he is unlikely to be Bupalus,
who appears elsewhere as a pure enemy and rival and not as a former
f1-iend (cf. 1 2-1 7�� ).
1-3 may have described the man setting ot1t on his voyage, since he is
already ad1-ift by line 4.
4 Ku µ [aTt] -rrAa[(6 µ ]evo$ 'driven on by the swell': cf. Od. 5.388-9 (of
Odysseus) EV6a 8vw VVKTOS 8vo T' fiµaTa KvµaTl TTTJYWl I TTACX�ETO, whicl1 sup
po1-ts the singular Kvµ [ aT1] over KVµ [ acr1].
5-13 The speaker imagines his enemy's reception by a barbarous peo
ple (5-9), dwells (in a parenthetic clause) on his future sufferings as a
slave (7-8), then returns to the moment he is washed up on the foreign
shore (9-13).
5-9 Kav ... I ... auTov 'at Salmydessus may top-knotted Thracians
welco1ne him most kindly, naked . . . and frozen stiff'. Kav = Kai Ev (cra
sis). l:aAµ v6[1'1aa]w1: a Thracian settlement on the sot1th-west coast of
••
the Black Sea, whose dange1-ous shallow waters and harbourless coast
led to frequent shipwrecks: cf. [Aesch.] Prv'metheus Bound 7 26-7 TPOXEia
COMMENTARY: HIPPONAX 115
n6vTov 2ai\µv8TJ<Y<Yia yva6o$ I EX6p6�cvo$ vavTTJ<Yl, µT}Tpv1cx vcwv. According

to Xenophon, the locals killed each othe1� over the right to plunder ships
that were wrecked there (An. 7.5. 12-1 3). If the speaker's enemy is ship
wrecked nea1� Salmydesst1s, he is likely to be on a trading voyage to the
Black Sea, compounding the reversal of his fortunes (from profit and
success to slavery and st1ffering). The fertile Black Sea region, supplying
grain, cattle, timber, metals, and mt1ch else, attracted Greek colonies and
traders from the mid-eighth century onwards (Hdt. 4.85-6 emphasizes
the region's huge scale): cf. Moreno 2007: 145-208. yuµvov stresses the
man's shameful and vulnerable condition. tu cppov�.[: the most plausible
supplement, cvcppovECJ [TaTa (cf. Gartner 2 008 for cvq>povE [CJTaT01), well
expresses the speaker's sarcasm and Schadenfr-eude. E> prfiKES cxKp o[ K]oµo1:
Homer uses tl1e same phrase in a passage that emphasizes the fighting
prowess of the Th1�acians, allies of the Trojans (fl. 4.533); here the dis
tinctive epithet connotes their threatening exoticism, enhancing the iso
lation and vulnerability of the shipwrecked sailor. Aa�o1tv, modified here
by cvcp povE<Y[TCXTa 01- the like, means '1-eceive hospitably' (LSJ i\aµr?>avc.v II
1 b), though the negative sense 'seize' is what the speaker really has in
mind. piyt1 TTETTT')yoT': the physical detail (lit. 'stiff with cold') draws our
attention to the man's extreme suffering and is all the more notable for
being delayed.
7-8 The parenthetical clause captures the speaker's excitement as he
anticipates his enemy's future as an abused slave. cxvaTTAf\0'£1: the future
('there he will end11re many woes') is preferable to West's aorist optative
cxvani\i)CJa1 ('may he endure') as it is closer to the papyrus' cv6avani\T}<Ycl
and better expresses the speaker's experience as he suddenly switches
from merely wishing to vividly imagining and enjoying the scene. TToAA'
... KaKa: another Homeric phrase ( cf. ll. 15. 132 cxvan AT)<YCX$ KaKcx noi\i\a).
The speaker's repeated use of traditional elevated language underlines
his moral authority: he is right to 1�esent his friend's treachery and to
wish him destroyed. 6ovA1ov apTov, 'slaves' bread', recalls the Homeric
8ovi\1ov T)µap (Jl. 6.463, etc.), but focuses attention on the physical
degradation cat1sed by slavery, a shameful condition for a formerly free
and healthy man. Hipponax speaks elsewhe1-e of 'cheap figs and coarse
barley bread' as 8ovi\1ov xopTov, 'slaves' fodder' (26.5-6); it seems likely
that such phrases were already proverbial for the miserable life of a slave:
cf. e.g. Aesch. Ag. 1041 8ovi\ia$ µa(TJ$.
9-13 These lines retu1�n to the moment when the speaker's enemy
is washed up on the foreign shore, emphasizing his exhaustion and suf
fering. iK .•. xvoou '[as he emerges] f1-om the brine': cf. Od. 6.226 EK
Kc<pai\17$ 8' E<YµTJxcv cxi\6$ xv6ov cxTpvyET010, whe1-e xv6o$ refe1�s to the salty
crust coating the shipwrecked Odysseus. cpuKia ... iTT�x(i)o1 'may he vomit
COMMENTARY: HIPPONAX 1 15 215
[lit. "pour forth"] much seaweed': ETT�X(E)o1 is prefe1�able to En�xo1 ( 'may

he have on him much seaweed', accepted by West) since it is closer to
the papyrus' En1xo1 and creates a more graphic and memorable image of
physical distress (there is no need for anothe1� verb, pace Gartne1� 2008
cpuKicx n6AA' ET' EµEo1). Kp0Tio1 •.. o6ovTas reinforces onomatopoetically
how frozen the man will be (cf. piyE1 TTETTTJY6T', 9); for the humiliation
of chatte1�ing teeth, see Rippon. 3 2.3 *. ws .•. I ... aKpacriri1 'lying like
a dog face down and powerless': the comparison to a dog (an animal
often used in insults: e.g. ll. 22.345 µ11 µE, Kuov, yovvwv youvcx�Eo µT) 8E
ToK11wv) is made even more shameful by the additional details: the pros
trate aniinal represents the man's abasement, and its lack of strength
his helpless vulnerability. Moreover, the dog's reputation for deceit,
used elsewl1ere by Hipponax (fr. 66 'and doesn't bite afterwards, like
a sneaky dog'), helps prepare for the revelation of the man's treachery
(15-16). aKpov 1Tapa priyµiva 'at the very [lit. outer1nost] edge': cf. &Kpov
ETTi priyµiva a.Ao<; no/\1010 6EE<YKov (fl. 20.229). priyµiv, the place where the
waves break (p11yvvTa1) on the shore, takes us back to the opening scene
of the poem (Kvµ [aT1] n/\a [�6µ] Evo5, 4). Kvµa•.. -�<?':': some reference to
the breaking waves is likely, e.g. KuµcxTc.vv 6µov Diels (in Reitzenstein 1899:
859)' KVµCXTO<; Acx0pov ( Gartner 2 008).
14-16 The poem changes tone from acrimony to moral indignation
and sadness as the speaker reveals the reason for his curse. There is a stylis
tic contrast between the more intricate syntax used to elaborate the Cl.lrse
and the short, punchy clauses used here to justify the grievance. The end
ing of the poem is indicated by a marginal mark in the papyn1s. TavT' .•.
i6£1v 'that is what I would like to see': i8E�v marks the hoped-for switch
f1�om vividly imagining the scene (4-13) to actually seeing and enjoying it
as fact. Wishes for 1�evenge often focus on seein g the punishment enacted:
e.g. ll. 6. 284-5 (Hector on Paris) Ei KE1'v6v yE 1801µ1 KaTEA66vT' 'A'i8o<; Etcrc.v, I
cpairiv KE cppEv' o:TEpnou o·i�vo<; EKAEAa6Ecr6a1. i6i:l\01µ': the move f1�om thi1�d to
fi.1�st person foct1ses our attention on the narrator and encourages us to
adopt his perspective, whereby he, and not the victim of his curse, is truly
the wronged party. os ... 116iKf'ICTE 'for the man who wronged me': strictly
speaking, 8<; lacks an antecedent, and the slight dislocation in syntax sug
gests the speaker's emotion. �[a]� ... sf?>ri: the already forceful imagery
of 'trampling on oaths' (cf. Agamemnon on the truce-breaking Trojans,
KaTa 8' 8pK1a n1crTa ncxTricrav, ll. 4.157) is intensified by Acx� (lit. 'with the
foot', here 'underfoot'), which is used elsewhere of violent movements
(e.g. ll. 6.65 Acx� Ev crT176Ecr1 06:<; E�E<YTTa<YE µEiA1vov Eyxo<;, Rippon. 104.13
Ev TT)l yacrTpi /\ex� E�0P.<?uqa). The language expresses the ma11's utter vio
lation of his oaths. To .•. [i]wv: the revelation in the very last words of
the poem that the man was once a friend is arresting and leads us to
216 COMMENTARY: HIPPONAX 115, 117
sympathize with the speaker as the victim of a personal betrayal. iTaipos

calls to mind the loyalty and mutual support of the aristocratic hetair-eia,
underlining the former friend's treachery.
Hipponax II7
S0 1ur'Ce: P. Argent. 3 fr.2 (second century AD).

The third Strasbourg Epode is aimed at a thief whose victims have included
Hipponax himself.Not only is the thief exposed, but it is revealed that he
has been robbed in turn.For Hipponax's own shady involvement in theft,
see 3a*, 32*.
2 x:haiv[a: given Hipponax's own attempt to acqt1ire a cloak by stealing

( cf.32 .4*, 3 4.1 *), this one is probably the target of, or may already have
been stolen by, the thief add1-essed in the poem.
3 KU p Tov: much depends on whether this is accented KupTov ('fish
ing-basket') or KupT6v ('bent, hunchbacked').The former may s11ggest a
scene in which the cloak has been stolen from a fisherman, 'who took it
off so as not to get it wet when he was sinking his creel (KvpTos): the thief
was waiting his chance nearby' (so West 197 4: 146-7); this fits neatly with
what follows (cp1i\c1s I ayxov Ka6f\<::�a�, 'you like to sit nearby'), but takes
us far from the mise-e n-scene. More likely, therefore, is that the narrator
is describing the 'hunchbacked' thief himself and linking his physical
deformity to his mo1-al depravity (for the link between looks and cha1~ac
ter, cf.Semon. 7 .7 3-7 *).
4-6 �auTa ... I ... Kcx picp avTos 'Hipponax ...knows this better than
anyone, and Ariphantus knows too': what they know, probably f1-om
direct experience of his crimes, is that the add1-essee is a thief.There is a
sharp irony in Hipponax the cloak-stealer (32.4 *) suffering the same fate
himself. The repetition 0]18cv ...I ... oi] ��v emphasizes that the thief's
shameful secret has been brought to light.Alternative scena1-ios seem on
the whole less likely: Hippo11ax and Ai-iphantus 'know' simply because
they witnessed the theft, but this is less effective as a source of hostility
towards the thief; or they were themselves involved in the theft, but the
phrase 'better than anyone' supports their being victims (unless it is read
ironically).·11T1Twva[�: the narrator is probably referring to himself, since
his own experience of the thief motivates his subsequent attack on him
(6-1 1).For use of the poet's name, see 32.4*.Kcx pi cpavTos: Ariphantus, an
attested Greek name, is 11sed here as a witty no'm parlant, 'very visible' (ap1-
+ cpaivoµa1), highlighting the thief's exposure.
6-8 These lines comically juxtapose the high-flown style of a maka-
r·ismos ('blessed is he who . . .') with the low abuse of 'stinking thief'
( TfVEOVTa cpwpa). µ,1J6aµcx . . . t16e 'has never yet seen you': since his
COMMENTARY: l-IIPPONAX 11 7, 128
victims, Hipponax and Ariphantus, and his nemesis, Aeschylides, a1-e

all named, the identity of the thief may have been revealed in a lost
part of the poem.. ]p[.. Jou has attracted a variety of st1pplements, e.g.
T]p [ay]ov Diehl ('with the stink of a goat'), a popt1lar inst1lt (for Tpayov
TIVc'iv or o�civ, see LSJ Tpayos). q,wpa: here a source of shame, thougl1
embraced by Hipponax elsewhere: cf. 3a.2* cpwpwv ETcx'ipc (invoking
Hermes), 32.6*.
8-9 Tw1.. - I• .. TT(?At µ2� 'quarrel now with the potter Aeschylides': the
narrator addresses the thief directly (TI?AEµc!: 2nd sg. present imperative).
10-11 These lines explain why the tl1ief will be at odds with the
potter. Unlike the sct1lptor Bupalus (frr. 12-17�1<), his fellow artisan
Aeschylides has incurred Hipponax's admiration. iK2ivos... ana pTi]11 s,
'he has deprived [you of your household goods]', combines the motifs
of 'the biter bit' (cf. Soph. OC 1025-7 yvw61 8' ws EXWV EXTJl I Kcxi cr' clAc
eripwve' Tl TVXTJ' TCX ycxp 86i\w1 I TWl µ17 81Kcxiw1 KTT)µcxT' ovxi (5(.0l�cTCXt) and 'it
takes a thief to catch a thief' (cf. Arist. EE 123 5a9 Eyvw 8E cpwp Tc cpwpcx,
Kcxi i\vKos i\vKov). lllJ�P<?"�[v: 3rd sg. aor. of aµsp8w, a poetic word expressing
the narrator's tone of moral superiority. ncxs... 6?[Aos 'and all your dis
honesty has been revealed': the items taken from his ho11se included sto
len goods. Alliteration (1T-8-1T-8) 11nderlines the speaker's satisfaction.
Hipponax I 2 8
Source: Athenaeus, Scholar-sat Dinner 15.698b.
These four lines are almost all that survive of Hipponax's hexameter
poetry (the other two fragments, 129 and 129a, are only four words each).
They are included here as an iambic poet's take on the epic style (for
other examples, se1-ious and comic, see Rippon. 11 5* and 92.10-1 5*).
The lines are preserved by Athenaeus in a long quotation from Polemon
of Ilium, who claimed that Hipponax was the 'inventor of the genre'
of parody (cvpcTT)S Tov ysvovs). That is not qt1ite trt1e, since Archilocht1s
often pokes fun at epic (e.g. the Telephus Elegy = 17a*) a11d even paro
dies the kind of epic invocation used here by Hipponax (cf. Archil. 117
Tov Kcpo1Ti\acrTTJV ac18c ri\cxvKov), but whereas Archilochus engaged with
epic in iambic and elegiac metre, Hipponax composes actual hexamete1-s,
making his satirical intentions much more obvious; hence the title 'inven
tor' of parody. (Tl1e 1nock-heroic Margites, contemporary with Hipponax,
mixes hexameter with iambic lines.) On Hipponax's place in the tradi
tion of epic parody, see Degani 1984: 187-205, Olson and Sens 1999:
5-12,Alexandrou 2016: 211-19.
The poem treats typical iambic themes - gluttony, lapses of etiquette,
the abuse and dest1-uction of an enemy - in grand epic language, creating
a comic clash of register between high style and low content. Though it
uses the form of an epic proem (see below), it may well be a complete
poem in itself, taking us from the Muse's initial narration of the man's
crimes to his eventual death, a compact tale suitable for memorization
and recitation at symposia 01- festivals (cf. Introduction § 2).
1-3 MoOaa µ01 ... I ... rvvtcp': Hipponax's mock-heroic hexameters

offer a higl1ly compressed parody of numerous features of Archaic epic
proems, most obviously the invocation of the Muse, the request to sing
through the narrator (µ01) of a particular person or theme, and the
use of traditional formulae (2 ov KcxTcx Kocrµov, 3 KcxKov oiTov 0A1:1Tcx1, 4
Ticxpcx BTv' cxAos cxTpvysT010). Though it is often claimed that Hipponax
is targeting the proems of the Iliad and Odyssey, his str11ct11re ('Muse,
to me sing') is closer to that of the Ho,me'ric Hymn to Aphrodite (Mova-a
µ01 EVVETIE Epycx TIO/\uxpvcrov J\cp po8iTT) S, 1) and the cyclic epic Little Iliad
( Mova-a µ01 E VVETIE E pycx, TO'. µ�T' EYEVOVTO 1Tcxpo1SE, fr. 1.1 Bernabe), and
it is clear that Hipponax has the epic tradition as a whole in mind (cf.
Kelly forthcoming). For similar parody of prayer forms, see 3*, 3a*, 32*.
Ev puµt6ovT1cx6ta 'the son of Eurymedon': patronymics are a regular fea
ture of epic (e.g. Il. 1.1 fl T) AT)'icx8i:w 'l\x1Af)os), not least because of its interest
in heroic descent and the pressure to 011tdo one's ancestors: cf. Il. 6.479
(Hector on Astyanax) Kai TioTs TlS 1:11To1 "TicxTp6s y' 881: TioAAov cxµi:ivwv".
E11rymedon is named as the king of the arrogant Giants at Od. 7.56-66,
but there is no refe1"ence to him elsewhere, and it seems 11nlikely that
Hipponax could expect his audience to make the specific connection.
(The same name is given to a charioteer of Agamemnon and a serv
ant of Nestor: Il. 4.228, 8.114.) The Eurymedon was, however, a major
river of Pamphylia in southern Asia Minor, and the description 'son of
Eu1"ymedon' co11ld make the man sound both pompous and foreign;
an allusion to a watery-sounding father would also complement the fol
lowing image of the glutton as 1TovToxcxpv�81v. novToxcx p u�61v, 'sea-swal
lower' (lit. 'sea-Charybdis', a hapax), pictures the man as someone who
could drink the sea dry. Ironically the man who could drain the sea will
die beside it (see line 4). The notorious whirlpool Charybdis was a fea
ture of Ai-gonautic myth predating the Odyssey. TflV iv yaaT pi µcxxa1p av,
'the knife-in-the-g11ts', creates the grotesque image of a man whose
greed prevents him from cutting up or even chewing his food: he swal
lows it wl1ole and slices it internally. Vulgarities of the body are at home
in iambus, not epic: cf. Rippon. 26-26a on a man who ate up his inher
itance; 118 attacking a gl11tton called Sann us with 'a ravening beak like
a heron's'; 114c on a man who defecates between cou1"ses so he can fit
more in. os ... Koaµov, 'who eats in no orderly fashion', with its charge
of poor table manners after the extreme descriptions that precede it, is
nicely timed comic bathos.
COMMENTARY: HIPPONAX 128 : SIMONIDES 219
3-4 These lines predict the glutton's shameful and lonely death as his
fellow citizens vote for his execution on the seashore. The gap between
the man's crime (a big appetite) and his punishment is intentionally
lt1dicrous. 4'T}<pi61 ... I �ou1':ij1 6T}µoai1"} 1, 'with a vote ... by public deci
sion', emphasizes the entire community's condemnation of his conduct.
The language evokes the ritual rejection and killing of the pharmakos or
scapegoat, whose ashes were scattered into the sea (cf. Rippon. frr. 5-1o).
Scapegoats were often selected in response to famine, so that there is an
added joke in the implication that the man's greediness has led to st1ch a
disaster. 1<a1<ov ... 0AeiTa1 'l1e will die a miserable deatl1': Musurus' YJT1<pi81
<KaKf\1> would create an effective polyptoton (so too <KaKos> Cobet,
<KaKws> Kalinka). napcx ... aTpvyeT010 'along the shore of the barren
sea': the obscure epithet aTpvyETOS ('unharvested' or 'unwearied': cf.
Thgn. 24 7-8*) is here given a uniquely ironic charge by its context, the
death of a glutton, who in life was fixated on what could be harvested and
consumed. For the seashore as a place of suffering and death, cf. Rippon.
115*, 118E.
SIMONIDES
Simonides (c. 556-468) was born in Iulis on Ceos (the closest of the
Cycladic islands to Attica, 19 km south-east of Cape Sot1nion) and was
buried atAcragas in Sicily. For his chronology, see Molyn eux 1992: 307-
37; for his tomb, Callim. Aetia fr. 64. His long life and ca1-eer are matched
by an unusually wide variety of poetic genres, ranging from epigram to
choral lyric ( epinicia, dithyra1nbs, laments, encomia, maiden-songs):
indeed, he is the first poet we know of to compose both lyric and elegy (see
Introduction §1). A poet of international standing, Simonides worked
all over the Greek world, and his clients included tyrants (Anaxilas of
Rhegium, Hieron of Syracuse, perhaps Hipparcht1s ofAthens) and royal
familes (e.g. the Scopadae of Thessaly) as well as individt1al athletes and
cities. His professionalism and popularity encouraged versatility but also
aroused envy: he is said to have been the fi1�st poet to compose for a fee,
and he is presented in the biographical tradition as a money-grubber and
miser (cf. Lefkowitz 2012: 55, Hunter 1996: 97-109).
Though our focus is Simonides' elegy on the battle of Plataea (479
BC, frr. 10-18 W), he commemorated the other famous battles of the
Pe1-sian Wars in a range of styles: Marathon (490) in epigrams and per
haps elegy, Artemisium (480) in lyric and elegy, Thermopylae (480) and
Sala1nis (480) in lyric, Plataea in epigrams and elegy (cf. f1-r. 531-6 PMG,
frr. 1-4, 86 v\T, epigrams 5, 8-9, 15, 2o(a) and (b) Page). His fellow Ceans
fougl1t in the naval battles ofArtemisium and Salamis (Hdt. 8.1.2, 46.3).
It seems likely (pace Kowerski 2005: 109-46) that Simonides composed
220 COMMENTARY: SIMONIDES
both pe1-sonal poems for the symposion and narrative elegy based on his
torical events, written for performance at public festivals: cf. Bowie 1986:
33-4, Introdt1ction §2, and see further below.
Simonides' historical/military elegies on Artemisium and Plataea have
antecedents in Ty1-taeus' poetry on the Messenian Wars (4-7*) and in
Mimnermus' Smyrneis (14��), and one might also compare Semonides'
Archaeology of the Samians (Suda iv.360.7 Adler) and Xenophanes' elegy
on the foundation of Colophon (Xenoph. 3*); cf. Bowie 2001a, Lulli
2011: 51-86. But whereas Tyrtaeus and Mimnermus each looked back to
a previous generation's victories over Messenians and Lydians, Simonides
lived through the decisive Greek triumphs he commemorates. So as well
as being a key example of a particular kind of elegy, the Plataea poem is
important historically, since it represents a contemporary witness to the
Persian Wars at least one generation before Herodotus, who himself con
sidered Plataea, 1-athe1- than Marathon 01- Salamis, tl1e greatest victory of
all (Hdt. 9.64.1).
The papyrus manuscripts (P Oxy. 3965 and 2327) which supply 1nost of
what survives of the elegy have been edited and ingeniously reconstructed
by Peter Parsons and Martin West (Parsons 1992, West 1993; Lobel 1954
first s11ggested Simonidean authorship of 2327). Photographs of the
papyri are published in Parsons 1992, Boedeker and Sider 2001, and on
the Oxyrhynch11s papyri website: www.papyrology.ox.ac.uk/Poxy /. The
papyri appear to come from different copies of a book containing all the
elegiac poems of Simonides, or at least a substantial selection of his ele
gies on military (Artemisium, Plataea) and sympotic topics. Though none
of the fragments gives a single complete line, enough is recoverable to
give us some picture of the poem's structure and contents. It must have
been at least 12 o lines long and may well have been much longer. The
standard text (West's IEG2 ) contains numerous supplements, some more
speculative than others, bt1t I follow it in the main, not least because an
11nst1pplemented text would be far less helpful in this context (f1-r. 12,
17, and 18 are too meagre to include). For many suggestions (not all dis
cussed l1ere) as to how the text may have read, see the apparatus c1iticus
to IEG2 •
The poem as we have it begins with a hymn to Achilles, telling of his
death and bu1-ial with Patroclus and the subsequent fall of Troy (1o'r-,
11.1-14*), and saluting Homer's skill in giving glory to the warriors who
fought there ( 11.15-18*). Bidding Achilles fa1-ewell, the speaker invokes
the M11se to assist him in celebrating those who saved Greece at Plataea
(11.19-28*). Tl1e narrative of the battle starts with the Spartans' march
northwards to the Isthmus and the muste1ing of the Greek allies at Eleusis
( 11.29-45*). The remaining f1-agments p1-esent the opposing sides as
they take up position on the plain (13'r-), report a prophecy concerning
COMMENTARY: SllVIONIDES 221
the outcome of the battle (14*), and describe the glo1-ious role played by
the Corinthians (15-16*).
A combination of hymn and battle narrative, the Plataea poem is a kind
of mini-epic, or epyllion, in elegiacs. Mimnermus' Smyrneis is once again
a p1-ecedent, with its invocation of the Muses (13), its account of the bat
tle with Gyges and the Lydians (13a), and its celeb1-ation of Greek victory
over a powerful and much larger barbarian aggressor (14*). Simonides
equates the glorious fighte1-s of the Pe1-sian Wars with the Greek heroes
of the Trojan War, and this creates a parallel between Homer and himself
(see on 10.5"!, 11.15-18*). Tl1e language is elevated, and epic epithets
and phrases are adapted to magnify contemporary history (e.g. 11.25*
8ovi\1ov �µ]ap, 11.27* K/\EOS ... &ecxvaTo(v), 11.35* ElTlK/\Ea Epya l<opiv[e]
ov): cf. Poltera 1997: 541. In Simonides, as in Homer and Herodotus,
the enemy are presented respectfully; nonetheless, their punishment is
suppo1-ted by the gods (cf. Simon. 11.12*, 14.7�1'). T1-ojan myth had long
been used to reflect on contemporary wars (cf. Archilochus' Telephus
Elegy= 17a�i<) or to tlnderline the narrator's distinctive point of view (cf.
Sapph. fr. 16 on love versus war), and Simonides is among the first to
use heroic models to memorialize the Persian Wars, a technique mir
rored in Aeschylus' Per'Sians, produced in Athens in 472, where barbar
ian hybris and autocracy lead to defeat and disgrace (e.g. Pers. 353-432,
739-842). Moreover, the poetic immortality fashioned for the war dead
by Simonides had a concrete parallel in the annual commemorative
games held at Plataea, where cultic honours indistinguishable f1-om
those granted to heroes such as Achilles were offered to those who had
died in defence of their homeland. (As Parker 1996: 135-7 observes,
the te1-m 'hero', in the sense 'recipient of hero-cult', is never applied
to the war dead in the Classical period, bt1t their honours are identical,
and fifth-centtlry Greeks (p. 137) 'heroized their benefactors as best they
could'; cf. Bremmer 2006).
The Plataea elegy was probably perfo1-med at a Panhellenic event
within a few years of the battle (cf. Rawles 2018: 78-83). Plataea itself
is perhaps the likeliest venue, and it is possible the poem was written for
the inaugural Eleutheria festival there, where the battle was commem
orated every fotlr years (cf. Parsons 1992: 6, Boedeker 1995: 222-3).
Given the scale, Panhellenic vision, and he1-oizing intent of the work, it
seems mtlch likelier that it was designed for first performance at a grand
public event rather than at a symposion (pace West 1993: 5), though sub
sequent repe1-formance at syrnposia would of course be perfectly possi
ble, and highly desirable for tl1e poet. If it was first performed at tl1e
Eleutheria festival, the poem was probably commissioned rather than
performed in a competition (cf. Bowie 2001a: 60-1). Though some
think it was commissioned by the Spartans or by Patlsanias himself (cf.
222 COMMENTARY: SIMONIDES 1 0-1 1
11.33-4 *), performance at Plataea and refe1-ence to othe1- Greek states

make it mo1-e plausible that it was commissioned by a group of leading
states (Sparta, Athens, and Corinth st1pplied the most troops: cf. Hdt.
9.28-30) or by the Plataeans themselves. The poem is sometimes seen as
biased in favou1- of tl1e Spartans (e.g. Aloni 2001: 102-4), but Herodotus
too is explicit about thei1- key 1-ole at Plataea, where they 'outshone every
one else' and 'took on the toughest opponents and won' (9.71.1-2),
while Aeschylus has the ghost of Da1-ius attribute the Persian disaster at
Plataea to 'the D01-ian spear' (Persians 817), so Simonides is more likely
to be reflecting tl1e corn'rnunis opinio in this respect, and he extends credit
to other states (including Corinth, unlike Herodotus: cf. Simon. 15-16*,
Hdt. 9.52, 69).
Simonides I o
Source: P Oxy. 396 5 fr. 22.
If we accept the text in line 5 suggested by West, this fragment appears to
come from an invocation of Achilles. However, we cannot be certain that
such an address belongs before fr. 11 (the poet could have returned to
Achilles at the end) or that, even if it does, this is how the poem began.
Simonides could have started, for example, by hymning Achilles' exploits
before the Trojan War or those of his ancestors or descendants: 'father
and forefather' (2) may refer to Peleus and Aeacus, or (more likely, if
Achilles is the focus) to Neoptolemus and his offsp1ing.
4 µ ei\e]Twv u-rrE p 11 µ [eTi pwv 'for my composition': the poet requests

Achilles' help in, and blessing upon, his 'cares' or 'efforts', a parallel to
his late1- invocation of the Mt1se (11.20-2��).
5 Kou p11s eiv]�i\i11s ayi\a6 <p1J[µ e -rra"i 'O son of the sea-nymph, glorious
in your fame': the elaborate periphrasis is honorific (cf. 11.19-20*).
ayi\ao cp 11[µ e: a rare adjective, perhaps coined by Simonides (Poltera 1997:
• •
374-5), who uses it again in the elegy for Artemisium (3.13), where it
may refer to the Old Man of the Sea (cf. West 1993: 3-4). Allusion to
Achilles' renown reminds us of Simonides' own role in conferring fame,
as he equates the heroic KAEos- of Achilles and the Danaans (11.15 *) with
that achieved by the victors of Plataea ( 11.28*).
Simonides II
Source: P Oxy . 2327 frr. 5 + 6+ 27 col. I+ 3965 frr. 1+ 2.

This fragment, an amalgam of pieces from P Oxy. 2327 (fr. 5 = lines 1-4,
fr. 6 = lines 5-14, fr. 27 = right ends of lines 13-29) and 3965 (fr. 1 = lines
9-2 3, fr. 2 = lines 2 2-45 ), is the longest surviving passage of Simonides.
COMl\tIENTARY: SIMONIDES 11 223
Its 1-econstruction gives us sizeable chunks of 45 verses that p1-obably came

towards the beginning of the poem (see on fr. 1 o*). A hymn to Achilles
leads into an invocation of the Muse, followed by a detailed narrative of the
battle, starting with the departure of the Spartan army t1nder Pausanias.
Epic structure - narrative preceded by a proemic l1ymn - is rec1-eated
here in elegy, and the transition too is handled in familiar epic style (see
11.19-20*). Recollection of the Trojan War creates an implicit analogy
between the victorious Danaans, immortalized by Homer (11.15-18*),
and the Greek forces at Plataea, celebrated by Simonides (11. 2 3-8*).
1-18 desc1ibe Achilles' heroic death and ft1neral, the fall of Troy, and the
Danaans' eternal glory, created by Homer, who was inspired by the Muses.
How much of the hymn has been lost before these lines is unknown ( cf.
fr. 1 o:�).
1-3 an epic-style simile compares the dying hero to 'a pine t1-ee in tl1e
glades' which 'woodcutters fell'. ,:r��[ . . 1 <?'. [: West's rrcxi[o-E] '!. [, 'struck
yot1', is plat1sible. r\ TiiTuv, 'or a pine tree', suggests more than one point
of comparison: e.g. Il. 16.482-4 (Sarpedon killed by Patroclus) 'He fell as
an oak falls, or a poplar, or a tall pine which carpenters cut down in the
mountains with whetted axes to make a ship's timber.' vAoT6 µ 01: cf. Soph.
El. 97-9 µT)TllP 8' T)µT} xw KOlVOAE XllS I AYy10-Sos OTTWS 8pvv U/\OT6µ01 I o-xisovo-1
Ka p a cpoviw1 TTE/\EKcl.
4 iipwa[: 17pc.0 110-[i:, aor. of EpwEw, 'gush' (of blood), is a possibility: cf. Il.
1.303 (Achilles to Agamemnon) cxi4' a Toi cx1µcx KE/\cx1vov Epwrio-1:1 rrcpi 8ovpi.
5-6 Reference to the army (i\a6s) and possibly to Patroclus led to
West's suggestion, 'great grief seized the army; they honot1red you might
ily, and with Patroclus' ashes mingled yours'. For the funeral and tomb of
Achilles, cf. Od. 24.36-97. It has been argued that the elegy was commis
sioned by Pausanias for performance at the supposed grave of Achilles
(near Sigeum at the mot1th of the Hellespont), and that he did so to
impress local Greeks with the power of Spa1-ta (Schachte1- 1998), but
a more Panhellenic location and purpose seem much likelier (see the
introduction above).
7-8 Both Patroclus and Achilles we1-e killed with Apollo's help ( cf.
n. 16.849-50, 19. 416-17, 22.358-60), but the wider context (a hymn
to Achilles) favours allusion here to the greate1- hero's death (cf. 11.18*
wKuµopov).
9-12 The killing of Achilles is balanced by the destruction of Troy, as
Paris' sin is punished by the gods. West's reconstrt1ction of 9-10, 'Athena
was at hand, and destroyed the famot1s town with Hera: they were angry
with the sons of P1iam', restores the deities most hostile to Troy. i1viK' ...
I ... 6��[T} s: the narrative is compressed, as Simonides takes us from the
cause of the war (Paris' departure with Helen) to the final reckoning in
COMMENTARY: SIMONIDES 11
just two lines. t1vtK' ... KaKo cpp [ovo]s 'because of evil-minded Alexander':
KaK6 cp pwv is not attested in epic (Pai-is' epithets in the Iliad are the hon
orific 810) and 6coc18fl)), and its use here underlines the poet's explicit
moralizing. 6ti11s ... 6��[ 11s 'the chariot of divine justice destroyed':
the likeliest object of the verb is Paris. The 'chariot of jt1stice' is an
image attested only here in Greek (Dike, the goddess of justice, usu
ally sits enth1-oned); various deities use chariots (e.g. Hera, Athena,
Iris, Aphrodite, Poseidon, and Zeus in the Iliad; Hades in the HHDem.),
and one may also compare epic scenes where a deity acts as a hero's
charioteer (cf. Il. 5.835-40, where Athena ousts Diomedes' charioteer
Sthenelos and the axle creaks under her weight). Watkins 1995: 16
compares the 'chariot of Truth' in Indo-European poetics. The chariot
is well suited here botl1 to the immediate Trojan War setting and to the
wide1- milita1y context.
13-18 foreground Homeric poetry's role in immortalizing the Greek
heroes of the Trojan War. A compressed account of the end of the war
(13-14) leads into a more expansive reflection on the importance of
poetic commemoration (15-18).
13-14 aoi61 µ ov, 'famous in song', looks forward to the praise of
Homer in the following lines, bt1t it is also a self-referential reminder of
Simonides' own powers. cxoi81µ0) occurs only once in Homer, when Helen
tells Hector that Zeus set an evil destiny upon Paris and herself, to make
them cxoi81µ01 for men to come (/l. 6.357-8); bt1t whereas Helen fears
notoriety, the poet here celebrates the Greeks' achievement in 'having
sacked the song-famed city'. [oiKa6' 1]KovTo 'they made their homecom
ing': emphasis on those who survived and returned home is a positive
counterweight to those who did not: Achilles and Patroclus (11.1-8*),
and by extension the G1-eeks who died at Plataea. The heroes' various
returns home f1-om Troy ( nostoi) were a popular topic in Archaic epic
(most prominently in the Odyssey and Nostoi): cf. Danek 2015. cxy i µaxo1
l\avaoi 'the Danaan battle leaders': ayEµaxo) is attested only he1-e. The
presence in elegy of Do1-ic ayEµaxo1 instead of Ionic f)yEµaxo1 is unusual
but not impossible. Tyrtaeus, for example, uses some Doric fo1-ms in elegy,
though it is true that he is a Spartan writing primarily for D01-ic speakers
(cf. on Tyrt. 7.1 *). Nonetheless, the1-e is no absolt1te 1-ule that bans all
Doric forms from elegy, and we need not emend here to f)yEµaxo1, or go
even further and suggest other words (Rawles 2008, for example, proposes
cxyxEµaxo1, 'close-fighting'). It might be argued that the Doric ayEµaxo1 is
preparation for the later focus on the Spartan fo1-ces at Plataea ( cf. 11.29-
34*) or even a sign that the poem was commissioned by the Spartans or
by Pausanias himself, but (as disct1ssed in the int1-oduction above) other
Greek states played a role, and a Panhellenic commission and venue are
more plausible. Moreoever, the Doric form is applied to the Danaans, i.e.
COMl\tIENTARY: SIMONIDES 11 22 5
all the Greeks who fought at Troy, and so rather than seeing cxyEµaxo1 as a
response to Spartan patronage, it is best interpreted as part of the poem's
Panhellenism. The restorations <pEpTaT01 i)p]wwv (Parsons) or e�oxo1 i)p]
wwv (Capra-Cu1-ti) give good sense, 'outstanding among he1-oes'.
15-18 celebrate the 1-ole of Homeric poetry in creating and preseiv
ing heroic fame. Homer's importance to the warriors of the Trojan War
implicitly boosts Simonides' status as the poet who will immortalize their
successors at Plataea.
15 oia1v . . . tKf}Tt 'upon whom immortal glory has been poured
tl1anks to a 1nan': the contrast between cx6a]vaTov and cxv[8p6s] underlines
•
the fact that a mortal man, a poet, can produce immortal fame. cx6a]vaTov
... KAios: a central idea of heroic poetry (cf. KAEos &cp 61Tov E<rTa1 (ll. 9.413)
and the formula KAEos ovTioT' oi\eTTa1) which Simonides' elegy will extend
to the heroized dead of his own time (11.28�'): cf. Tyrt. 12.31-2:" ov8E
TIOTE K/\EOS E<J6i\6v CXTioi\i\vTal ov8' ovoµ' OVTOV, I cxi\i\' VTIO yfis TIEP EWV yivETOl
&eavaTos. Ki XuTa1: the image of 'pouring' fame likens it to a libation
offered to the great heroes of the past. For the similar offerings made to
heroes and the fifth-century war dead, see the introduction above.
16-17 os: Homer, whose identity as the foremost chronicler of the
Trojan War and the greatest epic poet is now so well established that
he need not even be named: cf. Simon. 19.1-2 Ev 8E To Kai\i\1<rTov XTos
EE11TEV CXVT)p· I "01ri TIEp cpui\i\wv YEVET), TOl T] bE Kai &v8pwv". ion]AOK<X µwv ...
TT1Epi6[wv 'the violet-haired Muses of Pieria': cf. Simon. fr. 555 PMG
(on Maia, mothe1- of Hermes) ETlKTE 8' ''ATi\as ETITa 101Ti\0Kaµwv cp1i\cxv
evyaTpWv I Tcxv8' E�oxov e18os, (ocr)a1 Ka/\EOVTOl I TTei\e1a8es ovpav1a1. 'Violet'
refers to the hair's vibrant colour ( though the word is sometimes mis
translated 'violet-wreathed'). The epithet 101Ti\6Kaµos is confined to
the Muses (cf. Pind. Pyth. 1. 1), whose hai1-, like that of many other
women and goddesses, is often praised in Greek poetry: e.g. ll. 18.407
0ET1 Kai\i\11T/\0Kcxµw1, Ibyc. fr. 303.1-2 PMG yi\auKWTilba l<acr<rcxv8pav I
Epa<r11Ti\6Kaµov TTp1aµo10 Kopav. TT1Epi6[wv: for Pieria (the region north of
Mt Olympus) as the bi1-tl1place and home of the Muses, cf. Hes. Theog.
53, vVD 1, Sapph. frr. 55.3, 103.5, Sol. 13.2*. 6i�aTo ... j naaav cxAri]62iriv
'received the whole truth': the idea that the poet acts as a conduit for
the 'true' account of the heroic past granted to him by the Muses is
central to Homeric poetry (e.g. ll. 2 .485-6 vµeTs yap 6eai ECJTE TI<:xpE<rTE TE
i<rTE TE TiavTa, I i)µeTs 8E KAEos o1ov cxKouoµev ov8E Tt i8µev). Hesiod's lying
Muses showcase his distinctively different persona: i8µev 41ev8ecx Tioi\i\a
AEYElV ETvµo1cr1v 6µoTa, I i8µev 8' EVT' E6Ei\wµev CX/\T] 6Ea yri pv<racr6a1 ( Theo g.
27-8); see Kelly 2008: 195-9.
17-18 Kai ... I ... YEVE1J [ v, 'and made the short-lived race of demi
gods famous to late1- gene1~ations', fo1-egrounds the poet's key role in
connecting the audience to the earlier and different world of the heroes.
inwvu µ ov: the sense 'famous' is an extension of the adjective's usual

meaning, 'giving one's name to' or 'named afte1-'; for Simonides' verbal
creativity here, cf. Suarez de la To1-1-e 1998. 6 ,:r[i\0Te p]o1a1v: lit. 'younge1-
men'. The passage is recalled by Theocritus, who clea1-ly also t1nder
stands Simonides' ETiwvvµov as 'famous': Ei µ17 6Eios ao186s 6 K171os ai6i\a
<pWVEWV I f3cxpf31TOV ES 1TO/\uxop8ov EV av8pcxcr1 6f)K' 6voµacrTOVS I 01T/\OTEpo1s
(16.44-6). 11 µ]�6iwv ... yEvE,j[v: for the 17µi6Eo1, or men of the Heroic
Age, cf. Il. 12.23 17µ16Ewv yEvos av8pwv (where those who fell at Troy are
viewed from the poet's own day), Hes. vVD 159-60 av8pwv 17pwwv 6Eiov
yEvos, o'i Ka/\EOVTa1 I 17µi6Eo1, 1rpoTEPTl yEVET) KaT' CXTTEipova yaiav ( those killed
at Thebes and Troy); see on Callin. 1.19*. wKv µopov: the epithet (in the
sense 'doomed to perish soon') is used only of Achilles in the Iliad (and
always by Thetis: 1.417, 505, 18.95, 458), but here it is extended to all
the he1-oes who fought at Troy. That even the race of heroes is 'short
lived' and must rely on poets like Homer to preserve their fame makes
Simonides' efforts to immortalize contempora1-y human achievement all
the more impressive.
19-20 The poet bids Achilles farewell as he moves to a new begin
ning: an invocation of the Muse, followed by the main narrative. ai\i\a
au µ i]v vOv xaipE ... I ... auTa p iyt;>: the transition replicates in elegy
a pattern familiar from epic, especially in the Homeric H ymns, where
the singer turns from his hymn to another song: e.g. HHAp. 545-6 Kai
crv µEv OVTW xaipE Li16s Kai /\riTovs VIE· I CXVTCXp EYW Kai CJElO Kai &i\i\ris µv17croµ'
ao18fis. The Homeric Hymns' farewells are of cot1rse addressed to divin
ities, bt1t although Achilles was widely worshipped as a god (Hommel
1980), Simonides' poem treats him as one of the heroic and heroized
dead, an ennobling parallel to the fallen at Plataea. 6Ecis ••• I ... NT)pios
'O son of the glorious goddess, daughte1- of Nereus of the sea': for both
the honorific periphrasis and the connection with the sea, cf. Simon.
1 o. 5 * KOVPTlS Eiv] �i\iri s ayi\a6cpri [µE TTcx'i. 6ECXS i p 1Ku[6ios uii: cf. e.g. HHHer·m.
• •
550 Mai ri s Ep1Kv8Eos viE. uii I KOVPT)S ... NT) pios: for Achilles as 'the son of
Nereus' daughter', cf. Eur. IT 216-17 (Iphigeneia on her fate) vvµcp av,
o'iµo1, 8vcrvvµcp ov I TWl TCXS N ri pEWS Kovpas, aiai.
20-2 'But I invoke you as my ally, illustrious Muse, if you have any
care for men who pray.' iniKou pov: the military metaphor suits the bat
tle narrative to come, while the Muse's role as 'ally' implies the poet's
eqt1al status in their partnership, thus going well beyond the Homeric
poet's persona as a mere channel for the Muses' superior knowledge (see
on lines 16-17* above). Timotheus summons Apollo in his Per-sians, Eµois
Ei\6' ETiiKovpos vµvo1s (791.204-5 PMG). ,:r[oi\uwvu µE: for the sense 'much
1-enowned, famous, celeb1-ated' (rathe1- than the mo1-e usual 'worshipped
under many names'), cf. e.g. Hes. Theog. 78 5 1roi\vwvvµov v8wp (referring
to the water of Styx).
COMl\tIENTARY: SIMONIDES 11
23-8 Afte1- the elaborate proem the song's central subject is finally
revealed: the men who saved Greece from slavery, and their undying glory.
23-4 tvTuvo] y... I 111,,1ET]� p11 s 'make ready too this pleasing song-array
of mine'. tvTuvo] y ... µEA]�q, pova K[oaµov: each word evokes a poem's
proper at"rangement: cf. Hom. Hyrrin 6.20 EµT)v 6' EVTvvov cxo1611v; Pind. fr.
1 2 2.14 µcAicppovos- ...crKo/\iov; Hom. Hymn 7.59 yAuKcpT)v Kocrµficra1 cxo1811v.
In relation to poetry Kocrµos- denotes truthfulness and clarity as well
as good 01"der; see on Sol. 1.2* Kocrµov ETIEwv w1811v. iva ... [µv11]<?"��
'so that someone may remember [the men who, etc.]': for the impor
tance of remembrance, compare Simonides' eulogy on tl1ose wl10 died
at Thermopylae: EVK/\cT)S- µEv a Tvxcx, KcxAos- 8' 6 TioTµos-, I �wµos- 8' 6 Tcx cpos-,
Tipo y6wv 8E µvcxcrTtS-, 6 8' o'iKTOS- E1Tcx1vos- (53 1.2-3 PMG). Herodotus has a
similar memorializing purpose in his account of Greek success, but his
distance from the Persian Wars allows him to be more generous to the
othe1- side, as his p1-eface makes clea1-: w s- µT)Tc Tex yi:v6µi:vcx E� cxv6pw1Twv Tw1
XPOVG01 E�lTTJ/\CX YEVTJTCXl, µT)TE Epycx µi:ycx/\cx Tc Kai ewµcxO"TCX, TCX µEV "E/\/\Tj<Jl, TCX
8E �cxp�cxpo1cr1 cx1To81:x6EvTcx, CXK/\Ecx yEVTJTCXl (Book 1 init.). [µv11]<?" ��= short
vowel aor. middle subjunctive (-TJTCXl).
25-6 West's reconstruction is based on two Simonidean epigrams
( 16. 1, 2o(a).3-4 Page): 'who held the line for Sparta and for Greece, that
none should see the day of slavery'. The terror and poignancy of 8ov/\1ov
11µap are a pervasive epic concern, typified by Rector's fears for his family
(e.g. Il. 6.463).
27-8 ou6' a p E]�iis i1'a6[ ovTo 'nor did they fo1-get their valour': another
epic theme; compare the Homeric antithesis µvricracr6c/Acx6ovTo 8E 6ovp18os
cx/\KfiS- (e.g. Il. 16.356-7). ov pavo�[11K]1)s: a word for fame is likely to be
missing (cf. Ar. Clouds 460-1, where the Clouds promise Strepsiades
K/\Eos- ovpcxv6µTJKES-), supplied e.g. by cpcxTtS- 8' EXE]v ('and their fame rose
heaven-high'). KAios ... a6avaTo(v) creates a parallel with the Danaans,
who enjoy the cxecx]vaTov K/\Eos- bestowed by Homer (line 15 above). Cf.
Simon. epigr. 2o(a).1 Page (p1"obably refe1-ring to the battle of Salamis)
cxv8pwv TWV◊' C:XpcTT) [) EO"Tal K/\E]os- &cpe1 [ TOV] cxici.
29-34 The nar1-ative of the battle begins with the Spartan army set
ting out, led by Pausanias. In contrast to Herodotus' account, where
the Spartan ephors delay responding to the ambassadors from Athens,
Plataea, and Megara fo1- ten days (9.8 .1-2) and the army sets out covertly
at night (9.1o), Simonides presents a resolt1te and well-ordered depar
ture from Sparta.According to Herodott1s (9.1o.1, 1 1.3), Pausanias was
put in command of 5,000 Spartiates, 35,000 helots (acting as light-armed
troops), and 5,000 pe 1ioeci (f1"ee-bo1-n inhabitants of Laconia).
29-30 01 ... I w pµ11aav 'leaving the Eurotas and the city of Sparta,
they set out': the subject of the verb is 11y1:µ6vcs- (3 2). The 82 km-long
EvpwTcxs- ('abundantly-flowing') was the main river of Laconia, and it
228 COMMENTARY: SIMONIDES 11
often represents the 1-egion (e.g. Eur. Andr. 437 Tl TavT' ev vµTv To'fs TTap'
EupWTOl crocpcx;).
30-1 Z11vos .. - I • .• Mtvti\cxw[1 'accompanied by the horse-taming sons
of Zet1s, the Tyn darid heroes, and mighty Menelat1s'. As Spartan heroes,
cult figures (i.e. carved images) of Casto1-, Polydeuces, and Menelaus
accompany the army to lend it support. According to Herodotus (5.75),
the Spartans passed a law c. 506, following a disagreement between
Cleomenes and Demaratus, stating that the two kings were not to cam
paign together, and that one of the Tyndaridae had to be left behind in
Sparta with the remaining king. Assuming Herodotus is right, Simonides
is either unaware of the law (which is quite possible, since he is not a
Spartan) or chooses to ignore it in favour of a more impressive scene.
Their role as fighters in Sparta is seen, for example, in the tradition
that they invented war dances and that Spartan soldiers sang a hymn to
Castor (To KacrT6pe1ov µEAos) as tl1ey lined up fo1- battle (cf. Plut. Lye. 2 2. 2).
inno6cxµo1s: the epithet iTTTT68aµos is applied to Castor in epic ( e.g. n.
3.237, Od. 11.300), and both brothers are expert horsemen, constantly
associated with horses in both literature and art: e.g. Hom. Hymn 17.5,
33.18 TOXEwv ETTl�TJTOPES tTTTTwv, Pind. OZ. 3.39 EVlTTTT01; cf. UMC 3.1, 567-
93 s.v. Dioskouroi. Their horses are white, and they appear in myth as
the AEvK6TTwA01, riders of white horses, who abdt1ct the two sisters, Phoebe
and Hilaeira, known as the Let1kippides. Tuv6api6a] �s: if the restoration
is right, Castor and Polydeuces are presented as simultaneously 'sons of
Zeus' and 'sons ofTyndareus', acknowledging their double nature. Some
authors choose to emphasize their identity as sons ofTyndareus and Leda
(e.g. Od. 11.298-304), others specify that only Polydeuces is the son of
Zet1s (e.g. Pind. Nerri. 10.80-2), and yet others (like Simonides) desc1-ibe
them as sons of Zeus and as Tyndaridae in st1ccessive lines: cf. Hom. Hymn
33 .1-2. As in the Homeric Hymn (which praises them as gods who 1-es
cue sailors from danger at sea), their connection with Zeus is given prec
edence by Simonides; this enhances both thei1- status and the Spartan
army's. For the tradition that the Dioscuri saved Simonides' life, see 510
PMG. +ipwai: although Laconia was the pre-eminent cent1-e of their cult,
the Dioscuri were worshipped throughout Greece. Mtvti\cxw[1: the hero
shared a major shrine with Helen atT herapne (overlooking the Et1rotas,
c. 2 .5 km south-east of Sparta), and a fragmentary commentary on Aleman
( 7 PMG), preserved on a first-century AD papyn1s, says 'he is honot1red
in Therapne with the Dioscu1-i'. Though not the best fighte1- at Troy (cf.
Il. 7.94-122, where his offer to face Hector in a duel is frankly rejected
by Agamemnon), Menelat1s is no slot1ch (as his defeat of Paris shows: n.
3.340-82), and his heroic status at Sparta will have bolstered his position
as a symbol of the state's milita1-y strength.
COMl\tIENTARY: SIMONIDES 11 229
32 TraT]J:?w111s ... Tr[ 6 ]�tos, 'leaders of their ancestral city', refers to

the (unnamed) Spartan officers commanded by Pausanias.
33-4 Tous ... I ... TTauaavi11s 'whom the son of godlike Cleombrott1s
led out, the best man, ... Pat1sanias': an honorific introduction, with the
commander's name in emphatic final position. 1--Ierodotus explains why
the regent Pausanias was given the command: 'The right of leadership
actually belonged to Pleistarchus, the son of [king] Leonidas, but he was
still a child, and Pat1sanias was his guardian, as well as being his cousin'
(9.10.2). Pausanias' career after Plataea was mar1-ed by allegations of
tyrannical behaviour and medism (cf. Thuc. 1.94-5, 128-34). By contrast,
Herodotus' portrait of him, especially in the Plataea narrative, is strik
ingly positive: he is not only strategically adept (as when he changes wings
with the Athenians: Hdt. 9.46-8), but also pious (waiting for favourable
omens before attacking: 9.62) and compassionate (refusing to mutilate
the corpse of the Persian commander Mardonius: 9.78-9). Herodotus
sums up his achievement at Plataea by saying 'he won the most glorious
victory of all those we know' ( 9.64.2).
35-41 describe the army's progress via Corinth, Megara, and Elet1sis,
where the Athenian troops join them. Herodotus' fuller account of the
advance ( 9.19) is t1seful for suggesting possible textual restorations.
35-6 Kai ... Kopiv[6]ou 'and the famous land of Corinth'. Some trans
late 'famous deeds' (e.g. Sider 2001), but the journey through different
territories in these lines favours the sense 'tilled lands, fields' for Epyo (see
on Tyrt. 5.7*). The 'deeds' of Corinth are, however, extensively praised
later (15*, 16*). For the first half of the line, West st1ggests 01 4' 0 8' 1KovT'
,lcr6µ6]v ('they quickly reached the Isthmus'). According to Herodotus,
the Peloponnesian allies joined the Spa1~tans at the Isthmus before they
proceeded together to Eleusis (9.19.1-2). �avTa1\i6tw TTiAoTros, 'of
Tantalid Pelops', st1ggests 1-eference to the Peloponnese; hence West's
vi)crov T' ECYXOT1i)v ('furthest boundai-y of Tantalid Pelops' island'), describ
i11g Corinth; and Pa1-so11s' vf)<Yov 8' E�EA11Tov ( 'and left the isla11d of Tantalid
Pelops'). For Pelops giving his name to the entire Peloponnese, see on
Tyrt. 12.7* ov8' cl TovToi\i8cc.0 TTEi\oTTos /30CY1i\cvTcpos clTJ.
37-8 N]{aou TrOA1v: Nisus, king of Megara, was son of Pandion (cf.
1 1 .41 * TTov] 8i<? vos) and brother of Aegeus; the port of Megara was
called Nisaea. The Simonidean epigram for the Megarian war dead was
inscribed in the agora oµ<poi\&1 &µ<pis I N1<Yoic.vv ('around the navel of the
Nisaeans', 16.9-1 o Page). ev6cx TrEp w[1\1\01 I •.. cpu1\a Trtp1KT1ovwv 'where
indeed the others [crasis of oi &i\i\01] ... tribes of neighbouring men': if
tl1e resto1-atio11 of Nisus/Megara is correct, and tl1e Pelopo11nesian allies
have al1-eady joined (lines 35-6), these lines p1-obably refer to the mus
tering of the Megarians, 3,000 of whom fougl1t at Plataea (Hdt. 9.28.6).
39-40 The combined (Peloponnesian and Megarian) forces reach

the plain of Eleusis. 6twv ... I ... 1Tt6iov 'trusting in the omens of
the gods, and they reached Eleusis' lovely plain': the st1pplements
are guided by Herodotus' accot1nt (9. 19.2): 'Once they had obtained
favourable omens, the combined t1-oops made their way from the
Isthmus to Eleusis, where they once again offered up sacrifices.' Cf.
crvv [ 01r/\01 Parsons ('under arms together, allied', referring to the whole
army), crvv [avTois West (the Peloponnesian and Megarian forces com
ing togethe1-). The Thriasian plain of Eleusis had been the scene of a
miraculous portent the year before, when a vision of tl1e great proces
sion of the Eleusinian mysteries was seen there, marking the gods' pro
tection of Attica (Hdt. 8.65).
41 TTav]6i<? vos i�t[Aaaa]vTtS, lit. 'of Pandion having marched out',
probably refers to the Athenian troops joining the army at Eleusis (e.g. y fis
TTav] 8i<? vos, 'marching out from the land of Pandion'). By contrast, West
takes E�c [A6:cra] VTcS transitively as 'having driven out' and supplements
M ri 8ciovs yairi s ('driving the Persians from Pandion's land'). There is, how
ever, no sign of such a rout in our historical sources, and in Herodotus
the Persians withdraw voluntarily to fight near Thebes (9.12-15.3). Some
mention of the Athenians is expected, given their notable role in the bat
tle: e. g. killing the 300 best and bravest Persians (9.67) and breaching
the Persian palisade (9. 70). There is no reason to believe Simonides was
writing from a particularly pro-Spartan (or anti-Athenian) perspective,
which might lead him to supp1-ess the Athenians' role: see the introduc
tion above. Eight thousand Athenians fot1ght at Plataea under the com-
1nand of Aristides (Hdt. 9.28.6).
42 KiKp]<?�os av��6i<? �, 'of godlike Cecrops', describes the Athenians,
emphasizing once again (after Pandion) their illustrious ancestry.
Cecrops was widely considered the first king of Athens (as on the Parian
Marble, FGrH 239 A), and his namesake Cecrops II, son of Erechtl1eus,
was Pandion's father: Paus. 1.5.3, Apollod. 3.196, 204. Luppe 2008 sug
gests e.g. ctTTovT', EKycvETa1 KE1<p] 01ros avT16Eov. West reads µ6:v ] '._10s &v'._10E<?l:f
('of the godlike diviner') and takes this as a reference to Teisamenus,
the army's official seer (who, in return for his services, cannily obtained
Spartan citizenship for himself and his brother: Hdt. 9.33-5), bt1t the
traces on the papyrus confirm Parsons' reading J. -rros. (The high horizon
tal stroke to the left of 7:/ '..1 cannot be a nu, so West's reading is palaeo
graphically impossible.) Nonetheless, Teisamenus does (probably) make
an appearance later in the narrative: see 14 *.
43 6aµaaav�[ 'having overco1ne': West (JEG2 app. crit.) sees a possible
reference to the engagement in which the Athenians killed the Persian
caval ry commande1-Masistius (Hdt. 9.22-5); Pai-sons 1992: 38 suggests a
look back to Artemisium or Salamis. All we can say with confidence is that,
COMMENTARY: SIMONIDES 11, 13
given the pace of the na1-rative so fa1- and the content of frr. 13-14*, it is
very unlikely to refer to the main battle.
44 e16oµe1:1[, 'we saw', might come from a variation on the idea 'it was
the biggest force (Persians) / greatest victory (Greeks) we have ever seen'
popular witl1 both poets and historians (see e.g. Thucydides, outdoing even
Homer, on his war as greate1- than all those that preceded: 1.1o.3, 21.2).
45 Fowler's Evw] vvµov ('favourable', used of omens) would fit well with
Herodotus' emphasis: 'The omens [at Eleusis] were favourable, and so
they contint1ed on their way, accompanied now by the Athenian troops'
(9.19.2); for 1nore omens, see on lines 39-40* above. The word l1as
another relevant military use in phrases like To Evwvvµov KEpas ('the left
wing', e.g. Hdt. 6.111) or simply To Evwvvµov (without KEpas, Thuc. 4.96).
Simonides I 3
Sour·ce: P Oxy. 2327 fr. 27 col. ii.
Located in the column following 11.13-27* in P Oxy. 2327, this fragment
must have come shortly after fr. 11�r- (perhaps only ten or so lines on from
11.45*). It describes an encounter between Persians and Dorians on a
plain, and may well refer to the Greek army's advance from the foothills
of Mt Cithaeron near Erythrae to their second position on the Asopus
river (see on line 11 below).
1-7 offer only the occasional glimpse of a word. At line 6 Gentili-Prato's

µEvE] TTToAE [µ-, 'steadfast in battle', would suit the narrator's view of the
Greeks.
8-10 balance and contrast the Medes and Persians on one side with the
sons of Dorus and Heracles on the othe1-. o cpp' ... I ... TTe pcrwv: lit. 'so that
from the Medes and Persians'. Aaov aTTavT' EAao-a1, 'in order to drive away
the whole army of the Medes and Persians', gives good sense. Herodotus
presents a detailed account of the rise of the Medes until their conquest by
Cyrus the Persian c. 550 (1.95-107). Nonetheless, Greek sources, includ
ing Herodotus l1imself, continue to use 'Mede' or 'Median' to refer to the
Persians (e.g. To: Mri81Ka for 'the Persian Wars': see Graf 1984: 18-19).
The expanded phrase 'Medes and Persians' is used here to emphasize the
extent and power of the Persian empire (cf. Xen. Cyr. 1.5.3 81af3aMwv Tovs
M118ovs Kai TlEpo-as, /\Eywv ws µEya/\a T' Elfl TaUTa eevri Kai 10-xvpa). Though
not enough of the poem su1vives to be ce1-tain, one can imagine Simonides
(like Herodotus: see 9.62-3) acknowledging the strength and cot1rage of
the Persians, not least as a way of magnifying tl1e achievement of the Greeks.
�w pou ... I ... 'H p aKAE <? �, ' [ to/for?] the sons of Dorus and Heracles',
d1-aws attention to the Peloponnesian forces, especially the Spartans
(see on 11.29-34��), in preparation for their key role at Plataea ( cf. Hdt.
COMMENTARY: SIMONIDES 1 3-14
9.71.1-2 and Aesch. Persians 817, quoted in the introduction above). The
phrase 'sons of Dorus and He1-acles' combines the two traditions con
cerning the origins of the Dorians in the Peloponnese: on one hand,
Dorus, the mythical ancestor (two of the three Dorian t1-ibes claimed
descent f1-om him via his grandsons Pamphylos and Dymas; the third from
Hyllus, Heracles' son: cf. Tyrt. 19.8, Pind. Ol. 1.60-5); on the othe1-, the
Heraclidae, whose 'return' to the Peloponnese served as a charter myth
(cf. Malkin 1994: 15-45) for the territorial claims of different Dorian
states (Argos, Sparta, and Messenia): cf. e.g. Ty1-t. 2.11-15, 'For Zeus
himself, son of Cronus and l1usband of fair-crowned Hera, gave this state
[Sparta] to the sons of Heracles, under whose lead we left windswept
Erineos [in Doris in central Greece] and came to the broad sea-circled
land of Pelops.'
11 01] ... -rre6iov, 'and when they into the plain', captures a move
ment by the G1-eek army, and the likeliest point in the campaign is when
they moved from their first position on the slopes of Mt Cithaeron to
the A5opus plain where the Persians were encamped (cf. Hdt. 9.25.2-
3). The missing verb of motion is supplied e.g. by B01c.0T1ov Evpv KexTf)A6ov
('when they came down into the broad Boeotian plain'). Only with the
description of the battle line in frr. 15-16* do we reach the army's third
and final position at Plataea itself (cf. Hdt. 9.52). ei]�w-rroi 6' f cp[a]ve':'[,
'and came into view', probably refers to the arrival of the Persians,
seen from the Greek perspective; cf. Hdt. 9.31.1 (who makes clear the
opposition of Persians and Spartans), 'So much for the a1-rangement
of the Greek forces on the Asopus. The Persians ... came to Plataea,
where they had heard that the Greeks were, and they moved up to the
part of the A5opt1s which flows through that region. There Mardonius
disposed his troops as follows. He placed the Persians opposite the
Lacedaemonians.'
Sirnonide.5 I 4
Sou'rce: P Oxy. 3965 fr. 21.
Lines 3-6, with their first-person speaker (A] Eyw) and references to a river
(-rro�exµoO), disaster (�ex� [6v), and the future (fiµexTex -rrcxvT [ex), strongly st1g
gest that Simonides has presented a prophecy by Teisamenus, the army's
official seer, wl1ose divination (according to Herodotus) led him to rec
ommend a defensive strategy: 'The entrails gave favou1-able omens fo1-
the Greeks if they 1-emained on the defensive, but not if they crossed the
Asopus and took the fight to the ene1ny' (9.36). Herodott1s' succinct
report contrasts with the poem's more dramatic and personal declara
tion. For the possibility tl1at Simonides has extended the seer's prediction
beyond the immediate battle, see on lines 7-11 below.
2 ]a6ov �aAAo µ t[v: oµ]a8ov f3ai\i\oµE[vwv craKEwv, 'clash of blows on

• •
shields', illustrates one possibility, though f3ai\i\oµ� [ v could equally refer to

some kind of missile, most p1-obably ar1-ows; if so, it is notewo1-thy that, to
judge from He1-odotus, only the Athenians on the Greek side had archers
at Plataea (cf. 1--Idt. 9. 22. 1 , 60. 3).
3-6 West's st1pplements (see app. crit.) produce an attractive version
of Teisamenus' prophecy: 'I declare that, should the army force its way
across the river first, a terrible and irresistible disaster will be theirs; bt1t if
they wait, a victory whose memory will last for ever.'
3 A]e y(A): even if we do not restore the verb, e yw indicates direct speech.
It has been argued that 'a divine speaker (like Neret1s in [Simon.] 3.12
W 2 ) would seem more appropriate in a poem' (Rutherford 2001: 48), but
since Simonides has already named and celebrated the general Pausanias
(11.33-4 *), a prominent role fo1- his seer would be more appropriate than
a divine epiphany (of which there is no sign in Herodotus). no�aµ ou: the
river appears to be unnamed, which suggests that Teisamenus' strategic
advice concerning the Asopus was already a well-known part of the Plataea
story; cf. Aesch. Persians 805-6, produced in 4 72, 'They [the Persian
army] remain where the Asopus waters the plain with its streams, bringing
welcome enrichment to the Boeotians' land.'
5-6 cxµa1] µcxKET(?V, 'irresistible', suggests the Persians' huge military
advantage: Herodotus records 350,000 (including 50,000 Greeks) fight
ing on the Persian side at Plataea versus 110,000 Greeks (38,700 hoplites,
the 1-est light-armed troops: 9.30, 32). The Persian numbers are often
thot1ght to have been exaggerated in order to enhance the Greeks' mirac
ulous victory (cf. Flower and Marincola 2C>02: 163 'estimates range from
120,000 to 30,000'). µv,;] µT}v: fo1- the Plataea elegy's role in prese1-ving
the memory of Greek heroism, see on 11.24-5* above. t\ µaTa ncxvT[a: a
common epic phrase (used 30 times in Homer, 26 of them at line-end);
for another example in elegy, cf. Mimn. 1 2 .1 ��.
7-11 The restoration by West 1993: 8 is worth po11de1-ing (M118ovs- 8'
E� 'A] �-i[ 17]s- ei\cxo-?1, vcv�avTo[s- 'A611v171 I OYJE b.16s-, Ka1] VflV crvµµ�[x]i17v TcAEw[ v I
'f\pT)s-· cv8cx]<pVWl Y�r [ v],:r[ 6 K]p171Ti8a �[OVVCYCYcl I VT)CYWl, &817v] ?1!� [ ywv cVTI]
<?PlT)V f3[lOTOV I 1Tapf3acr1w] � 8s [8iKT)V AT)YJ] cl TIOTE �[ oif3os- f\1Toi\i\wv) though
' '
lines 9-1 o, where Ares extends a foundation t1nder Delos (a reference
to the Delian League formed in 4 78/ 4 77), are particularly speculative.
Nonetheless, Simonides could certainly have presented a more elaborate
ve1-sion of the prophecy than we find in Herodott1s (compare, for exam
ple, the ghost of Darius' detailed interpretation of the prophecies con
cerning Persia at Aesch. Per-sians 739-842).
7 i� j\]��[T} ]S iAcxo-�1 'will drive out of Asia': if this is correct, 'Asia' he1-e
probably stands for 'lonia', whicl1 had been under foreign control since
its conquest by Croesus, beginning in 555 (cf. Hdt. 1.26), rather than
2 34 COMMENTARY: SIMONIDES 14-1 5
referring to the entire continent of Asia, though to have the Persians

driven that far is not an inconceivable prediction for a G1-eek victo11' song.
vEu�avTo[s: if a god is nodding, it will be Zeus, since only he is portrayed
as powerful enough to guarantee his decisions in this way (cf. Il. 1. 524-
30, 17.209). For the gods punishing the invaders, cf. e.g. Aesch. Persians
345-7 (on 8aiµwv TlS at Salamis), 532-4 ('O Zeus the king! Now you have
destroyed the army of the proud and populous Persians').
8 ]v11v auµµ�[ x]i T}v cp1Atw[v, 'favouring a new alliance' (with Kat]v17v,
or perhaps Ko1]v17v, 'common alliance', cf. e.g. Isoc. Plataean Oration 14.21
vTTEp ToO Ko1voO Twv crvµµcxxwv), could be a reference to the Delian League,
indicating that the poem was composed after its foundation in 478/ 477
but before it became widely resented by other Greek states as a tool of
Athenian imperialism. Alternatively, assuming that the seer Teisamenus
would be unlikely to make specific political predictions, the phrase
crvµµ�[x]iTJ V <plAEw[v could refe1- to (e.g.) Zeus's admiration for the body of
Greek allies who defeated the Persians at Plataea.
9 K] pT}ni6a: the likeliest 'foundation' is that of freedom, as in Pind. fr.
77 Maehler (on the sea battle of Artemisium in 479) 061 TTai8Es t\Bavaiwv
E�CX/\OVTO <pOEVVCXV I KpT]TTi8' E/\EvBEpias; cf. Pind. Pyth. 4.138 �cx/\/\ETO KpT]TTi8a
crocpwv ETTEwv ('he Qason] laid the foundation of wise words'), 7.3 KPTJTT1'8'
ao18cxv (Athens as 'a foundation for songs'). T he foundation metaphor
is used by Darius' ghost as he introduces the Persian defeat at Plataea:
Kov8ETTw KaKwv I KPTJ TTis vTTE<JT1v, a/\/\' €T' EKTT18vETa1 ('no solid floor yet lies
beneath their woes, they well up still', tho11gh for the textual difficulties
here see Garvie 2009: 312-13).
11 ]E1 TTOTE<p[ could be E'i TTOTE, introducing a wish or prayer.
•
Simonides I5
Sour-ce: Plutarch, On the Malice o_f Herodotus 42 872d.
F1-r. 15-16* are quoted by Plutarch as evidence against He1-odot11s' claim
that only the Spartans, Tegeans, and Athenians engaged in direct combat
with the Persians during the pitcl1ed battle at Plataea. Rejecting Herodotus'
account of Corintl1ian cowardice (9.69), Plutarch argues as follows: 'Now
so fa1- as the Corinthians are concerned, the position they held while fight
ing the barbarians and the honour that resulted for them from the battle
of Plataea may be seen from the following lines of Simonides [frr. 15-16*].
Simonides did not write these lines for a choral performance in Corinth or
as an ode in honou1- of the city, but in an elegiac poem that simply 1-ecords
those events.' In contrast to Simonides, Herodotus' treatment of the
Corinthians is indeed strikingly negative: they disobey Pa11sanias' orders
(9.52), miss the main battle (9.69), and are not assigned a war grave at
the site (9.85). The discrepancy between the two accounts, it has been
suggested, may be due to the anti-Co1-inthian bias ofHe1-odotus' Athenian

sou1-ces (cf. Flower and Marincola 2002: 19). In any case, Simonides'
extravagant praise of the Corinthians' bravery in the centre of the battle
line s11ggests either that he had pe1-sonal 1-easons for favo11ring them or
(more likely) that the poem was commissioned by a group of leading states
(Sparta, Athens, and Corinth supplied the most troops: cf. Hdt. 9.28-30)
and tl1at the terms of Simonides' appointment were explicitly Panhellenic
(see the introduction above). T hough f1T. 15* and 16* come from the
same poem, they were not consec11tive (see on 16*).
1-3 almost certainly come from a larger catalog11e of the Greek forces,
detailing their origins and places in the battle line; this was a standard
feature of both epic (e.g. Il. 2.494-779, 816-77 on Greeks and Trojans)
and historical writing (cf. Hdt. 9.28.2-32.2 on Greeks and Persians at
Plataea).
1 µiaaois . . . vatET<XOVTES 'and in the centre stood the men who
dwell in Ephyra with its many springs'. Plutarch's comment that the
poem shows 'the position they held while fighting the barbarians and
the honour that resulted for them from the battle' (see above) is evi
dence that Simonides presented the Corinthians actually fighting in
the centre against the Persians rather than simply being stationed there
prior to the battle. µiaaois: Herodotus has the 5,000-strong contin
gent of Corinthians placed on the outermost (right) edge of the centre
(between the Tegeans and Potidaeans, 9.28.3), but Simonides' simple
µ�crcro15 emphasizes their strategically essential role in holding the cen
tre of the battle line between the Spartans on the right wing and the
Athenians on the left. 'Ecpv pT)v: Ephy1-a was an old name for Corinth: cf.
Il. 6.152-3; acco1-ding to Eumelus' cyclic epic Corinthiaca, Ephy1-a was the
daughter ofOceanus and Tethys and wife ofEpimetheus (fr. 1 Bernabe).
By calling Corinth Ephyra as well as Glaucus' city (line 3), Simonides
st1-esses the Corinthians' long and venerable history. 1ToAu1Ti6aKa: the
epithet is used only of Mt Ida inHomer, and this is the first time it is used
of another location (unless Hom. Hyrnn 19.30 ls f\pKa8iriv TToAvTTi8aKa is
earlier than Simonides). Corinth had several sacred springs; for Peirene,
the most famo11s, cf. e.g. Pind. Ol. 13.61 lv &crTE'i TTE1pcxva5. va1eTaovTes:
a poetic word, frequent in epic, often with acc. of place (e.g. Od. 9.21
VC<lETCXW 8' 'l6CXKT1V EVOElE/\OV).
2 TravToiT)s ... 1T0Aiµ w1, lit. 'skilled in eve1-y kind of excellence in wa1-',
stresses the Corinthians' contribution to the battle (unlike their inglori
ous role in Herodotus).
3 1ToA1v . . . aaTu 'the Corinthian town, Gla11cus' city': the epic-style
amplification further dignifies tl1e Corinthians. Glaucus, son of Sisyphus
and Merope, was an early king of Corinth (cf. fl. 6.154-5, where his
COMMENTARY: SIMONIDES 1 5-16
great-g1-andson Glaucus the Lycian boasts of descent from him). vi µ ovTES,

'inhabit', is a variation on va1ETcxovTES (1), which it echoes. The manu
scripts have vEµovTa1, b11t the active can have the same sense as the middle
(LSJ VEµW III.1).
Simonides I 6
Source: Plutarch, On the Malice of Herodotus 42 872d-e; P Oxy. 3965 fr. 5.
Plutarch quotes 15* and 16* as separate pieces, so despite attempts to
connect the two (e.g. o'i Kai (Ursinus), oiov (Hermann), 011rEp (Hiller), 0101
(Diehl)), the initial dactyl or spondee of 16* is unknown, as is the length
of the lacuna between the two fragments.
1 xcxAJ\1aTov ... novwv 'had the finest witness to their struggles': bear
ing witness to tl1e victo1-'s achievements is a leitmotif of p1-aise poet1-y (cf.
Pind. OZ. 4.3 for the poet himself as v4rr1i\0TcxTwv µcxpTvp' cxEOi\wv). e6evTo:
lit. 'they established for themselves' (aor. middle). novwv stresses the
Corinthians' actual fighting (see on 15.1* above).
2 x puaov ... ai6i p1 '[a witness] of precious gold in the sky' (gen. of
material): the kenning is easily deciphered, since the sun is proverbially
all-seeing and thus often called upon to act as a witness (e.g. n. 3.277
'HEi\16s O', 8s 1rcxvT' lcp opcx1s Kai 1rcxvT' l1raKovE1s, [Aesch.] Prometheus Bound
91 Kai Tov 1rav61rT11v KvKi\ov 17i\iov Kai\w). Simonides used it again in at least
one other elegy (fr. 87): �E1vo86Kwv t8' &p1CYTos 6 xpvCYos lv a16Ep1 i\cxµ1rwv
( 'and best of witnesses, the gold that shines in the sky'). xpuaov TltJT}EVTos:
xpvcrov evokes the sun's colo11r and brightness, but also stresses (as does
TlµT)EVTos) its value to human life; cf. Soph. Ant. 103-4 for the sun's rays
heralding an army's victory, w xpvcrEas I cxµEpas �i\Ecpapov. Helios' bed is of
xpvcroO TlµT)EVTOS at Mimn. 1 2. 7*.
2-3 xai ... I •.. naTipwv, 'which magnifies their fathers' far-famed
glory and their own', emphasizes not only the Corinthians' illustrious
past (cf. 15.1�'), but also their success in living up to the expectations
of their fathers, a fundamental feature of masculinity in patriarcl1al
Greek society (both heroic and contemporary: cf. e.g. Soph. Ajax 462-
72, 545-57, 1008-18). acpiv: dative of advantage (lit. 'for them'). ai�e1:
from cxE�w, poetic form of cxv�w (cxv�cxvw); cf. Pind. Isthm. 7.29 cxcrTwv ycvEcx1
µEy1crTov Ki\Eos cxv�wv. The sun 'increases' their glory by ill11minating the
achievements it has witnessed. eupeiav x1'116ova: the phrase (found only
here) implicitly aligns the Co1-inthians who fought at Plataea with the
l1eroes of epic, whose ultimate goal is Evpv Ki\Eos (cf. Od. 3.203-4 Kcxi 01
'l\ xcx1oi I OlCYOVCYl K/\EOS Evpv KCXl ECYCYOµEVOlCYlV CXOlbT)V).
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INDEX
Aesop 72, 76,78, 84, 93,98,101 colloquialism 14,15, 61, 70,83, 97,
See also fable 99, 196
aetiology 3, 11 1 colonization 11,57, 59, 61, 65, 85,
alliteratio11 15,59,95,124,130,1 45, 1 11 , 134,2 14
167,168,182,204,2 10,217 co11solation 3, 62,65,88
anacoluthon 177 correptio11 125
anastrophe 100, 108,152 crasis 75,88,97, 102, 177,213,229
anthropo1norphism 75,78 cult,1i- tt1.al 5,57, 64,131,156,
rejection of 12, 180,193-4 181,1 98,207,210,2 11 ,2 1 9,
anus 13,82,203,209,210,211,212 221,228
Aphrodite 80,82,98, 122,126,1 76,
203,205,218,224 Demeter 4,5, 102,207
apocope 129,182 democracy 1 2,1 3,131,1 43,145,1 61,
Apollo 63,111 ,1 53,156,164,175, 163,1 87
177,198,199,223,226 dialect 14,110,160,198,200
Ares 58,88,98,233 Attic 14,75,87,go,98,125,140,
aristocracy 7,1o,12,71, 123,1 31, 160,1 89
132,137,138,1 39,1 43,148, Doric 1 ,14,1 10,112,115,1 60,224
161,1 63-76,216 Io11ic 1,14,74,77,87,go,94,97,
See al5o hetaireia 98,1 00,104,1 05,107,1 08,109,
110,111,115,117,124,125,
Artemis 102,103,106,122,164
1 53,160,162, 181,182,197,
asso11ance 15, 59,74,1 45
asyndeton 60,1o1,109,134,140, 205,206,224
148,1 73 didactic poet1-y 3,1o, 20,58, 86,87,
Athena 60,72,120,128,130,136, 91,1 04,139,164,166,192
152,1 60,203,223,224 parody of 5,80,86
athletes 118,120,1 56,186-7,219 digamma 105,125,168,1 75
rejection of 180,185-9 dimi11utive 174,205
aulos 3,5,7o,11o, 121,174 Dionyst1s 5,181,198,199
domestic violence 94,97
bea1-d 71 , 72,156 Dorian 111,134,222,231,232
beer 69-70 double motivation 59,66
caesu1-a 16-17,106,171,179, 183,192 eclipse 57,120
chiasmus 15, 58,59,100,140, 148, <':jaculation 15, 69,70, 71, 85
156 elegy
children ancient ter1ni11ology 2
develop1ne11t of 155, 156 langttage of 14-15
importa11ce of 14,91,102, 103, metre of 3, 16-17
123, 125,157,208-9 a11d lamentation 2, 62
as means of revenge 73,75,78,82, (re)performance of 2-3,6, 7,8,65,
84 87, 133,146, 189,197, 221-2
choral song 1, 14,18,11 0, 11 4,2 19, variety of 1-3,57, 121
2 34 and wa1-fare 72,106-7,11 0, 1 16,
civil war (stasis) 7,12,13, 135,1 37, 128,2 19
138,140, 142,1 58,159,1 62, elisio11 106,168
1 67,1 68, 184 e11jambment 15, 74,89,100,103,
closure 16,105,154 108,1 09,119,122,1 34,1 36,
coinage 148,171,205,207 137,148,150,152,155, 1 68,
See also wealth 1 70,172,174,1 93
INDEX
•
epic Hades 81,106,155,175,197,224
co11t1·ast with g,13,70,107,1 16, hai1·
128 eastern sty le 11, 189
engagement "vith 58,71,80,14 1, as erotic image 79,82,85
162, 182,184,2 11,221,223,235 of goddesses 225
lingL1istic engagement with 3, as sy 1nbol of vanity 71, 72, 100, 191
14- 18,60,6 1,62,65,66,67,74, hapax leg·omenon 94,95,97,98,180,
85,86, 106,129, 136, 173 199,200,210,211,218
pa1·ody of 5,6 1,85,89,93,94, 104, helots 12,113,114,1 15,22 7
194,195,203,211,217-18 Hephaestus 93,125,126,127,152
epig1·am 3,140,209,219,227,229 He1·a 74,80,81,198,223,224
epinician 18,20, 185,2 19 Herman11's Bridge 172, 183
ety mology 129, 153,200 Hermes 5,92,195, 196,197-9,
See also figt11·a etymologica 204-6,207,2 12,217,225
et1phemism 70,82,109 l1e1·0-ct1lt 57,131,221,226,228
hetaireia 5,65,74,129, 132,170, 216
fable 4, 5,58,72-3,75-6,84,9 1,93, hiatus 63, 125,130,155,168,175
98,100,101, 163,169 homoeroticism, homosexuality 1,4,
fellatio 69,85,203 13,60,81,87, go, 123,132,156,
festivals 10,79,92,221 164,165,174, 176,221
as vent1es for poetry 2,5,6,7,8,79, See also gende1· ideology
92,110,132,189,197,218,220, hoplites 142,233
221
hybns136, 137,138,140,143,147,
figura etymologica 59,102,124,139 148,149,150,154,183,221
food 19,59,93,98,113,132,137, hy m11 3,7,80, 140,192,194,196,
166,187,218 198,220,221,223,226,228
See also glt1tto11y hy pallage 175
gender ideology 7,10,13-14,64,83, hy perbaton 152
92,208,210 iambus
See also masculi11ity, misogy ny, ancient a11d modern definitions 2,
patriarchy, women 3-4
genitalia 69,85 and ct1lt 5
female 69,82,203 langt 1age of 15-17
male 69, 70,200, 209,210, 211 rr1etres of 3-4, 17,72,80,194,196,
genre 1,2,3,4,5, g,11,14,19,91, 198,207,213
121, 182,184,2 17,219 (re)perfo1·mance of 5,6,7, 18,87
glt 1tto11y 91,95,97, 137,189,196, variety of 4-5,7,57,69,86,158
212, 217- 19 in1agery 17,73, 105, 135,215
g;,wrne 19, 66,86,88,125, 132,143, a11imal 70,73,84,88,90-103, 162,
150, 154,164, 166 l 63, 169, 1 71, 215
god(s) 62, 63,7 1,77, 82, 98, 102, epic 15, 142,162
126, 127,138, 159,177, 178, natt1ral 13,80, 81,82,83,84,9 1,
182,193-4, 198,204,207 93,95,96,97,102,122,124,
i11 battle 58,65, 66,85,119,120, 125, 126,135, 140, 144, 149,150
180, 18 1,184,184,224,230 phy sical 62
as c1·eator of women 92, 103 impote11ce 15, 195,209,2 1 o
as gt1ardians of morality 73,78, 147, invective 2,4-6,17,57,68,79,80,86,
150-1,22 1,223,224,234 195, 196,212-13,2 17
inspi1ing poetry 59,145, 152-3,223 Ionia(11) 1,8,12,14,7 1,110,129,
power/vvill of 69,87, 88,1 11, 112, 134, 190,195,200,233
1 13, 124, 135,136,148, 154,
1 55 lacuna 106, 107,128,135,137,140,
See also individual gods (Athena, etc.), 157, 181,200,204,227,232,236
anthropomorphism, cult, festivals, lament 2,62,63,64,219
Muse(s), pray er, syi1cretis1n luxury 99,100,101,189,206,209
INDEX 2 53
rejection of 11 ,68,69,99,137, 180, oaths 159

189-91 breaki11g of 5,73,74,196,212,213,
Lydia 11,12,57,68,69,121,128, 215
129,131,189-91, 195,198,200, importance of 4, 1 o
209,220,221 obscenity 3,4, 15, 195,196,203,
langtlage of 196,198,199,205, 209
209,210 old age 1, 7,13, 88,120,121-5,155,
lyric, Greek 156
canonical poets of 6 onomatopoeia (and other sot111d
choral 219 effects) 15, 63,165,201,204,
classification of 1, 18 211,21 5
definition of g oracles 111,112,177,178
erotic 91 oxymoron 63,go
la11gt1age of 4, 14,15
(re)performa11ce of 3, 18 Pa11hellenism 7,8,110,185,186,221,
223,224,225,235
•
masculi11ity 13,92,116,155,157, papyri 19,79,111 ,141,195,212,2 13,

236 214,215,220,230
masturbatio11 85,200 particles 87,104,105,107,1 22,124,
medicine (and medical language) 63, 1 26,134,1 36,145,1 50,154,
1 53,155,206 169, 173,179, 18 l

metaphor 15,17,64, 69,78,82,88, patria1·cl1y 14,79,91,92,94,103, 105,
1 02,107,1 08,109,119,131, 236
1 38,140,1 43,159,161 ,167,
See aL,;o gender ideology
174,184,203,226,234 patronymic 164, 169,170,218
metre 3-4,16-17,1 g,71,80,87,89, perfor1nance (and reperformance)
1 -8,9,1 8,60,65,73,87,92, 106,
97,100,103,104,105,106,115,
160,187,190,191,1 94,196, 110,114,121,126,132,133,
1 36,139,146,164,167,173,
198,207,213,217
See also caesura,elegy,elision, 176,180,183,188,197,205,22 1
Hermann's Bridge,hiatus, See also elegy,festival,ia1nbus,

iambtlS,synecphonesis,synizesis symposion
metronymic 204 periph1·asis 59,70,98,139,151,1 52,
•
1 54,170,186,200,222,226
misogyny 14, go,91,92,1 03, 105,
208 Persia
morality 148,150,164,166,18 1,182 knowledge of 115,231
a11i1nal a11d huma11 75-8 praise of 227
affirmatio11 of 4, 1o,1g,20,73, 79 ruled by 180,190,19 1
rejection of 60,74,184,185 victory over 12,190,219-22,229,
moralizing 4,16,17,66,86,107,147, 230,232,233,234
1 51, l 54, l 64, l 83
perso11a (speaker,lyric 'I') 1,5,9-11,
Muse (s) 58,59,121,128,146,147, 15,17,57,60,62,71,79,86,87,
148 164, 1 75,176,221,223,225, 89,131, 132,133,139,145,163,
226 164,167,170,195,197,205,
music 5,7,10, 16, 110,181 206,207,208,212,225,226
personificatio11 76, 103, 122,135,138,
narrative 10,64,65,199,223,227, 1 39,151,159,182,207
231 phalanx warfare 13,72,116, 119
erotic 80,86 See also hoplites
i11 elegy 3,121,220 pha'rmakos 21o,219
i11 iambtls 5,10 See also cttlt,ritual
mythological 1,2,7,64,66,121 philosophy 2,4,g,12, 16,17,161,
Near East 12,68,73,150,205 173,180,1 87,194
See aL\·o Lydia, Pe1·sia parody of 191-3
neologism 134, 21o pleonasm 84,109,122,161,174
2 54 INDEX
political poetry 1 ,2,4,5,7,8,11, syncretism 198-9

12-13,17,58,131-2,1 58,1 64 synecpho11esis 1 91
See also aristocracy,civil war, synizesis 89,160
democracy synor1ym 93,10 2,170
polyptoton 77,go,155,219
Poseidon 87,96,224 trnesis 63, 77, 81 ,1oo
prayer 76,77,78, 79,120 ,146,147, u·agedy 9, 182, 200
176,177,183,200 ,204,206, transmissio11 1,5,18-20,163,174
213,226,234 See cilso papyri,written texts
parody of 195,196,200 ,204,206, Trojan War,Troy 64,67,77, 10 5, 106,
109,150 ,176, 220 -6
2 13,218
priarnel 16,116,120 ,144,186,188 ty1·ai1ny 12,69,99,100 ,132,1 4_3,144,
proem 121,128,218,223,227 145,146,161,163,167,168,
promiscuity 17,79, 84,94,102,104, 176,190 ,229
202 values 6,73,79,164,165,166,174,
See als·o gende1· ideology 195-6
prostitt1tes 13,70,101,1 81 commu11al 13,1 06,132
proverb 16,74,77, 84,87,89,9 1,93, egalitarian 7
96,98,101 ,117,146,1 51,165, heroic 58, 60
1 69,179,1 83,1 89,214,236
militaristic 11 3
pt1n 20 0,210,212 sexist 92
revenge 4,57,73,76,77,78,79,163, See also aristocracy,democracy,
1 76-7,1 86,197,1 99,20 2,21 5
gender ideology,mo1·ality
riddle 12 5,126,127 virginity 79, 80, 83,84
ring composition 16,88,105, 112, wealth 5,7,12,15,88,92,99,100 ,
128,1 40 ,150,154,158,1 62, 1 01,1 16,117,1 42,152,1 65,
167,1 68 172,177,195,205,206,207
dangers of 7,131,135,136,137,
seduction 57,73,79-80 ,81 138,143, 146,154, 189,191
Seven Sages 131 god of 207
sex 4,13-14,69,70, 79-85,86,go, 1·ejection of 68,69,136,1 37,1 47,
98,10 3,104,122,123,173,1 76, 148,1 49, 155,173
199,202,203,209 See also hybris
See also ejc1ct1lation,fellatio, '"rine 59,70,181-4,206
genitalia,homoeroticism, ,,vomen 8, 14,64,70,79,81,82,86,
obscenity 90 -106,122,123,2 0 8,209,225
simile 15,70 ,96,97,1 15,124,131, See also domestic violence,gender
149,158,1 62,169,173,178, ideology,misogyny
2 11,223 w1·itte11 texts 18-1g, 164,174
sot1rces of texts edited here 18-19,
11 1,113,11 4,131,141,196 Zeus 64,72,74,76,77,78,80,81 ,
See also transmission 87,92,93,95,96,10 1, 10 3,105,
symposion, 2,3,6-8, 18,60,70,73,87, 108, 1 l 1, l 1 7, 1 2 3, 1 2 5, 1 2 6,
92' 106-7' 110 ' 12 6' 132' 13 3' 136,138, 140,146-51,154,1 55,
1 39,164,166,174,180-5,197, 159,165,176,184,186,196,
201-2,21 8,22 1 198,204,207,224,228,232,234

William Allan - Greek Elegy and Iambus - Martim

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EDITED BY WILLIAM ALLAN

CAMBRIDGE GREEK AND LATIN CLASSICS

University Pri11tir1g I-Iot1se, Cambridge CB2 8Bs, United Kingdom

Cambridge u·11iversity Press is part of· the University of Ca mbridge.

GREEK ELEGY AND IAMBUS: A SELECTION 21

3. The n11mbering of West 1989-92 is 11sed thro11ghout, with the addition of

The poets edited in this volume are abbreviated as follows:

Archil., Semon., Callin., Tyrt., Mimn., Sol., Thgn., Xenoph., Rippon.,

Abbreviations of other ancient authors and texts generally follow those

Bernabe A. Bernabe, Poetarurn epicorum Graecor·um: testimonia et

ricerca dei papiri greci e latini in Egi,tto), Flo1-ence 1912-

PMG D. L. Page, Poetae melici Graeci, Oxford 1962

THES$ALY Pherae. :it,-�& ·

Map 1Greece and the Aegean, including the birthplaces of Archilochus

Lemnos Sigeum Troy

<S> Lesbos ----'------

1 ELEGY AND IAMBUS AS POETIC FORMS

Elegy. Though elegy is easy to define formally as poetry composed

and heroic myth, as do Archilochus' Telephus and Simonides' Plataea

perceived closeness to these serious genres discouraged the use of

Iambus. Like elegy, iambus can be defined metrically, as poetry com­

and Power 2013 stress variation in performance.

tetramete1·s, choliambics, and epodes (see §5). 12 Although some schol­

Like elegy, iambus is a wide-ranging and flexible form: it uses nar1·ative

be written throughout antiquity, 23 though the Alexand1-ian canonization

2 PERFORMANCE AND MOBILITY

their wealth or status to mark themselves as a supe1-ior class, many aristo­

no11etheless �1dd1·ess contemporary problems of political a11d soci�1l tt1rmoil that

3 POETS AND PERSONAE

35 See the l1ead11otes to Archilocht1s and Hippo11ax.

see Parker 2011: 217-18.

poetic effect (e.g. Archil. 5* on putting pe1-sonal su1~vival above honour

4 SOCIETY AND CULTURE

e1-n Aegean as TTavEAA17vi:s.

Foreign states expanded too, leading to conflict with Greek commu­

values, Theognis echoes the Athenian's diagnosis of civic degeneration,

5 LANGUAGE, STYLE, METRE

(though not as elevated as lyric) and free of colloquialisms. Its gener­

enjambment to enhance a speaker's outrage (Archil. 172 .2-3*) and to

254*, Simo11. 11. 1- 3*.

56 Cf. Sol. 9. 1 -4*. 011 the priamel, see Race 1982.

Trochaic tetrameter catalectic

li11es; cf . e.g. Semo11 . 1 .20* , S emo11. 7.15*·, H'1ppo11. 14 . 2* , 1 15.9 * .

6 TRANSMISSION OF THE TEXT

Of) Archil. 189 , attacki11g a forme1· lover's pro1niscuity, is a partial exception:

71 See Pfeiffer 1968, Mo11tana 2015.

impact on ot1r k11owledge of G1·eek literatt1re, Parso11s 2007: 137-58.

Pindar's epinicians) is small, though far from negligible; of the 83 pieces

Elµi 8' eyw 0Ep0:TIG0V µEv 'Evva/\1010 &vaKTOS

KT)CEa µEv <YTOVOEVTa, flEpiKAEES, ovTE TlS acrTwv

Archil. 2 1 µ01 Synes. : Tot Suda : om. Athen.

ARCHILOCHUS 17A SWIFT

l"!"cxT8Es 1Bcxv6:Twv �C:Xi. o:8eA<pE <?i., [ovs 'AycxµEµvwv

cp ]1v[TOJ ycxp ll 4' l�UAOV Tpwwv lTOAl� Eio-[CXVCX�CXlVEl v 20

"ov µ01 TO: ruyt:c.v TOV 1TO/\VXPV<JOV µE/\El,

KT1/\c.vvos E1TAiiµvpt:v oTpvyfl<p ayov.

OU <p l/\EC,0 µeycxv <JTpCXTflYOV ou8e 81CX1TE1T/\1yµevov

�lS TO nplv T1P17PEl<J6cx; vOv 8e 8f11TO/\VS

Archil. 42 2 Eµv(E Wilamowitz : E�pv(E cod.

Archil. 175 suppl. Lobel 1 Lasserre 2 801]:a Lasser1·e 3 wpµ17crav West

T) vuv µEy' iµi:ip?[l 5

Archil. 180 8' lv Sch11eideV\ri11 : 8E riv codd.

'f!"apE� TO 0clOV xpf)µa· TWV TlS apKECYc[l.

&v ]0os 8' airEppvT)KE irap0Ev111ov

Iambus. Like elegy, iambus can be defined metrically, as poetry com

tetramete1·s, choliambics, and epodes (see §5). 12 Although some schol

their wealth or status to mark themselves as a supe1-ior class, many aristo

Foreign states expanded too, leading to conflict with Greek commu

(though not as elevated as lyric) and free of colloquialisms. Its gener

254, Simo11. 11. 1- 3.

li11es; cf . e.g. Semo11 . 1 .20* , S emo11. 7.15·, H'1ppo11. 14 . 2 , 1 15.9 * .

desc1-iption of the river Caicus suggests he may be exploiting his audi