Anthropology - The Human Challenge-Cengage Learning (2016)

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Fifteenth Edition
ANTHROPOLOGY
THE HUMAN CHALLENGE
W I L L I A M A . H AV I L A N D
Professor Emeritus, University of Vermont
HARALD E. L . PRINS
Kansas State University
DA NA WA L R AT H
University of Vermont
BUNNY MCBRIDE
Kansas State University
Australia ● Brazil ● Mexico ● Singapore ● United Kingdom ● United States
Anthropology: The Human Challenge, © 2017, 2014 Cengage Learning
Fifteenth Edition
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Printed in the United States of America

Print Number: 01 Print Year: 2016
DEDICATION
In loving memory of Joshua Lieberman,

who brought song, laughter, ease, and precision
to the center of being human.
Putting the World
in Perspective
Although all humans we know about are capable of

producing accurate sketches of localities and regions
with which they are familiar, cartography (the craft
of mapmaking as we know it today) had its beginnings
in 16th-century Europe, and its subsequent develop-
ment is related to the expansion of Europeans to all
parts of the globe. From the beginning, there have been
two problems with maps: the technical one of how
to depict on a two-dimensional, flat surface a three-
dimensional spherical object, and the cultural one of
whose worldview they reflect. In fact, the two issues are
inseparable, for the particular projection one uses inevi-
tably makes a statement about how one views one’s own
people and their place in the world. Indeed, maps often
shape our perception of reality as much as they reflect it.
In cartography, a projection refers to the system of
intersecting lines (of longitude and latitude) by which
part or all of the globe is represented on a flat surface.
There are more than a hundred different projections in
use today, ranging from polar perspectives to interrupted
“butterflies” to rectangles to heart shapes. Each projection
causes distortion in size, shape, or distance in some way or
another. A map that correctly shows the shape of a land-
mass will of necessity misrepresent the size. A map that is
accurate along the equator will be deceptive at the poles.
Perhaps no projection has had more influence
on the way we see the world than that of Gerhardus
Mercator, who devised his map in 1569 as a naviga-
tional aid for mariners. So well suited was Mercator’s
map for this purpose that it continues to be used for
navigational charts today. At the same time, the Mer-
cator projection became a standard for depicting land-
masses, something for which it was never intended.
Although an accurate navigational tool, the Mercator
projection greatly exaggerates the size of landmasses in
higher latitudes, giving about two-thirds of the map’s
surface to the northern hemisphere. Thus the lands
occupied by Europeans and European descendants
appear far larger than those of other people. For
example, North America (19 million square kilometers)
appears almost twice the size of Africa (30 million
iv
Putting the World in Perspective v
square kilometers), whereas Europe is shown as equal in The Robinson Projection, which was adopted by
size to South America, which actually has nearly twice the National Geographic Society in 1988 to replace the
the landmass of Europe. Van der Grinten, is one of the best compromises to
A map developed in 1805 by Karl B. Mollweide date between the distortions of size and shape. Al-
was one of the earlier equal-area projections of the world. though an improvement over the Van der Grinten,
Equal-area projections portray landmasses in correct the Robinson Projection still depicts lands in the
relative size, but, as a result, distort the shape of con- northern latitudes as proportionally larger at the same
tinents more than other projections. They most often time that it depicts lands in the lower latitudes (repre-
compress and warp lands in the higher latitudes and senting most Third World nations) as proportionally
vertically stretch landmasses close to the equator. smaller. Like European maps before it, the Robinson
Other equal-area projections include the Lambert Projection places Europe at the center of the map with
Cylindrical Equal-Area Projection (1772), the Hammer the Atlantic Ocean and the Americas to the left, em-
Equal-Area Projection (1892), and the Eckert Equal-Area phasizing the cultural connection between Europe
Projection (1906). and North America, while neglecting the geographic
The Van der Grinten Projection (1904) was a com- closeness of northwestern North America to north-
promise aimed at minimizing both the distortions of eastern Asia.
size in the Mercator and the distortion of shape in The following pages show four maps that each con-
equal-area maps such as the Mollweide. Although an vey quite different cultural messages. Included among
improvement, the lands of the northern hemisphere them is the Gall-Peters Projection, an equal-area map
are still emphasized at the expense of the southern. For that has been adopted as the official map of UNESCO
example, in the Van der Grinten, the Commonwealth (the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and
of Independent States (the former Soviet Union) and Cultural Organization), and a map made in Japan,
Canada are shown at more than twice their relative size. showing us how the world looks from the other side.
The Robinson Projection
The map below is based on the Robinson Projection, less than most other projections. Still, it places Europe at
which is used today by the National Geographic Society the center of the map. This particular view of the world
and Rand McNally. Although the Robinson Projection has been used to identify the location of many of the
distorts the relative size of landmasses, it does so much cultures discussed in this text.
INUIT
INUPIA
INUPIAT
ESKIMO NETSILIK
TSILIK INUIT
INUI
YUPIK
ESKIMO TLINGIT
SCOT
SCOT
INUIT TORY
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SKAPI (INNU) ISLANDER DUTCH
TCH
BELLA COOLA
CREE SWISS
KW
KWAKIU TL ABENAKI MONTAGNAIS (INNU)
MONTA
OJIBWA
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MALISEE
CROW
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ARAPAHO
ARAPAH MI’KMAQ
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LAKOTA
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PEQUO
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MORMON UTE COMANCHE
S. PAIU
PAIUTE ORTHODOX JEWISH
HOPI NAVA
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CHEROKEE
CHEROKEE
PUEBLO PUEBLO MEXICAN
ZUNI APACHE
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TO RICAN
HAWAIIAN
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ZAPOTEC FUL
CARIBBEAN
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BAULE BENIN
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MUNDURUCU
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SAMOAN PITCAIRN
PITCAIRN KUIKURO
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ISLANDER NAMBIKW
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TAHI
TAHITIAN
RAPANUI
RAPANUI AYMARA
AYMARA BUS
AYOREO
AYOREO
BUSHMAN
GUARANI
MAPUCHE
YAGHAN
vi
SÁMI
NENETS
YUPIK
KHANTY ESKIMO
RUSSIAN TUV
TUVAN
S
SLOVAKIAN
SLOVAKIAN
VAKIAN
MONGOLIAN
OAT
OAT SERB CHECHEN
BOSNIAN UYGHUR
ARMENIAN
TURK UZBEK
TAJIK
TAJIK
KURD
JAPANESE
JAPANESE
PANESE
SYRIAN KUCHI KOHIS
OHISTANI
T
TANI
BAKHTIARI NYINBA
NYINB TIBETAN
HAN CHINESE
PASH
PASHTUN
AWLAD 'ALI
AWLAD
BEDO
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MOSUO TAIWANESE
TAIW
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KAREN
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SHAIVITE
SHAIVI
LANI
NUER TIGREAN HANUNÓO
HANUNÓO
NAYAR ANDAMAN
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DINKA AFAR
AFAR SOMALI
KOTA AND VEDDA
AZANDE ACHOLI KURUMBA PINGELAP ISLANDER
BIO ACEH W
WAPE
TURKANA MALDIVIAN TODA AND
BADAGA PAUKU ENGA
KAPA
KA PA
MBUTII NANDI
KIKUYU MINANGKABAU
MINANGKAB TSEMBAGA
TSEMB
HUTU MAASAI
MA
GUSII BUGIS SOLOMON ISLANDER
ISLANDE
TUTSI TIRIKI
HADZA ARAPESH
BALINESE
TROBRIANDER
OBRIANDER
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HOANSI
ANSI
SHMAN
SWAZI
SW
ABORIGINAL
ZULU
BASUTO
MAORI
MAORI
TASMANIAN
TASMANIAN
vii
The Gall-Peters Projection
The map below is based on the Gall-Peters Projection, by a ratio of 2 to 1), the Gall-Peters Projection does
which has been adopted as the official map of show all continents according to their correct relative
UNESCO. Although it distorts the shape of continents size. Though Europe is still at the center, it is not shown
(countries near the equator are vertically elongated as larger and more extensive than the Third World.
AUSTR
GREENLAND GERMANY
ICELAND DENMARK
UNITED NORWAY
NORWA
WAY
STATES
TA
TATES NETHERLANDS
BELGIUM
UNITED
KINGDOM
CANADA
IRELAND
FRANCE
SWITZERLAND
IT
AL
Y
SP
SPAIN
PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
UNITED ST
STA
ATES
ATES SLOVEN
TUNISIA
O
CC
RO
MO
ALGERIA
BAHAMAS
MEXICO
WESTERN
SAHARA
A
NI
HAITI
ITA
CUBA
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
REPUBLIC
UR
MA
JAMAICA MALI
BELIZE NIGER
GUA
GUATEMALA HONDURAS SENEGAL
EL SAL
SALV
VADOR
VADOR NICARAGUA GAMBIA
GUINEA-BISSAU
A
GUINEA
RI
COSTA RICA
COST
GE
NI
P
PANAMA VENEZUELA FRENCH GUIANA SIERRA LEONE
LIBERIA
COLOMBIA
COLOMBI CÔTE D’IVOIRE
BURKINA FFASO
GUY
GUYANA GHANA
SURINAM TOGO
BENIN
ECUADOR
EQUATORIAL
EQUATORIAL GUINEA
BRAZIL
PERU
BOLIVIA
PARAGUAY
PARAGUA
ARAGUAY
CHILE
ARGENTINA
URUGUA
URUGUAY
ANT
ANTARCTICA
viii
RIA CZECHOSLOVAKIA
CZECHOSLOV
EN
ED
SW FINLAND
RUSSIA
ESTONIA AZERBAIJAN
LA
LATVIA
LITHUANIA ARMENIA
POLAND BELARUS GEORGIA
KAZAKHST
KAZAKHSTAN
ROMANIA
UKRAINE KYRGYZST
KYRGYZSTAN
HUNGARY
HUNGAR MOLDOVA
MOLDOV
TAJIKISTAN
TAJIKIST
AJIKISTAN MONGOLIA
SERBIA UZ NORTH
BULGARIA BE KOREA
MONTENEGRO KI
ST
TU AN
MACEDONIA SOUTH
RK
NIA ALBANIA ME KOREA
GREECE TURKEY NI
ST PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC
AN
BOSNIA-
HERZEGOVINA SYRIA OF CHINA
CROATIA
CROATIA AFGHAN-
LEBANON IRAN ISTAN JAPAN
JAP
IRAQ
ISRAEL
BHUT
BHUTAN
AN
BAHRAIN I ST NEP
NEPAL
JORDAN K
PA
LIBY
LIBYA KUW
KUWAIT
EGYPT
MY
MYANMAR
INDIA
QATAR TAIWAN
TAIW
AIWAN
SAUDI OMAN
ARABIA
UNITED
ARAB BANGLA- LAOS
R EMIRA
EMIRATES DESH
CHAD
SUDAN N
ME THAILAND
YE
VIETNAM PHILIPPINES
DJIBOUTI CAMBODIA
SOUTH ETHIOPIA
CENTRAL SUDAN BRUNEI
AFRICAN
REPUBLIC MALA
MALAYSIA
SRI LANKA
LIA
MA
CAMEROON P
PAPUA
SO
SINGAPORE NEW
UGANDA GUINEA
GABON
CONGO INDONESIA
INDONESI
KENY
KENYA
RW
RWANDA
BURUNDI
DEMOCRA
DEMOCRATIC
REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA
T
CONGO
MALA
MALAWI
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ZAMBIA
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NAMIBIA
ZIMBABWE
BOTS-
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WANA
AUSTRALIA
MOZAMBIQUE
SW
SWAZILAND
LESOTHO
SOUTH
AFRICA
NEW ZEALAND
ANT
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ix
Japanese Map
Not all maps place Europe at the center of the world, world, this map has the virtue of showing the geographic
as this Japanese map illustrates. Besides reflecting the proximity of North America to Asia, a fact easily
importance the Japanese attach to themselves in the overlooked when maps place Europe at their center.
GREENLAND
NORWAY
WA
WAY
ICELAND GERMANY
DENMARK
EN
NETHERLANDS
ED
ND
SW
BELGIUM RUSSIA
LA
FIN
ESTONIA
UNITED LA
LATVIA
KINGDOM
LITHUANIA ARMENIA
IRELAND POLAND BELARUS GEORGIA AZERBAIJAN
HUNGARY
HUNGAR KAZAKHST
KAZAKHSTAN
CZECHOSLOV
CZECHOSLOVAKIA ROMANIA
AUSTRIA UKRAINE KYRGYZST
KYRGYZSTAN
SWITZERLAND MOLDOVA
MOLDOV
MONGOLIA
FRANCE SERBIA TAJIKISTAN
TAJIKIST
AJIKISTAN NORTH
UZ
ITA
BULGARIA BE KOREA
LY
KI
SP
SPAIN TU ST
PORTUGAL
TUGAL SLOVENIA MACEDONIA
MACEDONI RK AN SOUTH
ME
CROATIA
CROATIA GREECE TURKEY NIS KOREA
TAN PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC
BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA ALBANIA SYRIA OF CHINA
TUNISIA MONTENEGRO LEBANON IRAN AFGHAN-
ISRAEL IRAQ ISTAN JAP
JAPAN
MOROCCO NEP BHUTAN
NEPAL
KUW
KUWAIT AN BHUT
BAHRAIN ST
ALGERIA JORDAN KI
LIBY
LIBYA EGYPT PA MY
MYANMAR
WESTERN SAUDI
SAHARA INDIA TAIWAN
TAIW
AIWAN
ARABIA
QATAR UNITED
AN
MAURITANIA
MAURIT SUDAN ARAB
M
MALI NIGER BANGLA- VIETNAM

O
CHAD EMIRA
EMIRATES
SENEGAL EN DESH LAOS PHILIPPINES
GAMBIA CENTRAL YEM
GUINEA- AFRICAN DJIBOUTI THAILAND
NIGERIA REPUBLIC SOMALIA
BISSAU SOUTH ETHIOPIA CAMBODIA
CAMBODI BRUNEI
GUINEA SUDAN MALA
MALAYSIA
SIERRA LEONE SRI LANKA P
PAPUA
DEMOCRATIC
DEMOCRATIC NEW
LIBERIA UGANDA SINGAPORE
REPUBLIC OF KENYA
KENYA GUINEA
CÔTE D’IVOIRE CONGO INDONESIA
INDONESI A
BURKINA FFASO RW
RWANDA
GHANA TANZANIA
TANZANIA
BURUNDI
TOGO CONGO
MALAWI
MALA
BENIN
CAMEROON ANGOLA ZAMBIA
EQUATORIAL
EQUATORIAL MADAGASCAR
GUINEA NAMIBIA ZIMBABWE
GABON
AUSTRALIA
BOTSW
BOTSWANA MOZAMBIQUE
SWAZILAND
SWAZILAND
SOUTH
AFRICA LESOTHO
ANTARCTICA
ANTARCTICA
GREENLAND
UNITED
STATES
TA
TATES
CANADA
UNITED ST
STA
ATES
ATES
BAHAMAS
MEXICO HAITI
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
REPUBLI
CUBA
JAMAICA
BELIZE NICARAGUA
GUA
GUATEMALA
EL SAL
SALV
VADOR
VADOR VENEZUELA FRENCH GUIANA
HONDURAS
COSTA
COSTA RICA COLOMBIA
COLOMBI
PANAMA
PANAMA
GUY
GUYANA
ECUADOR SURINAM
BRAZIL
PERU
BOLIVIA
PARAGUAY
PARAGUA
ARAGUAY
CHILE
ARGENTINA URUGUA
URUGUAY
NEW ZEALAND
ANTARCTICA
ANTARCTICA
xi
The Turnabout Map
The way maps may reflect (and influence) our thinking is things upside-down may cause us to rethink the way North
exemplified by the Turnabout Map, which places the South Americans regard themselves in relation to the people of
Pole at the top and the North Pole at the bottom. Words Central America.
and phrases such as “on top,” “over,” and “above” tend © 1982 by Jesse Levine Turnabout Map™—Dist. by Laguna Sales, Inc.,
to be equated by some people with superiority. Turning 7040 Via Valverde, San Jose, CA 95135
xii
Brief Contents
1 The Essence of Anthropology 3

2 Biology, Genetics, and Evolution 27
3 Living Primates 53
4 Primate Behavior 81
5 Field Methods in Archaeology and Paleoanthropology 105
6 From First Primates to First Bipeds 133
7 Origins of the Genus Homo 167
8 The Global Expansion of Homo sapiens and Their Technology 199
9 The Neolithic Revolution: The Domestication of Plants
and Animals 227
10 The Emergence of Cities and States 251

11 Modern Human Diversity—Race and Racism 275
12 Human Adaptation to a Changing World 295

13 Characteristics of Culture 323
14 Ethnographic Research—Its History, Methods, and Theories 343
15 Language and Communication 371
16 Social Identity, Personality, and Gender 395
17 Patterns of Subsistence 417

18 Economic Systems 441
19 Sex, Marriage, and Family 465
20 Kinship and Descent 491
21 Grouping by Gender, Age, Common Interest, and Social Status 513
22 Politics, Power, War, and Peace 531
23 Spirituality, Religion, and Shamanism 557
24 The Arts 585
25 Processes of Cultural Change 607
26 Global Challenges, Local Responses, and the Role of Anthropology 629
xiii
Features Contents
Anthropologists of Note Biocultural Connection

Franz Boas 14 Picturing Pesticides 8
Matilda Coxe Stephenson 14 Bonds Beyond Blood: DNA Testing and Refugee Family
Jane Goodall 86 Unification 38
Kinji Imanishi 86 Gibbons and Sopranos Both Need to Be Heard 70
The Leakeys 137 Humans and Bonobos: A Bicultural Conversation 94
Berhane Asfaw 203 Kennewick Man 120
Svante Pääbo 203 Evolution and Human Birth 159
Peter T. Ellison 300 Sex, Gender, and Female Paleoanthropologists 171
Bronislaw Malinowski 335 Paleolithic Prescriptions for Diseases of Today 223
Margaret Mead 358 Dogs Get Right to the Point 236
Gregory Bateson 358 Perilous Pigs: The Introduction of Swine-Borne Disease
Ruth Fulton Benedict 402 to the Americas 270
Rosita Worl 458 Beauty, Bigotry, and the Epicanthic Fold of the
Claude Lévi-Strauss 472 Beholder 286
Laura Nader 539 The Vaccine Debate Goes Viral 312
Michael J. Harner 567 Modifying the Human Body 337
Eric R. Wolf 609 Pig Lovers and Pig Haters 365
Paul Farmer 650 The Biology of Human Speech 389
A Cross-Cultural Perspective on Psychosomatic
Anthropology Applied Symptoms and Mental Health 412
Surviving in the Andes: Aymara Adaptation to High
Forensic Anthropology: Voices for the Dead 16
Altitude 419
Saving Our Ape Cousins: Primatologists, Community
Cacao: The Love Bean in the Money Tree 456
Action, and the African Wildlife Foundation 76
Marriage Prohibitions in the United States 471
Chimpanzees in Biomedical Research: Jane Goodall
Maori Origins: Ancestral Genes and Mythical
and the Fight to End the Practice 100
Canoes 492
The Atari Burial Grounds 126
African Burial Ground Project 525
Stone Tools for Modern Surgeons 191
Sex, Gender, and Human Violence 547
Pre-Columbian Fish Farming in the Amazon 244
Change Your Karma and Change Your Sex? 564
New Houses for Apache Indians 330
Peyote Art: Divine Visions among the Huichol 592
When Bambi Spoke Arapaho: Preserving Indigenous
Studying the Emergence of New Diseases 625
Languages 380
Toxic Breast Milk Threatens Arctic Culture 647
Agricultural Development and the Anthropologist 428
Global Ecotourism and Local Indigenous Culture
in Bolivia 448 Globalscape
Resolving a Native American Tribal Membership Safe Harbor? 23
Dispute 501 Gorilla Hand Ashtrays? 101
Anthropologists and Social Impact Assessment 521 Whose Lakes Are These? 219
William Ury: Dispute Resolution and the Factory Farming Fiasco? 246
Anthropologist 553 Illicit Antiquities? 268
Bringing Back the Past 602 Finding Home? 279
Development Anthropology and Dams 624 From Soap Opera to Clinic? 307
Anthropologist S. Ann Dunham, Mother Chicken Out: Bush’s Legs or Phoenix Talons? 434
of a U.S. President 642 How Much for a Red Delicious? 460
xiv
Features Contents xv
Transnational Child Exchange? 487 Humans as Prey 171

Playing Football for Pay and Peace? 527 Paleolithic Paint Job 214
Pirate Pursuits in Puntland? 545 Ani: Identities and Conflicts in and Around a
Do Coffins Fly? 599 Silk Road City 264
Probo Koala’s Dirty Secrets? 648 Reflections on the AAA Die-In as a Symbolic Space
of Social Death 282
Original Study Dancing Skeletons: Life and Death in West Africa 308
Whispers from the Ice 18 The Importance of Trobriand Women 360
Ninety-Eight Percent Alike: What Our Similarity Can Chantek Talk in Codes? 372
to Apes Tells Us about Our Understanding of The Blessed Curse 406
Genetics 40 Gardens of the Mekranoti Kayapo 426
Gorilla Ecotourism: Ethical Considerations for Arranging Marriage in India 476
Conservation 55 Honor Killing in the Netherlands 498
Action Archaeology and the Community at The Jewish Eruv: Symbolic Place in Public Space 518
El Pilar 110 Sacred Law in Global Capitalism 576
Ankles of the Australopithecines 148 The Modern Tattoo Community 589
Contents
Preface xxvi The Discovery of Evolution 29

Heredity 31
Acknowledgments xli
The Transmission of Genes 32
About the Authors xlii Genes and Alleles 33
Cell Division 35
Polygenetic Inheritance 39
Evolutionary Forces and Populations 41
Chapter 1 Mutation 41
Genetic Drift 41
The Essence of Anthropology 3
Gene Flow 42
The Anthropological Perspective 3 Natural Selection 43
Anthropology and Its Fields 5 The Case of Sickle-Cell Anemia 44
Cultural Anthropology 6 Adaptation and Physical Variation 46
Linguistic Anthropology 9 Macroevolution and the Process of
Archaeology 10 Speciation 47
Biological Anthropology 12 Biocultural Connection: Bonds Beyond Blood:
Anthropology, Science, and the Humanities 14 DNA Testing and Refugee Family Unification 38
Doing Anthropology in the Field 15 Original Study: Ninety-Eight Percent Alike: What Our
Questions of Ethics 20 Similarity to Apes Tells Us about Our Understanding
Anthropology and Globalization 21 of Genetics 40
Biocultural Connection: Picturing Pesticides 8
Chapter Checklist 49
Anthropologists of Note: Franz Boas (1858–1942),
Questions for Reflection 50
Matilda Coxe Stephenson (1849–1915) 14
Digging into Anthropology 50
Anthropology Applied: Forensic Anthropology:
Voices for the Dead 16
Original Study: Whispers from the Ice 18
Chapter 2
Biology, Genetics,
and Evolution 27
Evolution and Creation Stories 27
The Classification of Living Things 28
xvi
Contents xvii
Chapter 3 Anthropology Applied: Chimpanzees in Biomedical

Research: Jane Goodall and the Fight to End the
Living Primates 53 Practice 100
Methods and Ethics in Primatology 54 Chapter Checklist 102

Primates as Mammals 56 Questions for Reflection 103
Primate Taxonomy 58 Digging into Anthropology 103
Primate Characteristics 61
Primate Teeth 61
Primate Sensory Organs 62 Chapter 5
The Primate Brain 64
Field Methods in Archaeology
The Primate Skeleton 64
Living Primates 65 and Paleoanthropology 105
Lemurs and Lorises 66
Recovering Cultural and Biological Remains 106
Tarsiers 67
The Nature of Fossils 106
New World Monkeys 67
Burial of the Dead 108
Old World Monkeys 69
Searching for Artifacts and Fossils 108
Small and Great Apes 70
Site Identification 109
Primate Conservation 73
Cultural Resource Management 112
Threats to Primates 73
Excavation 114
Conservation Strategies 74
Excavation of Bones 115
Original Study: Gorilla Ecotourism: Ethical Considerations
The State of Preservation
for Conservation 55
of Archaeological
Biocultural Connection: Gibbons and Sopranos Both and Fossil Evidence 115
Need to Be Heard 70 Sorting Out the Evidence 117
Anthropology Applied: Saving Our Ape Cousins: Dating the Past 119
Primatologists, Community Action, and the African Relative Dating 120
Wildlife Foundation 76 Chronometric Dating 123
Concepts and Methods
Chapter Checklist 78 for the Most Distant Past 125
Questions for Reflection 79 Continental Drift and Geologic Time 126
Digging into Anthropology 79 The Molecular Clock 127
The Sciences of Discovery 129
Original Study: Action Archaeology and the
Chapter 4 Community at El Pilar 110
Primate Behavior 81 Biocultural Connection: Kennewick Man 120
Primates as Models for Human Evolution 81 Anthropology Applied : The Atari Burial Grounds 126
Primate Social Organization 83
Home Range 84
Social Hierarchy 84
Individual Interaction and Bonding 87
Sexual Behavior 88
Reproduction and Care of Young 91 Chapter 6
Communication and Learning 92
Use of Objects as Tools 97 From First Primates
Hunting 98 to First Bipeds 133
The Question of Culture 99
Anthropologists of Note: Jane Goodall (b. 1934), Primate Origins 133
Kinji Imanishi (1902–1992) 86 Oligocene Anthropoids 135
New World Monkeys 136
Biocultural Connection: Humans and Bonobos:
Miocene Apes and Human Origins 136
A Bicultural Conversation 94
xviii Contents
The Anatomy of Bipedalism 140 Hunting 182

Ardipithecus 142 Other Evidence of Complex Thought 182
Australopithecus 143 The Question of Language 182
The Pliocene Environment and Hominin Archaic Homo sapiens and the Appearance
Diversity 144 of Modern-Sized Brains 183
Diverse Australopithecine Species 145 Levalloisian Technique 184
East Africa 145 Other Cultural Innovations 185
Central Africa 151 The Neandertals 186
South Africa 151 Javanese, African, and Chinese Archaic
Hominins of the Early Pleistocene 152 Homo sapiens 188
Robust Australopithecines 152 Middle Paleolithic Culture 189
Australopithecines and the Genus Homo 154 The Mousterian Tool Tradition 189
Environment, Diet, and the Origins The Symbolic Life of Neandertals 190
of the Human Line 155 Speech and Language
Humans Stand on Their Own Two Feet 157 in the Middle Paleolithic 192
Early Representatives of the Genus Homo 160 Culture, Skulls, and Modern Human Origins 194
Lumpers or Splitters? 161 Biocultural Connection: Sex, Gender, and Female
Differences Between Early Homo Paleoanthropologists 171
and Australopithecus 162
Original Study: Humans as Prey 171
Anthropologists of Note: The Leakeys 137
Anthropology Applied: Stone Tools for Modern
Original Study: Ankles of the Australopithecines 148 Surgeons 191
Biocultural Connection: Evolution and Human
Birth 159
Chapter Checklist 163 Digging into Anthropology 196
Chapter 7
Origins of the Genus Homo 167
The Discovery of the First Stone Toolmaker 168

Sex, Gender, and the Behavior of Early
Homo 169
Hunters or Scavengers? 170
Brain Size and Diet 173
Homo erectus 174
Fossils of Homo erectus 174
Physical Characteristics of Homo
erectus 174
Relationship among Homo habilis, Homo erectus,
and Other Proposed Fossil Groups 176 Chapter 8
Homo erectus from Africa 177
Homo erectus Entering Eurasia 177 The Global Expansion
Homo erectus from Indonesia 177 of Homo sapiens
Homo erectus from China 177
Homo erectus from Western Europe 179
and Their Technology 199
The Culture of Homo erectus 180

Upper Paleolithic Peoples: The First Modern
Acheulean Tool Tradition 180
Humans 200
Use of Fire 181
The Human Origins Debate 200
Contents xix
The Multiregional Hypothesis 200 The Neolithic and Human Biology 243
The Recent African Origins Hypothesis 201 The Neolithic and the Idea of Progress 245
Reconciling the Evidence 202 Biocultural Connection: Dogs Get Right to the
The Genetic Evidence 204 Point 236
The Anatomical Evidence 204
Anthropology Applied: Pre-Columbian Fish Farming
The Cultural Evidence 205
in the Amazon 244
Coexistence and Cultural Continuity 206
Race and Human Evolution 207 Chapter Checklist 247
Upper Paleolithic Technology 208 Questions for Reflection 248
Upper Paleolithic Art 210 Digging into Anthropology 248
Music 210
Cave or Rock Art 212
Ornamental Art 216 Chapter 10
Gender and Art 216
Other Aspects of Upper Paleolithic Culture 216
The Emergence of Cities
The Spread of Upper Paleolithic Peoples 217 and States 251
The Sahul 218
The Americas 221 Defining Civilization 252
Major Paleolithic Trends 222 Tikal: A Case Study 254
Surveying and Excavating the Site 254
Anthropologists of Note: Berhane Asfaw (b. 1953),
Evidence from the Excavation 255
Svante Pääbo (b. 1955) 203
Cities and Cultural Change 257
Original Study: Paleolithic Paint Job 214 Agricultural Innovation 257
Biocultural Connection: Paleolithic Prescriptions for Diversification of Labor 257
Diseases of Today 223 Central Government 259
Social Stratification 262
Chapter Checklist 224 The Making of States 263
Questions for Reflection 225 Ecological Theories 266
Digging into Anthropology 225 Action Theory 267
Civilization and Its Discontents 267
Social Stratification and Disease 269
Chapter 9 Colonialism and Disease 269
The Neolithic Revolution: Anthropology and Cities of the Future 270
The Domestication of Plants Original Study: Ani: Identities and Conflicts

in and Around a Silk Road City 264
and Animals 227 Biocultural Connection: Perilous Pigs:
The Mesolithic Roots of Farming The Introduction of Swine-Borne Disease
and Pastoralism 227 to the Americas 270
The Neolithic Revolution 228
What Is Domestication? 229
Evidence of Early Plant Domestication 230
Evidence of Early Animal Domestication 230
Why Humans Became Food Producers 231
The Fertile Crescent 232 Chapter 11
Other Centers of Domestication 233
Food Production and Population Size 237 Modern Human Diversity—
The Spread of Food Production 238 Race and Racism 275
The Culture of Neolithic Settlements 239
Jericho: An Early Farming Community 239 The History of Human Classification 276
Neolithic Material Culture 240 Race as a Biological Concept 277
Social Structure 241 Conflating Biology into the Cultural Category
Neolithic Cultures in the Americas 242 of Race 278
xx Contents
The Social Significance of Race: Racism 281 Chapter 13

Race and Behavior 283
Race and Intelligence 283 Characteristics of Culture 323
Studying Human Biological Diversity 285

Culture and Adaptation 323
Culture and Biological Diversity 286
The Concept and Characteristics of Culture 326
Beans, Enzymes, and Adaptation to Malaria 288
Culture Is Learned 326
Skin Color: A Case Study in Adaptation 289
Culture Is Shared 327
Race and Human Evolution 291
Culture Is Based on Symbols 331
Original Study: Reflections on the AAA Die-In as
Culture Is Integrated 332
a Symbolic Space of Social Death 282
Culture Is Dynamic 334
Biocultural Connection: Beauty, Bigotry, and the Functions of Culture 334
Epicanthic Fold of the Beholder 286 Culture, Society, and the Individual 335
Culture and Change 336
Ethnocentrism, Cultural Relativism, and Evaluation
of Cultures 338
Anthropology Applied: New Houses for Apache
Indians 330
Chapter 12 Anthropologist of Note: Bronislaw Malinowski
Human Adaptation (1884–1942) 335

Biocultural Connection: Modifying the Human
to a Changing World 295
Body 337
Human Adaptation to Natural Environmental Chapter Checklist 340
Stressors 296 Questions for Reflection 341
Adaptation to High Altitude 300 Digging into Anthropology 341
Adaptation to Cold 302
Adaptation to Heat 304
Human-Made Stressors of a Changing World 304
The Development of Medical
Anthropology 304
Science, Illness, and Disease 305
Evolutionary Medicine 310
Symptoms as Defense Mechanisms 310
Evolution and Infectious Disease 310
The Political Ecology of Disease 312
Prion Diseases 313
Medical Pluralism 314
Globalization, Health, and Structural Violence 314
Population Size and Health 314
Poverty and Health 316
Environmental Impact and Health 316
The Future of Homo sapiens 318 Chapter 14
Anthropologist of Note: Peter T. Ellison (b. 1951) 300
Ethnographic Research—
Original Study: Dancing Skeletons: Life and Death
in West Africa 308
Its History, Methods,
Biocultural Connection: The Vaccine Debate and Theories 343
Goes Viral 312
History of Ethnographic Research and Its Uses 344
Chapter Checklist 319 Salvage Ethnography or Urgent
Questions for Reflection 320 Anthropology 344
Digging into Anthropology 320 Acculturation Studies 344
Contents xxi
Applied Anthropology 345 Historical Linguistics 376

Studying Cultures at a Distance 346 Processes of Linguistic Divergence 377
Studying Contemporary State Societies 347 Language Loss and Revival 377
Studying Peasant Communities 347 Language in Its Social and Cultural
Advocacy Anthropology 348 Settings 379
Studying Up 349 Sociolinguistics 379
Globalization and Multi-Sited Ethnolinguistics 382
Ethnography 349 Language Versatility 383
Doing Ethnography 351 Beyond Words: The Gesture–Call System 384
Site Selection and Research Question 351 Nonverbal Communication 384
Preparatory Research 351 Paralanguage 386
Participant Observation: Ethnographic Tools Tonal Languages 386
and Aids 352 Talking Drums and Whistled Speech 386
Data Gathering: The Ethnographer’s The Origins of Language 387
Approach 352 From Speech to Writing 388
Challenges of Ethnographic Fieldwork 356 Literacy and Modern Telecommunication 390
Social Acceptance 356 Original Study: Can Chantek Talk in Codes? 372
Physical Danger 358
Anthropology Applied: When Bambi Spoke Arapaho:
Subjectivity, Reflexivity, and Validation 359
Preserving Indigenous Languages 380
Completing an Ethnography 361
Building Ethnological Theories 362 Biocultural Connection: The Biology of Human
Ethnology and the Speech 389
Comparative Method 363
A Brief Overview of Anthropology’s Theoretical
Perspectives 363
Mentalist Perspective 363
Materialist Perspective 364
Other Theoretical Perspectives 364
Ethical Responsibilities in Anthropological
Research 364 Chapter 16
Anthropologists of Note: Margaret Mead (1901–1978), Social Identity, Personality,
Gregory Bateson (1904–1980) 358
and Gender 395
Original Study: The Importance of
Trobriand Women 360 Enculturation: The Self and Social Identity 396
Biocultural Connection: Pig Lovers and Pig Self-Awareness 396
Haters 365 Social Identity Through Personal
Naming 397
Chapter Checklist 367 Self and the Behavioral Environment 399
Questions for Reflection 368 Culture and Personality 399
Digging into Anthropology 369 A Cross-Cultural Perspective on Gender and
Personality 400
Case Study: Childrearing and Gender among
Chapter 15 the Ju/’hoansi 400
Language and Three Childrearing Patterns 401
Group Personality 404
Communication 371
Alternative Gender Models 406
Intersexuality 407
Linguistic Research and the Nature of
Transgender 408
Language 374
Castration 409
Descriptive Linguistics 374
The Social Context of Sexual
Phonology 375
and Gender Identity 410
Morphology, Syntax, and Grammar 375
xxii Contents
Normal and Abnormal Personality in Social Chapter Checklist 437

Context 410 Questions for Reflection 438
Sadhus: Holy Men in Hindu Culture 410 Digging into Anthropology 439
Mental Disorders Across Time and
Cultures 412
Personal Identity and Mental Health
in Globalizing Society 413
Anthropologist of Note: Ruth Fulton Benedict
(1887–1947) 402
Original Study: The Blessed Curse 406
Biocultural Connection: A Cross-Cultural Perspective on
Psychosomatic Symptoms and Mental Health 412

Chapter 17
Patterns of Subsistence 417
Adaptation 417
Adaptation, Environment, and Ecosystem 418
Case Study: The Tsembaga 418
Adaptation and Culture Areas 418 Chapter 18
Modes of Subsistence 420 Economic Systems 441
Food-Foraging Societies 420
Characteristics of Food-Foraging Societies 420 Economic Anthropology 441
How Technology Impacts Cultural Adaptations Case Study: The Yam Complex
among Foragers 424 in Trobriand Culture 441
Food-Producing Societies 424 Production and Its Resources 443
Producing Food in Gardens: Horticulture 425 Land and Water Resources 443
Producing Food on Farms: Agriculture 427 Technology Resources 444
Mixed Farming: Crop Growing and Animal Labor Resources and Patterns 444
Breeding 429 Distribution and Exchange 449
Herding Grazing Animals: Pastoralism 429 Reciprocity 449
Case Study: Bakhtiari Herders 430 Redistribution 452
Intensive Agriculture: Urbanization and Market Exchange and the Marketplace 454
Peasantry 431 Money as a Means of Exchange 455
Industrial Food Production 432 Local Economies and Global Capitalism 455
Adaptation in Cultural Evolution 433 Informal Economy and the Escape from State
Types of Cultural Evolution 435 Bureaucracy 459
Case Study: The Environmental Collapse of Anthropology Applied: Global Ecotourism and Local
Easter Island 436 Indigenous Culture in Bolivia 448
Population Growth and the Limits of Progress 437
Biocultural Connection: Cacao: The Love Bean in the
Biocultural Connection: Surviving in the Andes: Aymara Money Tree 456
Adaptation to High Altitude 419
Anthropologist of Note: Rosita Worl 458
Original Study: Gardens of the Mekranoti
Kayapo 426 Chapter Checklist 461
Anthropology Applied: Agricultural Development and the
Anthropologist 428
Contents xxiii
Chapter 19 Bilateral Kinship and the Kindred 503

Kinship Terminology
Sex, Marriage, and Family 465 and Kinship Groups 504
The Eskimo System 505
Regulation of Sexual Relations 466
The Hawaiian System 506
Marriage and the Regulation of Sexual
The Iroquois System 507
Relations 466
Making Relatives 507
Marriage as a Universal Institution 468
Fictive Kin by Ritual Adoption 507
Sexual and Marriage Practices among the
Kinship and New Reproductive
Nayar 468
Technology 509
Incest Taboo 469
Biocultural Connection: Maori Origins: Ancestral Genes
Endogamy and Exogamy 469
and Mythical Canoes 492
Distinction Between Marriage
and Mating 470 Original Study: Honor Killing in the Netherlands 498
Forms of Marriage 471 Anthropology Applied: Resolving a Native American
Monogamy 471 Tribal Membership Dispute 501
Polygamy 473
Other Forms of Marriage 474 Chapter Checklist 509
Choice of Spouse 475 Questions for Reflection 510
Cousin Marriage 478 Digging into Anthropology 510
Same-Sex Marriage 478
Marriage and Economic Exchange 479
Divorce 480 Chapter 21
Family and Household 481 Grouping by Gender,
Forms of the Family 482
Residence Patterns 484
Age, Common Interest,
Marriage, Family, and Household in Our and Social Status 513
Technological and Globalized World 486
Adoption and New Reproductive Grouping by Gender 513
Technologies 486 Grouping by Age 514
Migrant Workforces 486 Institutions of Age Grouping 514
Biocultural Connection: Marriage Prohibitions in the
Age Grouping in East Africa 515
United States 471
Grouping by Common Interest 516
Kinds of Common-Interest
Anthropologist of Note: Claude Lévi-Strauss Associations 517
(1908–2009) 472 Men’s and Women’s Associations 519
Original Study: Arranging Marriage in India 476 Associations in the Digital Age 520
Grouping by Social Status in Stratified
Societies 520
Social Class and Caste 521
Historical Racial Segregation in South Africa
and the United States 524
Indicators of Social Status 524
Chapter 20
Maintaining Stratification 524
Kinship and Descent 491 Social Mobility 526
Original Study: The Jewish Eruv: Symbolic Place in Public
Descent Groups 491
Space 518
Unilineal Descent 493
Other Forms of Descent 497 Anthropology Applied: Anthropologists and Social
Descent Within the Larger Cultural System 497 Impact Assessment 521
Lineage Exogamy 500 Biocultural Connection: African Burial Ground
From Lineage to Clan 500 Project 525
Phratry and Moiety 502
xxiv Contents
Chapter Checklist 528 Supernatural Beings and Spiritual Forces 560

Questions for Reflection 528 Gods and Goddesses 560
Digging into Anthropology 529 Ancestral Spirits 561
Other Types of Supernatural Beings and
Spiritual Forces 562
Chapter 22 Religious Specialists 563
Politics, Power, War, and Peace 531
Priests and Priestesses 563
Spiritual Lineages: Legitimizing Religious
Systems of Political Organization 532 Leadership 564
Uncentralized Political Systems 532 Shamans 565
Centralized Political Systems 535 Ritual Performances 569
Political Systems and the Question of Rites of Purification: Taboo and Cleansing
Authority 538 Ceremonies 569
Politics and Religion 538 Rites of Passage 569
Politics and Gender 540 Rites of Intensification 570
Cultural Controls in Maintaining Order 541 Magical Rituals 571
Internalized Control 541 Sacred Sites: Saints, Shrines, and Miracles 573
Externalized Control 542 Pilgrimages: Devotion in Motion 573
Cultural Control: Witchcraft 542 Desecration: Ruining Sacred Sites 575
Holding Trials, Settling Disputes, and Punishing Cultural Dynamics in the Superstructure: Religious
Crimes 543 and Spiritual Change 576
Violent Conflict and Warfare 544 Revitalization Movements 578
Why War? 546 Syncretic Religions 578
Evolution of Warfare 547 Syncretic Religions Across the Atlantic:
Ideologies of Aggression 548 Vodou in Haiti 578
Genocide 550 Secularization and Religious Pluralism 579
Armed Conflicts Today 550 Biocultural Connection: Change Your Karma and Change
Peacemaking 551 Your Sex? 564
Peace Through Diplomacy 551 Anthropologist of Note: Michael J. Harner
Politics of Nonviolent Resistance 551 (b. 1929) 567
Anthropologist of Note: Laura Nader (b. 1930) 539
Original Study: Sacred Law in Global Capitalism 576
Biocultural Connection: Sex, Gender, and Human
Violence 547 Chapter Checklist 581
Anthropology Applied: William Ury: Dispute Resolution
and the Anthropologist 553

Chapter 24
Digging into Anthropology 555 The Arts 585
The Anthropological Study of Art 586

Chapter 23 Visual Art 588
Verbal Art 591
Spirituality, Religion, Musical Art 595
and Shamanism 557 The Functions of Art 597
Art, Globalization, and Cultural Survival 600
Roles of Spirituality and Religion 558
Original Study: The Modern Tattoo Community 589
Anthropological Approach to Spirituality
and Religion 559 Biocultural Connection: Peyote Art: Divine Visions
Myth and the Mapping of a Sacred among the Huichol 592
Worldview 559 Anthropology Applied: Bringing Back the Past 602
Contents xxv
Chapter Checklist 603 Chapter 26

Digging into Anthropology 604 Global Challenges, Local
Responses, and the Role
of Anthropology 629
Chapter 25
Cultural Revolutions: From Terra Incognita
Processes of Cultural to Google Earth 629
Change 607 A Global Culture? 631
Global Integration Processes 632
Cultural Change and the Relativity of Pluralistic Societies and Multiculturalism 633
Progress 608 Pluralistic Societies and Fragmentation 633
Mechanisms of Change 608 Structural Power in the Age of Globalization 637
Innovation 608 Military Hard Power 638
Diffusion 609 Economic Hard Power 639
Cultural Loss 611 Soft Power: A Global Media Environment 640
Repressive Change 612 Problems of Structural Violence 640
Acculturation and Ethnocide 612 Poverty 641
˛
Case Study: Ethnocide of the Y˛
Yanomami
anomami Hunger, Obesity, and Malnutrition 642
in Amazonia 613 Pollution and Global Warming 644
Directed Change 615 Reactions to Globalization 646
Reactions to Change 615 Ethnic Minorities and Indigenous Peoples:
Syncretism 616 Struggles for Human Rights 646
Revitalization Movements 616 Anthropology’s Role in Meeting the Challenges
Rebellion and Revolution 618 of Globalization 649
Modernization 621 Anthropology Applied: Anthropologist S. Ann Dunham,
Indigenous Accommodation Mother of a U.S. President 642
to Modernization 621
Biocultural Connection: Toxic Breast Milk Threatens
Globalization in the “Underdeveloped”
Arctic Culture 647
World 623
Anthropologist of Note: Eric R. Wolf (1923–1999) 609 Anthropologist of Note: Paul Farmer (b. 1959) 650
Anthropology Applied: Development Anthropology Chapter Checklist 651

and Dams 624 Questions for Reflection 652
Biocultural Connection: Studying the Emergence of New Digging into Anthropology 653
Diseases 625
Glossary 654
Bibliography 664
Digging into Anthropology 627 Index 680
Preface
For the last edition of this textbook, we did some se- important insights about human biology, behavior,
rious housecleaning—sorting through the contents and beliefs.
“clear down to the bottom to determine what should If most students start out with only a vague sense
be kept and what should be tossed to make room for of what anthropology is, they often have even less
new material that warrants a place in a limited space.” clearly defined (and potentially problematic) views
Our efforts resulted in a book more thoroughly revised concerning the position of their own species and cul-cul
than any new edition since Bill Haviland took on coau- tures within the larger world. A second task for this
thors at the turn of the century. For the current edition text, then, is to encourage students to appreciate the
of Anthropology: The Human Challenge—the fifteenth— richness and complexity of human diversity. Along
we continued our paring down efforts, reducing the with this goal is the aim of helping them to understand
overall narrative by 10 percent in order to give more why there are so many differences and similarities in
space to stimulating visuals and other pedagogical en- the human condition, past and present.
hancements. Once again, our own ongoing research fu- Debates regarding globalization and notions
eled our efforts, as did vital feedback from students and of progress; the “naturalness” of the mother, father,
anthropology professors who have used and reviewed child(ren) nuclear family; new genetic technologies;
previous editions. Once again, we scrutinized the ar- and how gender roles relate to biological variation
chetypal examples of our discipline and weighed them all benefit greatly from the distinct insights gained
against the latest innovative research methodologies, through anthropology’s wide-ranging, holistic perspec-
archaeological discoveries, genetic and other biological tive. This aspect of the discipline is one of the most
findings, linguistic insights, ethnographic descriptions, valuable gifts we can pass on to those who take our
theoretical revelations, and significant examples of ap- classes. If we as teachers (and textbook authors) do our
plied anthropology. jobs well, students will gain a wider and more open-
minded outlook on the world and a critical but con-
structive perspective on human origins and on their
own biology and culture today. To borrow a favorite
Our Mission line from the famous poet T. S. Eliot, “The end of all
our exploring will be to arrive where we started and
Most students enter an introductory anthropology know the place for the first time” (“Little Gidding,”
class intrigued by the general subject but with little Four Quartets).
more than a vague sense of what it is all about. Thus, We have written this text, in large part, to help
the first and most obvious task of our text is to provide students make sense of our increasingly complex
a thorough introduction to the discipline—its founda- world and to navigate through its interrelated bio-
tions as a domain of knowledge and its major insights logical and cultural networks with knowledge, empa-
into the rich diversity of humans as a culture-making thy, and skill, whatever professional path they take.
species. Recognizing the wide spectrum of students en- We see the book as a guide for people entering the
rolled in entry-level anthropology courses, we cover often-bewildering maze of global crossroads in the
the fundamentals of the discipline in an engaging, 21st century.
illustrative fashion—providing a broad platform on
which teachers can expand the exploration of concepts
and topics in ways that are meaningful to them and to
their particular group of students.
In doing this, we draw from the research and ideas
A Distinctive Approach
of a number of traditions of anthropological thought, Two key factors distinguish Anthropology: The Human
exposing students to a mix of theoretical perspectives Challenge from other introductory texts: our integrative
and methodologies. Such inclusiveness reflects our presentation of the discipline’s four fields and a trio of
conviction that different approaches offer distinctly unifying themes that tie the book together.
xxvi
Preface xxvii
Integration of the Four Fields 3. Globalization. We track the emergence of

globalization and its disparate impact on various
Unlike traditional texts that present anthropology’s peoples and cultures around the world. European
four fields—biological (physical) anthropology, ar- colonization was a global force for centuries,
chaeology, linguistics, and cultural or social anthro- leaving a significant and often devastating footprint
pology—as if they were separate or independent, on the affected peoples in Asia, Africa, and the
our book takes an integrative approach. This reflects Americas. Decolonization began about 200 years
the holistic character of the discipline, a domain of ago and became a worldwide wave in the mid-
knowledge where members of our species are stud- 1900s. However, since the 1960s, political and
ied in their totality—as social creatures biologically economic hegemony has taken a new and fast-
evolved with the inherent capacity for learning and paced form: globalization (in many ways a process
sharing culture by means of symbolic communica- that expands or builds on imperialism). Attention
tion. This approach also reflects our collective expe- to both forms of global domination—colonialism
rience as practicing anthropologists who recognize and globalization—runs through Anthropology: The
that we cannot fully understand humanity in all its Human Challenge, culminating in the final chapter
fascinating complexity unless we see the systemic in- where we apply the concept of structural power to
terplay among environmental, physiological, mate- globalization, discussing it in terms of hard and soft
rial, social, ideological, psychological, and symbolic power and linking it to structural violence.
factors, both past and present.
For analytical purposes, however, we discuss bio-
logical anthropology as distinct from archaeology, lin-
guistics, and sociocultural anthropology. Accordingly,
there are separate chapters that focus primarily on each
Pedagogy
field, but the links among them are shown repeatedly. Anthropology: The Human Challenge features a range of
Among many examples of this integrative approach, learning aids, in addition to the three unifying themes
“Modern Human Diversity—Race and Racism” (Chap- described previously. Each pedagogical piece plays an
ter 11) discusses the social context of race and recent important role in the learning process—from clarifying
cultural practices that have impacted the human ge- and enlivening the material to revealing relevancy and
nome. In addition, every chapter includes a Biocultural aiding recall.
Connection feature to further illustrate the interplay of
biological and cultural processes in shaping the human
experience.
Accessible Language
and a Cross-Cultural Voice
Unifying Themes In the writing of this text, we consciously cut through
unnecessary jargon to speak directly to students. Manu-
In our own teaching, we recognize the value of mark-
script reviewers have recognized this, noting that even
ing out unifying themes that help students see the big
the most difficult concepts are presented in straight-
picture as they grapple with the vast array of material
forward and understandable prose for today’s first- and
involved with the study of human beings. In Anthro-
second-year college students. Where technical terms
pology: The Human Challenge we employ three such
are necessary, they appear in bold type with a clear def-
themes:
inition in the narrative. The definition appears again
1. Systemic adaptation. We emphasize that every in the running glossary at the bottom of our pages, as
culture, past and present, like the human species well as in a summary glossary at the end of the book.
itself, is an integrated and dynamic system of To make the narrative more accessible to students,
adaptation that responds to a combination of we deliver it in chewable bites—short paragraphs. Nu-
internal and external factors, including influences merous subheads provide visual cues to help students
of the environment. track what has been read and what is coming next.
2. Biocultural connection. We highlight the Accessibility involves not only clear writing en-
integration of human culture and biology in hanced by visual cues, but also an engaging voice or
the steps humans take to meet the challenges style. The voice of Anthropology: The Human Challenge
of survival. The biocultural connection theme is distinct among introductory texts in the discipline
is interwoven throughout the text—as a thread because it has been written from a cross-cultural per-
in the main narrative and in boxed features that spective. We avoid the typical Western “we/they” voice
highlight this connection with a topical example in favor of a more inclusive one to make sure the nar-
for every chapter. rative resonates with both Western and non-Western
xxviii Preface
students and professors. Also, we highlight the theories Checklist, which summarizes the chapter’s content in
and work of anthropologists from all over the world. an easy-to-follow format.
Finally, we have drawn the text’s cultural examples
from industrial and postindustrial societies as well as
nonindustrial ones. Thought-Provoking Questions
Each chapter closes with four Questions for Reflection,
including one that relates back to the Challenge Issue
Compelling Visuals introduced in the chapter’s opening. Presented right af-
The Haviland et al. texts garner praise from students ter the Chapter Checklist, these questions ask students
and faculty for having a rich array of visuals, including to apply the concepts they have learned by analyzing
maps, photographs, and figures. This is important be- and evaluating situations. They are designed to stimu-
cause humans—like all primates—are visually oriented, late and deepen thought, trigger class discussion, and
and a well-chosen image may serve to “fix” key infor- link the material to the students’ own lives.
mation in a student’s mind. Unlike some competing In addition, every Biocultural Connection essay
texts, nearly all of our visuals are in color, enhancing ends with a probing question designed to help stu-
their appeal and impact. dents grapple with and firmly grasp that connection.
Also, the Globalscape features conclude with a Global
Photographs Twister question, which asks students to think more
deeply about the issue presented in the essay.
Our pages feature a hard-sought collection of arrest-
ing, content-rich photographs. Large in size, many
of them come with substantial captions composed Integrated Methods:
to help students do a “deep read” of the image. Each
chapter features more than a dozen pictures, including Digging into Anthropology
our popular Visual Counterpoints—side-by-side photos New to this edition is our Digging into Anthropol-
that effectively compare and contrast biological or cul- ogy feature, presented at the end of every chapter, just
tural features. after the Questions for Reflection. These hands-on as-
signments present opportunities to delve into every
Maps chapter’s content through mini fieldwork projects
Map features include our “Putting the World in Per- designed to integrate methodology throughout the
spective” map series, locator maps, and distribution book and encourage students to explore topics in their
maps that provide overviews of key issues such as pol- own culture.
lution and energy consumption. Of special note are the
Globalscape maps and stories, described in the boxed
features section a bit further on. Integrated Theory: Barrel Model
of Culture
Challenge Issues Past and present, every culture is an integrated and dy-
namic system of adaptation that responds to a combi-
Each chapter opens with a Challenge Issue and accom- nation of internal and external factors. A pedagogical
panying photograph, which together carry forward the device we refer to as the “barrel model” of culture il-
book’s theme of humankind’s responses through time lustrates this. Depicted in a simple but telling drawing
to the fundamental challenges of survival within the (Figure 13.7), the barrel model shows the interrelated-
context of the particular chapter. ness of social, ideological, and economic factors within
a cultural system along with outside influences of envi-
ronment, climate, and other societies. Throughout the
Student Learning Objectives, book, we link examples to this point and this image.
Knowledge Skills, and Chapter
Checklists Integrated Gender Coverage
Each chapter begins with a set of learning objectives In contrast to many introductory texts, Anthropology: The
presented just after the Challenge Issue and photo- Human Challenge integrates coverage of gender through-
graph. These objectives focus students on the main out the book. Thus, material on gender-related issues is
goals, identifying the knowledge skills they are ex- included in every chapter. As a result of this approach,
pected to have mastered after studying each chapter. gender-related material in this textbook far exceeds the
The main goals are incorporated in a closing Chapter single chapter that most books devote to the subject.
Preface xxix
We have chosen to integrate this material because of the authors. Each study sheds additional light on an
concepts and issues surrounding gender are almost al- important anthropological concept or subject area for
ways too complicated to remove from their context. the chapter in which it appears. Notably, each Origi-
Spreading this material through all of the chapters has nal Study is carefully integrated within the flow of the
a pedagogical purpose because it emphasizes how con- chapter narrative, signaling students that its content
siderations of gender enter into virtually everything is not extraneous or supplemental. Appearing in nine-
people do. Gender-related material ranges from dis- teen chapters, Original Studies cover a wide range of
cussions of gender roles in evolutionary discourse and topics, evident from their titles (see page xv).
studies of nonhuman primates to intersexuality, homo-
sexual identity, same-sex marriage, and female genital Anthropology Applied
mutilation. Through a steady drumbeat of such cover- Featured in sixteen chapters, these succinct and fasci-
age, this edition avoids ghettoizing gender to a single nating profiles illustrate anthropology’s wide-ranging
chapter that is preceded and followed by resounding relevance in today’s world and give students a glimpse
silence. into a variety of the careers anthropologists enjoy (see
page xiv for a listing).
Glossary as You Go Anthropologists of Note

The running glossary is designed to catch the student’s Profiling pioneering and contemporary anthropolo-
eye, reinforcing the meaning of each newly introduced gists from many corners of the world, this feature puts
term. It is also useful for chapter review, enabling stu- the work of noted anthropologists in historical per-
dents to readily isolate the new terms from those intro- spective and draws attention to the international na-
duced in earlier chapters. A complete glossary is also ture of the discipline in terms of both subject matter
included at the back of the book. In the glossaries, each and practitioners. This edition highlights more than
term is defined in clear, understandable language. As a eighteen distinct anthropologists from all four fields of
result, less class time is required for going over terms, the discipline (see page xiv for a list of the profiles).
leaving instructors free to pursue other matters of
interest. Globalscapes
Appearing in fourteen chapters, this unique feature
charts the global flow of people, goods, and services, as
Special Boxed Features well as pollutants and pathogens. With a map, a story,
Our text includes five types of special boxed features. and one or two photos highlighting a topic geared to-
Every chapter contains a Biocultural Connection, ward student interests, every Globalscape shows how
along with two of the following three features: an Orig- the world is interconnected through human activity.
inal Study, Anthropology Applied, or Anthropologist of Each one ends with a Global Twister—a question that
Note. In addition, about half of the chapters include encourages students to think critically about globaliza-
a Globalscape. These features are carefully placed and tion. Check out the titles of Globalscapes on page xiv.
introduced within the main narrative to alert students
to their importance and relevance. A complete listing
Highlights in the
of features is presented on page xiv.
Biocultural Connections
Appearing in every chapter, this signature feature of
Fifteenth Edition
the Haviland et al. textbooks illustrates how cultural Anthropology: The Human Challenge has undergone a
and biological processes interact to shape human bi- thorough updating. Definitions of key terms have been
ology, beliefs, and behavior. It reflects the integrated honed. Many new visuals and ethnographic examples
biocultural approach central to the field of anthropol- have been added and others dropped. Nearly every
ogy today. All of the Biocultural Connections include a chapter features a new opening photograph and related
critical thinking question. For a quick peek at titles, see Challenge Issue. The much-used Questions for Reflec-
the listing of features on page xiv. tion include at least one new question per chapter, and
on the heels of those questions we have added a brand-
Original Studies new Digging into Anthropology feature with hands-on
Written expressly for this text, or adapted from eth- assignments that prompt deeper investigation through
nographies and other original works by anthropolo- mini projects related to each chapter’s contents.
gists, these studies present concrete examples that As with earlier editions, we further chiseled the
bring specific concepts to life and convey the passion writing to make it all the more clear, lively, engaging,
xxx Preface
and streamlined. On average, chapter narratives have been on William Rathje’s Garbage Project that focus on trash
trimmed by about 10 percent. Statistics and examples production and disposal in large urban areas.
have been updated throughout—in the narrative, cap-
tions, and figures. In addition to numerous revisions of Chapter 2: Biology, Genetics, and Evolution
boxed features, some of these are completely new. This chapter on biology, genetics, and evolution opens
Finally, we have replaced footnotes with in-text with a new Challenge Issue demonstrating the link be-
parenthetical citations, making sources and dates more tween culture and science and the ways in which bio-
visible and freeing up space for larger visuals. The com- technology has become vital to identity and security in
plete listing of citations appears in the bibliography at the 21st century. To help students stay abreast of tech-
the end of the book. nological developments in genetics and their applica-
Beyond these across-the-board changes, particular tions in the world (without overwhelming them), the
changes have been made within each chapter. details on DNA replication to protein synthesis have
been significantly refined and streamlined.
Chapter 1: The Essence of Anthropology Compelling photographs with content-rich cap-
This opening chapter emphasizes the contemporary tions illustrate basic concepts such as toxic mutagenic
relevance of anthropology as it introduces students agents and complement the historical aspects of this
to the holistic perspective, philosophical underpin- chapter’s content. Figure changes include updated cell
nings and defining methodological approaches that division art, a new homeobox gene photo, a locator
run across its distinct four fields. Students will come map of the Dadaab refugee camp, and an 18th-century
to understand anthropology in relation to other dis- illustration of a chimpanzee. The discussions of hered-
ciplines and as a living laboratory that allows for the ity and population genetics have been significantly
testing of hypotheses without the influence of cul- condensed and clarified. A new Digging into Anthro-
ture-bound notions. A new Challenge Issue, centered pology feature, “Making Meaning of Memes,” asks stu-
on the repurposing of free antimalarial mosquito nets dents to apply the principles of genetics, heredity, and
as fishing nets, shows the interconnectedness of our evolution to social media as they trace the appearance,
world today as individuals must choose between dis- dissemination, and mutation of memes.
ease prevention and the health benefits of increased
fishing yields. Chapter 3: Living Primates
Our discussion of anthropology and globaliza- This photo-rich chapter introduces students to our clos-
tion brings students to the current global refugee crisis est relatives in the animal world—the other primates—
through new material on the distinction between na- and the impact we humans have on our cousins. It
tion and state and a new Globalscape “Safe Harbor?” opens with a discussion of the influence of globaliza-
on the plight of Rohingya boat people. Similarly, the tion on populations of living primates in the world
global flow of food and pesticides is highlighted with today through a new Challenge Issue describing the
the new placement of the Biocultural Connection “Pic- capture and global trade of slow lorises, one of many
turing Pesticides.” primates prized as pets in some societies. The updated
The diversity of anthropologists and the subjects endangered primate map further drives home the ur-
and forms of work they undertake will draw students gency of primate conservation. Exploring the basic
in as they see: the collaborative nature of contempo- biology of all the living primates, this chapter empha-
rary anthropological research through archaeologist sizes the place of humans within the group of primates
Anne Jensen’s work in the Arctic; innovative ethno- and basic mammalian primate adaptation compared
graphic forms in the work of cultural anthropologist to that of reptiles. It engages with biological concepts
Gina Athena Ulysse; novel field sites as with cultural such as homeotherms versus isotherms, k-selection
anthropologist Philippe Bourgois’s fieldwork among versus r-selection, ancestral and derived characteris-
homeless substance abusers; cutting-edge technol- tics, convergent evolution, preadaptation, adaptive ra-
ogy in the genetics work of forensic anthropologist diation, and ecological niche. New figures on vertical
Mercedes Doretti in the updated Anthropology Applied clinging and leaping and brachiation help to illustrate
feature (“Forensic Anthropology: Voices for the Dead”); these concepts; the figure on the relationships among
and even the collaboration between archaeologists and the primates has been updated to take into account the
microbreweries with the work of biomolecular archae- new data regarding the gorilla genome.
ologist Pat McGovern. A new Biocultural Connection, “Gibbons and
The new Digging into Anthropology feature, Sopranos Both Need to Be Heard,” demonstrates the
“Talking Trash: Hidden in the Middens,” on archaeol- close relationship of humans to our primate relatives
ogy and trash provides the opportunity for students to by examining the similarities between gibbon vocal-
learn archaeological concepts through hands-on expe- izations and soprano singing. The Anthropology Ap-
rience. This feature is enhanced by the chapter updates plied feature, “Saving Our Ape Cousins: Primatologists,
Preface xxxi
Community Action, and the African Wildlife Founda- sites from normal activities, and the distinctive world-
tion,” has been extensively updated, telling the stories views at work when scientists and indigenous peoples
of primate conservation efforts under way across the differ in their approaches to ancient remains.
African continent with the African Wildlife Founda- The chapter explores the importance of work
tion. The brave and creative methods of primatologists conducted in the lab after excavation. The updated
are explored in the Digging into Anthropology feature, Biocultural Connection on Kennewick Man incorpo-
“Finding or Losing Your Inner Ape.” Here, students are rates recent results from genetic investigation and a
challenged to experience their daily lives with some new photo. A new Anthropology Applied feature, “The
primate quality either enhanced or restricted as a way Atari Burial Grounds,” shows how field methods at dig
to tease apart human and nonhuman behavior and sites are useful even for recently buried artifacts. The
biology. Original Study on excavations at El Pilar in Belize has
been repositioned and significantly updated by Anabel
Chapter 4: Primate Behavior Ford. Enhanced with new images and content-rich cap-
Filled with cutting-edge discoveries and theories about tions, including an archaeological comic by John Swog-
primate behavior, this chapter opens with a new Chal- ger, the chapter has also been significantly condensed
lenge Issue that considers eminent primatologist Frans to provide a more direct overview of field methods.
de Waal’s work on morality—previously regarded as a The hands-on Digging into Anthropology feature chal-
uniquely human attribute—among our primate cous- lenges students to feel the earth in their hands as they
ins. We introduce students to the research and activism carry out the field methods detailed in the chapter.
of primatologists such as Jane Goodall and explore the
notion of primate culture as evidenced in their com- Chapter 6: From First Primates
municative abilities, their distinct group traditions, and to First Bipeds
their ability to grasp complex tasks such as toolmaking. With this first of several human evolution chapters, we
A new Biocultural Connection on the language start by introducing paleoanthropology as a science of
capacities of Kanzi the bonobo explores primatologist discovery: a discipline that reshapes its understanding
Sue Savage-Rumbaugh’s intriguing notion that his life of the past with each new finding. The Challenge Issue
has made him in effect bicultural. The new Digging features the stunning announcement in October 2015
into Anthropology feature asks students to engage with of the new species, Homo naledi, to illustrate the place
Kanzi’s pictorial language through observation on their of paleoanthropology in the news and our collective
own use of emoji in daily communication. Jane Good- imaginations today. But the chapter opener also ex-
all and her work are the focus of both the Anthropolo- plains the challenges involved in viewing new discov-
gists of Note (along with primatologist Kinji Imanishi) eries and placing them in the progression from the first
and the updated and expanded Anthropology Applied primates to the first bipeds to humans. We consider the
features—including her activism to protect the rights debates among paleoanthropologists about how speci-
of apes and to eliminate the use of chimps in biomedi- mens might be identified as unique species, the role
cal research, reflecting the U.S. National Institutes of of dating in paleoanthropological interpretations, and
Health decision to end this practice entirely. The Glo- the question of when the genus Homo appeared.
balscape spotlights gorilla hand ashtrays and Dian Fos- This chapter has been extensively revised for clar-
sey’s efforts to protect gorillas and to conserve their ity, succinctness, and accuracy. We have reorganized
habitats in Rwanda, Uganda, and the Democratic Re- headings to reflect these revisions while retaining
public of Congo. comparisons between the earliest bipeds of the fossil
record to humans and to chimps. New photographs
Chapter 5: Field Methods of some of the early fossils—including Little Foot, Ida,
in Archaeology and Paleoanthropology and Ardipithecus ramidus—as well as updated figures
This chapter, detailing the investigative methods uti- indicating the new Plio-Pleistocene split and the evo-
lized by paleoanthropologists and archaeologists in lutionary branching of gorillas further enrich the chap-
the field, also situates these methods in contemporary ter. The chapter’s Biocultural Connection on human
sociopolitical contexts. It opens with a tragic example birth demonstrates the relevance of paleoanthropologi-
that challenges all of us to find ways to preserve our cal theories to contemporary medical practice. A new
shared cultural heritage. How can we protect archaeo- Anthropologists of Note feature examines the legacy of
logical sites from destructive actions—such as the dev- paleoanthropologists Louis and Mary Leakey through
astation at the ancient city of Palmyra and the killing of several generations of family members who continue
the Syrian archaeologist who tried to protect these re- to make significant contributions to paleoanthropol-
mains from ISIS—a group that considers the relics to be ogy. The new Digging into Anthropology feature “Fool
sacrilegious? We also explore other threats to archaeo- with Your Ancestors” asks students to engage with the
logical sites—looters motivated by profit, disruption of infamous Piltdown hoax by imagining a false find
xxxii Preface
that might gain credibility because it reifies prevailing of Note feature introduces students to the work of
beliefs. paleogeneticist Svante Pääbo, and this chapter’s Glo-
balscape on UNESCO World Heritage Sites has been
Chapter 7: Origins of the Genus Homo updated to reflect the current list of endangered sites.
This exploration of the origins of the genus Homo A new Digging into Anthropology feature engages with
opens with the challenge to consider just what it is the chapter’s updated Biocultural Connection by ask-
that makes us human. Through the example of the ing students to examine the Paleolithic diet that has
use of fire, we introduce the theme that runs through gained popularity in some contemporary societies.
this chapter: What is the relationship between the bio-
logical changes preserved in the fossil record and the Chapter 9: The Neolithic Revolution:
evidence of culture preserved in the archaeological re- The Domestication of Plants and Animals
cord? Significantly reorganized to avoid redundancies, This comprehensive chapter on the Neolithic revo-
flow naturally, and drive home the central points, this lution contains a suite of features demonstrating the
chapter gives careful attention to the primary theo- relevance of the ancient domestication of plants and
ries in the field today. Chapter 7 prepares students to animals to contemporary life. It opens with a new
engage with theories of modern human origins that Challenge Issue exploring the recent global enthusiasm
follow. for the crop quinoa, an ancient food of Andean peoples
The chapter retains its presentation of the contri- in South America. But worldwide demand for quinoa
butions of female paleoanthropologists, a discussion of has destabilized the lifeways of the region in which
gendered interpretations of the fossil record, and the this crop was originally domesticated. The Neolithic set
work of paleoartists to flesh out the bones of our an- into motion a pattern of competition for resources that
cestors. It also includes major recent discoveries such now takes place on a global scale.
as the Homo naledi fossils mentioned in the previous An updated section on the Irish potato famine
chapter; the 2015 discovery of the Lomekwi stone illustrates the impact of British policy on the Irish,
tools that predate Oldowan assemblages by 700,000 revealing the interplay of political, economic, and
years; and new research on a Neandertal hyoid bone farming factors that resulted in tragic consequences.
that impacts interpretation of their capacity for spoken The chapter offers new content-rich captions—for
language. A new Digging into Anthropology feature on a photo of bottle gourds used by Datooga women to
language and communication closes the chapter. carry and store liquids and for an ancient winery with
pottery vessels at Areni-1 in Armenia—providing a
Chapter 8: The Global Expansion view of the role of genetics in archaeology. We have
of Homo sapiens and Their Technology repositioned the Anthropology Applied feature on pre-
This chapter provides a comprehensive streamlined Columbian fish farming to add more naturally to the
discussion of theories for modern human origins and theme of resource competition.
the spread of Homo sapiens throughout the globe. It The biological consequences of the Neolithic have
asks students to engage with the nature of the relation- been incorporated into the text with a fresh writing
ship between biological change and cultural change as style including new art illustrating bone growth and
we get closer to the present. When in our evolution- Harris line formation. Further, the 2015 avian flu out-
ary history does associating behavior with physical break and subsequent mass slaughter of poultry have
appearance become untenable, as it would be today been incorporated into this chapter’s Globalscape and
when examining living peoples? The chapter opens by into the table on diseases acquired from domesticated
exploring the Eurocentrism embedded in the focus on animals. A new Digging into Anthropology feature
the art and artifact of Europe by shifting our focus to “Domestication Today” asks students to study their
the Paleolithic art from Indonesia. It also challenges own pets for a view into what drives domestication of
students to think about whether the creation of art animals.
was tied to a speciation event involving the spread of
a new and improved sort of human across the globe.
Chapter 10: The Emergence
The chapter hones students’ critical thinking skills by of Cities and States
showing the distinction between genetic, cultural, and With most of this world’s 7 billion-plus inhabitants liv-
morphological data and the challenges inherent in rec- ing in urban environments, this chapter on the emer-
onciling these kinds of data with one another. gence of cities and states demonstrates the vital role
The chapter discusses in detail the place of genetic of archaeology to solving problems brought about by
studies in mapping the spread of Homo sapiens, incor- this dominant form of social organization. The chap-
porates new material on the Denisovan and Neandertal ter’s opening Challenge Issue explores the relationship
genomes, and provides a look at recent genetic studies between centralized authority and war, using the de-
on the peopling of the Americas. A new Anthropologist struction of archaeological treasures during the current
Preface xxxiii
civil war in Syria as an example. The chapter’s new Glo- evidenced through the story of Rachel Dolezal; and
balscape “Illicit Antiquities” on the looting that has ac- the Black Lives Matter movement that has grown in re-
companied this war contains some surprising profiteers sponse to the violence. In the chapter’s new Original
and archaeological heroes. Study, “Reflections on the AAA Die-In as a Symbolic
The chapter has been reorganized, particularly in Space of Social Death,” Faye Harrison reflects on bring-
“The Making of States” section, for better clarity and ing the Black Lives Matter movement into the national
simplicity. The section on the interdependence of cit- anthropology meetings. The new Globalscape “Finding
ies is updated to include the 2011 tsunami in Japan, a Home?” explores the movement of Korean-born adop-
more detailed discussion of the Syrian civil war, the Eb- tees who have returned to Korea in response to the
ola virus, as well as the role of social media and global racism and dissociation they have felt in the United
interconnections through cyberspace and airspace. The States. The chapter’s Biocultural Connection, “Beauty,
chapter’s case study of Tikal demonstrates the range Bigotry, and the Epicanthic Fold of the Beholder,” has
of archeological methods used in the exploration of a been updated to include global statistics on double eye-
complex site. A new visually rich Original Study, “Ani: lid plastic surgery.
Identities and Conflicts in and Around a Silk Road We have expanded the chapter’s examination of
City” by Gregory Areshian, connects global politics genocide, and its inherent connection with racism,
past and present to the discipline of archaeology. with the inclusion of Gregory Stanton’s eight phases
This chapter also engages deeply with social of genocide and prevention, as well as the Rohingya
stratification—an outcome of cities and states that Muslims’ current risk of genocide. The term geno-
has a profound impact on human populations today. cide has been added as a glossary term. The chapter
Through visuals and hands-on activities, students see provides appropriate approaches to the study of hu-
elaborate cemeteries transformed into housing as the man diversity that avoid the false categories of race.
population of Cairo, Egypt, expands. “Mapping Class,” It explores human variation through characteristics
the new Digging into Anthropology feature, asks stu- such as skin color, lactose digestion, blood type, and
dents to bring an awareness of social stratification to so on while debunking the notion of race-specific
their local communities as they create maps that note medicines.
differences in characteristics—such as building density
and materials, transportation, and access to services— Chapter 12: Human Adaptation
according to class. to a Changing World
This chapter focuses on the biology of human adap-
Chapter 11: Modern Human Diversity— tation and the profound influence of culture on all
Race and Racism aspects of human biology. Updates for this edition in-
With the violence that has accompanied the rise of rac- tegrate recent global developments and their impacts
ism and interethnic violence globally, the anthropo- on human adaptation. A new Challenge Issue on the
logical perspective on human diversity is increasingly Great Pacific garbage patch illustrates how human ac-
important. We have substantially revised this chapter tion is altering the earth’s habitability as pollution at a
to reflect the structural and physical violence against massive scale interferes with global food webs. By using
minorities globally and specific responses to this vio- evolutionary, ecological, critical, and biocultural medi-
lence. Race and racism are presented in this chapter cal anthropological approaches, the chapter grounds
through present-day examples that engage students human adaptation in the realm of sickness and health.
with familiar, modern iterations of these thought- We have updated the case study of the prion disease
provoking concepts. A new Challenge Issue describes kuru to show newly discovered biological responses to
the June 2015 Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal prion disease that may have a deep history in human
Church murders in Charleston, South Carolina, as a endocannibalism.
horrific example of racism’s continued impact in our We have added new glossary terms epigenetics and
world. We explore the social and political realities of resistant strain as part of the discussion on human ad-
race and reinforce the absence of biologically distinct aptation. Epigenetics is further explored in an updated
races throughout this chapter. section on new research on the intergenerational ef-
We have completely revamped and streamlined fects of traumatic experiences. A new Biocultural Con-
discussions on race and intelligence for improved nection explores the controversial topic of vaccination,
pedagogy, and then we ask students to look for bias while considering the effects of vaccination on human
in the standardized tests and college entrance exams adaptation. Building on the discussion from the Chal-
they have taken in the new Digging into Anthropol- lenge Issue, the new Digging into Anthropology fea-
ogy feature. We provide other contemporary examples ture closes the chapter by asking students to explore
of discussions of race and racism, including the 2015 the operation of waste management systems in their
Baltimore police brutality protests; racial identity as own communities.
xxxiv Preface
Chapter 13: Characteristics of Culture an ethnography in written, film, or digital formats.

This chapter addresses anthropology’s core concept Readers will also find an overview of anthropology’s
of culture, exploring the term and its significance for theoretical perspectives, along with discussions of
individuals and societies. It opens with a vibrant new the comparative method and the Human Relations
Challenge Issue photo highlighting Kuchi nomads in Area Files. Moral dilemmas and ethical responsibili-
Afghanistan, recognizable by their distinctive dress ties encountered in anthropological research are also
and pack camels. Five other new photos are part of this explored.
chapter’s revision, including a satellite image illustrat- Boxed features include an Original Study on
ing the transformation of vast stretches of the Arabian fieldwork in the Trobriand Islands, a Biocultural Con-
Desert into rich agricultural land with water from non- nection feature on the environmental and economic
renewable sources deep under ground. conditions that impact attitudes about pigs, and an
The main narrative begins with a section on Anthropologists of Note feature highlighting Margaret
culture and adaptation, setting the foundation for a Mead and Gregory Bateson’s collaborative research in
discussion of culture and its characteristics. Our re- Papua New Guinea. The new Digging into Anthropol-
colored “barrel model” illustration shows the integra- ogy assignment calls on students to carry out a bit of
tive and dynamic nature of culture and introduces the multi-sited research with six individuals in their social
key concepts of cultural infrastructure, social structure, network: two with whom they live, two with whom
and superstructure. We present the Kapauku Papua of they interact at work or school, and two with whom
Western New Guinea as an example of culture as an they communicate via social media channels but
integrated system and explore pluralistic societies and rarely see.
subcultures through an updated look at the Amish in
North America. Chapter 15: Language and Communication
The chapter includes discussions on culture, so- This chapter begins with a dynamic new photograph
ciety, and the individual; ethnocentrism and cultural of a busy Chinatown street in Thailand’s capital city of
relativism; and cultural change in the age of globaliza- Bangkok, where signs appear in multiple languages. It
tion. Special features include the Biocultural Connec- goes on to investigate the nature of language and the
tion, “Modifying the Human Body,” with an updated three branches of linguistic anthropology—descriptive
illustration, an Anthropologist of Note on Bronislaw linguistics, historical linguistics, and the study of lan-
Malinowski, and the Anthropology Applied feature, guage in its social and cultural settings (ethnolinguis-
“New Houses for Apache Indians” by George Esber, tics and sociolinguistics). Also found here are sections
who describes his role in designing culturally appropri- on paralanguage and tonal languages and a unique in-
ate homes for a Native American community. The new troductory exploration of talking drums and whistled
Digging into Anthropology task, “Hometown Map,” speech. The sections on sociolinguistics and ethnolin-
invites students to map aspects of their community uti- guistics cover gendered speech, social dialects, code
lizing the barrel model. switching, and linguistic relativity, drawing on a range
of examples from Lakota Indians in South Dakota to
Chapter 14: Ethnographic Research— Aymara Indians in Bolivia and Hopi Indians in Arizona.
Its History, Methods, and Theories Our discussion on language loss and revival in-
Opening with a new Challenge Issue on fieldwork ac- cludes a look at modern technology used by linguistic
companied by a lively visual of a young anthropologist anthropologists collaborating on field research with
returning from a tortoise hunt with Ayoreo Indians in speakers of endangered Khoisan “click” languages in
Paraguay, this chapter takes a distinct approach to dis- southern Africa. It also features the latest data on the
cussing ethnographic research. It begins with a histori- digital divide and its impact on ethnic minority lan-
cal overview on the subject—from the colonial era and guages—plus an updated chart showing Internet lan-
salvage ethnography to acculturation studies, advo- guage populations. A historical sketch about writing
cacy anthropology, cyberethnography, and multi-sited takes readers from traditional speech performatives
ethnography in the era of globalization. Relaying this and memory devices to Egyptian hieroglyphics to the
story, we touch on the work of numerous anthropolo- conception and spread of the alphabet. A concluding
gists, past and present. section on literacy and modern telecommunication
The chapter continues with a detailed discus- looks at issues of language in our globalized world.
sion on ethnographic research methods—from select- New photos include Visual Counterpoint images
ing a research question and site to doing preparatory contrasting social space across cultures. Boxed features
research to engaging in participant observation. It include S. Neyooxet Greymorning’s Anthropology
chronicles the ethnographer’s approach to gathering Applied essay on language revitalization, Lyn White
qualitative and quantitative data, delineates the chal- Mile’s Original Study on her research with Chantek
lenges of fieldwork, and touches on the creation of the orangutan, and a Biocultural Connection on the
Preface xxxv
biology of human speech. “Body Talk,” a new Digging new photo of a peasant farmer practicing wet-rice
into Anthropology task, asks students to investigate cultivation on the steep slopes of China’s Guangxi
the relationship between language and culture by doc- Province—one of half a dozen new visuals enlivening
umenting the body language of six people from differ- this chapter. The chapter narrative, significantly re-
ent cultures and experimenting with altering their own vised and reconfigured with several new headings, be-
body language. gins with a general discussion of adaptation, followed
by a new section titled “Adaptation, Environment,
Chapter 16: Social Identity, and Ecosystem,” which includes a case study on the
Personality, and Gender Tsembaga who raise pigs in Papua New Guinea. On the
Looking at individual identity within a sociocultural heels of that comes a brief section on adaptation and
context, this chapter surveys the concept of self, en- culture areas, featuring a new map. Next come modes
culturation and the behavioral environment, social of subsistence and their characteristics. It begins with
identity through personal naming, the development of food foraging—including a section chronicling the im-
personality, the concepts of group and modal personal- pact of technology on foragers, with Mbuti Pygmies
ity, and the idea of national character. The new opening providing an ethnographic example. Moving on to
Challenge Issue features Khanty mothers and their fur- food-producing societies, we discuss pastoralism, crop
clad children on a reindeer sled at their winter camp in cultivation, and industrial food production, including
Siberia—one of several new photos in this chapter. a case study of Bakhtiari herders in Iran, a discussion
The section on culture and personality includes on peasantry, and the $55 billion U.S. poultry business.
Margaret Mead’s classic research on gender and person- A section on adaptation and cultural evolution
ality, followed by an Anthropologist of Note essay on touches on the notion of progress, explores convergent
Ruth Benedict. Also featured in this section is a case and parallel evolution through ethnographic exam-
study on childrearing and gender among traditional ples, and features the latest ethnohistorical research on
and nontraditional Ju/’hoansi and a revised overview ecosystemic collapse on Rapa Nui, commonly known
of three childrearing patterns, including interdepen- as Easter Island. A new conclusion looks at population
dence training among the Beng of West Africa. A sec- growth and the limits of progress.
Y˛a˛ nomami
tion on group personality describes the Yanomami The chapter’s boxed features include an Original
masculine ideal of waiteri, followed by discussions on Study on slash-and-burn cultivation in the Amazon
the questions of national character and core values. basin in Brazil, an Anthropology Applied piece about
Our exploration of alternative gender models reviving ancient farming practices in Peru, and a Glo-
includes a highly personal Original Study about in- balscape on the international poultry industry. “Global
tersexuality. Ethnographic examples concerning trans- Dining,” the topic of this chapter’s Digging into An-
gender include the Bugis of Indonesia, who recognize thropology task, gives students an opportunity to see
five genders. “The Social Context of Sexual and Gen- how they “embody” globalization by having them lo-
der Identity” section provides new global statistics on cate the sources of their groceries on a map.
state-sponsored homophobia. On its heels is the broad-
ranging section, “Normal and Abnormal Personality Chapter 18: Economic Systems
in Social Context,” which presents the extreme sadhu Opening with a new Challenge Issue and photo high-
tradition in India and then discusses mental disorders lighting an open city market in the highlands of
and concepts of “normality” across time and cultures. Guatemala, this reworked chapter offers eight new
The Biocultural Connection offers a cross-cultural view photographs and captions, including a new Visual
on psychosomatic symptoms and mental health, while Counterpoint on harvesting and exporting tea. After a
a concluding section, “Personal Identity and Mental brief description of economic anthropology, illustrated
Health in Globalizing Society,” drives home the need by a case study on the yam complex in Trobriand cul-
for medical pluralism with a variety of modalities fit for ture, we discuss production and resources (natural,
humanity in the worldwide dynamics of the 21st cen- technological, labor). Considering labor resources and
tury. This chapter’s Digging into Anthropology assign- patterns, we look at gender, age, cooperative labor, and
ment, “Gender Across Generations,” charges students task specialization, drawing on ethnographic examples
to do intergenerational interviewing on the concepts that include salt mining in Ethiopia.
of femininity and masculinity to gain insight on gen- A section on distribution and exchange explains
der differentiation. various forms of reciprocity (including an illustrated
description of the Kula ring), trade and barter, redis-
Chapter 17: Patterns of Subsistence tribution (with brief accounts of the Inca empire and
Here we investigate the various ways humans meet the northwestern American Indian potlatch), and
their basic needs and how societies adapt through market exchange. The discussion on leveling mecha-
culture to the environment, opening with a dramatic nisms features an ethnographically rich photo of a
xxxvi Preface
contemporary Tlingit potlatch in Sitka, Alaska. After A closing section sketches the impact of global
providing an overview on the history of money as a capitalism, electronic communication, and trans-
means of exchange, we conclude with a section on lo- nationalism on love relations. It includes revised
cal economies and global capitalism, featuring discus- subsections on adoption, new reproductive technolo-
sions on the informal economy and the development gies, and migrant workforces. Boxed features include
and marketing of genetically modified seeds. an Original Study on arranged marriages in India, a
Boxed features include an Anthropology Applied Biocultural Connection on marriage prohibitions in
piece on global ecotourism in Bolivia, a newly illus- the United States, and an Anthropologist of Note on
trated Biocultural Connection on chocolate, and an Claude Lévi-Strauss. The new Digging into Anthropol-
Anthropologist of Note about Tlingit anthropologist ogy feature is titled “Sex Rules?” It involves making a
Rosita Worl’s work with Sealaska, an indigenous collec- list of six distinctive sets of sexual relationships, not-
tive that markets wood products and other goods. The ing which are socially accepted or prohibited by law or
new Digging into Anthropology task, “Luxury Foods faith and what the punishment is for breaking the pro-
and Hunger Wages,” asks students to track down the hibition. The second half of the exercise is comparison
source of a luxury food or drink, the ethnicities and and analysis.
wages of those who harvested it, and the profit margin
of the company that markets it. Chapter 20: Kinship and Descent
Beginning with a new photograph of a clan gathering
Chapter 19: Sex, Marriage, and Family in Scotland, this chapter marks out the various forms
Exploring the connections between sexual reproductive of descent groups and the role descent plays as an in-
practices, marriage, family, and household, this chapter tegrated feature in a cultural system. The narrative in-
opens with a gorgeous photo of a Muslim bride and her cludes details and examples of lineages, clans, phratries,
female relatives and friends displaying hands decorated and moieties (highlighting Hopi Indian matriclans and
with traditional henna design. Particulars addressed in Scottish highland patriclans, among others), followed
the chapter include the incest taboo, endogamy and by illustrated examples of a representative range of kin-
exogamy, dowry and bridewealth, cousin marriage, ship systems and their kinship terminologies.
same-sex marriage, divorce, residence patterns, and Along with an array of new and revised visu-
nonfamily households. Up-to-date definitions of mar- als, this chapter offers ethnographic examples from
riage, family, nuclear family, and extended family encom- the Han Chinese, the Maori of New Zealand, and the
pass current real-life situations around the world. Of Canela Indians of Brazil; it also takes a look at diasporic
the dozen visuals in this chapter, six are new. communities in today’s globalized world. A section en-
The diverse ethnographic examples in this chap- titled “Making Relatives” explores fictive kin and rit-
ter come from many corners of the world. Opening ual adoption, illustrating that in cultures everywhere,
paragraphs on the traditional sexual freedom of young people have developed ideas about how someone be-
people in the Trobriand Islands lead into a discussion comes “one of us.” We also present a discussion of kin-
on the regulation of sexual relations across cultures. ship and new reproductive technologies, touching on
A section on marriage and the regulation of sexual re- the mind-boggling array of reproductive possibilities
lations includes a recent example of Shariah law as it and how they are impacting humanity’s conceptions
relates to women and adultery—along with a nuanced of what it means to be biologically related.
commentary about the relationship between such re- Boxed features include an Anthropology Applied
strictive rules and the incidence of sexually transmitted piece on resolving Native American tribal member-
diseases. Also featured is a short case study on sexual ship disputes, a thought-provoking Original Study
and marriage practices among the Nayar in India, on honor killings among Turkish immigrants in the
which describes consanguineal and affinal kin. Netherlands, and a freshly illustrated Biocultural Con-
A discussion on endogamy and exogamy includes nection piece about ancient Maori mythical traditions
a fresh look at cousin marriages among Pakistani immi- that are now supported by genetic research. The Dig-
grants in England. Immigration is also touched upon ging into Anthropology project, “What’s in a Name?,”
in the “Forms of Marriage” section, which notes the invites students to glean the importance of kin terms
impact immigration is having on polygamy statistics by interviewing someone (“EGO”) and mapping EGO’s
in Europe and the United States, even as the practice kin-group.
declines in sub-Saharan Africa. Other ethnographic
examples concern woman–woman marriage among Chapter 21: Grouping by Gender, Age,
the Nandi of Kenya, dowries in the Kyrgyz Republic, Common Interest, and Social Status
all-male households among the Mundurucu in Brazil’s Starting with a vibrant photograph of Afghan horse-
Amazon rainforest, and matrilocal residence among men playing buzkashi, their country’s fiercely competi-
traditional Hopi Indians. tive national sport, this chapter includes discussions
Preface xxxvii
on grouping by gender, age, common interest, and searing photo of a woman who fell victim to one. Un-
social status. der the heading “Holding Trials, Settling Disputes, and
The gender grouping discussion features ethno- Punishing Crimes,” we contrast traditional kin-based
graphic material from the Mundurucu of Brazil, among approaches to those of politically centralized societies.
others, while age grouping highlights the Tiriki and This includes descriptions of Inuit song duels in Can-
Maasai of East Africa. Common-interest grouping ex- ada and Kpelle trials by ordeal in Liberia, plus a discus-
amples range from “pink vigilantes” in India to the sion of restorative justice.
African diaspora in the United States. A section on as- A section on violent conflict sketches the evolu-
sociations in the digital age provides new figures on tion of warfare and the impact of technology, includ-
the rapid and widespread changes in social networking drones. It presents a brief new profile (with photo)
ing platforms across the globe. The revised section on of the self-proclaimed Islamic State and its jihad. Delv-
grouping by social status explores social class and caste. ing further into ideologies of aggression, it chronicles
We give special attention to the traditional Hindu caste a Christian holy war in Uganda. Following discus-
system in India and touch on customarily closed Eu- sions on genocide and contemporary armed conflicts,
ropean social classes known as estates, as well as the the narrative looks at approaches to peacemaking—
history of racial segregation in South Africa and the diplomacy, treaty making, and the politics of nonvio-
United States. Indicators of social status are discussed, lent resistance, including brief profiles of movements
along with social mobility and various means of main- led by Mohandas Gandhi in India and Aung San Suu
taining stratification. Kyi in Myanmar. An updated Anthropology Applied
Boxed features include an updated Globalscape box on dispute resolution has been relocated to this
profiling the impact of football on Côte d’Ivoire’s eth- section. Other special features in this chapter include a
nic conflicts, a Biocultural Connection about the Afri- Biocultural Connection on gender, sex, and human vi-
can Burial Ground Project in New York City, an Original olence and an updated Globalscape on Somali pirates.
Study on the Jewish eruv, and an Anthropology Applied “Politics and Purses,” the Digging into Anthropology
feature on policy research revealing institutionalized assignment for this chapter, takes students on a jour-
inequality. The new Digging into Anthropology assign- ney to locate links between money and power.
ment is designed to help students reflect on how their
social media self and relationships may differ from Chapter 23: Spirituality, Religion,
their face-to-face self and relationships. and Shamanism
This chapter, rich with nine new visuals, opens with a
Chapter 22: Politics, Power, War, and Peace colorful new photo and Challenge Issue highlighting
This chapter opens with a new Challenge Issue and a sacred Buddhist dance ritual in Bhutan. The main
photo in which masses of people, besieged by Syria’s narrative begins with a discussion of superstructure
civil war, are trying to escape the Yarmouk refugee and worldview. Noting the distinction between spiri-
neighborhood outside of Damascus. The main narra- tuality and religion, we discuss the anthropological ap-
tive begins by defining power and politics, followed proach to studying them and offer an updated chart
by descriptions of uncentralized and centralized politi- and a map showing the numbers of religious adherents
cal systems and their characteristics—from bands and and the concentrations of major religions around the
tribes to chiefdoms and states. Ethnographic examples world. After introducing myths and their role in map-
include the Ju/’hoansi Bushmen, the Kapauku Papua, ping cosmology, we discuss supernatural beings and
the Pashtun of Afghanistan and Pakistan, and the spiritual forces—from gods and goddesses to ancestral
Kpelle of Liberia. We explain the distinction between spirits and the concepts of animism and animatism.
state and nation, highlighting the Kurdish fight for in- This section features a new image of the dual-gender
dependence. After discussing the concepts of authority divinity, Ardhanaraishvara.
and legitimacy, the narrative explores the link between Next we mark out religious specialists. Our over-
politics and religion and gender—touching on the role view of priests and priestesses includes a Biocultural
religion may play in legitimizing the political order Connection on the masculinization of Taiwanese
and leadership and taking a historical, cross-cultural nuns and a discussion on spiritual lineages, compar-
look at the incidence of female leadership. Among the ing how authority is obtained and passed on among
ethnographic examples we present is the dual-gender Tibetan Buddhists and three other religious groups.
government system of the Igbo in Nigeria. A comprehensive exploration of shamanism fea-
A section titled “Cultural Controls in Maintaining tures our “shamanic complex” diagram, a descrip-
Order” investigates internalized control (such as self- tion of shamanic healing among the Ju/’hoansi with
control) and externalized control (such as sanctions), a remarkable new photo, and an Anthropologist of
as well as witchcraft. The witchcraft discussion features Note on modern-day shamanic practitioner-teacher
new material on modern witch hunts, including a Michael Harner.
xxxviii Preface
In a section on ritual performances, we discuss ta- to the beat of a drum to West African griots recount-
boos and cleansing ceremonies, rites of passage (with ing personal histories through percussion and lyrics.
ethnographic examples noting the phases of separa- We touch on the elements of music, including tonality,
tion, transition, and incorporation), rites of intensifica- rhythm, and melody, and through music we explore
tion, magic (imitative and contagious), and divination the functions of art. Boxed features include a Biocul-
(with a new Visual Counterpoint juxtaposing “bone tural Connection about the role of peyote in Huichol
throwing” diviners in South Africa with a feng shui mas- art, a newly illustrated Original Study on tattoos, a
ter in Hong Kong). A section on witchcraft offers a brief Globalscape on artful West African coffins, and a mov-
cross-cultural overview, followed by a more detailed ing Anthropology Applied feature about a Penobscot
description of Navajo skin-walkers. Next come sacred Indian anthropologist recreating traditional regalia as
sites—from shrines to mountains—and the pilgrim- part of a cultural and economic survival strategy. The
ages (devotions in motion) they inspire. This includes a new Digging into Anthropology assignment, “A Heart
subsection on female saints (highlighting Marian devo- for Art,” invites students to look into a public art per-
tions and Black Madonnas) and a discussion of desecra- formance in their own community and compare that
tion, past and present. to the Kayapo Indians’ artful political protest featured
In a section on cultural dynamics, we explore rein the chapter’s opening photo and Challenge Issue.
ligious and spiritual change, including revitalization
movements and syncretic religions (especially Vodou Chapter 25: Processes of Cultural Change
in Haiti). Turning to religious pluralism and seculariza- A new opening photo showing a crowd of people
tion, we give an overview of spirituality and religious stranded by a delayed train in India suggests the chal-
practices today (including an Original Study on Sha- lenge of human dependency on major technologi-
riah banking), driving home the point that the an- cal advances made since the invention of the steam
thropological study of religion is crucial to gaining an engine. Globalization themes and terms are woven
understanding of today’s world. This chapter’s Digging through this chapter, which includes definitions distin-
into Anthropology, “Going Through a Phase,” calls on guishing progress from modernization and rebellion from
students to observe a rite of passage, take note of its revolution. Discussing mechanisms of change—primary
phases, and analyze why the event requires a ritual. and secondary innovation, diffusion, and cultural loss,
as well as repressive change—we highlight the spear-
Chapter 24: The Arts thrower (atlatl) and wheel-and-axle technology, as well
This chapter begins with a Challenge Issue about artic- as the dynamics that encourage or discourage innova-
ulating ideas and emotions through various art forms, tive tendencies. Examples in the discussion on diffu-
illustrated by a dramatic new photograph showing a sion range from bagpipes in Bhutan to the spread of
crowd of Kayapo Indians staging a political protest in maize and the metric system.
artful ceremonial paint and dress. The main narrative A streamlined exploration of cultural change and
explores three key categories of art—visual, verbal, and loss covers acculturation and ethnocide—featuring an il-
musical. It features eight new photographs, including a ˛
lustrated passage on Yanomami
Y˛anomami . After discussing directed
new Visual Counterpoint juxtaposing ancient rock art change, we chronicle reactions to change—explaining
and modern urban graffiti. syncretism through the story of Trobrianders trans-
Describing the distinctly holistic approach an- forming the British game of cricket and elaborating on
thropologists bring to the study of art, we note the revitalization movements with a description of cargo
range of cultural insights art discloses—from kinship cults in Melanesia and the revival of sacred precolonial
structures to social values, religious beliefs, and po- rituals such as sun worship in Bolivia. A discussion on
litical ideas. We also explain aesthetic and interpretive rebellion and revolution highlights the Zapatista Maya
approaches to analyzing art, as applied to rock art in Indian insurgency in southern Mexico and the Chinese
southern Africa and cross-cultural depictions of the communist revolution (including a new photo and
Last Supper in the Bible. A revised verbal arts section caption concerning its long-term impact on women).
presents several ethnographic examples, including the Discussing processes of modernization, we consider
Abenaki creation myth and the culturally widespread self-determination among indigenous peoples with
“Father, Son, and Donkey” tale. two contrasting examples: the Shuar Indians of Ecua-
The section on music carries readers from flutes dor and a newly illustrated story of Sámi reindeer herd-
made of bones from 42,000 years ago to traditional ers in northwest Russia and Scandinavia.
and new age shamans drumming to evoke trances; Boxed features include a Biocultural Connection
from rapping and beatboxing to online music mash- on the emergence of new diseases, an Anthropologist
ups; from laborers on the edge of the Sahara working of Note on Eric R. Wolf, and an Anthropology Applied
Preface xxxix
about development anthropology and dams, with a globalization, we touch on religious fanaticism among
fascinating satellite image of China’s Three Gorges Muslims and Christians, along with the human rights
Dam. A new Digging into Anthropology, “Life With- struggles of ethnic minorities and indigenous peoples.
out Imports,” asks students to analyze how their cul- The chapter concludes with an encouraging look at an-
ture would change if they faced a political revolution thropology’s role in meeting the inequities and other
that prohibited the consumption of foreign goods and challenges of globalization.
information. Special box features include a Biocultural Connec-
tion about the threat to Arctic cultures from outside
Chapter 26: Global Challenges, Local contamination; an updated Globalscape about dump-
Responses, and the Role of Anthropology ing toxic waste in poor countries; an Anthropology
Our final chapter opens with a new photo of an In- Applied piece on Ann Dunham (President Obama’s
ternet café in China coupled with a revised Challenge mother), who was a pioneer in microfinancing; and
Issue about cultural adaptations that have fueled popu- an uplifting Anthropologist of Note profile about Paul
lation growth and globalization. The main narrative Farmer and his global Partners In Health foundation.
begins with a new passage describing the stunning The new Digging into Anthropology feature, “How Are
globalizing effect of today’s digital telecommunica- You Wired?,” calls on students to analyze their use of
tion technology—featuring a new illustration of satel- telecommunication devices.
lites orbiting earth and raising the question of whether
our species can successfully adapt to the dynamic eco-
system of the current geological epoch known as the
Anthropocene. A section titled “Cultural Revolutions: Supplements
From Terra Incognita to Google Earth” offers a 500-year Anthropology: The Human Challenge comes with a com-
overview of technological inventions that have trans- prehensive supplements program to help instructors
formed humanity’s lifeways, expanded interconnec- create an effective learning environment both inside
tions, and changed our perceptions about our place and and outside the classroom and to aid students in mas-
destiny in the universe. It ends with the first full-view tering the material.
photograph taken of earth and speculations by some
that a homogenous global culture is in the making.
A section on global integration processes marks Online Instructor’s Manual,
out the emergence of international organizations.
We then consider pluralistic societies, multicultural-
PowerPoint Slides,
ism, and fragmentation, illustrating the push-and-pull and Test Bank
aspects of today’s world. A section on global migra-
The instructor’s manual offers detailed chapter out-
tions catalogues the number of internal and external
lines, lecture suggestions, key terms, and student activ-
migrants, including transnationals working in one
ities such as video exercises and Internet exercises. In
country while remaining citizens of another, plus the
addition, there are over seventy-five chapter test ques-
millions of refugees forced outside their countries.
tions including multiple choice, true/false, fill in the
Marking out challenges migrants face, we include a
blank, short answer, and essay.
new section titled “Diasporas and Xenophobia,” fol-
lowed by “Migrants, Urbanization, and Slums,” report-
ing on the 1 billion people worldwide now living in Readings and Case Studies
slums.
Next comes what may be most important sec-
Classic and Contemporary Readings
tion in this chapter, “Structural Power in the Age of in Physical Anthropology, edited by
Globalization,” with comprehensive subsections on M. K. Sandford with Eileen M. Jackson
hard power (economic and military) and soft power This highly accessible reader emphasizes science—its
(media) featuring updated and newly designed graphs. principles and methods—as well as the historical de-
On its heels is a revised overview of the problems of velopment of physical anthropology and the applica-
structural violence—from poverty and income dispar- tions of new technology to the discipline. The editors
ity; to hunger, obesity, and malnutrition; to pollution provide an introduction to the reader as well as a brief
and global warming. This section features a new world overview of the article so students know what to look
map showing income inequality. Another world map for. Each article also includes discussion questions and
depicts energy consumption. Discussing reactions to Internet resources.
xl Preface
Classic Readings in Cultural Anthropology, Case Studies on Contemporary Social

4th edition, edited by Gary Ferraro Issues, edited by John A. Young
Now in its fourth edition, this reader includes histori- Framed around social issues, these contemporary case
cal and recent articles that have had a profound effect studies are globally comparative and represent the
on the field of anthropology. Organized according to cutting-edge work of anthropologists today.
the major topic areas found in most cultural anthro-
pology courses, this reader includes an introduction to Case Studies in Archaeology,
the material as well as a brief overview of each article edited by Jeffrey Quilter
and discussion questions. These engaging accounts of new archaeological tech-
niques, issues, and solutions—as well as studies dis-
Globalization and Change in Fifteen cussing the collection of material remains—range
Cultures: Born in One World, Living from site-specific excavations to types of archaeology
in Another, edited by George Spindler practiced.
and Janice E. Stockard
In this volume, fifteen case studies describe cultural
change in diverse settings around the world. The fif-
teen authors of the original case studies provide insight
into the dynamics and meanings of change, as well as
the effects of globalization at the local level.
Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology,

edited by George Spindler
and Janice E. Stockard
Select from more than sixty classic and contemporary
ethnographies representing geographic and topical
diversity. Newer case studies focus on cultural change
and cultural continuity, reflecting the globalization of
the world.
Acknowledgments
No textbook comes to fruition without extensive collabo- Nancy Bianchi. Aram Bingham, Tavid Bingham, and
ration. Beyond the shared endeavors of our author team, Adrienne Rule tracked innumerable details with insight
this book owes its completion to a wide range of individ- and good cheer. Also worthy of note here are the in-
uals, from colleagues in the discipline to those involved troductory anthropology teaching assistants at Kansas
in development and production processes. Sincere thanks State University and the students from the University
to colleagues who brought their expertise to bear—as of Vermont College of Medicine and the Honors Col-
sounding boards and in responding to questions con- lege who, through the years, have shed light for us on
cerning their specializations: Marta P. Alfonso-Durruty,
Durruty
Durruty, effective ways to reach new generations of students.
Frans B. M. de Waal, John Hawks, Amber Campbell And, finally, we recognize the introductory students
Hibbs, Adrie Kusserow, Heather Loyd, William Mitchell, themselves, who are at the heart of this educational
Gillian E. Newell, Martin Ottenheimer, Svante Pääbo, endeavor and who continually provide feedback in for-
Herbert Prins, and Michael Wesch. We are particularly mal and informal ways.
grateful for the manuscript reviewers listed below, who Our thanksgiving inventory would be incom-
provided detailed and thoughtful feedback that helped plete without mentioning individuals at Wadsworth/
us to hone and re-hone our narrative. Cengage Learning who helped conceive of this text and
We carefully considered and made use of the wide bring it to fruition. Of special note is our content de-
range of comments provided by these individuals. Our velopment editor Catherine (Cat) Craddock, who came
decisions on how to utilize their suggestions were in- to us midstream when her predecessor Stefanie Chase
fluenced by our own perspectives on anthropology and took another post at Cengage. Both women brought
teaching, combined with the priorities and page limits joy, steadiness, and skill to our efforts. Thanks also to
of this text. Thus, neither our reviewers nor any of the Gordon Lee, our former product manager, and his suc-
other anthropologists mentioned here should be held cessor Elizabeth (Libby) Beiting-Lipps—Gordon for his
responsible for any shortcomings in this book. They integrity, brainstorming skills, and lively collaborative
should, however, be credited as contributors to many manner, and Libby for welcoming us so graciously to
of the book’s strengths: Julie Adkins, Brian Bates, Beau her already substantial workload. Additional gratitude
Bowers, Amanda Paskey, Warren Roberts, Joe Ruben- to Michael Cook (art director), Cheri Palmer (content
stein, James Sewastynowicz, and Leanna Wolfe. project manager), and Jennifer Levanduski (marketing
Thanks to colleagues who provided material for director).
some of the Original Study, Biocultural Connection, and In addition to all of the above, we have had the
Anthropology Applied boxes: Gregory Areshian, Tavid invaluable aid of several most able freelancers, includ-
Bingham, Michael Blakey, Nancy I. Cooper, Hillary ing our long-cherished copy editor Jennifer Gordon,
Crane, Margo DeMello, Katherine Dettwyler, Clark thoroughly kind and kindly thorough; our stellar pro-
L. Erickson, George S. Esber, Anabel Ford, S. Neyooxet duction coordinator Jill Traut of MPS Limited, who can
Greymorning, Marvin Harris, Faye V. Harrison, Donna keep more balls in the air than the best of jugglers; and
Hart, John Hawks, Michael M. Horowitz, Ann Kendall, our resilient veteran photo researcher Sarah Evertson.
Susan Lees, Roger Lewin, Charles C. Mann, Jonathan Thanksgiving as well to Larry Didona, cover designer;
Marks, Bill Maurer, H. Lyn White Miles, Serena Nanda, Lisa Buckley, text interior designer; GraphicWorld for
Jennifer Sapiel Neptune, Martin Ottenheimer, Sherry new maps; Santosh Kumar for artwork; and lastly the
Simpson, Jason Silverstein, Amanda Stronza, William composition team lead by Rakesh Pandey.
Ury, Clementine van Eck, Annette B. Weiner, Dennis And finally, as always, we are indebted to fam-
Werner, and R. K. Williamson. ily members and close friends who have put up with
We have debts of gratitude to office workers in our our hectic schedules during every textbook revision
departments for their cheerful help in clerical matters: season—and provided us with good company when we
Karen Rundquist and research librarian extraordinaire managed to take a break.
xli
About the Authors
States. A staunch supporter of indigenous rights, he

served as expert witness for the Missisquoi Abenaki of
Vermont in an important court case over aboriginal
fishing rights.
Awards received by Dr. Haviland include being
named University Scholar by the Graduate School of
the University of Vermont in 1990; a Certificate of Ap-
preciation from the Sovereign Republic of the Abenaki
Nation of Missisquoi, St. Francis/Sokoki Band in 1996;
and a Lifetime Achievement Award from the Center for
Research on Vermont in 2006. Now retired from teach-
Courtesy of the authors

ing, he continues his research, writing, and lecturing
from the coast of Maine. He serves as a trustee for the
Abbe Museum in Bar Harbor, focused on Maine’s Na-
tive American history, culture, art, and archaeology.
Authors Bunny McBride, Dana Walrath, Harald Prins, and
His most recent books are At the Place of the Lobsters
William Haviland. and Crabs (2009) and Canoe Indians of Down East Maine
(2012), along with the monograph Excavations in Resi-
All four members of this author team share overlapping dential Areas of Tikal (2015).
research interests and a similar vision of what anthro-
pology is (and should be) about. For example, all are HARALD E. L. PRINS is a University Distinguished Pro-
true believers in the four-field approach to anthropol- fessor of cultural anthropology at Kansas State Univer-
ogy, and all have some involvement in applied work. sity. Academically trained at half a dozen Dutch and
U.S. universities, he previously taught at Radboud
WILLIAM A. HAVILAND is professor emeritus at the Uni- University (Netherlands), Bowdoin College and Colby
versity of Vermont, where he founded the Department College in Maine, and as a visiting professor at the Uni-
of Anthropology and taught for thirty-two years. He versity of Lund, Sweden. He has received numerous
holds a PhD in anthropology from the University of honors for his teaching, including the Conoco Award
Pennsylvania. for Outstanding Undergraduate Teaching in 1993,
He has carried out original research in archae- Presidential Award in 1999, Coffman Chair of Distin-
ology in Guatemala and Vermont; ethnography in guished Teaching Scholars in 2004, Carnegie Founda-
Maine and Vermont; and physical anthropology in tion Professor of the Year for Kansas in 2006, and the
Guatemala. This work has been the basis of numer- AAA/Oxford University Press Award for Excellence in
ous publications in various national and international Undergraduate Teaching of Anthropology in 2010.
books and journals, as well as in media intended for His fieldwork focuses on indigenous peoples in
the general public. His books include The Original Ver- the western hemisphere, and he has long served as an
monters, coauthored with Marjorie Power, and a tech- advocacy anthropologist on land claims and other na-
nical monograph on ancient Maya settlement. He also tive rights. In that capacity, Dr. Prins has been a lead
served as consultant for the award-winning telecourse expert witness in both the U.S. Senate and Canadian
Faces of Culture, and he is coeditor of the series Tikal federal courts. He has refereed for forty academic book
Reports, published by the University of Pennsylvania publishers and journals. His own numerous academic
Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology. publications appear in nine languages, with books in-
Besides his teaching and writing, Dr. Haviland cluding The Mi’kmaq: Resistance, Accommodation, and
has given lectures for numerous professional as well as Cultural Survival (Margaret Mead Award finalist).
nonprofessional audiences in Canada, Mexico, Leso- Also trained in filmmaking, he served as presi-
tho, South Africa, and Spain, as well as in the United dent of the Society for Visual Anthropology and has
xlii
About the Authors xliii
coproduced award-winning documentaries. He has working on a second graphic memoir that combines
been the visual anthropology editor of American An- her Aliceheimer’s work with her fieldwork on aging and
thropologist, coprincipal investigator for the U.S. memory in Armenia and a graphic novel about the ge-
National Park Service, international observer in Para- netics of mental illness.
guay’s presidential elections, and a research associate at
the National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian BUNNY MCBRIDE is an award-winning author special-
Institution. izing in cultural anthropology, indigenous peoples,
international tourism, and nature conservation issues.
DANA WALRATH—an award-winning writer, artist, and Published in dozens of national and international print
anthropologist—is a faculty member at the University media, she has reported from Africa, Europe, China,
of Vermont College of Medicine. After earning her PhD and the Indian Ocean. Holding an MA from Columbia
in medical and biological anthropology from the Uni- University and highly rated as a teacher, she has taught
versity of Pennsylvania, she taught there and at Temple at the Salt Institute for Documentary Field Studies and
University. Dr. Walrath broke new ground in paleoan- at Principia College, where she was a visiting faculty
thropology through her work on the evolution of hu- member in the Anthropology Department on and off
man childbirth. She has also written on a wide range for many years. Since 1996 she has been an adjunct
of topics related to gender in paleoanthropology, the lecturer of anthropology at Kansas State University.
social production of sickness and health, sex differ- Among McBride’s many publication credits are
ences, genetics, and evolutionary medicine. Her work the books Women of the Dawn; Molly Spotted Elk: A Pe-
has appeared in edited volumes and in journals such as nobscot in Paris; and Our Lives in Our Hands: Micmac In-
Current Anthropology, American Anthropologist, American dian Basketmakers. She has also contributed chapters in
Journal of Physical Anthropology, and Anthropology Now. a dozen books and coauthored several books, including
Her books include Aliceheimer’s, a graphic memoir, and Indians in Eden and The Audubon Field Guide to African
Like Water on Stone, a verse novel. Wildlife. Working on a range of issues and projects with
She developed a novel curriculum in medical edu- Maine Indian tribes since 1981, McBride received a
cation at the University of Vermont College of Medi- commendation from the Maine state legislature for her
cine that brings humanism, anthropological theory research and writing on the history of Native American
and practice, narrative medicine, and professionalism women. Boston Globe Sunday Magazine featured a long
skills to first-year medical students. Dr. Walrath also has profile about her, and Maine Public Television made a
an MFA in creative writing from Vermont College of documentary about her research and writing on Molly
Fine Arts and has exhibited her artwork in North Amer- Spotted Elk.
ica and Europe. Her recent work in the field of graphic In recent years, McBride has served as coprincipal
medicine combines anthropology with memoir and investigator for a National Park Service ethnography
visual art. Spanning a variety of disciplines, her work project and curated several museum exhibits, including
has been supported by diverse sources such as the Na- “Journeys West: The David & Peggy Rockefeller Ameri-
tional Science Foundation, the Templeton Foundation, can Indian Art Collection” for the Abbe Museum in Bar
the Centers for Disease Control, the Health Resources Harbor, Maine. Her exhibit, “Indians & Rusticators,”
and Services Administration, the Vermont Studio received a Leadership in History Award from the Ameri-
Center, the Vermont Arts Council, and the National can Association for State and Local History (2012). As of
Endowment for the Arts. She spent 2012–2013 as a Ful- 2016, she serves on the advisory panel for the Women’s
bright Scholar at the American University of Armenia World Summit Foundation (based in Geneva, Switzer-
and the Institute of Ethnography and Archaeology of land) after ten years on the organization’s board and
the National Academy of Sciences of Armenia. She is three as its president.
Uriel Sinai/The New York Times/Redux
CHALLENGE ISSUE
How do we make sense of the world? Who are we, and how are we connected to the person
pictured here? Why might we look different from this person or speak a different language?
Anthropologists approach such questions holistically, framing them in a broad, integrated
context that considers human culture and biology, in all times and places, as inextricably
intertwined. Consider David Abongo Owich pictured here catching baby catfish in Kenya’s Lake
Victoria with repurposed mosquito nets, provided by health organizations to regions with a
high incidence of malaria, which is spread by mosquitoes. However, the free malarial nets are
useful for trapping fish, so some choose to improve their diet rather than protect themselves
from malaria. This has led to problems not only with the continued spread of the disease but
with overfishing and water contamination from the insecticides in the nets. Historically, disease-
specific interventions have often overlooked the needs and values of each particular human
society. The anthropological perspective equips us to negotiate today’s interconnected, global-
ized world, enabling us to contribute to practical solutions for the problems of contemporary life.
The Essence
of Anthropology 1
The Anthropological Perspective
Anthropology is the study of humankind in all times and places. Of course, In this chapter you
many disciplines focus on humans in some way. For example, anatomy and will learn to
physiology concentrate on our species as biological organisms. Anthropology fo- ● Describe the discipline
cuses on the interconnections and interdependence of all aspects of the human of anthropology and
experience in all places, in the present and deep into the past, well before written
make connections
between each of its four
history. This unique, broad holistic perspective equips anthropologists to fields.
address that elusive thing we call human nature.
● Compare anthropology
Anthropologists welcome the contributions of researchers from other disci- to the sciences and the
plines and, in return, offer their findings to these disciplines. Anthropologists may humanities.
not know as much about the structure of the human eye as anatomists or as much ● Identify the
about the perception of color as psychologists. As synthesizers, however, anthro- characteristics of
pologists seek to understand how anatomy and psychology relate to color-naming anthropological field
methods and the ethics
practices in different societies. Because they look for the broad basis of ideas and
of anthropological
practices without limiting themselves to any single social or biological aspect, research.
anthropologists acquire an expansive and inclusive overview of our species. ● Explain the usefulness
Embracing a holistic perspective allows anthropologists to guard against possi- of anthropology in light
ble personal or cultural biases. As the old saying goes, people often see what they of globalization.
believe rather than what appears before their eyes. By maintaining a critical aware-
ness of their own assumptions about human nature—checking and rechecking the
ways their beliefs and actions might be shaping their research—anthropologists
strive to gain objective knowledge about humans. With this in mind, anthropol-
ogists avoid the pitfalls of ethnocentrism, a belief that the ways of one’s own
culture are the best or only proper ones. anthropology The study of humankind in all
times and places.
Thus anthropologists have expanded holistic perspective A fundamental
principle of anthropology: The various parts
our understanding of diversity in hu-
of human culture and biology must be viewed
man thought, biology, and behavior, as in the broadest possible context in order
to understand their interconnections and
well as our understanding of the many interdependence.
ethnocentrism The belief that the ways of
things humans have in common. one’s own culture are the only proper ones.
4 CHAPTER 1 The Essence of Anthropology
as for one investigat-

ing tropical food gar-
dens or traditional
healing ceremonies.
We might say anthro-
pology is a discipline
concerned with unbi-
ased evaluation of di-
verse human systems,
including one’s own.
Although other
social sciences have
predominantly concen-
trated on contempo-
rary peoples living in
North American and
European (Western) so-
cieties, anthropologists
have historically fo-
cused on non-Western
peoples and cultures.
Anthropologists work
with the understanding
that to fully access the
complexities of human
ideas, behavior, and bi-
ology, all humans, wher-
ever and whenever,
must be studied. A
Gina Ulysse
cross-cultural and long-
term evolutionary per-
Figure 1.1 Anthropologist Gina Athena Ulysse spective distinguishes
Anthropologists come from many corners of the world and contribute to the field in myriad ways. Dr. anthropology from
Gina Athena Ulysse, pictured here, was born in Pétion-Ville, Haiti, and immigrated to the United States other social sciences.
with her family when she was a teenager. Now an associate professor of anthropology at Wesleyan This approach guards
University, she is a writer and spoken word scholar-artist. Her work explores Haitian history, identity, against theories that
spirituality, and the lingering, dehumanizing effects of colonialism. Her performances incorporate spoken are culture-bound—
word and Vodou chant, blurring the lines between anthropology and art. She recently brought her
based on assumptions
performance back to Haiti while wearing the International Peace Belt, first created from coins that went
about the world and
out of circulation when the euro replaced most former European currencies. Today 115 of the world’s
reality that come from
196 countries are represented on the belt. As a “living link between cultures and a symbol of peace
the researcher’s own
and unity of all nations” (Artists for World Peace, 2015), the belt has traveled to over twenty-five
culture.
countries on five continents.
As a case in point,
consider the fact that
Anthropologists come from many different backgrounds, infants in the United States typically sleep apart from
and individuals practicing the discipline vary in their their parents. To people accustomed to multibedroom
personal, national, ethnic, political, and religious beliefs houses, cribs, and car seats, this may seem normal,
(Figure 1.1). At the same time, they apply a rigorous but cross-cultural research shows that co-sleeping, of
methodology for researching from the perspective of the mother and baby in particular, is more common globally
culture being studied, which requires them to check for (Figure 1.2). Further, the practice of sleeping apart favored
the influences of their own biases. This is as true for an in the United States dates back only about 200 years
anthropologist analyzing the global banking industry (McKenna & McDade, 2005). Cultural norms are neither
universal nor eternal.
Consider also the medical practice of organ transplan-
culture-bound A perspective that produces theories about the world
and reality that are based on the assumptions and values from the tation, which has become widespread since the first kid-
researcher’s own culture. ney transplant between twin brothers in Boston in 1954.
Anthropology and Its Fields 5
V IVSIUA
S UALL C O UNNTTEE
COU RR PO
POI N ITN T
Picture Partners/Alamy
Dinodia Photo
Figure 1.2 Sleeping Habits Across Cultures
A newborn baby in United States lies alone in a hospital cradle. A newborn Ho baby in Chakradharpur, India, sleeps nestled
beside her mother. The patterns set in the first hours of life repeat in the coming weeks, months, and years. The U.S. pattern
promotes the cultural norm of 8 isolated, uninterrupted hours of sleep at night throughout all phases of the life span. Cross-cultural
research shows that co-sleeping and periods of wakefulness during the night are far more common. For U.S. infants sleeping
alone in cribs, the consequences can be dire. They do not benefit from breastfeeding cues provided by someone sleeping nearby.
Consequently, they are more susceptible to sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS), a phenomenon in which a baby, usually between
4 and 6 months old, stops breathing and dies while asleep. The highest rates of SIDS are found among infants in the United States
(McKenna, Ball, & Gettler, 2007). That 50 to 70 million adults in the United States suffer from sleep disorders may also be a
product of this cultural pattern (Institute of Medicine, 2006).
Today, transplants between unrelated individuals are

common, so much so that organs are illegally trafficked,
Anthropology
often across continents from the poor to the wealthy. A
practice like organ transplantation can only exist if it fits
and Its Fields
with cultural beliefs about death and the human body. Individual anthropologists tend to specialize in one of four
The dominant North American and European view—that fields or subdisciplines: cultural anthropology, linguistic
the body is a machine that can be repaired much like a anthropology, archaeology, and biological (physical) an-
car—makes organ transplantation acceptable. However, thropology (Figure 1.3). Some anthropologists consider
in Japan the concept of brain death (that a person is archaeology and linguistics to be part of a broader study of
“dead” when the individual’s brain no longer functions, human cultures, but both subdisciplines have close ties to
despite a still-beating heart) is hotly contested. Their idea biological anthropology. For example, although linguistic
of personhood does not incorporate a mind–body split, anthropology focuses on the cultural aspects of language,
so Japanese people do not accept that a warm body is a it has deep connections to the evolution of human lan-
corpse from which organs can be harvested. In addition, guage and to the biological basis of speech and language
the idea of organs as anonymous “gifts” does not fit with studied within biological anthropology.
the Japanese social pattern of reciprocal exchange. Conse- Researchers in each of anthropology’s fields gather and
quently, organ transplants are rarely performed in Japan analyze data to explore similarities and differences among
(Lock, 2001). humans, across time and space. Moreover, individuals
The findings of anthropologists have often challenged within each of the four fields practice applied anthro-
the conclusions of sociologists, psychologists, and econ- pology, using anthropological knowledge and methods
omists. At the same time, anthropology is indispensable to prevent or solve practical problems. Most applied an-
to those in other disciplines because it provides the only thropologists actively collaborate with the communities
consistent check against culture-bound assertions. In a
sense, anthropology is to these disciplines what the lab-
oratory is to physics and chemistry: an essential testing applied anthropology The use of anthropological knowledge and
ground for their theories. methods to solve practical problems, often for a specific client.
specialization appear in many of the Biocultural Connection

A features in this text, including “Picturing Pesticides.”
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AL GY ANTH INGU Cultural Anthropology
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es
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anthropology
thought, and feelings. It focuses on humans as culture-pro-
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Theories ducing and culture-reproducing creatures. To understand
ARC
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the work of cultural anthropologists, we must clarify the
M
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make sense of experience and which generate behavior and
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are reflected in that behavior. These are the (often uncon-
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© Cengage Learning
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p
e p scious) standards by which societies—structured groups of

d p people—operate. These standards are socially learned—not
learned
A
acquired through biological inheritance. Cultures may vary
considerably from place to place, but no person is “more
Figure 1.3 The Four Fields of Anthropology cultured” in the anthropological sense than any other.
Note that the divisions among the fields are not sharp, Integral to all the anthropological fields, the concept of
indicating that their boundaries overlap. Also, all four fields culture might be considered anthropology’s distinguishing
include the practice of applied anthropology. feature. After all, biological anthropologists are distinct from
biologists primarily because they take culture into account.
Cultural anthropologists may study the legal, medical,
in which they work—setting goals, solving problems, economic, political, or religious system of a given society,
and conducting research together. In this book, the An- knowing that all aspects of culture interrelate as part of a
thropology Applied features spotlight how anthropology unified whole. They may focus on divisions in a society—
contributes to solving a wide range of challenges. such as gender, age, or class. These same categories are also
An early example of the application of anthropological significant to archaeologists who study a society through
knowledge to a practical problem is the international public its material remains, to linguistic anthropologists who
health movement that began in the 1920s. This marked the examine ancient and modern languages, and to biological
beginning of medical anthropology
anthropology—a specialization anthropologists who investigate the physical human body.
that brings theoretical and applied approaches from cultural Cultural anthropology has two main components:
and biological anthropology to the study of human health ethnography and ethnology. An ethnography
ethnography—a detailed
and disease. The work of medical anthropologists sheds light description of a particular culture—is based on fieldwork,
on connections between human health and political and the term all anthropologists use for on-location research.
economic forces, both locally and globally. Examples of this Ethnographic fieldwork entails a combination of social par-
ticipation and personal observation within the community
being studied and interviews and discussions with indi-
medical anthropology A specialization in anthropology that brings vidual members of a group. This methodology, commonly
theoretical and applied approaches from cultural and biological
anthropology to the study of human health and disease.
referred to as participant observation (Figure 1.4), pro-
cultural anthropology The study of patterns in human behavior,
vides the information used to make systematic comparisons
thought, and emotions, focusing on humans as culture-producing and of cultures all across the world. Known as ethnology, such
culture-reproducing creatures. Also known as social or sociocultural cross-cultural research allows anthropologists to develop
anthropology. theories about differences and similarities among groups.
culture A society’s shared and socially transmitted ideas, values, and
perceptions, which are used to make sense of experience and generate
behavior and are reflected in that behavior. Ethnography
ethnography A detailed description of a particular culture primarily
Through participant observation—eating a people’s food,
based on fieldwork.
fieldwork The term anthropologists use for on-location research.
sleeping under their roof, learning how to speak and be-
participant observation In ethnography, the technique of learning a
have acceptably, and personally experiencing their habits
people’s culture through social participation and personal observation and customs—the ethnographer seeks to understand a
within the community being studied, as well as interviews and discussion particular way of life. Being a participant observer does not
with individual members of the group over an extended period of time. mean that the anthropologist must join in battles to study
ethnology The study and analysis of different cultures from a
a culture in which warfare is prominent; but by living
comparative or historical point of view, utilizing ethnographic accounts
and developing anthropological theories that help explain why certain among a warring people, the ethnographer can ascertain
important differences or similarities occur among groups. how warfare fits into the overall cultural framework.
Figure 1.4 Fieldwork

among Urban Drug Users
For over ten years,
anthropologist Philippe
Bourgois and photographer-
ethnographer Jeff Schonberg
spent time among heroin
and crack users on the
streets of San Francisco.
Their research—including
photographs, field notes,
and audio recordings—
explores the experience of
homelessness, addiction,
and marginalization. Their
book, Righteous Dopefiend:
Homelessness, Addiction, and
Poverty in Urban America, and
an accompanying traveling
Jeffrey Schonberg
exhibit are based on their
findings.
Ethnographers must take care not to place too much anthropology that involves cross-cultural comparisons
emphasis on one part of a culture at the expense of an- and theories that explain differences or similarities
other. Only by discovering how all parts—social, political, among groups. Cross-cultural comparisons can lead to in-
economic, and religious practices and institutions—relate sights about one’s own beliefs and practices. Consider, for
to one another can ethnographers begin to understand example, the amount of time spent on domestic chores
the cultural system. Ethnographers’ essential tools are by industrialized peoples and traditional food foragers—
notebooks, pen/pencil, camera, recording devices, laptop people who rely on wild plant and animal resources for
computer, and, increasingly, smartphones. Most impor- subsistence. Anthropological research has shown that,
tant of all, they need flexible social skills. despite access to “labor-saving” appliances such as dish-
The popular image of ethnographic fieldwork is that washers, washing machines, vacuum cleaners, and mi-
it occurs among hunters, herders, or farmers who live in crowave ovens, urban dwellers in the United States who
far-off, isolated places. To be sure, much ethnographic are not working outside their homes put 55 hours a week
work continues to be done in remote villages in Asia, into their housework. In contrast, Aboriginal women in
Africa, or Latin America, islands of the Pacific Ocean, Australia devoted 20 hours a week to their chores (Bodley,
and deserts of Australia. However, with the demise of 2008, p. 106). Nevertheless, consumer appliances have
colonialism in the mid-20th century, anthropologists become important indicators of a high standard of living
now also focus on industrialized societies and urban across the globe due to the widespread belief that they
neighborhoods. reduce housework and increase leisure time. Systematic
Ethnographic fieldwork is no longer expert Western comparisons allow ethnologists to generate scientific ex-
anthropologists studying people in “other” places; today planations of cultural features and social practices in all
it is a collaborative approach among anthropologists times and places.
from all parts of the world and the varied communities in
which they work. Anthropologists from around the globe
employ the same research techniques developed in the Applied Cultural Anthropology
study of non-Western peoples to explore diverse subjects Today, cultural anthropologists contribute to applied
such as religious movements, street gangs, refugee settle- anthropology in a variety of contexts ranging from
ments, land rights, corporate bureaucracies, and health- business to education to healthcare to governmental
care systems in Western cultures. interventions to humanitarian aid. For example, an-
thropologist Nancy Scheper-Hughes (2003) has taken
her investigative work on the global problem of illegal
Ethnology organ trafficking and used it to help found Organs
Largely descriptive in nature, ethnography provides Watch, an organization dedicated to solving this human
raw data needed for ethnology
ethnology—the branch of cultural rights issue.
B IOC U LT U R A L CON N E C T ION
Picturing Pesticides
The toxic effects of pesticides have long Yaqui were exposed to consisted of DDT UNITED STATES
been known. After all, these compounds sprayed by the government to control ma-
are designed to kill bugs. However, it has laria. In these communities, indoor bugs
not been as simple to document the toxic were swatted or tolerated. MEXICO
effects of pesticides on humans because Pesticide exposure was linked to child
Yaqui
those impacts may take years to become health and development through two sets
© Cengage Learning
River
apparent. of measures. First, levels of pesticides in
Anthropologist Elizabeth Guillette, work- the blood of valley children at birth and Pacific
ing in a Yaqui Indian community in Mex- throughout their childhood were examined Ocean
ico, combined ethnographic observation, and found to be far higher than in the
biological monitoring of pesticide levels children from the foothills. Further, Guil- exposure to pesticides among the Yaqui
in the blood, and neurobehavioral testing lette found that the breast milk of nursing farmers is typical of agricultural commu-
to document the impairment of child de- mothers from the valley farms revealed the nities globally and has significance for
a
velopment by pesticides. Working with presence of pesticides. changing human practices regarding the
colleagues from the Technological Institute Second, children from the two commu- use of pesticides everywhere.
of Sonora in Obregón, Mexico, Guillette nities were asked to perform a variety of
compared children and families from two normal childhood activities, such as jumping, Biocultural Question
Yaqui communities: a valley farm whose memory games, playing catch, and drawing
Given the documented developmental
residents were exposed to large doses of pictures. The children exposed to high doses
damage these pesticides have inflicted on
pesticides and a ranching village in the of pesticides showed significantly poorer
children, should their sale and use be reg
reg-
foothills nearby. stamina, eye–hand coordination, large motor
ulated globally? Are there potentially dam-
Guillette found that the frequency of coordination, and drawing ability compared
aging toxins in use in your community?
pesticide use among the farming Yaqui to the Yaqui children from the foothills. Nota-
was forty-five times per crop cycle with two bly, although the valley children exhibited no
a
crop cycles per year. In the farming val- overt symptoms of pesticide poisoning, their Guillette, E. A., Meza, M. M., Aquilar,
leys, she also noted that families tended delays and impairment in neurobehavioral M. G., Soto, A. D., & Garcia, I. E. (1998,
to use household bug sprays on a daily abilities may be irreversible. June). An anthropological approach to the
basis, thus increasing their exposure to Though Guillette’s study was thor- evaluation of preschool children exposed
toxic pesticides. In the foothill ranches, oughly embedded in one ethnographic to pesticides in Mexico. Environmental
she found that the only pesticides that the community, she emphasizes that the Health Perspectives 106 (6), 347–353
Foothills V
Valley
of preschool children exposed to pesticides in Mexico. Environmental Perspectives
From E. A. Guillette, et al. (1998). An anthropological approach to the evaluation
106 (6), 347–353. Courtesy of Dr. Elizabeth A. Guillette.
60-month-old 71-month-old 71-month-old 71-month-old

female male female male
Compare the drawings typically done by Yaqui children heavily exposed to pesticides (valley) to those made
by Yaqui children living in nearby areas who were relatively unexposed to pesticides (foothills).
Figure 1.5 Preserving

Endangered Languages
Linguistic anthropologist Greg
Anderson (right) has devoted
his career to documenting and
saving indigenous languages.
He founded and now heads
the Living Tongues Institute for
Endangered Languages and works
throughout the globe to preserve
languages that are dying out at a
shocking rate of about one every
two weeks. Here he is recording
for the first time the language
of Koro, spoken by some
1,000 people in India’s remote
northeastern state, Arunachal
Living Tongues Institute

Pradesh. Situated near India’s
contested border with China, this
region offers much for linguistic
investigation.
Linguistic Anthropology Descriptive Linguistics

This branch of linguistic anthropology involves the
Perhaps the most distinctive feature of the human species
painstaking work of dissecting a language by record-
is language. Although the sounds and gestures made by
ing, delineating, and analyzing all of its features. This
some other species—especially apes—may serve functions
includes studying its structure (including grammar
comparable to those of human language, no other animal
and syntax), its unique linguistic repertoire (figures of
has developed a system of symbolic communication as
speech, word plays, and so on), and its relationship to
complex as that of humans. Language allows people to
other languages.
create, preserve, and transmit countless details of their
culture from generation to generation.
Linguistic anthropology focuses on the structure Historical Linguistics
and history of human languages and their relation to social Languages, like cultures, are alive, malleable, and chang-
and cultural contexts. It shares data, theories, and methods ing. Online tools such as Urban Dictionary track the
with the more general discipline of linguistics, but it also changes in North American slang, and traditional dictio-
includes distinctly anthropological questions, such as, how naries include new words and usages each year. Historical
does language influence or reflect culture? And how does linguists track these changes to increase understanding
language use differ among distinct members of a society? of the human past. By working out relationships among
In its early years, linguistic anthropology emphasized languages and examining their spatial distributions,
the documentation of languages of cultures under ethno- these specialists may estimate how long the speakers of
graphic study—particularly those whose future seemed those languages have lived where they do. By identifying
precarious due to colonization, forced assimilation, popu- those words in related languages that have survived from
lation decimation, capitalist expansion, or other destruc- an ancient ancestral tongue, historical linguists can sug-
tive forces. When the first Europeans began to colonize the gest not only where but also how speakers of an ancestral
world five centuries ago, an estimated 12,000 distinct lan- language lived. Such work has shown, for example, how
guages existed. By the early 1900s—when anthropological the Bantu family of languages spread from its origins in
research began to take off—many languages and peoples western Africa (in the region of today’s Nigeria and Cam-
had already disappeared or were on the brink of extinction eroon) to the majority of the continent. Over the course
(Figure 1.5). Sadly, this trend continues, with predictions of several millennia, Bantu-speaking peoples came to in-
that nearly half of the world’s remaining 6,000 languages habit most of sub-Saharan Africa, bringing the language,
will become extinct over the next hundred years (Crystal, farming technology, and other aspects of their culture
2002; Knight, Studdert-Kennedy, & Hurford, 2000). with them.
Linguistic anthropology has three main branches:
descriptive linguistics, historical linguistics, and language
in relation to social and cultural settings. All three yield
valuable information about how people communicate linguistic anthropology The study of human languages—looking at
and how they understand the world around them. their structure, history, and relation to social and cultural contexts.
Language in Its Social and Cultural Settings Applied Linguistic Anthropology

Some linguistic anthropologists study the social and cul- Linguistic anthropologists put their research to use in a
tural contexts of a language. The idea of linguistic relativity number of settings. Some, for example, collaborate with
arose in the early 20th century, as European and American recently contacted cultural groups, small nations (or
scholars began to master foreign languages with very dif- tribes), and ethnic minorities in preserving or reviving
ferent grammatical structures. Linguistic relativity is the languages suppressed or lost during periods of oppression
idea that linguistic diversity reflects not just differences in by dominant societies. Their work includes helping to cre-
sounds and grammar but also differences in ways of mak- ate written forms of languages that previously existed only
ing sense of the world. For example, observing that the orally. This sort of applied linguistic anthropology rep-
Hopi Indians of the American Southwest have no words resents a trend toward mutually useful collaboration that
for the concept of past, present, and future led early pro- is characteristic of much anthropological research today.
ponents of linguistic relativity to suggest the Hopi people
had a unique conception of time (Whorf, 1946).
Complex ideas and practices integral to a culture’s Archaeology
survival can also be reflected in language. For example, Archaeology is the branch of anthropology that stud-
among the Nuer, a nomadic group that travels with graz- ies human cultures through the recovery and analysis of
ing animals throughout South Sudan, a baby born with a material remains and environmental data. Such material
visible deformity is not considered a human baby. Instead, products include tools, pottery, hearths, and enclosures
it is called a baby hippopotamus. This name allows for that remain as traces of past cultural practices, as well
the safe return of the “hippopotamus” to the river where as human, plant, and marine remains, some dating back
it belongs. Such infants would not be able to survive in 2.5 million years. These traces and their arrangements
Nuer society, so linguistic practice is compatible with the reflect specific human ideas and behavior. For example,
compassionate choice the Nuer have had to make. restricted concentrations of charcoal that include oxidized
Some theorists have challenged the notion of linguis- earth, bone fragments, and charred plant remains, located
tic relativity, arguing that biological universals underlie near pieces of fire-cracked rock and tools suitable for food
the human capacity for language and thought. Cognitive preparation, indicate cooking. Such remains can reveal
scientist Steven Pinker has even suggested that, at the much about a people’s diet and subsistence practices.
biological level, thought is nonverbal (Pinker, 1994). In addition to studying a single group of people at
Whatever the case, a holistic anthropological approach a specific place and time, archaeologists use material
considers language to be dependent on both a shared bio- remains to investigate broad questions, including settle-
logical basis and on specific cultural patterning. ment or migration patterns across vast areas, such as the
Focusing on specific speech events, some linguistic peopling of the Americas or the spread of the earliest hu-
anthropologists may research how factors such as age, mans from Africa. Together with skeletal remains, material
gender, ethnicity, class, religion, occupation, or financial remains help archaeologists reconstruct the biocultural
status affect speech (Hymes, 1974). Because members of context of past human lifeways and patterns. Archaeolo-
any culture may use a variety of different registers and gists organize this material and use it to explain cultural
inflections, the ones they choose (often unconsciously) variability and change through time. Although archae-
to use at a specific instance convey particular meanings. ologists tend to specialize in particular regions or time
For example, linguistic anthropologists might examine periods, a number of subspecializations exist.
whether U.S. women’s tendency to end statements with
an upward inflection, as though the statements were ques- Historical Archaeology
tions, reflects a pattern of male dominance in this society. Compared to historians, who rely on written records, ar-
Linguistic anthropologists also focus on the socialization chaeologists can reach much further back in time for clues
process through which individuals become part of a culture. to human behavior. But to call a society “prehistoric” does
Children take on this fundamental task as they develop, but not mean that these past peoples were less interested in
it can be seen in adults as well. Adults may need to assimi- their history or that they did not have ways of recording
late because of a geographic move or because of a new pro- and transmitting information. It simply means that writ-
fessional identity. First-year medical students, for example, ten records do not exist.
amass 6,000 new vocabulary words and a series of linguistic Archaeologists are not limited to the study of societies
conventions as they begin to take on the role of a physician. without written records; they may study those for which
historic documents are available to supplement the ma-
terial remains. Historical archaeology, the archaeolog-
ical study of places for which written records exist, often
archaeology The study of cultures through the recovery and analysis
of material remains and environmental data. provides data that differ considerably from the historical
historical archaeology The archaeological study of places for which record. In most literate societies, written records are as-
written records exist. sociated with governing elites rather than with farmers,
fishers, laborers, or slaves, and therefore they include

biases of the ruling classes. In fact, in many historical con-
texts, “material culture may be the most objective source
of information we have” (Deetz, 1977, p. 160).
Bioarchaeology
A number of archaeological specializations deal with pre-
serving cultural practices in the remains of living things.
University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, Philadelphia

Bioarchaeology, the study of human remains—bones,
skulls, teeth, and sometimes hair, dried skin, or other
tissue—emphasizes preservation of cultural and social
processes in skeletons. For example, mummified skeletal
remains from the Andean highlands in South America
preserve not only this burial practice but also provide
evidence of some of the earliest brain surgery ever doc-
umented. In addition, these bioarchaeological remains
exhibit skull deformations that were used to distinguish
nobility from other members of society.
Other specializations include archaeological ethnobot
ethnobot-
any, the study of how past peoples made use of indigenous
plants; biomolecular archaeology, the analysis of traces of
living organisms left in material remains (Figure 1.6);
zooarchaeology, the tracking of animal remains recovered
in excavations; and marine archaeology, the investigation Figure 1.6 The Biomolecular Archaeology of Ancient Beverages
of submerged sites or sailing vessels from hundreds or Biomolecular archaeologist Dr. Patrick McGovern is known
even thousands of years ago. as the Indiana Jones of ancient beverages. By chemically
analyzing the residue in ancient vessels, as well as replicating
Contemporary Archaeology the crafting processes, “Dr. Pat” and his team at the University
of Pennsylvania’s Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology in
Although most archaeologists concentrate on the past,
Philadelphia recreate the drinks of long ago, including a honey-
some study material objects in contemporary settings,
grape-saffron beer from the 2,700-year-old tomb of King Midas
including garbage dumps. Just as a 3,000-year-old shell
in Turkey and a chili-chocolate concoction found on 3,400-year-
mound (midden) at the tip of South America offers signifi-
old pottery fragments in Honduras. Through collaboration with
cant clues about prehistoric communities living on mus- the craft brewery Dogfish Head, the beverages that delighted
sels, fish, and other natural resources, modern garbage ancient tongues are now available for today’s connoisseurs.
dumps provide evidence of everyday life in contemporary
societies. For large cities like New York, the accumula-
tion of daily garbage—such as newspapers, rubble, and
Applied Archaeology
plastic—is staggering. In just a few centuries, millions of
The Garbage Project also shows applied archaeology
inhabitants have dumped so much trash that this urban
in action. Its landfill excavation program, initiated in
area has been physically raised 6 to 30 feet (Rathje &
1987, produced the first reliable data on what materials
Murphy, 2001).
actually go into landfills and what happens to them
One of the earliest anthropological studies of modern
there. Again, common beliefs turned out to be at odds
garbage—University of Arizona’s Garbage Project—began
with reality. For example, when buried in deep com-
with a study of household waste of Tucson residents in
post landfills, biodegradable materials such as news-
1973. When surveyed by questionnaire, only 15 percent
papers take far longer to decay than anyone expected.
of households reported consuming beer, and none re-
The data gathered from the Garbage Project’s landfill
ported more than eight cans a week. Analysis of garbage
studies on hazardous wastes and rates of decay of var-
from the same area, however, showed that 80 percent of
ious materials play a major role in landfill and waste
the households consumed beer, and 50 percent discarded
disposal regulation and management today (Rathje &
more than eight cans per week (Rathje & Murphy, 2001).
Murphy, 2001).
Thus, the Garbage Project has tested the validity of re-
search survey techniques, upon which sociologists, econ-
omists, other social scientists, and policymakers rely. The
tests show a significant difference between what people
bioarchaeology The archaeological study of human remains—bones,
say they do and what the garbage analysis shows they skulls, teeth, and sometimes hair, dried skin, or other tissue—to determine
actually do. the influences of culture and environment on human biological variation.
Cultural Resource Management how humans have adapted and where they have migrated.
For many, archaeology evokes images of ancient pyramids As experts in the anatomy of human bones and tissues,
and temples. Instead, much archaeological fieldwork is cul- biological anthropologists lend their knowledge about the
tural resource management. Unlike traditional archae- body to applied areas such as gross anatomy laboratories,
ological research, cultural resource management is a legally public health, and criminal investigations.
required part of any activity that might threaten important
aspects of a country’s prehistoric and historic heritage. Paleoanthropology
Many countries, from Chile to China, use archaeological Dealing with much greater timespans than other branches
expertise to protect and manage their cultural heritage. of anthropology, paleoanthropology is the study of
In the United States, for example, if a construction com- the origins, predecessors, and early representatives of
pany plans to replace a highway bridge, it must first contract the present human species. Focusing on long-time bio-
with archaeologists to identify and protect any significant logical changes (evolution), paleoanthropologists seek to
prehistoric or historic resources that might be affected. And understand how, when, and why we became the species
when archaeological investigation unearths Native Amer- we are today. In biological terms, we humans are Homo
ican cultural items or human remains, federal laws come sapiens, a species in the larger order of primates, one of
into play again. The Native American Graves Protection the many kinds of mammals. Because we share a common
and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA), passed in 1990, provides a ancestry with other primates (monkeys and apes), paleo-
process for the return of these remains—especially human anthropologists look back to the earliest primates or even
bones and burial gifts, such as copper jewelry, weapons, and to the earliest mammals to reconstruct the complex path
ceramic bowls—to lineal descendants, culturally affiliated of human evolution. Paleoanthropology, unlike other
Indian tribes, and Native Hawaiian organizations. evolutionary studies, takes a biocultural approach, fo-
In addition to working in all the capacities mentioned, cusing on the interaction of biology and culture.
archaeologists also help engineering firms prepare envi- Paleoanthropologists compare fossilized skeletons of
ronmental impact statements. Some of these archaeolo- our ancestors to other fossils and to the bones of living
gists operate out of universities and colleges, while others members of our species. Combining this knowledge with
are on the staff of independent consulting firms. When biochemical and genetic evidence, they strive to scientif-
state legislation sponsors any kind of archaeological work, ically reconstruct human evolutionary history. With each
it is referred to as contract archaeology. new fossil discovery, paleoanthropologists have another
piece to add to the puzzle.
Biological Anthropology Primatology

Studying the anatomy and behavior of other primates helps
Biological anthropology, also called physical anthropol-
us understand what we share with our closest living relatives
ogy, focuses on humans as biological organisms. Tradition-
and what makes humans unique. Therefore, primatology,
ally, biological anthropologists concentrated on human
or the study of living and fossil primates, is a vital part of
evolution, primatology, growth and development, human
biological anthropology. Primates include the Asian and Af-
adaptation, and forensics. Today, molecular anthro-
rican apes, as well as monkeys, lemurs, lorises, and tarsiers.
pology, or the anthropological study of genes and genetic
Biologically, humans are members of the ape family—
relationships, contributes significantly to our understand-
large-bodied, broad-shouldered primates without tails.
ing of human evolution ((paleogenetics), adaptation, and
Studies of apes in the wild show that their social lives
diversity. Comparisons among groups separated by time,
include sharing learned behavior. Increasingly, primatol-
geography, or the frequency of a particular gene can reveal
ogists designate the shared, learned behavior of nonhu-
man apes as culture. Primate studies offer scientifically
grounded perspectives on the behavior of our ancestors
cultural resource management A branch of archaeology concerned and the abilities of our closest living relatives. As hu-
with survey and/or excavation of archaeological and historical remains man activity encroaches on all parts of the world, many
that might be threatened by construction or development; also involved primate species are endangered. Primatologists, such as
with policy surrounding protection of cultural resources.
Jane Goodall (Figure 1.7), champion the rights of these
biological anthropology The systematic study of humans as biological
organisms; also known as physical anthropology. remarkable animals and the preservation of their habitats.
molecular anthropology The anthropological study of genes and
genetic relationships, which contributes significantly to our understanding Human Growth, Adaptation, and Variation
of human evolution, adaptation, and diversity. Some biological anthropologists specialize in the study of
paleoanthropology The anthropological study of biological changes
human growth and development. They examine biological
through time (evolution) to understand the origins and predecessors of
the present human species. mechanisms of growth as well as the impact of the envi-
biocultural An approach that focuses on the interaction of biology and ronment on the growth process. For example, Franz Boas,
culture. a pioneer of American anthropology of the early 20th cen-
primatology The study of living and fossil primates. tury (see the Anthropologists of Note feature) compared
the heights of immigrants who spent

their childhood in the “old coun-
try” (Europe) to the increased heights
reached by their children who grew
up in the United States. Today, bi-
ological anthropologists study the
impact of disease, pollution, and
poverty on growth. Comparisons be-
tween human and nonhuman pri-
mate growth patterns provide clues to
the evolutionary history of humans.
Detailed anthropological studies of
the hormonal, genetic, and physi-
ological bases of healthy growth in
living humans also contribute signifi-
cantly to the health of children today.
Studies of human adaptation fo-
cus on the capacity of humans to
AP Images/Jean-Marc Bouju
adapt to their environment, biolog-

ically and culturally. This branch
of biological anthropology takes a
comparative approach to humans
living today in a variety of environ-
ments. Humans are the only primate Figure 1.7 Primatologist Jane Goodall
group to inhabit the entire earth. Over fifty-five years ago, Jane Goodall began studying chimpanzees to shed light on the
Although cultural adaptations make behavior of our distant ancestors. The knowledge she has amassed reveals striking
it possible for people to live in some similarities with our species. Goodall has devoted much of her career to championing
environmentally challenging places, the rights of our closest living relatives.
biological adaptations also contrib-
ute to survival in extreme cold, heat, Genetic human differences include visible traits such
and high altitude. as height, body build, and skin color, as well as bio-
Some of these biolog- chemical factors such as blood type and susceptibility
ical adaptations are to certain diseases. Still, we remain members of a single
built into the genetic ECUADOR species. Biological anthropology applies all the techniques
makeup of populations. PERU of modern biology to achieve fuller understanding of
The long period of hu- human variation and its relationship to the different
man growth and devel- environments in which people have lived. Biological an-
opment also provides Alt BOLIVIA thropologists’ research on human variation has debunked
ipla
ample opportunity for no false ideas of biologically defined races, a notion based on
the environment to widespread misinterpretation of human variation.
CHILE
shape the human body.
Forensic Anthropology
© Cengage Learning
Such developmental ad- Pacific

Ocean
aptations account for ARGENTINA The application of biological anthropology to legal settings
permanent features of is forensic anthropology. In addition to helping law en-
human variation such forcement identify murder victims and perpetrators, forensic
as the enlargement of anthropologists investigate human rights abuses such as geno-
the right ventricle of the heart among the Quechua Indi- cide, terrorism, and war crimes. These specialists use genetic
ans living at high altitude plains (Altiplano) of the Andes, information and details of skeletal anatomy to establish the
a mountain range that extends along the western rim of age, sex, population affiliation, and stature of the deceased.
South America. Humans also experience physiological ad- Forensic anthropologists can also determine whether a person
aptations, short-term changes in response to a particular was right-handed or left-handed, exhibited any physical ab-
environmental stimulus. For example, if a woman who normalities, or had experienced trauma. (See the Anthropol-
normally lives at sea level flies to La Paz, Bolivia—a city at ogy Applied feature in this chapter to read about the work of
an altitude of 3,660 meters (nearly 12,000 feet)—her body several forensic anthropologists and forensic archaeologists.)
will increase production of the red blood cells that carry ox-
ygen. All of these kinds of biological adaptation contribute forensic anthropology The examination of human biological and
to present-day human variation. cultural remains for legal purposes.
A N T H ROPOL OG I S T S OF NO T E
Franz Boas (1858–1942) ● Matilda Coxe Stephenson (1849–1915)
Franz Boas was not did fieldwork among the Zuni Indians of Arizona. In 1885, she
the first to teach founded the Women’s Anthropological Society in Washington, DC,
anthropology in the the first professional association for women scientists. Three
United States, but years later, hired by the Smithsonian’s Bureau of American Eth-
it was Boas and nology, she became one of the first women in the world to receive
his students, with a full-time scientific position. Along with several other pioneering
their insistence female anthropologists in North America, she was highly influ-
on scientific rigor, ential among women’s rights advocates in the late 1800s. The
who integrated an- tradition of women building careers in anthropology continues. In
thropology courses fact, since World War II more than half the presidents of the more
into college and than 10,000-member American Anthropological Association have
university curricula. been women.
Born and raised in
Germany where he
studied physics,
mathematics, and
© National Anthropological Archives Smithsonian Museum 1895 Neg 02871000

Bpk, Berlin/Art Resource, NY
geography, Boas
did his first ethno-
graphic research
among the Inuit
(Eskimos) in Arctic
Canada in 1883
Franz Boas on a sailing ship, about 1925. and 1884. After a
brief academic ca-
reer in Berlin, he
came to the United States where he worked in museums and
conducted ethnographic research among the Kwakiutl (Kwak-
waka’wakw) Indians in the Canadian Pacific. In 1896, he became a
professor at Columbia University in New York City. He authored an
incredible number of publications, founded professional organiza-
tions and journals, and taught two generations of great anthropolo-
gists, including numerous women and ethnic minorities.
Matilda Coxe Stevenson in New Mexico, about 1900.
As a Jewish immigrant, Boas recognized the dangers of ethno-
centrism and especially racism. Through ethnographic fieldwork
and comparative analysis, he demonstrated that white supremacy Recording observations on film as well as in notebooks,
theories and other schemes ranking non-European peoples and Stevenson and Boas were also pioneers in visual anthropol-
cultures as inferior were biased, ill informed, and unscientific. ogy. Stevenson used an early box camera to document Pueblo
Throughout his long and illustrious academic career, he promoted Indian religious ceremonies and material culture, while Boas
anthropology not only as a human science but also as an instru- photographed Inuit and Kwakiutl Indians from the early 1890s for
ment to combat racism and prejudice in the world. cultural as well as physical anthropological documentation. Today,
Among the founders of North American anthropology were their early photographs are greatly valued not only by anthropolo-
a number of women, including Matilda Coxe Stevenson, who gists and historians, but also by indigenous peoples themselves.
Anthropology, Science, Given their intense involvement with people of all times
and places, anthropologists have amassed considerable in-
and the Humanities formation about human failure and success, weakness and
greatness—the real stuff of the humanities. Anthropologists
Anthropology has been called the most humane of the remain committed to the proposition that one cannot
sciences and the most scientific of the humanities—a fully understand another culture by simply observing it;
designation that most anthropologists accept with pride. one must experience it. A commitment to fieldwork and the
Doing Anthropology in the Field 15
systematic collection of data also demonstrate the scien- interpretations are culture-bound. But by using the an-
tific side of anthropology. Anthropology is an empirical thropological principle that culture shapes our thoughts,
social science based on observations or information about scientists can think outside the “culture box,” framing
humans taken in through the senses and verified by others, their hypotheses and interpretations without bias. By
rather than on intuition or faith. However, anthropology encompassing both humanism and science, the discipline
is distinguished from other sciences by the diverse ways in of anthropology can draw on its internal diversity to over-
which its scientific research is conducted. come the limits culture can impose on scientific inquiry.
Science, a carefully honed way of producing knowl-
edge, aims to reveal and explain the underlying logic
and structural processes of our world. A creative scientific
endeavor seeks testable explanations for observed phe- Doing Anthropology
nomena, ideally in terms of the workings of unchanging
principles or laws. Two basic ingredients are essential for in the Field
this: imagination and skepticism. Imagination, though Because anthropologists are keenly aware that their per-
having the potential to lead us astray, helps us recognize sonal and cultural backgrounds may shape their research
unexpected ways phenomena might be ordered and to
questions or even affect their actual observations, they
think of old things in new ways. Without it, there can be
rely heavily on a technique that has been successful in
no science. Skepticism allows us to distinguish fact (an ob-
other disciplines: They immerse themselves in the data to
servation independently verified by others) from fancy, to
the fullest extent possible. In the process, anthropologists
test our speculations, and to prevent our imaginations from
become so familiar with even the smallest details that they
running wild. In their search for explanations, scientists do
can begin to recognize underlying patterns that might oth-
not assume things are always as they appear on the surface.
erwise have been overlooked. This enables anthropologists
After all, what could be more obvious than the earth stay-
to frame meaningful hypotheses, which then may be sub-
ing still while the sun travels around it every day?
jected to further testing or validation in the field.
Like other scientists, anthropologists often begin their
Although fieldwork was introduced earlier in this chap-
research with a hypothesis (a tentative explanation or
ter in connection with cultural anthropology, it is character-
hunch) about possible relationships between certain ob-
istic of all the anthropological subdisciplines. Archaeologists
served facts or events. By gathering various kinds of data
and paleoanthropologists excavate sites in the field. A bio-
that seem to ground such suggested explanations in evi-
logical anthropologist interested in the effects of globaliza-
dence, anthropologists come up with a theory, an expla-
nation supported by a reliable body of data. Theories guide tion on nutrition and growth will live with a community
us in our explorations and may result in new knowledge. of people to study this question. A primatologist might live
Efforts to demonstrate connections between known facts with a group of chimpanzees or baboons just as a linguist
or events may yield unexpected facts, events, or relation- will study the language of a community by living with that
ships. Newly discovered facts may provide evidence that group. Such immersion challenges anthropologists to be
certain explanations, however popular or firmly believed constantly aware of ways that cultural factors influence re-
to be true, are unfounded. Without supporting evidence, search questions. Anthropological researchers self-monitor
hypotheses must be dropped. Moreover, no scientific through constantly checking their own biases and assump-
theory—no matter how widely accepted by the interna- tions as they work; they present these self-reflections along
tional community of scholars—is beyond challenge. In with their observations, a practice known as reflexivity.
other words, anthropology relies on empirical evidence. Unlike many other social scientists, anthropologists
It is important to distinguish between scientific usually do not go into the field armed with prefigured
theories—which are always open to challenges born of new questionnaires. Though they will have completed back-
evidence or insights—and doctrine. A doctrine, or dogma, ground research and devised tentative hypotheses, an-
is an opinion or belief formally handed down by an author- thropologists recognize that maintaining an open mind
ity as true and indisputable. For instance, those who accept a can lead to the best discoveries. As fieldwork proceeds,
creationist doctrine of human origins as recounted in sacred anthropologists sort out their observations, sometimes
texts or myths do so on the basis of religious authority, con-
ceding that such views may be contrary to genetic, geologi-
cal, biological, or other explanations. Such doctrines cannot empirical An approach based on observations of the world rather than
be tested or proved: They are accepted as matters of faith. on intuition or faith.
Although the scientific approach may seem straight- hypothesis A tentative explanation of the relationships between certain
phenomena.
forward, its application is not always easy. For instance,
theory A coherent statement that provides an explanatory framework for
once a hypothesis has been proposed, the person who
understanding; an explanation or interpretation supported by a reliable
suggested it is strongly motivated to verify it, and this body of data.
can cause one to unwittingly overlook negative evi- doctrine An assertion of opinion or belief formally handed down by an
dence. Scientists might not see that their hypotheses or authority as true and indisputable.
A N T H ROPOL OGY A PPL I E D
Forensic Anthropology: Voices for the Dead

The work of Clyde C. Snow, Mercedes Doretti, and Michael Blakey
Forensic anthropology is the analysis of anthropologists to use skeletal remains to as plane crashes. Forensic anthropologists
skeletal remains for legal purposes. Law identify murder victims, missing persons, have also contributed substantially to the
enforcement authorities call upon forensic or people who have died in disasters such investigation of human rights abuses by
AP Images/Rodrigo Abd
The excavation of mass graves by the Guatemalan Foundation for Forensic Anthropology (Fernando Moscoso
Moller, director) documents the human rights abuses committed during Guatemala’s bloody civil war, a conflict
that left 200,000 people dead and another 40,000 missing. In 2009, in a mass grave in the Quiche region,
Diego Lux Tzunux uses his cell phone to photograph the skeletal remains believed to belong to his brother
Manuel who disappeared in 1980. Genetic analyses allow forensic anthropologists to confirm the identity of
individuals so that family members can know the fate of their loved ones. The analysis of skeletal remains
provides evidence of the torture and massacre sustained by these individuals.
by formulating and testing limited or low-level hypoth- economic turmoil. As well, sites, people, and cultures
eses or by intuition. Anthropologists work closely with change over time. For these reasons, one researcher can-
the community so that the research process becomes not easily confirm the reliability or completeness of an-
a collaborative effort. If the results fail to fit together other’s account. As a result, anthropologists bear a special
in a consistent manner, researchers know they must responsibility for accurate reporting. They must clearly
inquire further. Anthropologists establish validity, or explain details of the research: Why was the specific lo-
the reliability of the research conclusions, through the cation selected as a research site? What were the research
replication of observations and/or experiments by other objectives? What were local conditions during fieldwork?
researchers. It then becomes obvious if one’s colleagues Which local individuals provided key information and
have gotten it right. insights? How were the data collected and recorded? How
In anthropology, having others validate one’s work did the researchers check their own biases? Without this
can be challenging. Access to a particular research site information, it is difficult for others to judge the valid-
may be impeded by difficulties of travel, obtaining ity of the account and the soundness of the researcher’s
permits, insufficient funding, and social, political, and conclusions.
identifying victims and documenting the Because of obstructive government offi- In 1991, in another part of the world,
cause of death. cials, corrupt medical professionals, and construction workers in New York City
Among the best-known forensic anthro- incomplete or inaccurate records, Doretti discovered an African burial ground from
pologists is Clyde C. Snow, who studied could not rely on official documentation the 17th and 18th centuries. Directed by
the remains of General Custer and his men and had to conduct her own investiga- Michael Blakey, the African Burial Ground
from the 1876 battle at Little Big Horn tions. She continues to work closely with Project’s researchers used a bioarchae-
and identified the remains of the Nazi war victims’ families, emphasizing respect ological rather than a strictly forensic
criminal Josef Mengele in Brazil. In 1984, and compassion, and has created fo- approach to examine the complete cultural
Snow was instrumental in establishing rensic DNA banks in Mexico, Honduras, and historical context and lifeways of the
the first forensic team devoted to docu- and El Salvador to help with identifying people buried there. The more than 400
b
menting human rights abuses around the remains. individuals, many of them children, were
world: the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Forensic anthropologists specializing in worked so far beyond their ability to endure
Team (EAAF in Spanish). At the time, the skeletal remains commonly work closely that their spines were fractured—incontro-
newly elected civilian government asked with forensic archaeologists. Their rela- vertible evidence of the horror of slavery in
Snow’s team to help identify remains of the tionship is like that between a forensic this busy North American port.
desaparecidos or “disappeared ones”—the pathologist, who examines a corpse to Thus, several kinds of anthropologists
9,000 or more people who were eliminated establish time and manner of death, and analyze human remains for a variety of
by death squads during seven years of a crime scene investigator, who searches purposes. Their work contributes to the doc-
military rule. Besides providing factual the site for clues. While the forensic umentation and correction of violence com-
accounts of the fate of victims to their anthropologist deals with the human re- mitted by humans of the past and present.
surviving kin and refuting the assertions mains—often only bones and teeth—the In doing so, they shape a more just future.
of revisionists that the massacres never forensic archaeologist controls the site,
happened, the work of Snow and his Argen- recording the position of relevant finds
tinean associates was crucial in convicting and recovering any clues associated with a
“Mercedes Doretti: Forensic Anthropologist.”
several military officers of kidnapping, tor
tor- the remains. (2007, January 28). MacArthur Foundation.
ture, and murder. For example, in 1995, the United Na- http://www.macfound.org/fellows/820/
Since Snow’s pioneering work, forensic tions commissioned a team to investigate (retrieved July 1, 2015)
anthropologists have become increasingly mass murder in Rwanda; the team included b
Borrell, B. (2012, October 8). Forensic
involved in investigating human rights archaeologists from the U.S. National Park anthropologist uses DNA to solve real-life
abuses globally. Mercedes Doretti, an Service’s Midwest Archaeological Center. murder mysteries in Latin America. Scientific
Argentinean who worked with Snow to They performed the standard archaeologi- American. http://www.scientificamerican
establish the EAAF, is a good example of cal procedures of mapping the site; deter
deter- .com/article/qa-forensic-anthropologist
a
today’s forensic anthropologist. In 2003, mining its boundaries; photographing and -mercedes-doretti/ (retrieved July 1, 2015)
she began investigating mishandled and recording all surface finds; and excavating, c
Haglund, W. D., Conner, M., & Scott, D. D.
misidentified human remains in Mex- photographing, and recording buried skel- (2001). The archaeology of contemporary
ico, including murdered women, migrant etons and associated materials in mass mass graves. Historical Archaeology 35 (1),
c
workers, and victims of gang violence. graves. 57–69.
On a personal level, fieldwork requires researchers to authorities who may see them as spies. And there are eth-
step out of their cultural comfort zone into a world that is ical dilemmas: What does one do if faced with a troubling
unfamiliar and sometimes unsettling. Anthropologists in cultural practice such as female circumcision? How do
the field are likely to face a host of challenges—physical, anthropologists deal with demands for food, supplies, or
social, mental, political, and ethical. They may have to medicine? Is it acceptable to deceive people to gain vital
adjust to unfamiliar food, climate, and hygiene conditions. information?
They often struggle with emotional and psychological At the same time, fieldwork often leads to meaningful
challenges such as loneliness, feeling like perpetual outsid- personal, professional, and social rewards—from lasting
ers, being socially awkward in their new cultural setting, friendships to vital knowledge and insights concerning
and having to be alert around the clock because anything the human condition. The following Original Study fea-
that is happening or being said may be significant to turing archaeologist Anne Jensen and the Inupiat Eskimo
their research. Political challenges include the possibility community of Barrow, Alaska, conveys some of the mean-
of unwittingly letting themselves be used by community ing and impact of anthropological research in a context of
factions or being viewed with suspicion by government mutual cooperation and respect.
NAL
ORIGI
S T U DY Whispers from the Ice BY SHERRY SIMPSON
Arctic
Ocean
People grew excited when a summer rainstorm context is like hearing
softened the bluff known as Ukkuqsi, sloughing off huge the past whispering in Barrow
chunks of earth containing remains of historic and prehis- their ears. Elders often
Arctic Circle
toric houses, part of the old village that predates the modern know from experience,
ALASKA
community of Barrow. Left protruding from the slope was or from stories, the
CANADA
a human head. Archaeologist Anne Jensen happened to be answers to the scien-
Bering
in Barrow buying strapping tape when the body appeared. tists’ questions about Sea
Her firm, SJS Archaeological Services, Inc., was closing a how items were used Anchorage
© Cengage Learning
field season at nearby Point Franklin, and Jensen offered the or made. “In this in-
team’s help in a kind of archaeological triage to remove the stance, usually the only Pacific
Ocean U.S.
body before it eroded completely from the earth. puzzled people are the
The North Slope Borough hired her and Glenn Sheehan, archaeologists,” jokes
both associated with Pennsylvania’s Bryn Mawr College, archaeologist Sheehan.
to conduct the work. The National Science Foundation, A modern town of 4,000, Barrow exists in a cultural con-
which supported the three-year Point Franklin Project, tinuum, where history is not detached or remote but still
agreed to fund the autopsy and subsequent analysis of pulses through contemporary life. People live, hunt, and
the body and artifacts. The Ukkuqsi excavation quickly fish where their ancestors did, but they can also buy fresh
became a community event. In remarkably sunny and vegetables at the store and jet to other places. Elementary
calm weather, volunteers troweled and picked through the school classes include computer and Inupiat language stud-
thawing soil, finding trade beads, animal bones, and other ies. Caribou skins, still ruddy with blood, and black brant
items. Teenage boys worked alongside grandmothers. The carcasses hang near late-model cars outside homes equipped
smell of sea mammal oil, sweet at first then corrupt, min- with television antennas. A man uses power tools to work
gled with ancient organic odors of decomposed vegetation. on his whaling boat. And those who appear from the earth
One man searched the beach for artifacts that had eroded are not just bodies, but relatives. “We’re not a people fro-
from the bluff, discovering such treasures as two feather zen in time,” says Jana Harcharek, an Inupiat Eskimo who
parkas. Elder Silas Negovanna, originally of Wainwright, teaches Inupiat and nurtures her culture among young peo-
visited several times, “more or less out of curiosity to see ple. “There will always be that connection between us [and
what they have in mind,” he said. George Leavitt, who our ancestors]. They’re not a separate entity.”
lives in a house on the bluff, stopped by one day while car- The past drew still closer as the archaeologists neared
rying home groceries and suggested a way to spray water the body. After several days of digging through thawed
to thaw the soil without washing away valuable artifacts. soil, they used water supplied by the local fire station’s
Tour groups added the excavation to their rounds. tanker truck to melt through permafrost until they reached
“This community has a great interest in archaeology the remains, about 3 feet below the surface. A shell of clear
up here just because it’s so recent to their experience,” ice encased the body, which rested in what appeared to be
says oral historian Karen Brewster, a tall young woman a former meat cellar. With the low-pressure play of water
who interviews elders as part of her work with the North from the tanker, the archaeologists teased the icy casket
Slope Borough’s division of Inupiat History, Language, from the frozen earth, exposing a tiny foot. Only then did
and Culture. “The site’s right in town, and everybody was they realize they had uncovered a child. “That was kind
really fascinated by it.” of sad, because she was about my daughter’s size,” says
Slowly, as the workers scraped and shoveled, the earth archaeologist Jensen.
surrendered its historical hoard: carved wooden bowls, la- The girl was curled up beneath a baleen toboggan
dles, and such clothing as a mitten made from polar bear and part of a covering that Inupiat elder Bertha Leavitt
hide, bird-skin parkas, and mukluks. The items spanned identified as a kayak skin by its stitching. The child, who
prehistoric times, dated in Barrow to before explorers first appeared to be 5 or 6, remained remarkably intact after her
arrived in 1826. dark passage through time. Her face was cloaked by a cover-
The work prompted visiting elders to recall when they ing that puzzled some onlookers. It didn’t look like human
or their parents lived in traditional sod houses and relied hair, or even fur, but something with a feathery residue.
wholly on the land and sea for sustenance. Some remem- Finally, they concluded it was a hood from a feather parka
bered sliding down the hill as children, before the sea made of bird skins. The rest of her body was delineated
gnawed away the slope. Others described the site’s use as a muscle that had freeze-dried into a dark brick-red color.
lookout for whales or ships. For the archaeologists, having Her hands rested on her knees, which were drawn up to her
elders stand beside them and identify items and historical chin. Frost particles coated the bends of her arms and legs.
“We decided we needed

to go talk to the elders and
see what they wanted, to
get some kind of feeling
as to whether they wanted
to bury her right away, or
whether they were will-
ing to allow some studies
in a respectful manner—
studies that would be of
some use to residents of
the North Slope,” Jen-
sen says. Working with
community elders is not
a radical idea to Jensen
or Sheehan, whose previ-
ous work in the Arctic has
earned them high regard
from local officials who
appreciate their sensitiv-
ity. The researchers feel
Bill Hess
obligated not only to fol-
low community wishes,
but to invite villagers to Here two Inupiat stand above another buried ancestor called Uncle Foot who surfaced along the eroding sea-
sites and to share all in- wall in Barrow. Because Uncle Foot was so close to the shoreline, his remains were ultimately lost to the sea.
formation through public
presentations. In fact, Jen-
sen is reluctant to discuss findings with the press before the concerned that it was reburied in a respectful manner.
townspeople themselves hear it. They were nice enough to come over and ask us.”
“It seems like it’s a matter of simple common courtesy,” The elders also wanted to restrict media attention and
she says. Such consideration can only help researchers, prevent photographs of the body except for a few showing
she points out. “If people don’t get along with you, they’re her position at the site. They approved a limited autopsy
not going to talk to you, and they’re liable to throw you to help answer questions about the body’s sex, age, and
out on your ear.” In the past, scientists were not terribly state of health. She was placed in an orange plastic body
sensitive about such matters, generally regarding hu- bag in a stainless steel morgue with the temperature
man remains—and sometimes living natives—as artifacts turned down to below freezing.
themselves. Once, the girl’s body would have been hauled With the help of staff at the Indian Health Service Hos-
off to the catacombs of some university or museum, and pital, Jensen sent the girl’s still-frozen body to Anchorage’s
relics would have disappeared into exhibit drawers in Providence Hospital. There she assisted with an autopsy
what Sheehan describes as “hit-and-run archaeology.” performed by Dr. Michael Zimmerman of New York City’s
“Grave robbers” is how Inupiat Jana Harcharek refers to Mount Sinai Hospital. Zimmerman, an expert on prehis-
early Arctic researchers. “They took human remains and toric frozen bodies, had autopsied Barrow’s frozen family
their burial goods. It’s pretty gruesome. But, of course, at in 1982 and was on his way to work on the prehistoric
the time they thought they were doing science a big favor. man recently discovered in the Alps.
Thank goodness attitudes have changed.” The findings suggest the girl’s life was very hard. She
Today, not only scientists but municipal officials con- ultimately died of starvation, but also had emphysema
fer with the Barrow Elders Council when local people caused by a rare congenital disease—the lack of an en-
find skeletons from traditional platform burials out on zyme that protects the lungs. She probably was sickly
the tundra, or when bodies appear in the house mounds. and needed extra care all her brief life. The autopsy also
The elders appreciate such consultations, says Samuel found soot in her lungs from the family’s sea mammal oil
Simmonds, a tall, dignified man known for his carving. lamps, and she had osteoporosis, which was caused by a
A retired Presbyterian minister, he presided at burial cer- diet exclusively of meat from marine mammals. The girl’s
emonies of the famous “frozen family,” ancient Inupiats stomach was empty, but her intestinal tract contained
discovered in Barrow [in 1982]. “They were part of us, we dirt and animal fur. That remains a mystery and raises
know that,” he says simply, as if the connection between questions about the condition of the rest of the family.
old bones and bodies and living relatives is self-evident. In “It’s not likely that she would be hungry and everyone
the case of the newly discovered body, he says, “We were else well fed,” Jensen says.
That the girl appears to have been placed deliber-deliber people will continue to learn still more about the region’s
ately in the cellar provokes further questions about culture. Sheehan and Jensen returned to Barrow in winter
precontact burial practices, which the researchers hope 1994 to explain their findings to townspeople. “We expect
Barrow elders can help answer. Historic accounts indi- to learn just as much from them,” Sheehan said before
cate the dead often were wrapped in skins and laid out the trip. A North Slope Cultural Center . . . will store and
on the tundra on wooden platforms, rather than buried display artifacts from the dig sites.
in the frozen earth. But perhaps the entire family was Laboratory tests and analyses also will contribute informa-
starving and too weak to remove the dead girl from the tion. The archaeologists hope measurements of heavy metals
house, Jensen speculates. “We probably won’t ever be in the girl’s body will allow comparisons with modern-day
able to say, ‘This is the way it was,’” she adds. “For that pollution contaminating the sea mammals that Inupiat eat
you need a time machine.” today. The soot damage in her lungs might offer health
The scientific team reported to the elders that radio- implications for Third World people who rely on oil lamps,
carbon dating places the girl’s death in about AD 1200. If dung fires, and charcoal for heat and light. Genetic tests
correct—for dating is technically tricky in the Arctic—the could illuminate early population movements of Inupiats.
date would set the girl’s life about 100 years before her The project also serves as a model for good relations
people formed settled whaling villages, Sheehan says. between archaeologists and Native people. “The larger
Following the autopsy and the body’s return to overall message from this work is that scientists and com-
Barrow . . . , one last request by the elders was honored. munities don’t have to be at odds,” Sheehan says. “In fact,
The little girl, wrapped in her feather parka, was placed in there are mutual interests that we all have. Scientists have
a casket and buried in a small Christian ceremony next obligations to communities. And when more scientists
to the grave of the other prehistoric bodies. Hundreds of realize that, and when more communities hold scientists
years after her death, an Inupiat daughter was welcomed to those standards, then everybody will be happier.”
back into the midst of her community.
The “rescue” of the little girl’s body from the raw forces Source: Simpson, S. (1995, April). Whispers from the ice.
of time and nature means researchers and the Inupiat Alaska, 23–28.
Questions of Ethics decide what changes should, or should not, be introduced

for community development? And who defines “devel-
Anthropologists deal with private and sensitive matters, opment”—the community, a national government, or an
including information that individuals would prefer not international agency like the World Bank?
to have generally known about them. In the early years After the colonial era ended in the 1960s, and in re-
of the discipline, many anthropologists documented action to controversial research practices by some anthro-
traditional cultures they assumed would disappear due pologists in or near violent conflict areas, anthropologists
to disease, warfare, or changes imposed by colonialism, began formulating a code of ethics to ensure that their
growing state power, or international market expansion. research would not harm the groups being studied. This
Some worked as government administrators or consul- code outlines a range of moral responsibilities and obliga-
tants gathering data used to formulate policies concerning tions. It includes this core principle: Anthropologists must
indigenous peoples. Others helped predict the behavior of do everything in their power to ensure that their research
enemies during wartime. does not harm the safety, dignity, or privacy of the people
How does one write about important but delicate with whom they work, conduct research, or perform other
issues and at the same time protect the privacy of the professional activities.
individuals who have shared their stories? The kinds of Recently, some of the debates regarding this code
research carried out by anthropologists, and the settings have focused on potential ethical breaches that might
within which they work, raise important moral questions occur if anthropologists work for corporations or under-
about potential uses and abuses of our knowledge. Who take classified contract work for the military. Although
will utilize our findings and for what purposes? Who the American Anthropological Association (AAA) has
decides what research questions are asked? Who, if any- no legal authority, it issues policy statements on ethics
one, will benefit from the research? For example, in the questions as they come up. For example, the AAA recom-
case of research on an ethnic or religious minority whose mended that research notes from medical settings should
values may be at odds with the dominant society, will be protected and not subject to court subpoena. This
government bureaucracies or industrial corporations use honors the ethical imperative to protect the privacy of
anthropological data to suppress that group? And what individuals who have shared their personal health issues
of traditional communities around the world? Who is to with anthropologists.
Anthropology and Globalization 21
Figure 1.8 A Coltan Miner

in Congo
These are the hands of a
miner holding coltan, a tarlike
mineral mined in eastern Congo.
Refined, coltan turns into a
heat-resistant powder capable
of storing energy. As the key
component of capacitors in
small electronic devices, it is
highly valued on the global
market. Coltan mines, enriching
the warring Congolese factions
that control them, are hellholes
for the thousands of people,
including children, who work the
mines. Bought, transported, and
processed by foreign merchants
and corporations, small bits of
this mineral eventually end up
© Mark Craemer
in cell phones and laptop
computers worldwide.
Emerging technologies have ethical implications that in which they are working, inviting the people being
impact anthropological inquiry. For example, the ability studied to have some say about if and how their stories
to sequence and patent particular genes has led to debates are told. In research involving ancient human remains,
about who has the right to hold a patent—the individuals collaboration with local people not only preserves the
from whom the particular genes were obtained or the remains from market forces but also honors the connec-
researcher who studies the genes? Similarly, do ancient tions of indigenous people to the places and remains
remains belong to the scientist, to the people living in under study.
the region under scientific investigation, or to whoever
happens to have possession of them? Global market forces
have converted these remains into expensive collectibles,
resulting in a systematic looting of archaeological and
fossil sites.
Anthropology
While seeking answers to these questions, anthropolo-
gists recognize that they have special obligations to three
and Globalization
sets of people: those whom they study, those who fund A holistic perspective and a long-term commitment
the research, and those in the profession who rely on to understanding the human species in all its variety
published findings to increase our collective knowledge. equip anthropologists to grapple with a challenge
Because fieldwork requires trust between researchers and that has overriding importance for each of us today:
the community in which they work, the anthropologist’s globalization. This concept refers to worldwide in-
first responsibility is to the people who have shared their terconnectedness, evidenced in rapid global movement
stories and their community. Everything possible must be of natural resources, trade goods, human labor, finance
done to protect their physical, social, and psychological capital, information, and infectious diseases (Figure 1.8).
welfare and to honor their dignity and privacy. This task Although worldwide travel, trade relations, and infor-
is frequently complex. For example, telling the story of mation flow have existed for several centuries, the pace
a people gives information both to relief agencies who and magnitude of these long-distance exchanges have
might help them and to others who might take advantage picked up enormously in recent decades; the Internet, in
of them. particular, has greatly expanded information exchange
Maintaining one’s own culture is an internationally capacities.
recognized basic human right, and any connection
with outsiders can endanger the cultural integrity of
the community being studied. To overcome some of
globalization Worldwide interconnectedness, evidenced in rapid global
these ethical challenges, anthropologists frequently movement of natural resources, trade goods, human labor, finance
collaborate with and contribute to the communities capital, information, and infectious diseases.
The powerful forces driving globalization are technolog-

ical innovations, cost differences among countries, faster
knowledge transfers, and increased trade and financial
integration worldwide. Globalization touches almost every-
body’s life on the planet, and it is as much about economics
Based on an illustration created by Laurens van Lieshout

as it is about politics. Further, globalization changes human
relations and ideas, as well as our natural environments;
even geographically remote communities are quickly be- 1 2 3 4 5 6
coming interdependent—and often vulnerable—through
globalization.
Anthropologists witness the impact of globalization
on human communities in all corners of the world. They
try to explain how individuals and organizations respond
to the massive changes confronting them. A two-edged
sword, globalization may generate economic growth and
prosperity, but it may also undermine long-established in- Figure 1.9 Six Degrees of Separation
stitutions. Generally, globalization has brought significant The phrase “six degrees of separation,” diagrammed here, refers
gains to more educated groups in wealthier countries, while to the idea that everyone is on average approximately six steps
at the same time contributing to the erosion of traditional away, by way of introduction, from any other person on earth.
cultures. Thus, a chain of “a friend of a friend” statements can be made to
Through such upheaval and disruption, globalization connect any two people in six steps or fewer. Originally coined by
contributes to rising levels of ethnic and religious con- Hungarian writer Frigyes Karinthy in his 1929 short story “Chains,”
flict throughout the world. Anthropology’s important it was popularized by the 1993 film Six Degrees of Separation,
distinction between the commonly misunderstood terms created from the play by American John Guare. It became all the
nation and state can help clarify the source of this political more popular after four college students invented the trivia game
turmoil. A nation is a socially organized group of people Six Degrees of Kevin Bacon, in which the goal is to link any actor
who putatively share a common origin, language, and to film star Kevin Bacon through no more than six performance
cultural heritage, whereas a state is a politically orga- connections.
nized territory with institutions that are internationally
recognized. Unlike nations, most modern states are recent
phenomena, their borders having been drawn by colonial Because all of us now live in a global village, we can
powers or other authorities. Because of this, states and na- no longer afford the luxury of ignoring our neighbors, no
tions rarely coincide—nations being split among different matter how distant they may seem. In this age of global-
states, and states typically being controlled by members ization, anthropology not only provides humanity with
of one nation. The ruling nation uses its control to gain useful insights concerning diversity, it may also assist us
access to the land, resources, and labor of other national- in avoiding or overcoming problems born of that diver-
ities within the state. sity. In countless social arenas, from schools to businesses
Most armed conflicts and human rights abuses of today to hospitals, anthropologists have done cross-cultural
have roots in this nation/state distinction. The Rohingya, an research that makes it possible for educators, business-
ethnic Muslim minority, provide a case in point. They are a people, doctors, and humanitarians to do their work more
distinct nation of between 1 and 1.5 million people living effectively.
in Myanmar, with an additional several hundred thousand As illustrated by many examples in this textbook,
having fled to neighboring states. In 2012, Myanmar saw ignorance or ethnocentric (mis)information about other
thousands of Rohingya Muslims, who were not recognized societies, beliefs, and practices can cause or fuel serious
by the government as citizens, killed or displaced by the problems throughout the world. This is especially true in
Buddhist majority. See the Globalscape feature for a closer an age when human interactions and interdependence
look at the continuing effects of this conflict. have been transformed by global information exchange
and transportation advances. There are only six degrees
of separation between each of us and any other person on
earth (Figure 1.9). Anthropology offers a way of looking at
nation A people who share a collective identity based on a common
culture, language, territorial base, and history. and understanding the world’s peoples—insights that are
state A political institution established to manage and defend a nothing less than basic skills for survival in an increasingly
complex, socially stratified society occupying a defined territory. globalized world.
GLOBALSCAPE
Arctic
Ocean
ASIA
NORTH EUROPE
AMERICA
Bangladesh
Atlantic Saudi Arabia
Thailand
Ocean
© 2015 Cengage Learning

AFRICA Pacific
Pacific Myanmar Malaysia Ocean
Ocean
Indian
SOUTH Ocean
AMERICA
AUSTRALIA
Jonathan Saruk/Getty Images News/Getty Images

Christophe Archambautl/AFP/Getty Images
ANTARCTICA
Safe Harbor? When the Thai government cracked down on the smuggling
A shabby wooden boat, packed with passengers, sits off the coast routes of these traffickers, Myanmar’s neighbors suddenly found
of Thailand in May 2015. The people on board are exhausted, thousands of migrants landing on their shores. Although these
weeping, and dressed in ragged, dirty clothing. They call out to the countries had been quietly accepting Rohingya refugees for
Thai officials for help—they have been at sea for months, robbed years, they began closing their doors, leaving thousands of mi-
and abandoned by their captain and crew, and they are starving. grants stranded at sea. At the height of this crisis, Saudi Arabia,
Some have died already, their bodies thrown overboard into the a distant country whose state religion is Islam, offered refugees
sparkling Andaman Sea. The survivors seek a harbor, shelter, protection and free residency permits. But otherwise, because
food, and water. The Thai military drops provisions into the water they lacked state citizenship, the Rohingya Muslims had no gov-
near the boat. Then, denying the migrants permission to land, it ernment to appeal to, no embassy to petition, and nowhere to
accompanies them back out to sea once again. go but further adrift at sea while the world wondered what would
According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refu- become of them.
gees, Myanmar has 810,000 stateless inhabitants, who do not
have the basic rights of citizenship, and nearly 600,000 other Global Twister
a
internally displaced individuals. After a brutal pogrom in 2012, How can minority nations, like the Rohingya, be protected within
tens of thousands of stateless Rohingya Muslims fled Myanmar states that contain multiple distinct groups? In the case of
to Bangladesh, desperate to escape institutional discrimination Saudi Arabia, religious unity was the motivation for state pro-
and poor living conditions at home. Many other Rohingya lan- tection of the Rohingya refugees. Is that a good way for a state
guished in squalid refugee camps in Bangladesh, where they fell to be defined? Does your state treat all the nations it contains
victim to traffickers who promised them safe passage through equally?
Thailand and a waiting job in Malaysia in exchange for large sums
a
of money. Often, before their journey was done, the fee increased UNHCR: The UN Refugee Agency. (2015a). Myanmar. UNHCR.org.
and the employment prospects vanished. Many never realized the http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e4877d6.html (retrieved September 29,
promise of a better life. 2015)
23
CH AP T E R CH ECK LI S T
What is anthropology? paleoanthropological survey and excavation, to living

with a group of primates in their natural habitat, to
✓ Anthropology is the objective and systematic study of biological data gathered while living with a group.
humankind in all times and places. Ethnographic participant observation with a particular
✓ Anthropology contains four major fields: cultural culture or subculture is the classic field method of
anthropology, linguistic anthropology, archaeology, cultural anthropology.
and biological anthropology. ✓ After the fieldwork of archaeologists and physical
✓ Individuals practice applied anthropology in each of anthropologists, researchers conduct laboratory
anthropology’s fields; applied anthropology uses analyses of excavated remains or biological samples
anthropological knowledge to solve practical problems. collected in the field.
✓ The comparative method is key to all branches of

What do anthropologists do in each of its anthropology. Anthropologists make broad
four fields? comparisons among peoples and cultures—past and
present. They also compare related species and fossil
✓ Cultural anthropologists study humans in terms of groups.
their cultures, the often-unconscious standards by
which social groups operate. ✓ Ethnology, the comparative branch of cultural
anthropologists, uses a range of ethnographic accounts
✓ Linguistic anthropologists study human languages and
to construct theories about cultures from a comparative
may deal with the description of a language, with the
or historical point of view. Ethnologists often focus on
history of languages, or with how languages are used
a particular aspect of culture, such as religious or
in particular social settings.
economic practices.
✓ Archaeologists study human cultures through the
recovery and analysis of material and biological How do anthropologists face the
remains and environmental data. ethical challenges that emerge
✓ Biological anthropologists focus on humans as physical through conducting anthropological
organisms; they particularly emphasize tracing the research?
evolutionary development of the human animal and
studying biological variation within the species today. ✓ Anthropologists must stay aware of the potential uses
and abuses of anthropological knowledge and the ways
How is anthropology different from it is obtained.
other disciplines? ✓ The anthropological code of ethics, first formalized in
✓ Anthropology has long emphasized the study of non- 1971 and continually revised, outlines the moral and
Western societies and a holistic approach, which aims ethical responsibilities of anthropologists to the people
to formulate theoretically valid explanations and whom they study, to those who fund the research, and
interpretations of human diversity based on detailed to the profession as a whole.
studies of all aspects of human biology, behavior, and
beliefs in all known societies, past and present. What can anthropology contribute
✓ The humanities, social sciences, and the natural to our understanding of globalization?
sciences come together in anthropology to create a ✓ A long tradition of studying the connections among
genuinely humanistic science. Anthropology’s link diverse peoples over time gives anthropology a
with the humanities can be seen in its concern with theoretical framework to study globalization in a world
people’s beliefs, values, languages, arts, and literature— increasingly linked through technological
oral as well as written—but above all in its attempt to advancements.
convey the experience of living in different cultures.
✓ Anthropology equips global citizens to challenge
How do anthropologists conduct ethnocentrism and to understand human diversity.
research? ✓ Anthropology has essential insights to offer the
✓ Fieldwork, characteristic of all the anthropological modern world, particularly when understanding our
subdisciplines, includes complete immersion in neighbors in the global village has become a matter of
research settings ranging from archaeological and survival for all.
25
QU E S T IONS FOR RE F L ECT ION
1. In this chapter’s opening Challenge Issue, you learned come from? Why do we act in certain ways? What
about the repurposing of nets intended to combat makes us the way we are?
malaria. Would you support the distribution of these 3. Globalization can be described as a two-edged
nets? What would you do if you had to choose sword. How does it foster growth and destruction
between plentiful food and protection from malaria? simultaneously?
Do you make any similar choices in your own life?
4. This chapter contains several examples of applied
2. Anthropology embraces a holistic approach to explain anthropology. Can you think of a practical problem
all aspects of human beliefs, behavior, and biology. in the world today that would benefit from
How might anthropology challenge your personal anthropological knowledge and methods?
perspective on the following questions: Where did we
DIGGI NG I N TO A N T H ROPOLOGY
Talking Trash: Hidden in the Middens
Archaeologists have long focused on middens, a believe in the notion of recycling truly follow it in
refuse or garbage disposal area in archaeological practice?
sites. The trash ancient peoples have left behind Go through your own trash and use it to
provides many clues about their lifeways. What generate some questions that you might ask
did they eat? What sorts of tools did they use? others. Then find trashcans in two distinct
What kind of work did they do? What did they do residential settings and ask their owners if you
for fun? Modern garbage is just as interesting. can examine them. Before investigating, ask for
What’s more, the information we can glean from their responses to the questions you have devised.
recovered trash can be combined with theories Compare and contrast what you have found.
generated from other sources. For example, how Plastic gloves and a big plastic garbage bag on
does trash from an individual’s kitchen compare to which to lay the trash are a must!
what people say about their diets? Do those who
Dpa Picture Alliance/Alamy
CHALLENGE ISSUE
In the 21st century, human biology and technology have become intricately intertwined.
Because biological traits are held to be reliable markers of personal identity, some security
devices now rely on biology, such as fingerprint scanners and palm vein readers. DNA is per
per-
haps the final frontier in this progression. Many people now seek personal genealogy report-
ing and DNA sequencing in their quest for self-knowledge. Genetics has much to contribute
to an anthropological understanding of humans past and present. But is DNA the essence
of who we are? Because DNA’s functioning is similar to how computers process and run pro-
grams, some researchers are experimenting with the idea of using DNA as a long-term storage
device for digital information. Commonalities between biology and technology account for the
industrial and academic success in merging the two spheres, while also suggesting there are
dangers inherent in interpreting ourselves as mechanical objects. How might our inclination
to understand ourselves programmatically fall short? What are the social consequences of
seeing ourselves as organisms determined by our DNA, or by any other aspect of biology?
Biology, Genetics,
and Evolution 2
Evolution and Creation Stories
Many cultures have a myth to explain the appearance of humans on earth. The In this chapter you
Bible’s Book of Genesis provides one such example. The Nez Perce, American will learn to
Indians native to eastern Oregon and Idaho, provide us with a vastly different ● Compare the theory of
story. For the Nez Perce, human beings are the creation of Coyote, a trick- evolution with creation
ster-transformer. Coyote chased the giant beaver monster Wishpoosh over the
stories.
earth, leaving a trail to form the Columbia River. When Coyote caught Wish- ● Identify the place
poosh, he killed him, dragged his body to the riverbank, and cut it into pieces,
of humans in the
classification of all
each body part transforming into one of the various peoples of this region. The living things.
Nez Perce were made from Wishpoosh’s head, thus conferring on them great
● Explain the molecular
intelligence and horsemanship (Clark, 1966). basis of evolution and
Creation stories depict the relationship between humans and the rest of the the four evolutionary
natural world, sometimes reflecting a deep connection among people, other processes: mutation,
gene flow, genetic drift,
animals, and the earth. In the Nez Perce creation story, groups of people derive
and adaptation.
from specific body parts—each possessing a special talent and relationship with
● Describe how
a particular animal. By contrast, the story of creation in Genesis—shared by
evolutionary processes
Jews, Christians, and Muslims—emphasizes human uniqueness and the concept account for the diversity
of time. Creation takes place as a series of actions over the course of six days. of life on earth.
God’s final act of creation is to fashion the first human in his own image before ● Contrast how
the seventh day of rest. evolutionary processes
Like creation stories, evolution—the major organizing principle of the bio-
work at the individual
and population level.
logical sciences—accounts for the diversity of life on earth. Evolution provides
mechanisms for change and explanations for how the innumerable organisms,
● Explain how humans
have adapted to their
both in the past and today, came into being. Evolution differs from creation environments.
stories in that it uses testable hypotheses to explain the diversity of life in a
● Describe how new
consistent scientific language. Scientists have deciphered the molecular basis species come into
of evolution and the mechanisms through which evolutionary forces work on being.
populations of organisms. But scientific thought does not come out of a vacuum.
As you will see, historical and cultural processes contribute to scientific thought.
27
28 CHAPTER 2 Biology, Genetics, and Evolution
The Classification
of Living Things
As European explorers exploited foreign lands, their
approach to the natural world changed. The discovery
of new life forms challenged the previously held notion
of fixed, unchanging life on earth. The invention of in-
struments, such as the microscope to study the interior
of cells, also led to a new appreciation of life’s diversity.
Thus, in the mid-18th century, Swedish scientist Caro-
lus Linnaeus (also known as Carl von Linné) developed
the Systema Naturae, or system of nature, to classify
the diversity of living things collected and shipped to
Europe from throughout the globe. Linnaeus catego-
rized the living things into a tiered system known as
a taxonomy on the basis of internal and external visual
similarities.
Noting the similarity among humans, monkeys, and
apes, Linnaeus classified them together as primates
(Figure 2.1), one of several kinds of mammal, which are
animals having body hair or fur who suckle or nurse their
young. Species, the smallest working units in biological
classificatory systems, are reproductively isolated popula-
Hulton-Deutsch Collection/Historical/Corbis
tions or groups of populations capable of interbreeding to
produce fertile offspring. Species are subdivisions of larger,
more inclusive groups, called genera (singular, genus).
Humans, for example, are classified in the genus Homo
and the species sapiens.
Linnaeus based his classificatory system on the follow-
ing criteria:
1. Body structure: A Guernsey cow and a Holstein cow

Figure 2.1 Chimp or Human?
are the same species because they have identical body Initial scientific struggles to classify great apes—and to
structure. A cow and a horse do not. identify and weigh the significance of the similarities and
2. Body function: Cows and horses give birth to differences between them and humans—are reflected in
live young. Although they are different species, early European renderings of apes, including this 18th-century
they are closer than either cows or horses are to image of a chimpanzee portrayed as a biped equipped with a
chickens, which lay eggs and have no mammary walking stick.
glands.
3. Sequence of bodily growth: At the time of birth—or
hatching out of the egg—young cows and chickens other than either one is to the frog, whose tadpoles
possess body plans basically like that of their par- undergo a series of changes before attaining the basic
ents. They are therefore more closely related to each adult form.
Modern taxonomy (from the Greek for “naming

divisions”), or the science of classification, retains the
structure of the Linnaean system but takes genetics
primate The group of mammals that includes lemurs, lorises, tarsiers, as well as body structure, function, and growth into
monkeys, apes, and humans. account to construct the relationships among living
mammal The class of vertebrate animals distinguished by bodies things. Molecular comparisons aimed at parasites, bac-
covered with hair or fur, self-regulating temperature, and in females, milk- teria, and viruses allow scientists to trace the origins
producing mammary glands.
of particular diseases, such as swine flu, Ebola, or HIV
species The smallest working unit in biological classificatory systems;
reproductively isolated populations or groups of populations capable of (human immunodeficiency virus). An emphasis on
interbreeding to produce fertile offspring. genetics has led to a reworking of taxonomic designa-
genus (genera) In the system of classification, a group of like species. tion in the human family, among other families, as is
taxonomy The science of classification. described in Table 2.1.
The Discovery of Evolution 29
1 TABLE 2.1
The Classification of Humans
Taxonomic Category Category to Which Humans Belong Biological Features Used to Define and Place Humans in This Category
Kingdom Animalia Humans are animals. We do not make our own food (as plants do) but
depend upon intake of food.
Phylum Chordata Humans are chordates. We have a notochord (a rodlike structure of

cartilage) and nerve chord running along the back of the body as well as
gill slits in the embryonic stage of our life cycle.
Subphylum* Vertebrata Humans are vertebrates, possessing an internal backbone with a

segmented spinal column.
Class Mammalia Humans are mammals: warm-blooded animals covered with fur and
possessing mammary glands for nourishing their young after birth.
Order Primates Humans are primates: a kind of mammal with a generalized anatomy, a
relatively large brain, and grasping hands and feet.
Suborder Anthropoidea Humans are anthropoids: social, daylight-active primates.
Superfamily Hominoid Humans are hominoids with broad, flexible shoulders and no tail.
Chimps, bonobos, gorillas, orangutans, gibbons, and siamangs are also
hominoids.
Family/Subfamily Hominid/ Humans are hominids. We are hominoids from Africa, genetically more
Hominin closely related to chimps, bonobos, and gorillas than to hominoids from
Asia. Some scientists use “hominid” to refer only to humans and their
ancestors. Others include chimps and gorillas in this category, using
the subfamily “hominin” to distinguish humans and their ancestors
from chimps and gorillas and their ancestors. The two taxonomies differ
© Cengage Learning
according to emphasis on genetic versus morphological similarities.
Genus Species Homo sapiens Humans have large brains and rely on cultural adaptations to survive.
Genus and species names are always italicized.
*Most categories can be expanded or narrowed by adding the prefix “sub” or “super.” A family could thus be part of a superfamily and in turn contain two or
more subfamilies.
Cross-species comparisons describe anatomical fea-

tures of similar function as analogous, while anatomi-
The Discovery of Evolution
cal features that have evolved from a common ancestral Just as European seafaring and exploitation brought about
feature are called homologous (Figure 2.2). For exam- an awareness of the diversity of life across the globe, industri-
ple, the arm and hand of a human and the wing of a alization in Europe brought about an awareness of change in
bat evolved from the front leg of a common ancestor. life forms through time. As workers cut away earth to lay rail-
Although they have acquired different functions, they way tracks and excavated limestone for buildings, they un-
are homologous structures. During their early embryonic covered fossils that would revolutionize scientific thought.
development, homologous structures arise in a similar At first, religious doctrine was used to interpret fossil-
fashion and pass through similar stages before differen- ized remains of elephants and giant saber-toothed tigers
tiating. The wings of birds and butterflies look similar in Europe. The early 19th-century theory of catastrophism,
and have a similar function (flying): These are analogous championed by French paleontologist Georges Cuvier,
structures because they do not follow the same develop- invoked the Great Flood described in Genesis to account
mental sequence. for the disappearance of these species on European lands.
When constructing evolutionary relationships, only
homologies matter. Comparison and analysis have al-
lowed scientists to group species into genera and into analogous In biology, a term referring to structures of different
even larger groups such as families, orders, classes, organisms that are superficially similar due to similar function but that
do not share a common developmental pathway or structure.
phyla (plural of phylum), and kingdoms. Characteristics
homologous In biology, a term referring to structures of two different
shared by all the organisms in the group define each organisms that arise in similar fashion and pass through similar stages
taxonomic level. during embryonic development, although they may have different functions.
V I S UA L COU N T E R POI N T
Mark Carwardine/Photolibrary/Getty Images
Darrell Gulin/Photodisc/Getty Images

Figure 2.2 Homologous and Analogous
Bats and butterflies both use their wings to fly. But any resemblance of the insect wing to the
analogous structures in a bird or a mammal derives solely from their similar function. The course
of insect wing development as well as its structure differs from that of the bat. But compare your
own hand to the bat wing and you will see an excellent example of homology. Look closely at the
bones supporting the wing, and you can see that they are the same bones found in the human arm
and hand. Homologous structures have the same embryonic origins but ultimately take on different
functions. Humans can only dream about using our arms and hand bones for flight. Still, our grasping
hands have made us the species that we are today.
Another French scientist, Jean-Baptiste Lamarck, assertion that the earth is only 6,000 years old. But by
was among the first to suggest a mechanism to account the start of the 19th century, many naturalists had come
for biodiversity that did not rely upon scriptures. His to accept the idea that the earth was much older and
theory of the inheritance of acquired characteristics pro- that life had evolved, even though they were not clear
posed that behavior brought about changes in organ- about how it happened. It remained for Charles Darwin
isms’ forms, such as the famed giraffe that gained its (1809–1882) to formulate a theory that has withstood
long neck by stretching to reach leaves on the highest the test of time.
treetop branches and passed this acquired trait onto its Darwin began the study of medicine at the University
offspring. Lamarck was the first to connect the structure of Edinburgh in Scotland. Finding himself unfit for this
of organisms with the environments they inhabit. While profession, he went to Christ’s College, Cambridge, to
the mechanism Lamarck proposed for change over time study theology. He then left school to accompany Captain
works well for qualities inherited via culture, it falls short Robert FitzRoy as a naturalist aboard the Beagle, a British
as an explanation of basic biological inheritance. Nev- Royal Navy sloop, embarking on an expedition to various
ertheless, recent studies of how external environmental poorly mapped parts of the world. The voyage lasted al-
factors can switch genes on and off—an area known as most five years, taking the young scientist along the coasts
epigenetics—demonstrate a place for Lamarckian theory of South America, to the Galapagos Islands, across the
in biological inheritance. Pacific to Australia, and then across the Indian and
At about the same time that Lamarck formulated Atlantic oceans back to South America before returning to
his ideas, British geologist Sir Charles Lyell proposed England in 1836 (Figure 2.3).
a nonreligious theory to account for variations in the Observing the tremendous diversity of living creatures
earth’s surface. His theory, uniformitarianism, maintained as well as the fossils of extinct animals, Darwin noted
that immediately observable changes in the earth’s that species varied according to the environments they
surface from erosion and other natural processes could inhabited. The observations he made on this voyage, his
be explained if those variations had taken place over readings of Lyell’s geological theories, and discussions he
extremely long periods of time. Lyell’s theory was incom- had with Captain FitzRoy all contributed to Darwin’s most
patible with religious doctrine because the length of time famous book, On the Origin of Species. Published in 1859,
required for uniformitarianism far exceeded the biblical twenty years after he returned from his voyage, this book
Heredity 31
Britissh
British
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EU
EUR
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PE
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Azores
AME
AM
AMMEERIC
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Isslands CHINA
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A JAPAN
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JAPAN
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Cape
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AFRICA
AFR
AF
FRIC
RICA
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Galápagos
Galá
lápago
pagos
Marquesas
Marquesas
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Islands
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Ascension
A nsion
Asce nsio
sion
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Islands
SOUTH
SOU
SOUTH
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Society
Society Islands
S St.
St Helena
Heelena
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AME
AME
AM
M RRIIC
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AMERICACA Bahia
Bahiia
Ba
INDIAN
Tahiti
TTahiti
R de
Rio de Janeiro
Janneiro Mauritius
Mauritiuss OCEAN AUSTRALIA
AUS
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Syyddney
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Montevideo
Cape of
Port
Po Desire
Des
esire Hobart
Hoba
Hobart
Good Hop
Hope
Tierra del Fuego Outward voyage

Falkland Islands
Straits of Magellan
Mageellan Return voyage
Cape Horn
Figure 2.3 The Voyage of the Beagle

During his journey of almost five years, Darwin was exposed to the diversity of plant and animal
life, as well as to the varied environments across the globe. He also saw the horror of New
World slavery in action for the first time. Together, these observations planted the seeds for his
evolutionary theory.
accounts for change within species and for the emergence remarked, “How extremely stupid of me not to have
of new species in purely naturalistic terms. thought of that” (quoted in Durant, 2000, p. 11).
Darwin added observations from English farm life and However straightforward the idea of evolution by nat-
intellectual thought to observations he made while on ural selection may appear, the theory was (and continues
the Beagle. He paid particular attention to domesticated to be) a source of considerable controversy. Two problems
animals and farmers’ “artificial selection,” a practice of plagued Darwin’s theory throughout his career: First, how
breeding stock to select for specific traits. Darwin’s theo- did variation initially arise? Second, what was the mecha-
retical breakthrough derived from an essay by economist nism of heredity by which traits could be passed from one
Thomas Malthus (1766–1834), which warned of the generation to the next?
potential consequences of increased human population,
particularly of the poor. Malthus observed that animal
Heredity
populations, unlike human populations, remained stable:
An overproduction of offspring would be followed by a
large proportion of the animal offspring not surviving to
Ironically, some of the information Darwin needed
maturity.
was available by 1866. Gregor Mendel (1822–1884), a
Darwin combined his observations into the theory
Roman Catholic monk, developed the basic laws of he-
of natural selection as follows: All species display a
redity while working in the monastery gardens in Brno
range of variation, and all have the ability to expand
(Brünn), a city in today’s Czech Republic. Mendel, who
beyond their means of subsistence. It follows that, in
was raised on a farm, possessed two particular talents:
their “struggle for existence,” organisms with variations
a flair for mathematics and a passion for gardening.
that help them to survive in particular environments will
reproduce with greater success than those without such
variations. Thus, over time, the most advantageous varia-
tions become the most frequent and the species evolves.
natural selection The evolutionary process through which factors in
In retrospect, the idea seemed so obvious that Thomas the environment exert pressure, favoring some individuals over others to
Henry Huxley, one of the era’s most prominent scientists, produce the next generation.
As with all farmers of his time, Mendel had an intui-

tive understanding of biological inheritance. He went
a step further, though, in that he recognized the need
for theoretical explanations. At age 34, he began careful
breeding experiments in the monastery garden, starting
with pea plants.
Over eight years, Mendel cultivated more than 30,000
plants, controlling their pollination, observing the re-
sults, and figuring out the mathematics behind it all.
This allowed him to unravel the basic laws of heredity.
He published his findings in the Proceedings of the Natural
History Society of Brünn in 1866. However, because this
German-language publication was not widely read, it took
decades before scientists elsewhere recognized the signifi-
cance of Mendel’s discoveries.
By 1900, cell biology had advanced to the point
where rediscovery of Mendel’s laws was inevitable, and
in that year three European botanists, working indepen-
dently of one another, rediscovered not only the laws but
also Mendel’s original paper. With this rediscovery, the
science of genetics began. Today, a comprehensive un-
derstanding of heredity, molecular genetics, and popu-
lation genetics supports Darwinian evolutionary theory.
The Transmission of Genes

We define a gene as a portion of a DNA molecule con-
taining a sequence of base pairs that encodes a particular
© Science Source
protein. But when biologists coined the term from the

Greek word for “birth” at the turn of the 20th century,
the molecular basis of the gene was still fifty years away
Figure 2.4 Rosalind Franklin and the Structure of DNA from discovery. Mendel had perceived the presence and
British scientist Rosalind Franklin’s pioneering work in x-ray activity of genes when he discovered that inheritance
crystallography played a vital role in unlocking the secret of was particulate, rather than blending. In other words, the
the genetic code in 1953. Without her permission, Franklin’s units controlling the expression of visible traits come
colleague Maurice Wilkins showed one of her images to James in pairs, one from each parent, and retain their sepa-
Watson. In his book The Double Helix (1968), Watson wrote, “The rate identities over the generations rather than blend-
instant I saw the picture my mouth fell open and my pulse began ing into a combination of parental traits in offspring.
to race.” While her research was published simultaneously in This was the basis of Mendel’s law of segregation.
the prestigious journal Nature in 1953—alongside that of James Another finding—Mendel’s law of independent
Watson, Francis Crick, and Maurice Wilkins—her untimely death assortment—states that different traits (under the
from cancer meant that only the gentlemen received the Nobel control of distinct genes) are inherited randomly and
Prize for the double-helix model of DNA in 1962. independently of one another.
Mendel based his laws on statistical frequencies of
observed characteristics, such as color and texture in
generations of plants. When scientists discovered the
gene The portion of a DNA molecule that directs the synthesis of
specific proteins. chromosome, the cellular structure containing the ge-
law of segregation The Mendelian principle that variants of genes for a netic information, at the start of the 20th century, they
particular trait retain their separate identities through the generations. provided a visible vehicle for transmission of the traits
law of independent assortment The Mendelian principle that genes proposed in Mendel’s laws.
controlling different traits are inherited independently of one another. Then in 1953, James Watson and Francis Crick discov-
chromosome In the cell nucleus, the structure visible during cellular
ered the mechanism for inheritance based on the struc-
division containing long strands of DNA combined with a protein.
ture of DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid)—long strands
DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid) The genetic material consisting of
a complex molecule whose base structure directs the synthesis of that form chromosomes. (Rosalind Franklin, shown in
proteins. Figure 2.4, was a largely unknown contributor to this
Heredity 33
scientific breakthrough.) DNA is a complex molecule with chemical, structural, and regulatory thing that is done
an unusual double-helix shape, rather like two strands of in the body: they generate energy, fight infection, digest
a rope twisted around each other with ladder-like steps food, form hair, carry oxygen, and so on” (Ridley, 1999,
between the two strands (Figure 2.5). Alternating sugar p. 40). Almost everything in the body is made of or by
and phosphate molecules form the backbone of these proteins, which makes the genes responsible for such pro-
strands connected to each other by pairs from among teins all the more important.
the four genetic “base” molecules: adenine, thymine, An alternate form of any given gene is known as an
guanine, and cytosine (usually written as A, T, G, and allele, whereas the term gene just refers to the location
C). Connections between the backbone strands occur be- on a chromosome that codes for a particular protein. For
tween so-called complementary pairs of bases (A to T and example, the gene for a human blood type in the A-B-O
G to C). This arrangement confers upon genes the unique system refers to a specific portion of a DNA molecule on
property of replication—being able to make exact copies chromosome 9 that is 1,062 letters long (a medium-sized
of themselves. gene). This particular gene specifies the production of
an enzyme, a kind of protein that initiates and directs
a chemical reaction. Occurring in two forms (the A al-
Genes and Alleles lele and B allele), this enzyme causes specific molecules
involved in immune responses to attach to the surface
A sequence of chemical bases on a molecule of DNA (a
of red blood cells. Alleles correspond to that particular
gene) constitutes a recipe for making proteins. As science
blood type. Figure 2.6 displays a karyotype, the array
writer Matt Ridley puts it, “Proteins . . . do almost every
of chromosomes found inside a single cell. Genes provide
the recipe for the many proteins that keep us alive and
healthy.
The human genome—the complete structure se-
quence of human DNA—contains 3 billion chemical
T A
bases, with about 20,000 genes, a number similar to
that found in most mammals. Of the 3 billion bases,
A T
humans and mice are about 90 percent identical. Both
G C
species have three times as many genes as does the
T A
fruit fly, but surprisingly humans and mice have half
C G
the number of genes found in the rice plant! At the
same time, those 20,000 or so human genes account for
only a small fraction of the entire genome, indicating
that scientists still have far more to learn about how
P—Phosphate S A T S
S—Sugar P P genes work. Frequently, genes themselves are split by
A—Adenine S G C S long stretches of DNA that are not part of the known
T—Thymine P P
protein code; for example, the 1,062 bases of the A-B-O
G—Guanine S T A S
C—Cytosine P blood-group gene are interrupted by five such stretches.
P
S C G S In the course of protein production, these stretches of
DNA are metaphorically snipped out and left on the
cutting-room floor.
How is the DNA recipe converted into a protein?
A T
Through a series of intervening steps, each three-base
G C
sequence of a gene, called a codon, specifies produc-
T A
tion of a particular amino acid, strings of which build
C G
proteins. Because DNA cannot leave the cell’s nucleus
© Cengage Learning
A T
G C
Figure 2.5 The Structure of DNA

This diagrammatic representation of a portion of DNA allele An alternate form of a single gene.
(deoxyribonucleic acid) illustrates its twisted, ladder-like enzyme A protein that initiates and directs chemical reactions.
structure. Alternating sugar and phosphate groups form the karyotype The array of chromosomes found inside a single cell.
structural sides of the ladder. The connecting “rungs” are genome The complete structure sequence of DNA for a species.
formed by pairings between complementary bases—adenine codon The three-base sequence of a gene that specifies a particular
with thymine and guanine with cytosine. amino acid for inclusion in a protein.
Karyotype with a Few Genetic Loci

Alzheimer’s disease Huntington’s disease
1 2 3 4 5
Orofacial cleft Schizophrenia Beta chain of hemoglobin
Diabetes-associated
peptide (amylin)
6 7 8 9 10 11 12
Cystic fibrosis
A-B-O blood
Leptin (appetive regulation) BRCA-1 (associated
T
Tay-Sachs with breast cancer)
disease
Serotonin receptor
13 14 15 16 17 18
Maple syrup urine Gigantism Sex-determining region
© Cengage Learning
disease
19 20 21 22
Androgen receptor
X Y
Cone dystrophy (deltonia, colorblindness)
Figure 2.6 A Human Karyotype

An array of chromosomes from the nucleus of one cell is called a karyotype. The twenty-three
pairs of chromosomes humans possess include twenty-two pairs of body chromosomes plus
one pair of sex chromosomes, for a total of forty-six chromosomes. Notice the characteristic
shape and relative size of each of the chromosomes and the locations of certain genes
associated with various diseases and conditions identified by the Human Genome Project.
A glance at the overall karyotype indicates a normal number of chromosomes and that this
individual is genetically male. The female phenotype is determined by the presence of two X
chromosomes. Offspring inherit an X chromosome from their mothers but either an X or a Y
from their fathers, resulting in approximately equal numbers of male and female offspring in
subsequent generations. Although the Y chromosome is critical for differentiation into a male
phenotype, compared to other chromosomes, the Y is tiny and carries little genetic information.
(Figure 2.7), the directions for a specific protein are first and in the presence of the base uracil (U) rather than thy-
converted into RNA (ribonucleic acid) in a process mine. Next, the RNA travels to a ribosome, the cellular
called transcription. RNA is single stranded and differs structure where translation of the directions found in
from DNA in the structure of its sugar-phosphate backbone the codons occurs, producing proteins (Figure 2.8).
There are twenty amino acids, which are strung together
in different amounts and sequences to produce an almost
RNA (ribonucleic acid) Single-stranded molecules similar to DNA but infinite number of different proteins. This is the genetic
with uracil substituted for the base thymine; transcribes and carries code, and it is the same for every living thing, whether a
instructions from DNA within the nucleus to the ribosomes, where it worm a plant, or a person. In addition to the genetic infor-
directs protein synthesis. Some simple life forms contain RNA only.
mation stored in the chromosomes of the nucleus, complex
transcription The process of conversion of instructions from DNA into RNA.
organisms also possess cellular structures called mitochon-
ribosome The structure in the cell where translation occurs.
dria, each of which has a single circular chromosome. On
translation In genetics, the process of conversion of RNA instructions
the other end of the spectrum, simple living things without
9 1
into proteins.
ay-Sachs
genetic code The set of rules by which codons (sequences of three nucleated cells, such as the retrovirus that causes AIDS,
bases) in genetic material specify amino acids in protein synthesis. contain their genetic information only as RNA.
Heredity 35
Nuclear membrane Figure 2.7 A Nucleated Cell

Cell
Mitochondria DNA Nucleus The figure shows the three-
membrane
dimensional structure of a
nucleated cell. DNA is located
in the nucleus. Because
DNA cannot leave the
nucleus, genes must first be
transcribed into RNA, which
carries genetic information
to the ribosomes, where
protein synthesis occurs.
Note also the mitochondria,
Endoplasmic
reticulum with which contain their own
ribosomes circular chromosomes and
mitochondrial DNA.
© Cengage Learning
Cytoplasm
two copies of the original chromosome that are joined

Glu in the shape of an X. To do this, the DNA “unzips”
between the base pairs—adenine from thymine and
Amino acids joined
A d
by peptide bonds Met
guanine from cytosine—and then each base on each
Pro
P
Prro CU now-single strand attracts its complementary base,
C tRNA U
A Asp
A
As p reconstituting the second half of a double helix.
U
Then, the sister chromatids separate, and a new cell
membrane surrounds each new chromosome set and
becomes the nucleus that directs the activities of a
Anticodon
GGG CUA A new cell. This kind of cell division is called mitosis.
© Cengage Learning
mRNA AUG CCC GAU GAA CAA Barring errors in this replication process, cells divide
mitotically to form daughter cells that are exact genetic
Codon
copies of the parent cell.
Like most animals, humans reproduce sexually. The
Figure 2.8 From DNA into Proteins “popularity” of sex from an evolutionary perspective
Codons of DNA (a sequence of three bases) are transcribed into derives from the genetic variation that it provides. All an-
the complementary codons of a kind of RNA called messenger
imals contain two versions of each chromosome, having
RNA (mRNA) in order to leave the nucleus. In the ribosomes,
inherited one from each parent. In humans this involves
these codons are translated into proteins by transfer RNA (tRNA),
twenty-three pairs of chromosomes. Sexual reproduction
which strings the amino acids together into the specified chains.
can bring favorable alleles together, purge the genome
Can you think of the bases that would have been found in the
of harmful ones, and allow beneficial alleles to spread
DNA that correspond to the section of mRNA pictured here?
without being held back by disadvantageous variants of
other genes.
Mistakes can occur in the replication process, adding Although human societies have always regulated sex-
or subtracting repeats of the four bases: A, C, G, and T. ual reproduction in some ways, the science of genetics has
This happens with some frequency and differently in ev- had a tremendous impact on social aspects of reproduc-
ery individual. As these “mistakes” accumulate over time, tion. Among wealthier parents-to-be, prenatal genetic test-
people develop their unique DNA fingerprint. ing has become increasingly common. Such testing aims
to eliminate conditions not favored within a society. For
example, in India, where sons are historically preferred,
Cell Division
To grow and maintain good health, the body cells of
sister chromatid One-half of the X shape of a chromosome visible after
an organism must divide and produce new cells. Cell replication. Each half is a copy of the original chromosome.
division begins when chromosomal DNA replicates mitosis A kind of cell division that produces daughter cells that are
and each chromosome becomes a sister chromatid, genetic copies of the parent cell.
chapter’s Biocultural Connection de-

scribes how DNA testing has made its
way into the lives of African refugees
seeking reunification with their fami-
lies in the United States.
Sexual reproduction increases ge-
netic diversity, which in turn contrib-
utes to adaptation among sexually
reproducing species. Sexual reproduc-
tion involves the merging of two cells,
one from each parent, to make a new
individual. If two regular body cells,
each containing twenty-three pairs of
chromosomes, were to merge, the le-
thal result would be a new individual
with forty-six pairs of chromosomes.
Instead, sexual reproduction involves
joining specialized sex cells (eggs and
sperm) produced by a different kind of
cell division, called meiosis.
Meiosis begins like mitosis, with
the replication and doubling of the
original chromosomes through the
Saturn Stills/Science Source

formation of sister chromatids. Cells
then proceed to divide into four new
cells, each having half the number of
chromosomes compared to the parent
cell (Figure 2.10). Human eggs and
sperm have only twenty-three single
Figure 2.9 Prenatal Genetic Testing by Amniocentesis chromosomes (half of a pair), whereas
Prenatal genetic testing is conducted most frequently by amniocentesis, a technique body cells have twenty-three pairs, or
that began in the 1960s. The procedure involves a medical practitioner drawing fluid forty-six chromosomes.
containing cells from a developing embryo from the womb of a pregnant woman. Lab
Meiosis has important implications
technicians then analyze the chromosomes and specific genes for abnormalities.
for genetics. Because paired chromo-
Cultural anthropologists have shown that a biological fact (such as an extra 21st
somes are separated, the daughter cells
chromosome or Down syndrome) is open to diverse interpretations and reproductive
will not be identical. Two of the four
choices by “potential parents” (Rapp, 1999). New reproductive technologies have
new cells will have half of each pair
far-reaching social consequences. Genetic testing may lead to the labeling of certain
people as undesirable, pitting women’s reproductive rights against the rights of those of chromosomes, and the other two
with disabilities. will have the second half of the orig-
inal chromosome pair. In addition,
corresponding portions of one chro-
prenatal genetic testing has led to selective abortion of mosome may “cross over” to the other one, somewhat
female fetuses (Figure 2.9) (Arnold, Kishor, & Roy, 2002). scrambling the genetic material compared to the original
No aspect of human reproduction or genetics is simply chromosomes.
biological. Social and political processes impact the inter- Sometimes, the original pair is homozygous, pos-
pretation and use of genetic technology. The technology, sessing identical alleles for a specific gene. For example,
in turn, shapes social definitions of family, identity, and if both chromosomes of the original pair for the gene for
the types of citizens preferred by a given society. This A-B-O blood type possess the allele for type A blood, then
all new cells will have the A allele. But if the original pair
is heterozygous, with the A allele on one chromosome
and the B allele on the other, then half of the new cells
meiosis A kind of cell division that produces the sex cells, each of which will contain only the B allele; the offspring have a 50–50
has half the number of chromosomes found in other cells of the organism.
chance of getting either one.
homozygous A term referring to a chromosome pair that bears identical
alleles for a single gene. What happens when a child inherits the allele for
heterozygous A term referring to a chromosome pair that bears type O blood from one parent and that for type A from
different alleles for a single gene. the other? Will the child have blood of type A, O, or
Heredity 37
Mitosis Meiosis I O O O O
A AO AO A AO AO
Chromosomes
Chr
become distinct A AO AO O OO OO
as nuclear membrane
disappears
O O A B
Chromosomes
Chr omosomes Homologous pairs
align at midline align at midline A AO AO A AA AB
© Cengage Learning
B BO BO B BA BB
Figure 2.11 Punnett Squares, Phenotype, and Genotype

Chromosomes
Chromosomes split Homologous chromosomes
chromosomes
into two sister chromatids
chromatids move to opposite poles These four Punnett squares (named for British geneticist
and move to opposite poles Reginald Punnett) illustrate some of the possible phenotypes
and genotypes of offspring within the A-B-O system. The alleles
of one parent are listed on the left-hand side of the square,
while the other parent’s alleles are listed across the top.
The potential genotypes of offspring are listed in the colored
squares by letter. Offspring phenotypes are indicated by color:
Two
Two daughter cells Two
T wo daughter cells each Blue indicates the type A phenotype; orange indicates the
each possess with half the number of B phenotype. Individuals with one A and one B allele have
same number chromosomes
chromosomes as original cell
of chromosomes the AB phenotype and make both blood antigens, a protein
as original cell Meiosis II on the surface of the red blood cell. Individuals with the O
phenotype (magenta) have two O alleles.
some mixture of the two? Figure 2.11 illustrates some

Chromosomes
Chromosomes align at midline
of the possible outcomes. Many of these questions were
answered by Mendel’s original experiments.
Mendel discovered that certain alleles can mask the
presence of others; one allele is dominant, whereas
the other is recessive. Actually, it is the traits that are
dominant or recessive rather than the alleles themselves;
Chromosomes
Chr omosomes split into sister
chromatids
chromatids and move to opposite poles we refer to dominant and recessive alleles for the sake of
convenience. Thus, one can say that the allele for type A
blood is dominant to the type O allele. A heterozygous
individual, with one A and one O allele, will have type A
© Cengage Learning
blood. The heterozygous (AO) individual will have exactly

the same observed physical characteristic, or phenotype,
Four daughter cells (gametes). The original chromosome
chr
number is reestablished through fertilization as the homozygous (AA) individual, even though the two
have a different genetic composition, or genotype. Only
Figure 2.10 Cell Division: Mitosis and Meiosis in Humans
Each chromosome consists of two sister chromatids, which
are exact copies of each other. During mitosis, these sister
dominant In genetics, a term to describe the ability of an allele for a
chromatids separate into two identical daughter cells. In
trait to mask the presence of another allele.
meiosis, the cell division responsible for the formation of
recessive In genetics, a term to describe an allele for a trait whose
gametes, the first division halves the chromosome number. The expression is masked by the presence of a dominant allele.
second meiotic division is essentially like mitosis and involves phenotype The observable characteristic of an organism that may or
the separation of sister chromatids. Chromosomes in red came may not reflect a particular genotype due to the variable expression of
from one parent; those in blue came from the other. Meiosis dominant and recessive alleles.
results in four daughter cells that are not identical. genotype The alleles an individual possesses for a particular trait.
wo daughter cells wo daughter cells each
Bonds Beyond Blood: DNA Testing and

Refugee Family Unification By Jason Silverstein
In February 2008, the U.S. government relationship among asylum seekers from The pilot study began with 500 residents
began to assess the use of DNA test- Africa attempting reunification with family of the Dadaab refugee camp in Nairobi,
ing as documentary proof of familial members already in the United States. Kenya, where an estimated 465,000
Jonathan Ernst/Reuters /Landov

Covering 50 square kilometers in northeastern Kenya, the Dadaab refugee camp is the largest in the
world. As of May 2015, the camp was host to 350,000 (down from 465,000 at its height) people seeking
sanctuary from political persecution and starvation brought about by civil war and drought in their homelands.
Here, Somali refugees pray during Eid al-Fitr, marking the end of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan.
the homozygous recessive genotype (OO) will show the believed for some years that this was the only relationship
phenotype of type O blood. possible. Later studies show that, in some cases, neither
The dominance of one allele does not mean that the allele is dominant; they are both codominant. Codomi-
recessive one is lost or in some way blended. A type A hete- nance in human heredity can be seen in the inheritance
rozygous parent (AO) will produce sex cells containing both of blood-type alleles A and B. Heterozygous individuals
A and O alleles. (This is an example of Mendel’s law of segre- have a phenotype of AB because neither allele can domi-
gation, that alleles retain their separate identities.) Recessive nate the other.
alleles can be handed down for generations before they show Blood types illustrate another complexity of he-
up in the phenotype when matched with another recessive redity. Although we each have at most two alleles for
allele in the process of sexual reproduction. The dominant any given gene—only one allele can appear on each
allele masks the expression of the recessive allele. of the two homologous chromosomes—the number
Because all of the traits Mendel studied in garden of possible alleles for that gene found in a population
peas showed this dominant–recessive relationship, it was is not limited to two. For example, over 100 alleles
Heredity 39
refugees currently live in a space de- community. We should not confuse the
SUDAN
signed for 90,000. DNA testing was later neutrality of DNA as hereditary material
expanded to include 3,000 refugees in with the neutrality of those who collect, Lake ETHIOPIA
Turkana
Ethiopia, Uganda, Ghana, Guinea, and process, and interpret it. Far from value-
Côte d’Ivoire. neutral technology, DNA testing for family
SOMALIA
UGANDA
The pilot program operated on the reunification reveals an allegiance to a
KENYA
assumption of “guilty until proven fam- particular social universe and often con-
ily.” Anything other than DNA proof of ceals the reality of the refugees’ lived Dadaab
relationship was recorded as fraud. Re- experience.

fusal to test was recorded as fraud. On One especially lucid example of this
Lake
Victoria
Nairobi
a petition with multiple family members, claim is provided by a refugee case
if one person refused, did not show up manager who remarked that polygamous TANZANIA Indian
Ocean
for, or failed the test, then the entire pe- families (those with more than one
tition was recorded as fraud. Shockingly, spouse) are never resettled (in other
the “anchor” (the person with whom the words, would never pass the family-relat-
applicants desired to reunite) was never edness test). Given the testing protocol security officials cruelly call fraud or
tested. Only the relationships between in- of the pilot project (testing the genetic abuse. As one case manager starkly put
dividuals on the application were tested. relationship between applicants and not it, the DNA testing methodology overlooks
By the time the pilot phase ended, these between the applicant and the anchor), that those who survive often do not survive
policies resulted in the classification of one readily can imagine that a mother as unscathed.
80 percent of family reunification claims a primary applicant may not share DNA
as fraudulent, and the U.S. government with her child.
suspended the reunification program. As Family is not simply genetic or so- Biocultural Question
DNA testing increasingly becomes the cially prescribed; it is also existentially When DNA testing is used by authorities
standard by which border security officials evolved, especially for refugees who have for identification purposes, what rifts open
investigate kinship claims, what makes spent years if not decades in camps. between the truth of one’s life and what
a family legitimate will be determined by An interviewer with the United Nations can be extracted from one’s blood? What
the social prescriptions of the receiving High Commissioner for Refugees related should we be searching for when we want
community. stories about parents who did not want to know who a person truly is?
The definition of family is not neces- to distinguish between their biological
sarily portable across borders. Refugees and adopted, often war-orphaned, children. Adapted from Silverstein, J. (2012). Bonds
are forced to conform their qualifications Given that the verification interview takes beyond blood: DNA testing and refugee
of family and, thus, their very life sto- place in front of the children, avoiding this family resettlement. Anthropology News
ries to the social norms of the receiving distinction may have little to do with what 53 (4), 11.
exist for hemoglobin, the blood protein that carries determines an individual’s size, it is impossible to neatly
oxygen. unravel the genetic underpinnings of 160 centimeters
(5 feet 3 inches). Characteristics subject to polygenetic
Polygenetic Inheritance inheritance exhibit a continuous range of variation in

their phenotypic expression that does not correspond
So far, we have described traits of organisms that are to simple Mendelian rules. As biological anthropologist
determined by just one gene. However, multiple genes Jonathan Marks demonstrates in the following Original
control most physical traits, such as body build, skin Study, the relationship between genetics and continuous
color, or susceptibility to disease. In such cases, we speak traits remains misunderstood.
of polygenetic inheritance, in which the respective
alleles of two or more genes influence phenotype. For hemoglobin The protein that carries oxygen in red blood cells.
example, several individuals may have the exact same polygenetic inheritance Two or more genes contributing to the
height, but because there is no single height gene that phenotypic expression of a single characteristic.
is not neces
NAL
ORIGI
S T U DY Ninety-Eight Percent Alike: What Our Similarity to
Apes Tells Us about Our Understanding of Genetics
BY JONATHAN MARKS
It’s not too hard to tell Jane Goodall from a chimpanzee. similarities; if they match 98 out of 100 times, then the
Goodall is the one with long legs and short arms, a prom- species are 98 percent genetically identical.
inent forehead, and whites in her eyes. She’s the one with But is that more or less than their bodies match? We
a significant amount of hair only on her head, not all have no easy way to tell, for making sense of the question
over her body. She’s the one who walks, talks, and wears “How similar are humans and chimps?” requires a frame
clothing. of reference. In other words, we should be asking: “How
A few decades ago, however, the nascent field of mo- similar are humans and chimps, compared to what?” Let’s
lecular genetics recognized an apparent paradox: However try and answer the question. How similar are humans
easy it may be to tell Jane Goodall from a chimpanzee and chimps, compared to, say, sea urchins? Humans and
on the basis of physical characteristics, it is considerably chimpanzees have limbs, skeletons, bilateral symmetry,
harder to tell them apart according to their genes. a central nervous system; each bone, muscle, and organ
More recently, geneticists have been able to determine matches. For all intents and purposes, humans and chim-
with precision that humans and chimpanzees are over panzees aren’t 98 percent identical, they’re 100 percent
98 percent identical genetically, and that figure has be- identical.
come one of the most well-known factoids in popular On the other hand, when we compare the DNA of hu-
scientific literature. It has been invoked to argue that we mans and chimps, what does the percentage of similarity
are simply a third kind of chimpanzee, together with the mean? We conceptualize it on a linear scale, on which
common chimp and the rarer bonobo; to claim human 100 percent is perfectly identical, and 0 percent is totally
rights for nonhuman apes; and to explain the roots of different. But the structure of DNA gives the scale a statis-
male aggression. tical idiosyncrasy.
Using the figure in those ways, however, ignores the Because DNA is a linear array of those four bases—A,
context necessary to make sense of it. Actually, our amaz- G, C, and T—only four possibilities exist at any specific
ing genetic similarity to chimpanzees is a scientific fact point in a DNA sequence. The laws of chance tell us that
constructed from two rather more mundane facts: our two random sequences from species that have no ancestry
familiarity with apes and our unfamiliarity with genetic in common will match at about one in every four sites.
comparisons. Moreover, the genetic comparison is misleading be-
To begin with, it is unfair to juxtapose differences cause it ignores qualitative differences among genomes.
between the bodies of people and apes with similari- Genetic evolution involves much more than simply re-
ties in their genes. After all, we have been comparing placing one base with another. Thus, even among such
bodies of humans and chimpanzees for 300 years, and close relatives as humans and chimpanzees, we find that a
we have been comparing DNA sequences for less than chimp’s genome is estimated to be about 10 percent larger
[35] years. than a human’s; that one human chromosome contains a
Now that we are familiar with chimpanzees, we quickly fusion of two small chimpanzee chromosomes; and that
see how different they look from us. But when chimpan- the tips of each chimpanzee chromosome contain a DNA
zees were a novelty, in the 18th century, scholars were sequence that is not present in humans.
struck by the overwhelming similarity of human and In other words, the pattern we encounter genetically is
ape bodies. And why not? Bone for bone, muscle for actually quite close to the pattern we encounter anatom-
muscle, organ for organ, the bodies of humans and apes ically. In spite of the shock the figure of 98 percent may
differ only in subtle ways. And yet, it is impossible to give us, humans are obviously identifiably different from,
say just how physically similar they are. Forty percent? as well as very similar to, chimpanzees. The apparent par-
Sixty percent? Ninety-eight percent? Three-dimensional adox is simply a result of how mundane apes have become
beings that develop over their lifetimes don’t lend them- and how exotic DNA still is.
selves to a simple scale of similarity.
Genetics brings something different to the compari- Source: Marks, J. (2000, May 12). 98% alike (What our similarity
son. A DNA sequence is a one-dimensional entity, a long to apes tells us about our understanding of genetics). Chronicle
series of A, G, C, and T subunits. Align two sequences of Higher Education, B7. Copyright © 2000 by Chronicle of
from different species and you can simply tabulate their Higher Education. Reprinted with permission of the author.
Evolutionary Forces dyes, antibiotics, and chemicals used in food preservation.

Radiation, whether of industrial or solar origin, represents
and Populations another important cause of mutations. Even stress can
increase mutation rates (Chicurel, 2001). Ultimately, mu-
At the level of an individual, genetic traits are transmitted tations confer versatility at the population level, making
from parent to offspring, enabling a prediction about the it possible for an evolving species to adapt more quickly
chances that any given individual will display some phe- to environmental changes. Remember, however, that mu-
notypic characteristic. At the level of a group, the study of tations occur randomly and thus do not arise out of need
genetics takes on additional significance. It reveals how evo- for some new adaptation.
lutionary processes account for the diversity of life on earth.
A key concept in genetics is that of the population,
or a group of individuals within which breeding takes Genetic Drift
place. Gene pool refers to all the genetic variants pos-
Genetic drift refers to chance fluctuations of allele fre-
sessed by members of a population. Over generations,
quencies in the gene pool of a population. Changes at the
the relative proportions of alleles in a population change
population level derive from random events at the level
(biological evolution) according to the varying reproduc-
of individual survival. For example, a squirrel in good
tive success of individuals within that population. In other
health and with a number of advantageous traits may be
words, at the level of population genetics, evolution can
killed in a forest fire, while another nearby squirrel with
be defined as changes in allele frequencies in populations.
less adaptive traits might escape the fire and reproduce. In
This is also known as microevolution. Four evolutionary
a large population, such accidents of nature are unimpor-
forces—mutation, genetic drift, gene flow, and natural
tant; the accidents that preserve individuals with certain
selection—create and pattern biological diversity.
alleles will be balanced out by the accidents that destroy
them. However, in small populations, such averaging out
Mutation may not be possible.
Because today’s global human population size is
Mutation, the ultimate source of evolutionary change, large, we might suppose that human beings are unaf-
constantly introduces new genetic variation. Mutation oc- fected by genetic drift. But a chance event like a rockslide
curs randomly. Although some mutations may be harmful that kills five people from a town with a population of
or beneficial to individuals, most mutations are neutral. 1,000 could significantly alter the frequencies of alleles
But in an evolutionary sense, random mutation is inher- in the local gene pool. Whenever biological variation
ently positive: It provides the variation upon which the is observed, whether in the distant past or present, it is
other evolutionary forces work. New body plans—such always possible that chance events of genetic drift are
as walking on two legs compared to knuckle-walking like responsible for it.
our closest relatives, chimpanzees and gorillas—ultimately A founder effect is a specific kind of genetic drift
derive from a series of genetic mutations. A random mu- that may occur when an existing population splits up
tation might create a new allele that modifies a protein, into two or more new ones, especially if only a small
making possible a novel biological task. Without the number of individuals are the founders of a new popu-
variation brought in through mutations, populations lation. In such cases, the gene frequencies of the smaller
could not change over time in response to changing population tend not to contain the full range of varia-
environments. tion present in the larger one. An interesting example
Mutations may arise whenever copying mistakes are of founder effects can be seen on the Pacific Ocean is-
made during cell division. This may involve a change in land of Pingelap in Micronesia, where 5 percent of the
a single base of a DNA sequence or, at the other extreme,
relocation of large segments of DNA, including entire
chromosomes. As you read this page, the DNA in each
population In biology, a group of similar individuals that can and do
cell of your body is being damaged (Culotta & Koshland,
interbreed.
1994). Fortunately, DNA repair enzymes constantly scan
gene pool All the genetic variants possessed by members of a
DNA for mistakes, slicing out damaged segments and population.
patching up gaps. Moreover, for sexually reproducing spe- evolution The changes in allele frequencies in populations; also known
cies like humans, the only mutations of any evolutionary as microevolution.
consequence are those occurring in sex cells because these mutation The chance alteration of genetic material that produces new
cells form future generations. variation.
genetic drift The chance fluctuations of allele frequencies in the gene
New mutations arise continuously because no species
pool of a population.
has perfect DNA repair; thus all species continue to evolve.
founder effect A particular form of genetic drift deriving from a small
Environmental factors may increase the rate at which mu- founding population not possessing all the alleles present in the original
tations occur (Figure 2.12). These factors include certain population.
© Gerg Ludwig/National Geographic

Figure 2.12 Pollution and Mutation
These eight children, each missing a hand, were among ninety children born with missing
terminal limbs over a twenty-year period in Moscow, Russia. Their family homes were all
clustered in polluted industrialized sections of the city, and the missing limbs are the result of
prenatal exposure to toxins. These children and their families certainly face many obstacles as
a result of this birth defect. Yet from an evolutionary perspective, the mutations leading to limb
loss will have no consequences unless they appear in the reproductive cells and are transmitted
to future generations.
population is completely colorblind, heterozygous for this condition. After a few generations,
a condition known as achromatopsia.
achromatopsia PINGELAP, this gene became fully embedded in the expanding pop-
MICRONESIA
This is not the “normal” ulation. Today, a full 30 percent of the island’s inhabi-
red–green colorblind- tants are carriers of the colorblind gene, compared to a
ness that affects 8 to NORTHERN mere .003 percent seen in the United States (Sacks, 1998).
MARIANA
20 percent of males ISLANDS
in most populations,
but rather a complete
GUAM
(U.S.)
North P Pacific
Ocean
MARSHALL
ISLANDS Gene Flow
inability to see color. MICRONESIA
POHNPEI Gene flow, or the introduction of new alleles from
The high frequency nearby populations, brings new genetic variation into a
of achromatopsia be- TRUK PINGELAP population: Interbreeding allows “road tested” genes to
ISLANDS
gan around 1775, af- (CHUUK) flow into and out of populations. Migration of individuals
ter a typhoon swept Equator or groups into the territory occupied by others may lead
through the island, South PPacific to gene flow. Geographic factors also affect gene flow.
reducing its total Ocean For example, if a river separates two populations of small
population to only mammals, preventing interbreeding, these populations
© Cengage Learning
SOLOMON
PAPUA
twenty individu- NEW GUINEA
ISLANDS
will begin to accrue random genetic differences due to
als. Among the sur- their isolation (genetic drift). If the river changes course
vivors was a single and the two populations can again interbreed freely, new
individual who was alleles that may have been present in only one population
will now be present in both populations due to gene flow.
Among humans, social factors—such as mating rules,
intergroup conflict, and our ability to travel great dis-
gene flow The introduction of alleles from the gene pool of one tances—affect gene flow. For example, the last 500 years
population into that of another. have seen the introduction of alleles into Central and
Camille Tokerud/The Image Bank/Getty Images

Figure 2.13 Birth Weight and Stabilizing Selection
Across the globe, newborn babies weigh on average between 5 and 8 pounds. Stabilizing selection
seems to be operating here to keep infant size well matched to the size of the human birth canal for
successful childbirth. Natural selection can promote stability as well as change.
South American populations from both the Spanish and and even do quite well, but do not reproduce. They may
Portuguese colonists and the Africans imported as slaves. be incapable of attracting mates, or they may be sterile,
More recent migrations of people from East Asia and the or they may produce offspring that do not survive after
rest of the world have added to this mix. Throughout the birth. While they may survive to relatively old ages, they
history of human life on earth, gene flow has prevented do not pass on their genes to succeeding generations.
populations from developing into separate species. Ultimately, all natural selection is measured in terms of
reproductive success—mating and production of viable
offspring who will in turn carry on one’s genes. In some
Natural Selection human societies, a woman’s social worth is assessed in
terms of reproductive success or her ability to bear children.
Although gene flow and genetic drift may produce changes In these contexts, infertility becomes a human rights issue.
in the allele frequency of a population, that change would Despite the importance of adaptation and natural
not necessarily make the population better adapted to selection in shaping living organisms, many traits have
its biological and social environment. Natural selection, no adaptive function. All male mammals, for example,
the evolutionary force described by Darwin, accounts for possess nipples, even though they serve no useful pur-
adaptation—a series of beneficial adjustments to a par- pose. For female mammals, however, nipples are essential
ticular environment. As we will explore throughout this to reproductive success. The two sexes are not separate
text, humans can adapt to their environment through entities, shaped independently by natural selection, but
culture as well as biology. When biological adaptation are variants upon a single body plan, elaborated during
occurs at a genetic level, natural selection is at work. In embryonic development.
the process, the frequency of genetic variants for harmful Natural selection often promotes stability instead of
or nonadaptive traits within the population reduces while change. Stabilizing selection occurs in populations that
the frequency of genetic variants for adaptive traits in- are already well adapted or where change would be disad-
creases. Over time, changes in the genetic structure of the vantageous (Figure 2.13). In these cases, natural selection
population can result in formation of new species. will favor the retention of allele frequencies more or less as
Popular writing often reduces natural selection to the
notion of the “survival of the fittest,” a phrase coined by
19th-century British philosopher Herbert Spencer. The adaptation A series of beneficial adjustments to a particular
environment.
phrase implies that disease, predation, and starvation
reproductive success The relative production of fertile offspring by
eliminate the physically weak from the population. Obvi- individual members of a population.
ously, the survival of the fittest has some bearing on nat- stabilizing selection Natural selection acting to promote stability rather
ural selection. But at times, “less fit” individuals survive than change in a population’s gene pool.
Figure 2.14
Disproportionate Features
This x-ray showing the
unusually large size of
a kiwi egg illustrates
that evolution does not
continue by preplanned
design but rather by a
process of tinkering with
preexisting body forms. In
a similar fashion, the wings
of flying insects developed
from structures that were
originally used for paddling
around in water and were
later repurposed as they
became large relative to
body size.
Otorohanga Zoological Society, Inc.

they are. Evolution tends not to proceed in a steady, stately populations from dying out or species from going extinct
progression over vast periods of time. Instead, the life when environments change. Natural selection is a process
history of most species consists of relative stability or grad- of tinkering, balancing beneficial and harmful effects of a
ual change punctuated by shorter periods of more rapid specific allele in a specific environment, as the following
change (or extinction) when altered conditions require case study of sickle-cell anemia illustrates.
new adaptations or when a new mutation produces an op-
portunity to adapt to some other available environment.
Determining when and whether enough changes have
accumulated within a population to constitute a distinct
species is a classic biological and philosophical problem.
The Case of Sickle-Cell
Further, traits that seem nonadaptive in the present
may be coopted for later use, and traits that appear adap-
Anemia
tive might have come about due to unrelated changes in Sickle-cell anemia is a painful disease in which oxygen-
the pattern of growth and development. For instance, the carrying red blood cells change shape (sickle), clogging the
unusually large size of a kiwi’s egg enhances the surviv- finest parts of the circulatory system (Figure 2.15). In the
ability of kiwi chicks, in that they are particularly large early part of the 20th century, geneticists in Chicago first
and capable when hatched (Figure 2.14). Nevertheless, the observed that the disease disproportionately impacted Afri-
largeness of kiwi eggs probably did not evolve because the can Americans. Further investigation found that populations
size is adaptive. Instead, kiwis evolved from an ancestor living in a clearly defined area of Central Africa had the
that was the size of an ostrich, and in birds, egg size reduces sickle-cell allele at surprisingly high frequencies. Geneticists
at a slower rate than does body size. Therefore, the outsized wanted to understand why such a harmful hereditary disabil-
eggs of kiwi birds seem to be no more than a developmen- ity persisted in these populations. According to the theory of
tal byproduct of a reduction in body size (Gould, 1991b). natural selection, alleles that are harmful tend to disappear
Natural selection differs from the concept of design as from a group because individuals who are homozygous for
it acts only upon the existing store of genetic variation; it the abnormality generally die—are “selected out”—before
cannot create something entirely new. Variation protects they reproduce. Why, then, has this seemingly harmful con-
dition persisted in populations from tropical Africa?
The answer to this mystery began to emerge when
researchers noticed that a particularly deadly form of ma-
sickle-cell anemia An inherited form of anemia produced by a mutation
in the hemoglobin protein that causes the red blood cells to assume a laria (falciparum malaria) was prevalent in the same areas
sickle shape. that had high rates of sickle-cell anemia (Figure 2.16).
The Case of Sickle-Cell Anemia 45
Sickled Red Normal Red heterozygous individuals with normal and sickling he-
Blood Cell Blood Cell moglobin. The loss of alleles for abnormal hemoglobin
caused by death from sickle-cell anemia was countered
© Cengage Learning
by the loss of alleles for normal hemoglobin, as those
homozygous for normal hemoglobin were more likely to
die from malaria.
The mutation that causes hemoglobin to sickle con-
sists of a change in a single base of DNA, so it can arise
Figure 2.15 Sickle and Normal Red Blood Cells
readily by chance (Figure 2.17). The resulting mutant al-
Sickle-cell anemia is caused by a genetic mutation in a single
base of the hemoglobin gene, resulting in abnormal hemoglobin, lele codes for an amino acid substitution in the beta chain
S
called hemoglobin S or Hb . (The normal hemoglobin allele is called of the hemoglobin protein that causes red blood cells
A
Hb , not to be confused with blood type A.) Those afflicted by the to take on a characteristic sickle shape. In homozygous
S
disease are homozygous for the Hb allele, and all their red blood individuals with two sickle-hemoglobin alleles, collapse
cells “sickle.” Codominance is observable with the sickle and and clumping of the abnormal red blood cells block the
A S
normal alleles. Heterozygotes (genotype Hb Hb ) make 50 percent capillaries and create tissue damage. Afflicted individuals
normal hemoglobin and 50 percent sickle hemoglobin. Shown here commonly die before reaching adulthood. Except under
is a sickled red blood cell compared to a normal red blood cell. low oxygen or other stressful conditions, heterozygous in-
dividuals suffer no ill effects. In regions with malaria, the
heterozygous condition improves individuals’ resilience
This form of malaria causes many deaths or, in those to malaria and hence their reproductive success relative to
who survive, high fevers that interfere with individuals’ the “normal” homozygous condition.
reproductive abilities. Moreover, researchers discovered This example demonstrates how adaptations tend to
hemoglobin abnormalities among people living in parts be specific; the abnormal hemoglobin was adaptive only
of the Arabian Peninsula, Greece, Algeria, Syria, and in environments in which the malarial parasite flour-
India, all regions where malaria is (or was) common. ished. When individuals adapted to malarial regions re-
In fact, selection due to environmental malaria favored located to regions relatively free of malaria, the abnormal
Malarial areas
Sickle-cell anemia areas
© Cengage Learning
Areas with both malaria

and sickle-cell anemia
Figure 2.16 The Distribution of Malaria and the Sickle-Cell Allele

In regions with a high incidence of falciparum malaria, people native to these areas have a
higher than normal rate of the allele that causes sickle-cell anemia. Researchers have surmised
that natural selection preserved the allele for the sickle-cell trait to protect individuals from the
devastating effects of malaria.
Glutamic acid (GAG) Thus, humans unwittingly created the kind of environ-
ment that made a disadvantageous trait—the abnormal he-
8 Continuation of
7 amino acids moglobin associated with sickle-cell anemia—advantageous.
5 6 Although the biological process of evolution accounts for
Normal 1 2 3 4 frequency of the sickle-cell allele, cultural processes shape
© Cengage Learning
8 the environment to which humans adapt.
7
5 6
Sickle 1 2 3 4
Valine
aline (GTG)
Figure 2.17 Simple Mutation, Dramatic Consequences

Adaptation and Physical
Mutation of a single base of DNA can result in a radically
different protein. Pictured here are codons 1 through 8
Variation
for the beta chain of hemoglobin, the protein that carries Anthropologists study biological diversity by referring to
oxygen in red blood cells, and the amino acids these cline, or the continuous gradation over space in the form
codons specify. The normal allele (top) and the sickle-cell or frequency of a trait. The spatial distribution or cline for
allele (bottom) differ only by the substitution of the base
the sickle-cell allele allowed anthropologists to identify
thymine for adenine in the codon in position 6, which in
the adaptive function of this gene in a malarial environ-
turn substitutes valine for glutamic acid. This simple
ment. Clinal analysis of a continuous trait such as body
mutation makes the red blood cells bend into a sickle
shape, clogging the capillary beds and causing great shape, which is controlled by a series of genes, allows an-
pain, which is what occurs with sickle-cell anemia. Sickling thropologists to interpret human global variation in body
occurs because the amino acid valine, compared to glutamic build as an adaptation to climate.
acid in the normal allele, gives the hemoglobin molecule Generally, people long native to regions with cold cli-
different properties. The beta chain is 146 amino acids mates tend to have greater body bulk (not to be equated
long, and a simple mutation can have dramatic and tragic with fat) relative to their extremities (arms and legs) than
consequences. do people native to regions with hot climates, who tend to
be relatively tall and slender. In hot, open country people
benefit from a long, slender body that can get rid of excess
hemoglobin became comparatively disadvantageous. Al-
heat quickly. A small slender body can also promote heat
though the rates of sickle-cell trait remain relatively high
loss due to a high surface area to volume ratio. A person
among African Americans—about 8 percent have the
with larger body bulk and relatively short extremities may
sickling trait—this has significantly declined from the 22
suffer more from summer heat, but this person will con-
percent estimated among the first Africans who were sold
serve needed body heat under cold conditions because a
as slaves. A similar decline in the sickle-cell allele would
bulky body has less surface area relative to volume.
occur over the course of several generations in malarial
Climate can also contribute to human variation
zones if that deadly disease were brought under control.
through its impact on the process of growth and devel-
This example also illustrates the role culture plays
opment (developmental adaptation). For example, some
in biological adaptation. In Africa, the severe form of
of the biological mechanisms for withstanding cold or
malaria was not a significant problem until humans
dissipating heat have been shown to vary depending upon
abandoned food foraging for farming a few thousand
the climate that individuals experience as children. People
years ago. To farm, people had to clear areas of the natu-
spending their youth in very cold climates develop circu-
ral forest cover. In the forest, decaying vegetation on the
latory system modifications that allow them to remain
forest floor gave the ground an absorbent quality so that
comfortable at temperatures that those from warmer cli-
the heavy rainfall rapidly soaked into the soil. But once
mates cannot tolerate. Similarly, hot climates promote de-
stripped of its natural vegetation, the soil lost this qual-
velopment of a higher density of sweat glands, creating a
ity. In addition, without the forest canopy to break the
more efficient system for sweating to keep the body cool.
force of rainfall, heavy rains compacted the soil further.
Cultural processes complicate studies of biological adap-
The stagnant puddles that subsequently formed provided
tation to climate. For example, a poor diet during childhood
the perfect breeding environment for the type of mos-
affects the growth process and ultimately impacts adult
quito that hosts the malarial parasite. These mosquitoes
body shape and size. Clothing also complicates these stud-
then began to flourish and transmit the malarial parasite
ies. In fact, culture rather than biology accounts for much
to humans.
of the way people adapt to cold. For instance, to cope with
bitter cold Arctic climates, the Inuit peoples of northern
Canada (and other Eskimos) created artificial tropical envi-
cline The gradual change in the frequency of an allele or trait over ronments for themselves inside their clothing. Such cultural
space. adaptations allow humans to inhabit the entire globe.
Macroevolution and the Process of Speciation 47
Macroevolution and the

Process of Speciation Species Species Species
While microevolution refers to changes in the allele fre- B A or C B
quencies of populations, macroevolution focuses on
speciation—the formation of new species—and on
the evolutionary relationships among groups of species.
The microevolutionary forces of mutation, genetic drift,
gene flow, and natural selection can lead to macroevolu-
tionary change as species diverge. Time Species Species
© Cengage Learning
A A
As defined earlier in the chapter, species—a population
or group of populations capable of interbreeding and
cladogenesis anagenesis
producing viable, fertile offspring—are reproductively
isolated. The bullfrogs in one farmer’s pond are the same
species as those in a neighboring pond, even though the Figure 2.18 Mechanisms of Speciation
two populations may never actually interbreed; in theory, Cladogenesis occurs as different populations of an ancestral
they could interbreed if brought together. But isolated species become reproductively isolated. Through genetic drift
populations may be in the process of evolving into dif- and differential selection, the number of descendant species
ferent species, and it is hard to tell exactly when they increases. Speciation by anagenesis can take place as small
become distinct. differences in traits that (by chance) are advantageous in a
Factors, known as isolating mechanisms, can separate particular environment accumulate in a species’ gene pool,
breeding populations and lead to the appearance of new eventually transforming an old species into a new one. Genetic
species. Because isolation prevents gene flow, changes drift may also contribute to anagenesis.
that affect the gene pool of one population cannot
be introduced into the gene pool of another. Random
mutation may introduce new alleles in one of the iso-
lated populations but not in the other. Genetic drift Paleontologists Stephen Jay Gould and Niles Eldredge
and natural selection may affect the two populations in have proposed that speciation occurs in a pattern of
different ways. Over time, as the two populations con- punctuated equilibrium, or the alternation between
tinue to differ from each other, speciation occurs in a periods of rapid speciation and times of stability. Often
branching fashion known as cladogenesis. Speciation this model of evolutionary change is contrasted with
can also happen without branching, as a single popula- speciation through adaptation, sometimes referred to as
tion accumulates sufficient new mutations over time to Darwinian gradualism. A close look at the genetics and the
be considered a separate species. This process known as fossil record indicates that evolutionary change occurs
anagenesis (Figure 2.18) appears in the fossil record via both mechanisms. Genetic mechanisms underlie both
when a group of organisms takes on a different appear- rapid and gradual changes because mutations can have
ance over time. small or large effects.
Speciation can occur at various rates. Scholars gener- It is particularly interesting to see how molecular
ally consider speciation through natural selection to occur genetics supports Darwinian evolution. For example, the
at a slow rate as organisms become better adapted to their tailoring of beak shape and size to diet among finches
environments. Sometimes, however, speciation can occur on the Galapagos Islands, in the Pacific Ocean west of
quite rapidly. For example, a genetic mutation such as one Ecuador, constituted Darwin’s classic example of natural
involving a key regulatory gene, a gene that turns other
genes off and on, can lead to formation of a new body
plan. Such genetic accidents may involve material that is
broken off, transposed, or transferred from one chromo-
macroevolution Evolution above the species level or leading to the
some to another.
formation of new species.
Genes that regulate the growth and development of an speciation The process of forming new species.
organism may have a major effect on its adult form. Sci- cladogenesis Speciation through a branching mechanism whereby an
entists have discovered certain key genes called homeobox ancestral population gives rise to two or more descendant populations.
genes that are responsible for large-scale effects on the anagenesis A sustained directional shift in a population’s average
growth and development of an organism (Figure 2.19). characteristics that leads to speciation.
If a new body plan happens to be adaptive, natural selec- punctuated equilibrium A model of macroevolutionary change
that suggests evolution occurs via long periods of stability or stasis
tion will maintain this new form for long periods of time
punctuated by periods of rapid change.
rather than promoting change.
Science VU/Dr. F. Rudolph Turner/Visuals Unlimited, Inc
Dr. Thomas Deerinck/Visuals Unlimited, Inc.

Figure 2.19 Homeobox Genes and New Body Plans
Sometimes mutation in a single gene can cause reorganization of an organism’s body plan.
Here the antennepedia homeobox gene has caused this fruit fly to develop in places that would
normally be antennae. Another homeobox gene, antennapedia, causes legs to develop in the place
of antennae on the heads of fruit flies.
selection (Figure 2.20). Recently, scientists identified two new species over time. Primatologist Frans de Waal has
proteins along with the underlying genes that control said, “Evolution is a magnificent idea that has won over
beak shape and size in birds (Lamichhaney et al. 2015). It essentially everyone in the world willing to listen to
is all the more impressive that Darwin was able to make scientific arguments” (de Waal, 2001b, p. 77). We will
his inferences about natural selection without the benefit return to the topic of human evolution in chapters that
of molecular genetics. follow, but first we will look at the other living primates
In biological terms, evolution accounts for all that to understand the kinds of animals they are, what they
humans share as well as the broad array of human di- have in common with humans, and what distinguishes
versity. Evolution is also responsible for the creation of the various forms.
© 2010 Cengage Learning Inc.
(a) Gr
(a) Ground finch (b) T ee finch
(b) Tr (c) Trree finch (called
(c) T (d) Ground finch (known
(d) Ground
Main food: seeds Main food: leaves, buds, woodpecker finch) as warbler finch)
Beak: heavy blossoms, fruits Main food: insects Main food: insects
Beak: thick, short Beak: stout, straight Beak: slender
Figure 2.20 Adaptation and Darwin’s Finches

Scientists have begun to unravel the genetic mechanisms controlling the shape and size of beaks
of the finches studied by Darwin on the Galapagos Islands. Darwin noted how beak shape and
size were related to each species’ diet and used the birds to illustrate adaptation to a particular
ecological niche. Finches with blunt crushing beaks are seedeaters while others with long probing
beaks pick between cactus thorns for food or use their beaks to reach insects.
49
How does evolutionary theory differ from ✓ Different versions or alternate forms of a gene for a
given trait are called alleles. The total number of
creation stories? different alleles of the various genes in a population is
✓ Scientific theories are based on testable hypotheses. its gene pool.
✓ Scientific theories provide mechanisms to account for

the diversity of life on earth.
How do cells and organisms reproduce?
✓ DNA molecules can replicate so that new daughter cells
How are living things classified, and how will be exact genetic copies of the parent cell.
did this system come about? ✓ DNA molecules are located on chromosomes, structures
✓ The science of taxonomy classifies living organisms found in the nucleus of each cell. Chromosomes
into a series of progressively more inclusive categories consist of two sister chromatids.
on the basis of visual similarities and developmental ✓ Each species has a characteristic number of
patterns. chromosomes, found in pairs in sexually reproducing
✓ Carolus Linnaeus devised the Systema Naturae, the first organisms. Humans have twenty-three pairs of
comprehensive system to classify species on the basis chromosomes.
of similarities in body structure, body function, and
✓ Mitosis is the kind of cell division that results in two
sequence of bodily growth.
identical daughter cells.
✓ Modern taxonomy incorporates genetic characteristics
✓ Meiosis results in four sex cells, each containing half
into the basic Linnaean system.
the number of chromosomes of the parent cell.
✓ Species, the smallest working units in biological Fertilization, the union of an egg and a sperm cell,
classificatory systems, are reproductively isolated reestablishes the normal number.
populations or groups of populations capable of
interbreeding to produce fertile offspring. How do different traits get inherited
across generations?
What is evolution, and when was this
✓ Individuals inherit traits independently from each
central biological theory formulated? parent.
✓ Charles Darwin formulated his theory of evolution in
1859, based on differential reproductive success among ✓ Dominant alleles are able to mask the presence of
members of a population that become adapted to their recessive alleles. Codominant alleles are both expressed
environment through natural selection. when present.
✓ Four evolutionary forces—mutation, genetic drift, gene ✓ Phenotype refers to the physical characteristics of an
flow, and natural selection—affect the genetic organism. Genotype refers to its genetic composition.
structures of populations. Evolution at the level of Two organisms may have different genotypes but the
population genetics (also known as microevolution) is same phenotype.
change in allele frequencies.
How do the four evolutionary forces
✓ Macroevolution focuses on the formation of new
species (speciation) and on the evolutionary contribute to the diversity of life on
relationships among groups. earth?
✓ Mutation provides the ultimate source of genetic
What is the molecular basis of evolution? variation.
✓ Genes, the units of heredity, are segments of molecules
✓ Genetic drift refers to the effects of random events on
of DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid). The entire structure
the gene pools of populations.
sequence of DNA is known as the genome.
✓ Gene flow, the introduction of new variants of genes
✓ DNA resembles two strands of rope twisted around
from nearby populations, distributes new variation to
each other with ladder-like rungs made of
all populations and prevents speciation.
complementary bases connecting the two strands.
✓ Natural selection reduces the frequency of alleles for
✓ The sequence of bases along the DNA molecule directs
harmful or maladaptive traits within a population
the production of proteins. Proteins constitute specific
and increases the frequency of alleles for adaptive
identifiable traits such as blood type.
traits.
What are some examples of human population accumulates sufficient new mutations over
time to be considered a separate species.
adaptation through natural selection?
✓ Microevolutionary forces can lead to
✓ The sickle-cell trait, caused by the inheritance of an
macroevolutionary change, but the tempo of
abnormal form of hemoglobin, is an adaptation to life
evolutionary change varies.
in regions in which malaria is common.
✓ Mutations in regulatory genes can bring about rapid
✓ People native to cold climates tend to have greater
change. According to the punctuated equilibrium model,
body bulk relative to their extremities while
macroevolution is characterized by long spans of relative
individuals from hot climates tend to be relatively tall
stability interspersed with periods of rapid change.
and slender.
How are new species formed?

✓ Speciation can occur in a branching fashion
(cladogenesis) or without branching (anagenesis) as a
1. Have genetics and DNA become a part of your everyday variation. Some are at work in individuals while
experience? If so, how? Has genetics challenged your others function at the population level. Compare and
conception of what it means to be human? How much contrast these evolutionary forces, outlining their
of your life, or of the lives of people around you, is contributions to biological variation.
dictated by the structure of DNA? 4. The frequency of the sickle-cell allele in populations
2. Scientific fact and theory can challenge other provides a classic example of adaptation on a genetic
belief systems. Is it possible for scientific models of level. Describe the benefits of this deadly allele. Are
human evolution and religious stories of creation to mutations good or bad?
coexist? How do you personally reconcile science and
religion?
3. The four evolutionary forces—mutation, genetic drift,
gene flow, and natural selection—all affect biological
Making Meaning of Memes
Memes going viral on the Internet might seem to person), including phrases, songs, gestures,
to have little connection to biology and genetics. fashion trends, viral videos, rituals, religious
But they share a common ancestry. Evolutionary traditions, cuisine, technologies, and so on.
biologist Richard Dawkins coined the term meme Choose a contemporary meme and investigate
to refer to an abstract unit of cultural transmission, its hereditary history, considering how the
analogous to the role of the gene in biology evolutionary forces discussed in this chapter have
(Dawkins, 1976). Arguing that cultural information played into its cultural pathway. When and how
is subject to many of the same evolutionary forces has it mutated? What other meme “alleles” has
as biological attributes, Dawkins’s idea gave rise it competed with for reproductive success? How
to the field of memetics, drawing in scholars from has it adapted to different cultural environments?
a variety of disciplines. A meme can be virtually On the other hand, how does the meme fail to
anything that self-replicates (spreads from person conform with genetic hereditary processes?
Reuters/Corbis
CHALLENGE ISSUE
For generations, the big-eyed and sweet-faced slow loris has been a part of the traditional
mythology and medicine of the peoples of Southeast Asia. Traditional hunters trap the night-
active slow loris with a forked stick and use its various parts to treat ailments from broken
bones to asthma to sexually transmitted disease. Today, Internet videos of these adorable
primates, garnering millions of hits, have spread loris mythology throughout the world. This
fame has been devastating, as it has created an immense demand for slow lorises as pets
and tourist attractions; all species of this unique primate are now endangered. Their sharp
teeth and specialized arm glands, which secrete a stinky liquid that gets mixed with their
saliva, have led some to label the slow lorises venomous. In order to make them safe for
human interaction as pets, their teeth are painfully wrenched out; many do not survive the
procedure and ensuing captivity. Despite international protections designating slow loris
trade illegal, up to 90 percent of the creatures have been wiped out (Nekaris et al., 2010).
And slow lorises are not alone. Many other primates—including all the great apes, our
closest relatives—are endangered, due primarily to human activity. If the difference between
our primate relatives and us is our greater intelligence and complex language, it is time to
use both these gifts to protect them. We humans face the challenge of speaking out and
working to ensure other primates do not become extinct.
Living Primates 3
In October 1960, young Jane Goodall sent word to her mentor in Kenya, British In this chapter
paleoanthropologist Louis Leakey, that she had observed two chimps turning you will learn to
sticks into tools for fishing termites out of their nesting mounds. Leakey replied, ● Identify the key
“Now we must redefine ‘tool,’ redefine ‘man,’ or accept chimpanzees as hu- methods of
mans” (Jane Goodall Institute, 2015). primatologists and the
ethics they uphold.
Field studies of primates by Western scientists have always contained a de-
gree of anthropocentrism and a focus on what nonhuman primates can tell us

● Situate primates in the
animal kingdom and
about ourselves. Indeed, that is the purpose of this chapter. A close look at the
compare them to other
biology and behavior of primates lets us gain a deeper understanding of those mammals and reptiles.
characteristics we share with them as well as those that make us distinctively
● Construct evolutionary
human. Studying behavior, communication, and tool use among our primate relationships among
cousins today helps us unravel the old nature–nurture question: How much of the primates.
human behavior is biologically determined and how much of it derives from ● Recognize the basic
culture? features of primate
Today, we are the only primate to inhabit the entire globe. As human pop-
anatomy and behavior.
ulation size rises to unsustainable levels, many primate groups are hovering on ● Distinguish the
the brink of extinction. Figure 3.1 shows the natural global distribution of living
characteristics of the
five natural groups of
and fossil primates. It also indicates where critically endangered primate species
primates.
are struggling to survive. In this light, the purpose of this chapter is not just to
● Identify critical issues
learn more about ourselves, but also to learn how to protect our primate cousins
and methods in primate
and the planet we share. conservation.
53
54 CHAPTER 3 Living Primates
Preuss’s red colobus

(Cameroon, Nigeria)
Cross River gorilla (Cameroon, Nigeria) Black-crested gibbon
(China, Laos, Vietnam)
Pennant’s red colobus (Equatorial

Guinea, Nigeria, Republic of Congo) White-headed
Barbary macque langur
(Algeria, Morocco, (Cat Ba langur)
Gibraltar) (Vietnam, China
[Guangxi])
Variegated spider Hainan gibbon
monkey (Venezuela, (China
Colombia) [Hainan Island])
Cao-vit crested
Cotton-headed gibbon (Vietnam,
Caquetá titi tamarin China [southeast])
Colombian Dryad monkey Siau Island tarsier
woolly monkey (dryas monkey) (Indonesia
Gray-shanked douc [Siau Islands])
Brown-headed Tara River red colobus langur (Vietnam)
spider monkey Tonkin snub-nosed
Kipunji
Ecuadorian white- (highland mangabey) monkey
fronted capuchin Delacour’s langur
Rondo dwarf galago
Peruvian yellow-
tailed woolly monkey Pig-tailed langur
(Indonesia
San Martin titi [Mentawai Islands])
(Rio Mayo titi) Sibree’s dwarf lemur
Rhesus macaque Gerp’s mouse lemur Pagai Island macaque
Black-faced lion tamarin Bonnet macaque Claire’s mouse lemur
Black-bearded saki Sumatran orangutan Sarawak surili (Borneo)
Assam macaque Marohita mouse lemur (Indonesia [Sumatra])
Northern muriqui Arunachal macaque White-collared lemur Northern white-
Ka’apor capuchin Stump-tailed macaque cheeked gibbon
Blue-eyed black lemur
Blond capuchin Sahamalaza Peninsula (Southeast Asia)
Lion-tailed macaque Mongoose lemur sportive lemur
Yellow-breasted capuchin Pig-tailed macaque Alaotra reed lemur Sahafary sportive lemur Javan slow loris
Blond titi Gray langur Golden bamboo lemur Nosy be sportive lemur (Indonesia [Java])
Golden langur Greater bamboo lemur Indri Celebes crested

Capped langur Red ruffed lemur Silky sifaka macaque (Indonesia)
Nilgiri langur Black and white Diademed sifaka
Hoolock gibbon ruffed lemur Perrier’s sifaka
Living Fossil only Slender loris Fleurete’s sportive lemur Golden-crowned sifaka
James’ sportive lemur
Figure 3.1 The Global Distribution of Living and Fossil Nonhuman Primates
In the past, when more of the world was covered by tropical forests, the range of primates
was far greater than it is now. Today, human activity threatens our primate cousins throughout
the globe. The figure also shows the location of today’s critically endangered (very high risk
of extinction) primate species.
Methods and Ethics conservation of primate habitats and humane treatment

of primates in captivity.
in Primatology The philosophy of conservation and preservation has
led to innovations in research methods. Primatologists
Just as anthropologists employ diverse methods to study have developed a number of noninvasive methods that
humans, so do primatologists when they study the bi- allow the study of primates in the field with minimal
ology, behavior, and evolutionary history of our closest physical disruption. Primatologists gather hair, feces, and
living relatives. Some primatologists concentrate on the other body secretions left by the primates in the environ-
comparative anatomy of ancient skeletons, while others ment for later analysis in the laboratory. These analyses
trace evolutionary relationships by studying the compar- provide invaluable information about characteristics such
ative physiology and genetics of living species. Primatolo- as dietary habits or genetic relationships.
gists study the biology and behavior of living primates in Work with captive animals has allowed primatologists
their natural habitats as well as in zoos, primate research to document the humanity of our primate cousins and
colonies, and learning laboratories. their amazing linguistic and conceptual abilities. Some
The most famous primatologist is Jane Goodall, a primatologists have devoted their careers to teaching
world-renowned British researcher who has devoted her captive primates to communicate through pictures on a
career to in-depth observation of chimpanzees in their computer screen or American Sign Language. Of course,
natural habitat. While documenting the range and nu- even compassionate captivity imposes stress on pri-
ance of chimpanzee behavior, she has also championed mates. Still, the knowledge gained through these studies
Methods and Ethics in Primatology 55
will ultimately contribute to primate conservation and commonly range beyond established wilderness preserves
survival. and come in close contact with other humans, who may
At first glance, it might seem inherently more humane be more interested in hunting than observing. Contact be-
to work with animals in the field, instead of captivity. tween primates and humans can also expose endangered
But even field studies raise important ethical issues. Pri- primates to infectious diseases carried by humans.
matologists must maintain an awareness of how their Whether working with primates in captivity or in the
presence affects the behavior of the group. For example, field, primatologists seriously consider the well-being of the
does becoming tolerant of human observers make the pri- primates they study. U.S. primatologist Michele Goldsmith
mates more vulnerable? Primates habituated to humans explores these issues in depth in this chapter’s Original Study.
Gorilla Ecotourism: Ethical

NAL
ORIGI
S T U DY
Considerations for Conservation
SOUTH SUDAN
BY MICHELE L. GOLDSMITH
DEMOCRATIC
REPUBLIC OF
THE CONGO UGANDA
For the past two decades, I have been studying and writing The first impacts of
KENYA
about the impact of ecotourism on mountain gorillas living habituation occur dur- Bwindi

Lake
in Bwindi Impenetrable National Park, Uganda. As a biolog- ing the process of ac- Impenetrable Victoria
ical anthropologist and conservationist, my main focus has climation. Habituators National
Park RWANDA
been on habituation, which is a necessary prerequisite for follow the animals from
BURUNDI
tourism, and how it influences gorilla behavior and well- a distance and, over TANZANIA
being. Habituation refers to the acceptance by wild animals of time, slowly get closer
a human observer as a neutral element in their environment. and closer. Many factors contribute to the speed and suc-
Although information from habituated primates has been in- cess of the process, such as the terrain (open areas versus
strumental in providing a wealth of information for research thick forest), prior exposure to humans, hunting pressure,
and conservation, little attention has been given to the costs and so on. The process can be stressful for the gorillas and
these animals bear when their fear of humans is removed. even dangerous for the habituators. During the habitua-
tion process, a group of western lowland gorillas exhibited
fear in their vocalizations, increased their aggressive be-
havior, and changed their daily ranging pattern.a Such fear
and stress can lead to loss of reproductive function and
to a weakened immune system. Aggressive behavior has
resulted in habituators being charged by silverback males
with some humans being hit and bitten.
Once fully habituated, gorillas may then experience
unforeseen consequences. For example, gorillas that have
lost their fear of humans are especially vulnerable to
hunting. Five Bwindi gorillas habituated for research were
found dead, having been killed by poachers so they could
capture a young infant gorilla. In addition, humans have
Michele L. Goldsmith/Photograph © Katherine Hope
also brought great instability and warfare to areas where

gorilla populations live. Sudden evacuation of research
and tourist sites leaves behind habituated gorillas that
become easy targets for the poacher’s gun.
With regard to long-term changes in ecology and
behavior, my research has shown that the diet, nesting,
and ranging patterns of habituated gorilla groups are
different from other “wild” gorillas in the same study
area. The Nkuringo group, habituated in 1998 for tourism
Primatologist Michele Goldsmith making observations of gorillas in that started in 2004, lives near the edge of the protected
the field. Bwindi Impenetrable National Park. These gorillas spend
close to 90 percent of their time outside the park, in and
around human-inhabited areas and farms. These behav- tipped. As of 2011, 61 percent of the entire mountain go-
ioral changes have many costs to the gorillas, such as in- rilla population is now habituated for either research (17%)
creased contact with humans and human waste, conflict or tourism (44%). We know habituated gorillas are more
with farmers that could result in injury, increased expo- susceptible to stress, experience changes in their behav-
sure to hunting given that these areas are mostly open ior, and are more vulnerable to human disease. The fear
fields, and increased risk of disease transmission.b remains that one deadly, highly infectious disease could
Another effect on behavior may be an artificial in- travel quickly through the small isolated populations and
crease in group size. For example, a group of some leave few survivors. What is most important is not habituat
habituat-
forty-four animals now exists in the Virungas, where the ing more groups but better managing of the already habituated
average group size is usually ten individuals. Further- groups. Ethical considerations are crucial as we continue to
more, it is thought that, due to their fear of humans, put gorilla populations at risk.d Habituation, especially for
“wild” adult male gorillas that would normally challenge tourism, may not be an ape’s salvation.
other dominant males are either deterred from presenting
a challenge or are less successful in their challenge against Written expressly for this text.
habituated groups.
a
Blom, A., Cipolleta, C., Brunsting, A. M. H., & Prins, H. T.
Perhaps the biggest threat to habituated great apes is
(2004). Behavioral responses of gorillas to habituation in
disease.c There are over nineteen viruses and eighteen
the Dzanga-Ndoki National Park, Central African Republic.
parasites that are known to infect both great apes and hu-
International Journal of Primatology 25 (1), 179–196.
mans. These diseases have been responsible for between b
Goldsmith, M. L., Glick, J., & Ngabirano, E. (2006). Gorillas
sixty-three and eighty-seven ape deaths in habituated
living on the edge: Literally and figuratively. In N. E. Newton-
groups (both research and tourist groups) in the Virungas, Fisher, H. Notman, J. D. Paterson, & V. Reynolds (Eds.), Primates
Bwindi, Mahale, Tai, and Gombe. As for the gorillas in of western Uganda (pp. 405–422). New York: Springer.
Bwindi, it has been shown that parasites such as Crypto- Woodford, M. H., Butynski, T. M., & Karesh W. B. (2002).
c
sporidium and Giardia are most prevalent in habituated Habituating the great apes: The disease risks. Oryx 36 (2),
groups living near humans along the border of the park. 153–160.
Is gorilla tourism sustainable? Early gorilla tourism in d
Goldsmith, M. L. (2005). Habituating primates for field study:
the 1980s did appear to be a salvation because it helped Ethical considerations for great apes. In T. Turner (Ed.), Biological
to halt poaching and provide value to the living animal anthropology and ethics: From repatriation to genetic identity (pp.
that was lacking. However, now the balance seems to have 49–64). New York: SUNY Press.
Primates as Mammals In most species, the egg is retained within the womb
of the female until the embryo achieves an advanced
Primates, humans included, are one of several different state of growth, and the young are born live. Once born,
kinds of mammal, a class that includes rodents, carni- the young receive milk from their mothers’ mammary
vores, and ungulates (hoofed mammals) among others. glands, the physical feature from which the class Mam-
Other primates include lemurs, lorises, tarsiers, monkeys, malia gets its name (Figure 3.2). During this period of
and apes. Humans—together with chimpanzees, bonobos, infant dependency, young mammals learn the survival
gorillas, orangutans, gibbons, and siamangs—form the skills they will need as adults. Primates in general, and
hominoids, colloquially known as apes, a superfamily apes in particular, have a long period of infant and child-
within the primate order. Biologically speaking, as homi- hood dependency in which the young learn the ways of
noids, humans are apes. their social group.
Primates, like other mammals, are intelligent, having The first mammals—small often nocturnal (active
more in the way of brains than reptiles or other verte- at night) creatures—evolved from reptiles over 200
brates. Increased brainpower and the mammalian pattern million years ago (mya). With the mass extinction of
of growth and development form the biological basis of many reptiles, including the dinosaurs, some 65 million
the flexible behaviors typical of mammals. years ago, mammals had a greater choice of ecological
niche, or functional position within a habitat. A species’
niche incorporates factors such as diet, activity, terrain,
vegetation, predators, prey, and climate. New niches
nocturnal Active at night and at rest during the day. opened as the earth cooled during this time period, per-
ecological niche A species’ way of life considered in the full context of mitting mammals to fill them. This led to a mammalian
its environment including factors such as diet, activity, terrain, vegetation,
predators, prey, and climate.
adaptive radiation, which is the rapid diversification
adaptive radiation The rapid diversification of an evolving population of an evolving population following a change in the
as it adapts to a variety of available niches. environment.
Primates as Mammals 57
takes its body temperature from the surrounding environ-

ment, becomes progressively sluggish as the surrounding
temperature drops.
However, mammals require a high-calorie diet to
maintain a constant body temperature. To meet this need,
mammals developed superior senses of smell and hearing
relative to reptiles. Mammals and reptiles also differ in
their patterns of caring for their young. Mammals are
k-selected (from Kapazität
Kapazität, the German word for “capac-
ity”), meaning they produce relatively few offspring at a
time and provide them with considerable parental care.
In contrast, reptiles are r-selected (from the word rate),
which means they produce many young at a time and
invest little effort caring for them after they are born.
Although some mammals are relatively more k- or
r-selected, all mammals have higher nutritional require-
ments compared to reptiles due to their pattern of paren-
tal investment and their maintenance of a constant body
temperature. They also tend to be more active than other
members of the animal kingdom. Mammals are able to
sustain their high activity level because of a relatively
constant body temperature, an efficient respiratory sys-
tem featuring a separation between the nasal (nose) and
mouth cavities (allowing them to breathe while they eat),
a diaphragm to assist in drawing in and letting out breath,
and an efficient four-chambered heart that prevents mix-
Martin Harvey/Getty Images
ing of oxygenated and deoxygenated blood.

Mammals’ limbs are positioned beneath the body,
rather than out to the sides. This arrangement allows for
direct support and easy, flexible movement. Their joints
permit growth in the young while simultaneously pro-
viding strong, hard joint surfaces that will stand up to
Figure 3.2 Nursing Chimp
the stresses of sustained activity. Mammals stop growing
A glance at this female chimp and her infant attests to all that
when they reach adulthood, whereas reptiles continue to
we share with our closest living relatives, whose bodies have
the same basic form as our own. We are equipped to read their grow throughout their life span.
body language and facial expressions, perhaps recalling our own Mammals and reptiles also differ in terms of their
experiences just from looking at them. For all mammals, nursing teeth. Reptilian teeth are pointed, year peglike, and nearly
young is an important part of rearing relatively few offspring at identical in shape. Mammalian teeth are specialized for
a time. Ape mothers tend to nurse their offspring for four or five particular purposes: incisors for nipping, gnawing, and
years. The practice of bottle-feeding infants in North America cutting; canines for ripping, tearing, killing, and fighting;
and Europe is a massive departure from the ape pattern. premolars for either slicing and tearing or crushing and
Despite the documented health benefits for mothers (such grinding (depending on the kind of animal); and molars
as lowered breast cancer rates) and children (strengthened for crushing and grinding (Figure 3.3). This enables mam-
immune systems), cultural norms sometimes present obstacles mals to eat a wide variety of foods—an advantage, given
to breast-feeding. In the United States, for example, only 27 that they require more food than reptiles to sustain their
percent of mothers breast-feed their year old or 12-month-old high activity level. The specialization of mammal teeth
infants. By contrast, across the globe, women nurse their
children on average for about three years.
preadapted Possessing characteristics that, by chance, are
advantageous in future environmental conditions.
By chance, mammals were preadapted—possessing homeotherm An animal that maintains a relatively constant body
the biological equipment to take advantage of the new temperature despite environmental fluctuations.
opportunities available to them through the mass extinc- isotherm An animal whose body temperature rises or falls depending on
the temperature of the surrounding environment.
tion and climate change. As a homeotherm, a mammal
k-selected Reproduction involving the production of relatively few
has the ability to maintain a constant body temperature. offspring with high parental investment in each.
A mammal can be active at a wide range of environmental r-selected Reproduction involving the production of large numbers
temperatures, whereas a reptile, as an isotherm, which of offspring with relatively low parental investment in each.
Unlike their nocturnal ancestors, most primate species

today are diurnal—active in the day. Being active in the
day increased mammals’ reliance on their sight, which led
to greater learning capacity in the primate brain. Unlike
reptiles, who process visual information with neurons in
CROCODILE the retina, mammals process visual information in the
JA
JAW Identical teeth brain, permitting integration with information received
through other senses such as sound, touch, taste, and
3 molars 2 pr
premolars smell. The transition to diurnal life in the trees involved
CHIMP
CHIMPANZEE
JA
JAW important biological adjustments that helped shape the
1 canine biology and behavior of humans today.
2 incisors
© Cengage Learning
Primate Taxonomy
Taxonomies reflect scientists’ understanding of the natural
world. But because scientific knowledge of evolutionary
Figure 3.3 Comparison of Reptilian and Mammalian Teeth
relationships among living things shifts over time, these
The crocodile jaw, like the jaw of all reptiles, contains a series of
classificatory systems are continually under construction.
nearly identical teeth. If a tooth breaks or falls out, a new tooth
will emerge in its place. Mammals, by contrast, possess precise With new scientific discoveries, taxonomic categories
numbers of specialized teeth, each with a particular shape have to be redrawn. This can cause disagreement among
characteristic of the group, as indicated on the chimpanzee scientists because new taxonomies reflect perspectives on
jaw: Incisors in front are shown in blue, canines behind in red, evolutionary relationships.
followed by two premolars and three molars in yellow (the last When creating a taxonomic grouping, scientists pay
being the wisdom teeth in humans). particular attention to a group’s unique features that appear
more recently in evolutionary history, calling these features
also allows scientists to identify species and evolutionary derived. By contrast, ancestral characteristics occur not
relationships through dental comparisons. But mammals only in the present-day species but also in ancient forms.
pay a price for their dental specialization: Reptiles can re- For example, bilateral symmetry—a body plan in which
peatedly replace teeth throughout their life, whereas mam- the right and left sides of the body are mirror images of
mals are limited to two sets. The first set serves immature each other—is an ancestral trait in humans. Because bilat-
animals and is replaced by the permanent adult teeth. eral symmetry characterizes all vertebrates including fish,
The earliest primate-like creatures emerged when a reptiles, birds, and mammals, it does not contribute to the
milder climate returned, favoring the spread of dense reconstruction of evolutionary relationships among pri-
tropical and subtropical forests over much of the earth. mates. Instead, scientists look at recently evolved derived
The adaptive radiation of mammals included the evolu- features in order to construct evolutionary relationships.
tionary development of arboreal (tree-living) mammals Convergent evolution—in which two or more dis-
from which primates evolved. The relatively small size of tant forms develop similarities to one another due to
the earliest primates allowed them to use tree branches similar function rather than shared ancestry—complicates
not accessible to larger competitors and predators. Ar- taxonomic analysis. Classic examples of convergence are
boreal life opened up an abundant new food supply. discussed in Chapter 2, such as the wings of birds and
Primates could gather leaves, flowers, fruits, insects, birds’ butterflies, which resemble each other because these struc-
eggs, and even nesting birds, rather than waiting for them tures serve similar functions. Convergent evolution occurs
to fall to the ground. Natural selection favored those who when an environment exerts similar pressures on distantly
judged depth correctly and gripped the branches tightly. related organisms, causing these species to resemble each
The animals that survived life in the trees passed on their other. It can be challenging to distinguish physical similari-
genes to succeeding generations. ties produced by convergent evolution from those resulting
from shared ancestry.
arboreal Living in the trees. Convergence of homologous structures can occur
diurnal Active during the day and at rest at night. among more closely related groups, such as when an
derived Characteristics appearing in a later species that did not occur identical structure present within several distinct, distantly
in ancestral populations. related species takes on a similar form. Hind-leg dominance
ancestral Characteristics appearing in a later species that also occurred
in lemurs—a primate group found on Madagascar, a large,
in ancient populations.
isolated island off the coast of Africa—and in humans pro-
convergent evolution In biological evolution, a process by which
unrelated populations develop similarities to one another due to similar vides an example of convergence. Most primates possess
function rather than shared ancestry. hind limbs that are either shorter or of the same length
Primate Taxonomy 59
as the forelimbs. Though lemurs and In Asia and Africa, all prosimians are nocturnal and ar-
humans are distantly related, the pat-
pat boreal creatures—again, like the fossil primates. However, a
tern of locomotion in both species variety of diurnal ground-dwelling prosimians inhabit the is-
relies on longer hind limbs. land of Madagascar. In the rest of the world, only anthropoids
Humans walk on two legs, are diurnal. Anthropoids are sometimes referred to as “higher
while lemurs use their long primates” because they appeared later in evolutionary history
TANZANIA
legs to push off and pro- Indian
and because of a lingering belief that the group including
pel themselves from tree Ocean humans is more “evolved.” From a contemporary biological
MALAWI
to tree. Hind-leg domi- Lake
perspective, no species is more evolved than any other.
Malawi
nance appeared separately Molecular evidence led scientists to propose a new
nel ue
in these two groups and E primate taxonomy (Table 3.1). Researchers discovered a
C h mbiq
Zambez
e
QU
R.
an
does not indicate a close close genetic relationship between the tarsiers—nocturnal
za
I
MB
Mo
ZA
evolutionary relationship. MADAGASCAR tree-dwellers who resemble lemurs and lorises—and mon-
© Cengage Learning
MO
Only shared derived fea- keys and apes (Goodman et al., 1994). The taxonomic
tures establish relationships scheme reflecting this genetic relationship places lemurs
among groups of species. and lorises in the subdivision strepsirrhine (Strepsirrhini,
There are two hot spots from the Greek for “turned nose”). In turn, the subdivision
in the taxonomic classifica- haplorrhine (Haplorrhini, Greek for “simple nose”) con-
tion of primates: one at the level of dividing the primate tains the tarsiers, monkeys, and apes, separating tarsiers
order into two suborders and the other at the level of the from monkeys and apes at the infraorder level. Although
human family and subfamily. In both cases, the older the newer taxonomic scheme accurately reflects genetic
classificatory systems, dating back to the time of Linnaeus, relationships, comparisons among grades, or general levels
developed from shared visible physical characteristics. of organization, in the older prosimian and anthropoid
By contrast, the newer taxonomic systems depend upon classification make more sense when examining morphol-
genetic analyses. Molecular evidence has confirmed the ogy and lifeways.
close relationship between humans and other primates. The older taxonomic scheme divides the anthropoid
Genetic comparisons have also challenged evolutionary primates into two infraorders: platyrrhine (Platyrrhini,
relationships inferred from physical characteristics. Labo- Greek for “flat-nosed”), or New World monkeys, and
ratory methods involving genetic comparisons range from catarrhine (Catarrhini, Greek for “drooping nose”),
scanning species’ entire genomes to comparing the precise consisting of the superfamilies Cercopithecoidea (Old
sequences of base pairs in DNA, RNA, or amino acids in World monkeys) and Hominoidea (apes). Although “New
proteins. World” and “Old World” reflect a Eurocentric vision of
Scientists studying taxonomy use data derived from history (the Americas were considered new only to Euro-
both genetics and from morphology (body form and pean explorers and not to the indigenous peoples already
structure). They refer to the overall similarity of body living there), these terms have evolutionary and geologic
plans within taxonomic groupings as a grade. The ex- relevance with respect to primates, as we will see in later
amination of shared sequences of DNA and RNA allows chapters. Old World monkeys and apes, including hu-
researchers to establish a clade, a taxonomic grouping mans, have a 40-million-year shared evolutionary history
that contains a single common ancestor and all of its in Africa distinct from the course taken by anthropoid
descendants. Genetic analyses allow for precise quanti- primates in the tropical Americas. “Old World” in this
fication, but what the numbers mean is not always clear context represents the origins of anthropoid primates.
(recall the Original Study, “Ninety-Eight Percent Alike:
What Our Similarity to Apes Tells Us about Our Under- grade A general level of biological organization seen among a group of
standing of Genetics” from Chapter 2). species; useful for constructing evolutionary relationships.
The Linnaean system divides primates into two sub- clade A taxonomic grouping that contains a single common ancestor
and all of its descendants.
orders: prosimian (Prosimii from Latin for “before
prosimian The suborder of primates that includes lemurs, lorises, and
monkeys”), which include lemurs, lorises, and tarsiers, tarsiers.
and anthropoid (Anthropoidea from Greek for “human- anthropoid The suborder of primates that includes New World monkeys,
like”), which include monkeys, apes, and humans. Some Old World monkeys, and apes (including humans).
refer to prosimians as the “lower primates” because they strepsirrhine The subdivision within the primate order based on shared
resemble the earliest fossil primates. Most prosimians are genetic characteristics; includes lemurs and lorises.
cat-sized or smaller, although some larger forms existed in haplorrhine The subdivision within the primate order based on shared
genetic characteristics; includes tarsiers, New World monkeys, Old World
the past. Prosimians also retain certain ancestral features monkeys, and apes (including humans).
common among nonprimate mammals that the anthro- platyrrhine The primate infraorder that includes New World monkeys.
poids have lost over time, such as claws and moist, naked catarrhine The primate infraorder that includes Old World monkeys,
skin on their noses. apes, and humans.
TABLE 3.1
Two Alternative Taxonomies for the Primate Order: Differing Placement of Tarsiers
Suborder Infraorder Superfamily (Family) Location

I.
Prosimii Lemuriformes Lemuroidea (lemurs, indriids, and aye-ayes) Madagascar
(lower primates) Lorisiformes Lorisoidea (lorises) Asia and Africa
Tarsioidea (tarsiers) Asia
Anthropoidea Platyrrhini (New Ceboidea Tropical Americas
(higher World monkeys)
primates) Catarrhini Cercopithecoidea (Old World monkeys) Africa and Asia
Hominoidea (apes and humans) Africa and Asia (humans worldwide)
II.
Strepsirrhini Lemuriformes Lemuroidea (lemurs, indriids, Madagascar
and aye-ayes)
Lorisiformes Lorisoidea (lorises) Asia and Africa
Haplorrhini Tarsiiformes Tarsioidea (tarsiers) Asia
Platyrrhini (New Ceboidea Tropical Americas
© Cengage Learning
World monkeys)
Catarrhini Cercopithecoidea (Old World monkeys) Africa and Asia
Hominoidea (apes and humans) Africa and Asia (humans worldwide)
In human evolution, taxonomic controversy derives

from relationships established by the molecular evidence Lemurs and lorises
among the hominoids. Members of the hominoid or
ape superfamily—gibbons, siamangs, orangutans, goril- Tarsiers
las, chimpanzees, bonobos, and humans—share physical
New World monkeys
characteristics such as broad shoulders and an absent tail.
The human characteristics of bipedalism (walking on two Old World monkeys
legs) and culture led scientists to think that all the other
apes were more closely related to one another than any of Siamangs
them were to humans. As a result they classified humans Common
and their ancestors into the hominid family to distin- Gibbons
ancestor
guish them from the other apes.
Orangutans
Advances in molecular analysis of blood proteins and
DNA later demonstrated a closer relationship between hu- Gorillas
mans and the African apes (chimps, bonobos, and gorillas)
compared to the Asian apes (orangutans and the smaller Bonobos
siamangs and gibbons). Some scientists then proposed
Chimpanzees © Cengage Learning
that African apes should be included in the hominid fam-
ily, with humans and their ancestors distinguished from Humans
the other African hominoids at the taxonomic level of
subfamily, as a hominin (Figure 3.4).
Figure 3.4 Relationships among the Primates
Molecular evidence establishes these relationships among
various primate groups. This evidence shows that tarsiers are
more closely related to monkeys and apes than to the lemurs
hominoid The taxonomic superfamily within the Old World primates
that includes gibbons, siamangs, orangutans, gorillas, chimpanzees, and lorises that they resemble physically. Present thinking is
bonobos, and humans. that the split between the human and African ape lines took
hominid The African hominoid family that includes humans and place between 5 and 8 million years ago.
their ancestors. Some scientists—recognizing the close relationship
of humans, chimps, bonobos, and gorillas—use the term hominid to
refer to all African hominoids. They then divide the hominid family into Although scientists today agree about the close re-
two subfamilies: the Paninae (chimps, bonobos, and gorillas) and the
Homininae (humans and their ancestors). lationship among humans, chimpanzees, bonobos, and
hominin The taxonomic subfamily or tribe within the primates that gorillas, they disagree about whether to use the term
includes humans and our ancestors. hominid or hominin to describe the taxonomic grouping of
humans and their ancestors. Museum displays and much

3 molars
of the popular press tend to retain the old term hominid, 3 premolars
emphasizing the visible differences between humans and
the other African apes. Scientists and publications using 1 canine
2 incisors
hominin (such as National Geographic) emphasize the im-
portance of genetics in establishing relationships among
species. More than name games, these word choices reflect 6 front teeth
project to form
theoretical relationships among closely related species. dental comb
PROSIMIAN
The DNA sequences of humans and African apes are 98 JA
JAW
percent identical, but the organization of DNA into chro-
mosomes differs between humans and other great apes.
Bonobos and chimps, like gorillas and orangutans, possess
an extra pair of chromosomes compared to humans; in 3 molars 2 premolars
humans, however, two medium-sized chromosomes have
fused together to form chromosome 2. Chromosomes are 1 canine
numbered according to their size as they are viewed mi- 2 incisors
croscopically, so that chromosome 2 is the second largest
of the human chromosomes (recall Figure 2.7). Of the Molar
4
other pairs, eighteen are virtually identical between hu- 5 3
GORILLA 1 2
mans and the African apes, whereas the remaining ones
JA
JAW
have been reshuffled.
T
Tongue
Overall, there are fewer differences between humans
© Cengage Learning
and other African apes compared to those found between
gibbons (with twenty-two pairs of chromosomes) and si-
amangs (twenty-five pairs of chromosomes). In captivity,
these two closely related species have produced live hy-
brid offspring. Most studies suggest a closer relationship Figure 3.5 Primate Dentition
between the two species in the genus Pan (chimps and Because the exact number and shape of the teeth differ among
bonobos) and humans than either has to gorillas. The primate groups, teeth are frequently used to identify evolutionary
relationships and group membership. Prosimians (top), with a
complete DNA sequencing of the western lowland gorilla
dental formula of 2-1-3-3, possess two incisors, one canine,
suggests that this species split from chimps and humans
three premolars, and three molars on each side of their upper
close to 10 million years ago (Scally et al., 2012). Chimps
and lower jaws. Also, lower canines and incisors project forward,
and bonobos are, of course, more closely related to each
forming a “dental comb,” which is used for grooming. A dental
other than either is to gorillas or humans.
formula of 2-1-2-3, typical of Old World monkeys and apes, can
be seen in the gorilla jaw (bottom). Note the large projecting
canines. On one of the molars, the cusps are numbered to
Primate Characteristics illustrate the Y5 pattern found in hominoids.
The living primates, including humans, share a number of

features. For instance, in baseball, a pitcher can strike out a Behind the canines, the premolars and molars (the “cheek
batter due to the primate characteristics of grasping, throw- teeth”) grind and chew food. Molars erupt through the
ing, and seeing in three dimensions. Many primate char- gums over the course of a young primate’s growth and
acteristics developed from life in the trees, their arboreal development (6-year molars, 12-year molars, and wisdom
niche. For animals that preyed upon the insects living on teeth in humans). Thus, different kinds of teeth served the
the fruit and flowers of trees and shrubs, dexterous hands functions of grasping, cutting, and grinding. The exact
and keen vision would have been enormously adaptive. number of premolars and molars and the shape of individ-
ual teeth differ among primate groups (Table 3.2).
The course of primate evolution includes a trend
Primate Teeth toward a reduction in the number and size of the teeth.
The ancestral dental formula, or pattern of tooth type
The primate diet—shoots, leaves, insects, and fruits—did
and number in mammals, consists of three incisors, one
not require the specialization of teeth seen in other mam-
canine, five premolars, and three molars (expressed as
mals. In most primates (humans included), on each side of
each jaw, in front, are two straight-edged, chisel-like broad
dental formula The number of each tooth type (incisors, canines,
teeth called incisors (Figure 3.5). There is often a large,
premolars, and molars) on one-half of each jaw. Unlike other mammals,
flaring, fanglike canine tooth behind each incisor. Canines primates possess equal numbers on their upper and lower jaws, making
are used for defense as well as tearing and shredding food. the dental formula for the species a single series of numbers.
TABLE 3.2
Primate Anatomical Variation and Specialization
Dental Tail and Other

Formula and Locomotor Pattern Skeletal
Primate Group Skull and Face Specializations and Morphology Specializations
Earliest fossil Eye not fully surrounded by bone 2-1-4-3
primates
Prosimians Complete ring of bone surrounding eye 2-1-3-3 Hind-leg dominance Tail present
Upper lip bound down to the gum Dental comb for for vertical clinging
Long snout grooming and leaping
Anthropoids Forward-facing eyes fully enclosed in bone
Free upper lip
Shorter snout
New World 2-1-3-3 Quadrupedal Prehensile
monkeys (grasping) tail
in some
Old World 2-1-2-3 Quadrupedal Tail present
© Cengage Learning
monkeys Four-cusped molars
Apes 2-1-2-3 Suspensory hanging No tail

Y5 molars on lower jaw apparatus
3-1-5-3) on each side of the jaw, top and bottom, for a monkeys and apes), we possess fewer teeth than some pri-
total of forty-eight teeth. In the early stages of primate mates. However, this trend does not indicate that species
evolution, one incisor and one premolar were lost on each with more teeth are less evolved; it only shows that their
side of each jaw, resulting in a dental pattern of 2-1-4-3. evolution followed a different path.
This change differentiated primates from other mammals. The canines of most primates develop into long dag-
Over the millennia, as the first and second premolars ger-like teeth that enable them to rip open tough husks of
became smaller and eventually disappeared altogether, the fruit and other foods (Figure 3.6). In many species, males
third and fourth premolars grew larger and added a second possess larger canine teeth than females. This sex differ-
pointed projection, or cusp, thus becoming “bicuspid.” In ence is an example of sexual dimorphism—differences
humans, all eight premolars are bicuspid, but in other between the sexes in the shape or size of a feature. Adult
Old World anthropoids, the lower first premolar is not males frequently use these large canines for social commu-
bicuspid. Instead, it is a specialized, single-cusped tooth nication. If an adult male gorilla, baboon, or mandrill raises
with a sharp edge to act with the upper canine as a shear- his upper lip to display his large, sharp canines, a youngster
ing mechanism. The molars, meanwhile, evolved from a becomes submissive. The oversized roots of smaller human
three-cusp pattern to one with four and even five cusps. canines suggest larger canines in our ancestry.
The five-cusp pattern is characteristic of the lower molars
of living and extinct hominoids. Because the grooves sep-
arating the five cusps of hominoid lower molars look like Primate Sensory Organs
the letter Y, hominoid lower molars are said to have a Y5
Adaptation to arboreal life involved changes in primates’
pattern. Humans have departed somewhat from the Y5
sensory organs. The sense of smell, vital for the earliest
pattern as tooth and jaw size reduced such that the second
ground-dwelling, nocturnal mammals, enabled them to
and third molars generally have only four cusps. Four- and
sniff out their food and detect hidden predators in the dark.
five-cusp molars economically combined the functions of
But for active tree life during daylight, good vision provides
grasping, cutting, and grinding in one tooth.
advantages for judging the location of the next branch or
The evolutionary trend for human dentition has gen-
tasty morsel. Accordingly, the sense of smell declined in
erally been toward economy, with fewer, smaller, more
primates over time, while vision became highly developed.
efficient teeth doing more work. With thirty-two teeth
Travel through the trees demands judgments con-
(a 2-1-2-3 dental formula shared with the Old World
cerning depth, direction, distance, and the spatial
relationships between objects such as vines or branches.
sexual dimorphism Within a single species, differences between males Monkeys, apes, and humans achieved this through bin-
and females in the shape or size of a feature not directly related to
reproduction, such as body size or canine tooth shape and size. ocular stereoscopic color vision (Figure 3.7), the ability
binocular vision Vision with increased depth perception from two eyes to see the world in the three dimensions of height, width,
set next to each other, allowing their visual fields to overlap. and depth. Binocular vision (in which two eyes sit next
to each other on the same plane so that their visual fields

overlap) and nerve connections that run from each eye
to both sides of the brain confer complete depth percep-
tion characteristic of three-dimensional or stereoscopic
vision. This arrangement allows nerve cells to integrate the
images derived from each eye. Increased brain size in the
visual area in primates, and a greater complexity at nerve
connections, also contribute to stereoscopic color vision.
Visual acuity varies throughout the primate order in
terms of both color and spatial perception. Prosimians,
most of whom are nocturnal (like the slow loris from the
beginning of this chapter), lack color vision. The eyes of le-
murs and lorises (but not tarsiers) are capable of reflecting
light off the retina, the surface where nerve fibers gather
images in the back of the eye, intensifying the limited
light in the forest at night. In addition, prosimian vision
is binocular without the benefits of stereoscopy. Their eyes
look out from either side of their muzzle or snout. Though
there is some overlap of visual fields, their nerve fibers do
© Cengage Learning
not cross from each eye to both halves of the brain.
By contrast, monkeys, apes, and humans possess both Primary receiving area
color and stereoscopic vision. The ability to distinguish for visual information
colors allows anthropoid primates to choose ripe red fruits
Figure 3.7 Primate Vision
Monkeys, apes, and humans possess binocular stereoscopic
vision. Binocular vision refers to overlapping visual fields due
to forward-facing eyes. Three-dimensional or stereoscopic vision
comes from binocular vision and the transmission of information
from each eye to both sides of the brain.
or tender, immature green leaves due to their coloration.

This markedly improves their diet compared to most other
mammals. In addition to color vision, anthropoid pri-
mates possess a unique structure called the fovea centralis,
or central pit, in the retina of each eye. Like a camera lens,
this feature enables the animal to focus on a particular ob-
ject for acutely clear perception without sacrificing visual
contact with the object’s surroundings.
The primates’ emphasis on visual acuity came at the
expense of their sense of smell. Smells are processed in
the forebrain, and in animals that depend greatly on the
sense of smell, the forebrain projects into the snout. A large
protruding snout, however, interferes with stereoscopic
vision. As primates became diurnal tree-dwelling animals
in search of insects, they no longer needed to live “nose
to the ground,” sniffing the earth in search of food. The
anthropoids in particular have the least-developed sense of
D. Hurst/Alamy
smell of all land animals. Though our sense of smell allows

humans to distinguish perfumes, and even to distinguish
family members from strangers, our brains have come to
Figure 3.6 Powerful Canines
emphasize vision rather than smell. Prosimians, by contrast,
Though the massive canine teeth of some male primates are
serious weapons, they are more often used to communicate rather
than to draw blood. By raising his lip to flash his canines, this
stereoscopic vision Complete three-dimensional vision, or depth
mandrill will get the young members of his group in line right away. perception, from binocular vision and nerve connections that run from
Over the course of human evolution, overall canine size decreased, each eye to both sides of the brain, allowing nerve cells to integrate the
as did differences in canine size between males and females. images derived from each eye.
Humerus
Femur Humerus
Tibia Femur
Radio-ulna
T
Tarsals Radius
Carpals Ulna
Fibula
Metatarsals
Metacarpals Carpals
Tibia
© Cengage Learning
Metacarpals
Phalanges Phalanges Phalanges (5)
T
Tarsals
(2) (2)
Metatarsals Phalanges (5)
Figure 3.8 Skeletal Comparisons of Gorilla and Bison

All primates possess the same ancestral vertebrate limb pattern seen in reptiles and amphibians,
consisting of a single upper long bone, two lower long bones, and five radiating digits (fingers and toes),
as seen in this gorilla skeleton (right). Other mammals such as bison (left) have a modified version
of this pattern. In the course of evolution, bison have lost all but two of their digits, which form their
hooves. The second long bone in the lower part of the limb is reduced. Note also the joining of the skull
and vertebral column in these skeletons. In bison (as in most mammals) the skull projects forward from
the vertebral column, but in semi-erect gorillas, the vertebral column is further beneath the skull.
still rely more on smell than on vision, and they possess nu- in order to receive, analyze, and coordinate these impres-
merous scent glands for marking objects in their territories. sions and transmit the appropriate response back down
Arboreal primates also have an acute sense of touch. An to the motor nerves. This enlarged, responsive cerebral
effective feeling and grasping mechanism helps prevent cortex provides the biological basis for flexible behavior
them from falling while speeding through the trees. The patterns found in all primates, including humans.
early mammals from which primates evolved possessed If the evolution of visual acuity and daytime activity led
tiny touch-sensitive hairs at the tips of their hands and to larger primate brains, it is also likely that hunting insects
feet. In primates, sensitive pads backed up by nails on the in the trees played a part in brain enlargement. This would
tips of the animals’ fingers and toes replaced these hairs. have required great agility and muscular coordination, favor-
ing development of the brain centers. Interestingly, many
The Primate Brain higher mental faculties developed in an area alongside the
motor centers of the brain. Another hypothesis that may
These changes in sensory organs correspond to changes in account for primate brain enlargement involves the use of
the primate brain. An increase in brain size, particularly hands as tactile instruments to replace the teeth and jaws
in the cerebral hemispheres—the areas supporting con- or snout. The hands assumed some of the grasping, tearing,
scious thought—occurred in the course of primate evolution. and dividing functions of the jaws, again requiring develop-
In monkeys, apes, and humans, the cerebral hemispheres ment of the brain centers for more complete coordination.
completely cover the cerebellum, the part of the brain that
coordinates muscles and maintains body balance.
This development led to the flexibility seen in primate
The Primate Skeleton
behavior. Instead of relying on reflexes controlled by the The skeleton gives an animal with an internal backbone,
cerebellum, primates constantly react to a variety of fea- or a vertebrate, its basic shape, supports the soft tissues,
tures in the environment. Messages from the hands and and helps protect vital internal organs (Figure 3.8). In pri-
feet, eyes and ears, and from the sensors of balance, move- mates, for example, the skull protects the brain and eyes.
ment, heat, touch, and pain are simultaneously relayed to A number of factors distinguish the shape of the primate
the cerebral cortex. The cortex had to evolve considerably skull from those of most other mammals: changes in den-
tition, changes in the sensory organs of sight and smell,
vertebrate An animal with a backbone, including fish, amphibians, and increased brain size.
reptiles, birds, and mammals. The primate braincase, or cranium, tends to be high
cranium The braincase of the skull. and vaulted. Anthropoid primates possess a solid bony
Living Primates 65
© Cengage Learning
Figure 3.9 Brachiation
All apes or hominoids possess a suspensory hanging apparatus that allows them to hang from the branches of
the forest canopy. But only gibbons and siamangs are masters of brachiation—swinging from branch to branch.
These hominoids can also walk bipedally for brief periods of time when they need their arms free for carrying,
but they cannot sustain bipedal locomotion for more than 50 to 100 meters (about the same in yards).
Hominoid anatomy, the human line excepted, is better adapted to knuckle-walking and hanging in the trees.
partition between the eye and the temple, which protects (phalanges). The structural characteristics of the primate
their eyes from the contraction of the chewing muscles foot and hand make them excellent prehensile (grasp-
immediately next to them. The foramen magnum ing) devices for use in moving from branch to branch: The
(Latin for “big opening”) is the large opening at the base digits are extremely flexible, the big toe is fully opposable
of the skull; the spinal cord passes through this opening to the other digits (in all but humans and their immediate
to connect to the brain. The foramen magnum provides ancestors), and the thumb is opposable to the other digits.
important clues about evolutionary relationships. In most The flexible vertebrate limb pattern in primates was a
mammals, as in dogs and horses, this opening faces di- valuable asset to evolving humans. Grasping hands, for exam-
rectly backward, with the skull projecting forward from ple, contributed to our own ancestors’ manufacture and use of
the vertebral column. In humans, by contrast, the verte- tools, a pathway that led to the revolutionary ability to adapt
bral column joins the skull toward the center of its base, through culture. By comparing humans to other primates,
thereby placing the skull in the balanced position required we see that many of the characteristics we consider distinctly
for habitual upright posture. Other primates, though they human are, in fact, variants of typical primate traits. We hu-
frequently cling, sit, or hang with their body upright, are mans look the way we do because we are primates, and the
not as fully committed to upright posture as humans, so differences between us and our primate cousins—especially
their foramen magnum is situated further back. the apes—are more differences of degree than of kind.
In anthropoid primates, the snout or muzzle portion
Living Primates
of the skull reduces in size as they rely more upon vision.
The smaller snout interferes less with stereoscopic vision
and enables the eyes to take a frontal position. As a result,
Except for a few species of Old World monkeys who live
primates have flatter faces than some other mammals.
in temperate climates and humans who inhabit the entire
Below the primate skull and the neck is the clavicle, or
globe, living primates inhabit warm areas of the world.
collarbone, a bone found in ancestral mammals but lost in
We will briefly explore the diversity of the five natural
some mammals such as cats. The size of the clavicle varies
groupings of living primates: lemurs and lorises, tarsiers,
across the primate order according to pattern of locomo-
New World monkeys, Old World monkeys, and apes. We
tion. Quadrupedal primates like monkeys with narrow,
will examine each group’s distinctive habitat, biological
sturdy bodies possess smaller clavicles. Apes, by contrast,
features, and behavior.
have broad clavicles that orient the arms at the side rather
than at the front of the body, forming part of this group’s
suspensory hanging apparatus (see Table 3.2). The
foramen magnum A large opening in the skull; the spinal cord passes
clavicle also supports the scapula (shoulder blade) and through this opening to connect to the brain.
muscles required for flexible yet powerful arm movement— clavicle The collarbone connecting the sternum (breastbone) with the
permitting large-bodied apes to hang suspended below tree scapula (shoulder blade).
branches and to move through brachiation, or swinging suspensory hanging apparatus The broad powerful shoulder joints
from branch to branch (Figure 3.9). and muscles found in all the hominoids, allowing these large-bodied
primates to hang suspended below the tree branches.
The limbs of the primate skeleton follow the basic an-
scapula The shoulder blade.
cestral plan seen in the earliest vertebrates. Other animals
brachiation Moving from branch to branch using the arms, with the
possess limbs specialized to optimize their pattern of loco- body hanging suspended below.
motion. In each primate arm or leg, the upper portion of prehensile Having the ability to grasp.
the limb has a single long bone, the lower portion has two opposable Having the ability to bring the thumb or big toe in contact with the
long bones, and the hands or feet have five radiating digits tips of the other digits on the same hand or foot in order to grasp objects.
blickwinkel/Huetter/Alamy
Figure 3.10 Lemurs
Over the course of their evolutionary history, primates came to rely more on their vision than
their sense of smell. Prosimians, the earliest group of primates to appear, maintain their primary
reliance on smell. On the island of Madagascar, home to many species of diurnal ground-dwelling
lemurs, such as these ring-tailed lemurs, the prosimians mark their territory and communicate
through smelly messages left for others with a squirt from the glands located on their wrists.
Lemurs and Lorises with sensitive pads and flattened nails located at their
tips. They retain a claw on their second toe, sometimes
Lemurs live only on the large island of Madagascar (off the called a grooming claw, which they use for scratching and
east coast of Africa), whereas lorises range from Africa to cleaning. Lemurs and lorises possess another unique struc-
southern and eastern Asia. Lemurs encountered no com- ture for grooming: a dental comb made up of the lower
petition from anthropoid primates until humans arrived incisors and canines, which projects forward from the jaw
on Madagascar; they are diurnal (active during the day) and can be run through the fur. Behind the incisors and
and, in some cases, ground-dwelling (Figure 3.10). By canines, lemurs and lorises have three premolars and mo-
contrast, lorises, like the slow loris from the beginning of lars, resulting in a dental formula of 2-1-3-3.
the chapter, are nocturnal and arboreal. Lemurs and lorises have scent glands at their wrists,
All these animals are small, with none larger than a under their arms, and sometimes in their anal region that
good-sized dog. In general body outline, they resemble they use for communication. Individuals leave smelly
rodents and insectivores, with short pointed snouts, large messages for one another by rubbing their scent glands
pointed ears, and big eyes. Lemurs and lorises resemble on tree branches or other fixtures of the environment.
nonprimate mammals in that the upper lip is bound down Through such olfactory clues, lemurs and lorises can rec-
to the gums, limiting their range of facial expression. The ognize distinct individuals within their own group as well
split, moist, naked skin on the nose around the nostrils as pinpoint their location and physical state. They also
facilitates a keen sense of smell. Most also have a long tail; use scent to mark their territory, thus communicating
the ring-tailed lemur’s is similar to that of a raccoon. to members of other groups. In the case of the slow loris
Lemurs and lorises have typical primate “hands,” from the beginning of the chapter, these scent glands
although they use them simultaneously rather than one produce a liquid that, when mixed with saliva, potentially
at a time. Their fingers and toes are particularly strong causes an allergic reaction in predators. Whether this is a
Living Primates 67

Figure 3.11 Vertical Clinging and Leaping
Some primates, including lemurs and tarsiers, use a mode of arboreal locomotion called
vertical clinging and leaping. These primates use their elongated back legs to propel
themselves from one vertical branch to another. They do a “180” in the air and land facing the
second vertical branch or support. This allows the primates to move quickly through the forest
while keeping their bodies upright.
defense mechanism, a deterrent, or simply a byproduct

of the lorises’ scent communication is still being studied.
With hind legs longer than their front legs, lemurs
and lorises keep their forelimbs in a palms-down position
when they move on all fours. Some species can also move
from tree to tree by vertical clinging and leaping
(Figure 3.11). With their distinctive mix of characteristics,
lemurs and lorises appear to occupy a place between the
anthropoid primates and insectivores, the mammalian
order that includes moles and shrews.
Nature Picture Library/Corbis

Tarsiers
Outwardly, tarsiers resemble lemurs and lorises (Figure 3.12).
Molecular evidence, however, indicates a closer relation-
ship to monkeys, apes, and humans. In the structure of
the nose and lips, and the part of the brain governing vi- Figure 3.12 Tarsiers
sion, tarsiers most resemble monkeys. The head, eyes, and With their large eyes, tarsiers are well adapted for nocturnal life. If
ears of these kitten-sized arboreal creatures are huge in humans possessed eyes proportionally the same size as tarsiers
relative to the size of our faces, our eyes would be as big as
proportion to the body. They have the remarkable ability
oranges. To humans, these little primates seem remarkably quiet,
to turn their heads 180 degrees so they can see where they
but scientists have discovered that in fact tarsiers communicate
have been as well as where they are going. Their digits end
using pure ultrasound, which is inaudible to us. Their hearing
in platelike adhesive discs.
range is similar to that of bats and far surpasses the hearing
Tarsiers are mainly nocturnal insect-eaters, occupying
of all other primates. In their nocturnal habit and outward
a niche similar to that of the earliest ancestral primates.
appearance, tarsiers resemble lemurs and lorises. Genetically,
They are named for the elongated tarsal, or foot bone, however, they are more closed related to monkeys and apes,
that gives them the leverage to jump 6 feet or more. Like causing scientists to rework the suborder divisions in primate
some lemurs, tarsiers possess longer hind limbs than front taxonomy to reflect this evolutionary relationship.
limbs, which they use for vertical clinging and leaping.
New World Monkeys

vertical clinging and leaping Using the back legs to propel oneself
New World monkeys live in tropical forests from southern from a vertical branch while rotating 180 degrees, enabling one to land
Mexico to northern Argentina. In outward body plan, facing a second vertical branch.
they closely resemble Old World monkeys

(discussed soon), except that New World
monkeys possess flat noses with widely sep-
arated, outward-flaring nostrils. Their infra-
order name Platyrrhini (from the Greek for
“flat-nosed”) comes from this characteristic.
There are five different families of New
World monkeys, and they range in size from
less than a pound to over 30 pounds. New
World monkeys have long tails. All members
of one group, the family Atelidae, possess
prehensile or grasping tails that they use as
a fifth limb (Figure 3.13). The naked skin on
the underside of their tail resembles the sen-
sitive skin found at the tips of our fingers and
is even covered with whorls like fingerprints.
Because of primatology’s emphasis on hu-
man origins, researchers have tended to study
Old World species more extensively than New
World species. The arboreal habitat of New
World monkeys also makes it more difficult
for researchers to observe them. In recent
decades, however, primatologists have con-
Ingo Arndt/Getty Images/Minden Pictures

ducted numerous long-range field studies on
a variety of species of New World monkeys.
For example, anthropologist Karen Strier
has studied the woolly spider monkey, or
muriqui, in the state of Minas Gerais, Bra-
zil, for over three decades. Her field studies
progressed from examining muriqui diet,
social structure, and demographic infor-
Figure 3.13 New World Spider Monkey
mation (population characteristics, such as Grasping hands and three-dimensional vision enable primates like this South
the number of individuals of each age and American spider monkey to lead an active life in the trees. In some New World
sex) to tracking the reproductive cycles and monkey species, a grasping or prehensile tail makes tree life even easier. The
health of these large, peaceful forest-dwell- naked skin on the underside of the tail resembles the sensitive skin found at
ers. She pioneered a noninvasive method to the tips of our fingers and is even covered with whorls like fingerprints. This
measure reproductive hormone levels and the sensory skin allows New World monkeys to use their tails as a fifth limb.
presence of parasites through analysis of the
feces of individual animals—catching feces
(in a gloved hand) the moment it drops from the trees or the Amazon have survived long
quickly retrieving it from the ground. Through analysis enough to impart some of their
of these samples, Strier was able to document correlations knowledge of forest plants,
between diet and fertility. the indigenous human
Strier also documented a reduced parasite load in societies of the Atlantic GUYANA
muriquis that consumed certain plants—apparently for forest are long gone. The SURINAME
VENEZUELA
COLOMBIA
their medicinal or therapeutic value. Amazonian peoples muriqui and other mon- FRENCH
GUIANA
have been known to use some of these plants for the keys may provide humans
same reason. As these human populations have become with their best guides to
increasingly removed from their traditional lifeways due the forest’s medicinal val-
to globalization and modernization, the muriqui re- ues” (Strier, 1993, p. 42). BRAZIL
PERU
main a valuable resource to reclaim knowledge of the Field studies like Strier’s BOLIVIA Minas
forest. According to Strier, “While traditional peoples of not only have contributed Gerais
Pacific Ocean
PA
to our understanding of
© Cengage Learning
CHILE
RA
GU
AY
the behavior and biology ARGENTINA Atlantic
demographic A population characteristic such as the number of New World monkeys Ocean
of individuals of each age and sex. but have also played a URUGUAY
Living Primates 69
Platyrrhines walk on all

fours with their palms down
and scamper along tree
branches in search of fruit,
which they eat sitting upright.
Although New World mon-
keys spend much of their time
in the trees, they rarely hang
suspended below the branches
or swing from limb to limb
by their arms and have not
developed the extremely long
forelimbs and broad shoulders
characteristic of the apes.
Old World
Monkeys
Old World monkeys, which
are divided from the apes
at the taxonomic level of
superfamily, may live on the
ground or in trees, using a
quadrupedal (four-footed)
pattern of locomotion on
the ground or a palms-down
position in the trees. Old
World or catarrhine (from
the Greek for “sharp-nosed”)
primates resemble New
World monkeys in their basic
body plan, but their noses
Ian Cruickshank/Alamy
are distinctive, with closely

spaced, downward-pointing
nostrils. Two subfamilies,
the Cercopithecinae and the
Colobinae, contain eleven
Figure 3.14 The Proboscis Monkey and ten genera, respectively.
Although all Old World monkeys share certain features like a narrow body plan, a nonprehensile
Old World monkeys occupy
tail, and a 2-1-2-3 dental formula, some have unusual specializations. The proboscis monkey, found
a broader range of habitats
in the mangrove swamps of Borneo, is known for its unusual protruding nose, which provides a
compared to New World
chamber for extra resonance for its vocalizations. When a monkey is alarmed, the nose fills with
monkeys, which occupy only
blood so that the resonating chamber becomes even more enlarged.
tropical forests.
Some Old World monkeys such as mandrills (pictured
major role in bringing back a number of species from the in Figure 3.6) have brightly colored faces and genitals.
brink of extinction. Others, like proboscis monkeys (Figure 3.14), have long,
New World monkeys—unlike Old World monkeys, droopy noses. They all possess a 2-1-2-3 dental formula
apes, and humans—possess a 2-1-3-3 dental formula (two, rather than three, premolars on each side of each
(three, rather than two, premolars on each side of each jaw) and tails that are never prehensile. They may be
jaw). This is not as much a functional distinction as it is either arboreal or terrestrial, using a quadrupedal pattern
a difference in evolutionary path. The common ancestor of locomotion on the ground or in the trees in a palms-
of Old World anthropoids and New World anthropoids down position. They have narrow bodies with hind
possessed this 2-1-3-3 dental pattern. In the New World limbs and forelimbs of equal length, a reduced clavicle
species this pattern remained, while in the Old World (collarbone), and relatively fixed and sturdy shoulder,
species a molar was lost. elbow, and wrist joints.
Gibbons and Sopranos Both Need to Be Heard

What does this white-handed gibbon have manipulating these other harmonics using (your soft palate) seem to stretch? Do your
in common with an opera singer? They are their vocal tracts and other parts of their hooty “boo hoos” sound loud and clear,
both primates, of course, and it is pos- anatomies, both gibbons and sopranos making your nose or your cheeks tingle?
sible they can both be a little flashy. But can create a sound that carries—either to That’s resonance you’re feeling, and it
more than that, they sometimes use their friends on the other side of the jungle or means that when you cry, your body wants
voices in similar ways. Until recently, scien- over the sounds of an exuberant orchestra others to know about it! No wonder both
tists believed that humans’ unique vocal without any artificial amplification. gibbons and opera singers can command
anatomy was responsible for our power Scientists have known that gibbons such attention with their striking vocal
of speech. But Takeshi Nishimura and his and humans have similar vocal physiology, acrobatics.
colleagues at the Primate Research Insti- but what surprised Nishimura and his col-
tute at Japan’s Kyoto University found that leagues is the similar way in which gibbons
Biocultural Question
the gibbons they studied used vocal tech- and singers manipulate their sound. To be-
What biological factors might influence
niques similar to those of opera singers, gin, in the case of both primates, a stream
how we use our voices? How about
particularly sopranos. This indicates that of air vibrates the vocal folds in the larynx
cultural factors? Which of these factors
it is not just the gibbons’ vocal anatomy, (voice box), producing a sound. As the
might we share with gibbons or other
but how they use it, that produces their sound travels toward the mouth, there are a
primates?
resonant calls.a Both gibbons and singers number of ways in which it can be finessed.
need to be heard over great distances or The most important similarity the research- a
Eichenseher, T. (2012, August 25).
above other sounds, and both have tapped ers found between gibbons and sopranos Gibbons and opera singers use the
into the power of harmonics to do so. is in how they shape their vocal tracts (the same voice tools. National Geographic.
When we listen to music or other tubes connecting the mouth to the lungs). http://news.nationalgeographic.com
sounds, what we hear as one “note” is When the vocal tract is shaped to match /news/2012/08/120823-gibbon-song
actually made up of different harmonics, the pitch the vocal folds are producing, the -opera-singer-helium-science-environment/
with the strongest—the pitch itself—being sound becomes a lot stronger and more (retrieved October 27, 2015)
the fundamental frequency. What do the resonant.b This is very different from what b
Lougheed, K. (2012, August 23). Helium
other harmonics sound like? The easiest we think of as shouting, as it is incredibly reveals gibbon’s soprano skill: Ape uses
way to hear them, perhaps, is to listen to a efficient and is not as tiring for the voice. operatic techniques to be heard across the
bell—the bigger, the better— and to try to To try out your own resonant voice, forest. Nature. http://www.nature.com
pick out the shimmery sounds surrounding think about what your throat and lungs do /news/helium-reveals-gibbon-s-soprano
the main tone the bell is producing. By when you cry. Does the back of your throat -skill-1.11257 (retrieved October 26, 2015)
Arboreal species of Old World monkeys include the Other Old World species also have much to tell us.
mantled guereza (Colobus guereza) monkey, a species For example, over the past several decades, primatologists
known to have been hunted by chimpanzees. Other Old have documented primate social learning and innovation
World monkeys are equally at home on the ground and in colonies of macaques in Japan. Similarly, field studies
in the trees. These include the macaques—some nineteen of vervet monkeys in eastern and southern Africa have
species that range from tropical Africa and Asia to Gibral- revealed that these Old World monkeys possess sophis-
tar on the southern coast of Spain to Japan. At the north- ticated communication abilities. Fascinating discoveries
ern-most portions of their range, these primates inhabit by primatologists studying all over the world contribute
temperate rather than strictly tropical environments. not only to the disciplines of primatology, evolutionary
Baboons, a kind of Old World monkey, have been of biology, and ecology, but also to our deepening under-
particular interest to paleoanthropologists because they standing of ourselves. We will look more extensively at
live in environments similar to those inhabited by some the behavior of baboons and a variety of other Old World
of our earliest ancestors. Largely terrestrial, baboons have species, particularly the apes, in the following chapter.
abandoned trees (except for sleeping and refuge) and
live in the savannahs, deserts, and highlands of Africa.
Somewhat dog-faced, they have long muzzles and a fierce
Small and Great Apes
look. They eat leaves, seeds, insects, lizards, and small Our closest cousins in the animal world, the apes (gibbons,
mammals. Baboons live in large, well-organized troops siamangs, orangutans, gorillas, bonobos, and chimps) are
composed of related females and adult males that have large, wide-bodied primates with no tails. As members of
transferred out of other troops. the hominoid superfamily, apes and humans possess a
Living Primates 71
Chris Stock/Lebrecht Music and Arts Photo Library/Alamy

Anup Shah/Nature Picture Library
Gibbons and opera singers use their vocal tracts in similar ways in order to efficiently project sound across great distances with little strain.
shoulder anatomy specialized for hanging suspended be- walk on two legs (bipedally) for short periods of time, they
low tree branches. Among apes only small, lithe gibbons cannot sustain this for more than several minutes.
and siamangs swing from branch to branch in the pattern Standing about a meter high (39 inches), gibbons and
known as brachiation. At the opposite extreme are goril- siamangs, the small ape species native to Southeast Asia
las who generally climb trees by gripping the trunk and and Malaysia, have compact, slim bodies with extraordi-
branches with their prehensile hands and feet. Although narily long arms compared to their legs. Masters of brachi-
small gorillas may swing between branches, larger individ- ation, they can also run erect, holding their arms out for
uals limit their swinging to leaning outward from a limb balance. Gibbon and siamang males and females are sim-
to reach for fruit. Gorillas spend most of their time on the ilar in size, living in social groups of two adults and their
ground. All apes except humans and their immediate an- offspring. Although humans and gibbons are distantly
cestors possess arms that are longer than their legs. related, they share some surprising vocal capabilities, as
When moving on the ground, African apes “knuck- discussed in this chapter’s Biocultural Connection.
le-walk” on the backs of their hands, resting their weight Orangutans found in Borneo and Sumatra are divided
on the middle joints of the fingers. They can stand erect into two distinct species. Considerably taller and much
when reaching for fruit or peering over tall grass. The heavier than gibbons and siamangs, orangutans possess
semi-erect posture is natural in apes when on the ground the bulk that is characteristic of the great apes. With
because the curvature of their vertebral column places close-set eyes and facial prominence, orangutans appear
their high center of gravity in front of their hip joint. Thus, quite human. The people of Sumatra gave orangutans
they are both top heavy and front heavy. Though apes can their name “person of the forest,” using the Malay term
Jay Ullal
Figure 3.15 Go Fish
This male orangutan was photographed off Kaja Island in the middle of the Gohong River in
Borneo. A resident of a preserve where captive animals are rehabituated into the wild, the
young male copied this hunting behavior by watching humans spear fishing along the same
river. Although so far the orangutan has been unable to nab a fish with his spear tip, his
intent is clear. This rare photograph, along with the first photograph of a swimming orangutan,
appears in the beautiful book titled Thinkers of the Jungle, by Gerd Schuster, Willie Smits, and
photographer Jay Ullal.
orang which means “person.” On the ground, orangutans

orang, human look about the face, gorillas, like humans, focus
walk with their forelimbs in a fists-sideways or a palms- on things in their field of vision by directing the eyes
down position. They are, however, more arboreal than the rather than moving the head.
African apes (Figure 3.15). Gorillas are mostly ground-dwellers, but the lighter
Although sociable by nature, the orangutans of Borneo females and young may sleep in trees in carefully con-
spend most of their time alone (except in the case of structed nests. Because of their weight, adult males
females with young) because they have to forage over a spend less time in trees but raise and lower themselves
wide area to obtain sufficient food. By contrast, in the among tree branches when searching for fruit. Gorillas
swamps of Sumatra an abundance of fruits and insects knuckle-walk, using all four limbs with the fingers of the
sustains groups of adults and permits coordinated group hands flexed, placing the knuckles instead of the palm
travel. Thus, habitats shape their social life. on the ground. They stand erect to reach for fruit, to see
Gorillas, found in equatorial Africa, are the largest something more easily, or to threaten perceived sources
of the apes; an adult male can weigh over 450 pounds, of danger with their famous chest-beating displays.
with females about half that size (Figure 3.16). Scien- Although known for these displays (which protect the
tists distinguish between two gorilla species: Gorilla go- members of their troop), adult male silverback gorillas
rilla (western) and Gorilla beringei (eastern). A thick coat are the gentle giants of the forest. Mild-mannered and
of glossy black hair covers gorilla bodies, and mature tolerant, gorillas’ behavioral repertoire includes bluff-
males have a silvery gray upper back. With a strikingly ing aggression. As vegetarians, gorillas devote a major
Figure 3.16 Gorillas and Sexual

Dimorphism
Primates and many other species
exhibit sexual dimorphism, or
differences between males and females
not related directly to reproduction.
Compare these adult gorillas—the male
(right) and the two females (left). Not
only is the male gorilla nearly twice
the size of the females, but their faces
have a different shape. Notice how the
females’ faces are more like the faces
of the young gorillas in the front of the
photo. From the earliest embryological
stage to adolescence, male and female
sex hormones control the process of
Ingo Arndt/Nature Picture Library

growth and development so that the
male and female adult phenotypes
differ in a variety of ways. Scientists
have proposed that high levels of sexual
dimorphism characterize primate groups
in which male–male competition is high.
portion of each day to eating volumes of plant matter has become an issue of vital importance. Nearly 50 per-
to sustain their massive size. cent of the known primate species and subspecies face
In the past, chimpanzees (see Figure 3.2) and bono- extinction in the next few years.
bos (Figure 3.17), two closely related species of the genus
Pan, were thought to be the same species. Bonobos live
only in the rainforests of the Democratic Republic of Threats to Primates
Congo. The common chimpanzee, by contrast, widely
In Asia the statistics are alarming, with more than 70
inhabits the forested portions of sub-Saharan Africa.
percent of species threatened and at least 80 percent
Probably the best known of the apes, chimpanzees and
at risk in Indonesia and Vietnam. This includes all of
bonobos have long been favorites in zoos and circuses.
the great apes, as well as such formerly widespread and
When bonobos were recognized as a distinct species
adaptable species as rhesus macaques. In the wild these
in 1929, they were commonly called “pygmy chim-
animals are endangered by habitat destruction caused
panzees.” Bonobo replaced this term because not only
by economic development (farming, lumbering, cattle
does their size range overlap with that of chimpanzees,
ranching, rubber tapping), as well as by hunters and
but—as we will explore in the next chapter—behavior
trappers who pursue them for food, trophies, research,
rather than size constitutes the most striking difference
or as exotic pets.
between the two groups.
Primatologists have long known the devastating
Although chimpanzees and bonobos are thought of
effects of habitat destruction through the traditional
as particularly quick and clever, all four great apes are
practice of slash-and-burn agriculture. However, primate
equally intelligent, despite some differences in cogni-
habitats are at far greater risk from contemporary haz-
tive styles. More arboreal than gorillas but less so than
ards. War impacts primate habitats significantly, and the
orangutans, chimpanzees and bonobos forage on the
effects linger long after the battles. Hunters may use the
ground much of the day, knuckle-walking like gorillas.
automatic weapons left behind from human conflicts
At sunset, they return to the trees where they build
in their pursuit of bushmeat (wild game). Also, because
their nests.
monkeys and apes are so closely related to humans, some
scientists regard them as essential for biomedical research.
Although captive breeding provides most of the primates
Primate Conservation used in laboratories, an active trade in live primates still
threatens their native extinction. Globalization also exerts
This survey of living primates illustrates the diversity of a profound impact on local conditions, which we saw in
our closest living relatives. To ensure that they will con- this chapter’s introduction with the popularity of slow
tinue to share the planet with us, primate conservation loris “pets” due to Internet stardom.
Conservation
Strategies
Because of their vulnerability, the
conservation of primates is urgent.
Traditional conservation efforts
have emphasized habitat preserva-
tion above all else, but primatolo-
gists have expanded their efforts to
include educating local communi-
ties and discouraging the hunting
of primates for food and medical
purposes. Some primatologists even
help implement alternative eco-
nomic strategies for local peoples
so that human and primate popu-
lations can return to the successful
coexistence that prevailed before
colonialism and globalization desta-
bilized traditional homelands. This
chapter’s Anthropology Applied
looks at these economic develop-
ment efforts in the Democratic Re-
public of Congo.
In direct conservation efforts,
primatologists work to maintain
some populations in the wild, ei-
ther by establishing preserves in
areas the animals already occupy or
by moving populations to suitable
habitats. These approaches require
constant monitoring and manage-
ment to ensure that sufficient space
and resources remain available. As
humans encroach on primate hab-
itats, translocation of primates to
protected areas is a viable strategy
for primate conservation, and pri-
matologists provide invaluable field
Steve Bloom Images/Alamy
studies to guide these relocations.

One example is the work of U.S.
primatologist Shirley Strum, who
has been studying a troop of free-
ranging baboons in Kenya for de-
cades. When the troop began raiding
Figure 3.17 A Bonobo crops and garbage on newly estab-
Over a decade of civil war in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the natural habitat of lished farms, she was instrumental
bonobos, and the aftermath of the genocide in neighboring Rwanda have drastically in successfully moving this troop
threatened the survival of bonobos, a species known for harmonious social life. These and two other local troops—130
violent times have prompted the hunting of bonobos to feed starving people and the animals in all—to more sparsely
illegal capture of baby bonobos as pets. Primatologists and local conservationists
inhabited country 150 miles away.
have turned from observational fieldwork to economic development projects aimed at
Knowing their habits, Strum was
restoring the stability in the region required for the continued survival of bonobos and
able to trap, tranquilize, and trans-
mountain gorillas.
port the animals to their new home
Figure 3.18 The Golden Lion

Tamarin
Because of their exceptional
beauty, golden lion tamarin
monkeys (or golden
marmosets) have been
kept as pets since colonial
times. More recently, they
have also been threatened
by development given that
they reside in the tropical
forest habitats around the
popular tourist destination
of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. A
major conservation effort was
initiated in the 1980s to save
these monkeys; it included
planting wildlife corridors
to connect the remaining
forest patches and releasing
animals bred in captivity
into these newly created
environments. Today, live wild
births have increased steadily,
and the golden lion tamarin
population is recovering from
the threat of extinction.
© Martin Bennett/Alamy
while preserving the baboons’ vital social relationships. as reproductive success. Primates in zoos and laboratories
Strum’s careful work allowed for a smooth transition. do not successfully reproduce when deprived of amenities
With social relations intact, the baboons did not aban- such as opportunities for climbing, materials for nest build-
don their new homes nor did they block the transfer of ing, access to other primates for socializing, and places for
new males, with their all-important knowledge of local privacy. Although such features contribute to the success of
resources, into the troop. The success of her effort, which breeding colonies in captivity, ensuring the survival of our
had never been tried with baboons, proves that transloca- primate cousins in suitable natural habitats is a far greater
tion is a realistic technique for saving endangered primate challenge that humans must meet in the years to come.
species. However, this conservation effort depends first Intense primate conservation efforts are beginning to
on available land, where preserves can be established to pay off. For example, in recent years, the population size of
provide habitats for endangered primates. the mountain gorilla (Gorilla beringei beringei) has increased
A second strategy has been developed to help primates despite the political chaos of the Democratic Republic of
that have been illegally trapped—either for market as pets Congo. Western lowland gorilla populations (Gorilla gorilla)
or for biomedical research. This approach involves re- are also on the rise. Similarly, tamarin monkey populations
turning these recovered animals to their natural habitats. in Brazil (Figure 3.18) have stabilized despite being on the
Researchers have established orphanages in which specially brink of extinction thirty-five years ago, demonstrating the
trained human substitute mothers support the young pri- effectiveness of the conservation initiatives put into place.
mates so that they can gain enough social skills to return to According to primatologist Sylvia Atsalis, “The presence
living with their own species. alone of scientists has been shown to protect primates, act-
A third strategy for preventing primate extinction is ing as a deterrent to habitat destruction and hunting. . . .
to maintain breeding colonies in captivity. These colonies The more people we can send, the more we can help to
encourage psychological and physical well-being, as well protect endangered primates” (quoted in Kaplan, 2008).
Saving Our Ape Cousins: Primatologists, Community Action,

and the African Wildlife Foundation
The African Wildlife
Foundation (AWF) was
founded in 1961 with
the mission of protect-
ing Africa’s wildlife and NIGER
habitats. In the early ERITREA
SENEGAL
2000s, the AWF, un-
BURKINA
der the leadership of FASO
BENIN
Belgian primatologist
Niokolo-Koba ETHIOPIA
Jef Dupain, initiated National Park SOUTH
projects to support the SUDAN
CAMEROON
continued survival of Dja Virunga
bonobos and mountain Faunal National
Reserve Park UGANDA
gorillas in the Demo- KENYA
er
cratic Republic of Congo Lomako-
Riv
RWANDA
(DRC), as well as to Yokokala DEMOCRATIC
ngo
Faunal BURUNDI
REPUBLIC OF
Co
assist local human pop- Reserve THE CONGO
TANZANIA
ulations devastated by
a decade of civil war in
Congo and the massive
influx of refugees from
neighboring Rwanda. ZAMBIA
Atlantic
Primatological fieldwork Ocean
in the region had thrived MOZAMBIQUE
ZIMBABWE
in sites established NAMIBIA
during the 1970s, but BOTSWANA
in the mid-1990s, war
and genocide led to the
forced removal of pri-

SOUTH
matologists. Although AFRICA
LESOTHO
many left the region,
Dupain stayed, in part
to monitor the kind of
bushmeat being bought
and sold in the markets
In addition to the projects mentioned in this feature, the African Wildlife Foundation has ongoing projects in all
in Kinshasa.
the countries marked in orange.
With the human pop-
ulation desperate and
starving and the poachers armed with au- the Ilima School is in the heart of bonobo Virunga National Park, a UNESCO World
tomatic weapons, the park rangers charged territory in the DRC, and its community is Heritage site and home to the endangered
with protecting the great apes were out- now committed to environmental educa- mountain gorilla, Congolese Enterprise Offi-
numbered, and many primates perished. tion and preservation. Another example is cer Wellard Makambo monitors beekeeping
A fragile peace was achieved in the region the old Manyara Ranch Primary School in and a mushroom farm collective, run by
in 2003, and AWF initiatives have been re- Tanzania, which had been situated in the Congolese women. He also advises mem-
established, including involving local com- middle of an active wildlife corridor; the bers of a conflict resolution team dealing
munities in agricultural practices to protect new location of the rebuilt school avoids with the gorillas that have left the wildlife
the Congo River and its tributaries and to having animals and students disrupt each preserve so that they can raid human
preserve their precious animal populations. other’s activities.a crops. Local communities require reassur
reassur-
One AWF program—the African ConserConser- AWF initiatives also include encouraging ance and restitution, while gorillas need to
vation Schools program—refurbishes or a variety of alternative economic practices be returned safely to the park.b
rebuilds local schools to encourage a com- in communities bordering existing wild- Today, Africa’s great apes and other wild-
munity focus on conservation. For example, life preserves. For example, around the life continue to be devastated by human
AFP/Getty Images
A quarter of the world’s mountain gorillas (some 210 of them) live in Virunga National Park. The International Gorilla Conservation Program,
a collaboration between the African Wildlife Foundation, the World Wildlife Fund, and Flora and Fauna International, supports their continued
survival. Saving orphaned gorillas who have lost their parents to poaching or trafficking, is critical to these efforts. Here a Virunga warden,
Patrick Karabaranga, plays with one of these orphans.
activity, including the bushmeat trade and National Park in Senegal and the Dja Fau- blog/new-beginning (retrieved October 6,
illegal trafficking. In 2014 in the Dja Faunal nal Reserve (both UNESCO World Heritage 2015); “Manyara Ranch Primary School.”
Reserve in Cameroon, home to chimpan- Sites), the AWF trains and outfits rangers, (2015). African Wildlife Foundation. http://
zees and western lowland gorillas, the AWF who use software called CyberTracker on www.awf.org/projects/manyara-ranch-primary
found that poaching greatly surpassed the handheld computers to record and track -school (retrieved October 6, 2015)
b
level of sustainability. About 3,000 African both wildlife and poachers. In the Dja Re- “20 years of IGCP: Lessons learned in
great apes are lost every year to trafficking serve in 2014, rangers arrested 35 poach- mountain gorilla conservation.” (2011).
alone—sold as exotic pets or for entertain- ers and destroyed 200 hunting camps, all International Gorilla Conservation
ment.c Because demand is high for young the while at risk from aggressive poachers’ Programme. http://www.igcp.org
apes, an entire group of chimpanzees, guns and machetes.d /wp-content/themes/igcp/docs/pdf
perhaps ten individuals, might be killed so Although the battle is ongoing, the AWF, /IGCPLessonsLearned_English_web.pdf
a trafficker can obtain one infant. through its anti-poaching measures and (retrieved October 27, 2015)
c
In 2013, the AWF established the Af Af- economic development projects has al- “AWF testifies on trafficking of Africa’s great
rican Apes Initiative, directed by Dupain. ready had measurable positive impacts on apes.” (2014, October 20). African Wildlife
The aim of the program is to preserve mountain gorilla populations. Ever expand- Foundation. https://www.awf.org/news
populations of African apes by focusing on ing the scope and methods of its projects, /awf-testifies-trafficking-africas-great-apes
(retrieved October 6, 2015)
those habitats that are most endangered. the AWF plays a crucial role in the struggle d
In the DRC, where rich rainforests along for the continued survival of all Africa’s “Group to trek through Cameroon’s Dja
the tributaries of the mighty Congo River great apes. Reserve.” (2015, April 23). The Outdoor
are bonobos’ only natural habitat, Dupain Wire. http://www.theoutdoorwire.com
a
“A new beginning.” (2015, April 29). African /story/142976853179bz8qvb05h (retrieved
and the AWF helped establish the Lomako-
Wildlife Foundation. https://www.awf.org/ October 27, 2015)
Yokokala Faunal Reserve. In Niokolo-Koba
CH AP T E R CH ECK LI ST
How do primatologists conduct field ✓ The fovea centralis is unique to primates and allows
focusing the eye without sacrificing peripheral vision.
research? Enhanced visual acuity has come at the expense of
✓ Researchers rely on observation and collection of feces sense of smell.
and hair samples left behind in order to minimize
✓ The primate foramen magnum is closer to the base of
contact that could endanger primate populations.
the skull, allowing an upright posture.
✓ Conservation efforts are combined with research to
✓ Primate digits have sensitive pads, usually accompanied
ensure the future study of wild populations.
by flattened nails. Most species have opposable thumbs
✓ Animals in captivity have provided opportunities to and big toes.
interact with and discover the communicative
capabilities of many primates. What features characterize the five
How does mammal biology compare to natural groups of primates?
reptilian biology? ✓ Lemurs and lorises have large ears, big eyes, pointed
snouts that limit facial expression, a claw on their
✓ As homeotherms, mammals can survive in a wider second toe used for grooming, and several scent glands
variety of climates than isothermic reptiles, but for communication. As a group, they retain more
mammals require more calories to survive. ancestral primate characteristics.
✓ Mammals are k-selected, rather than r-selected, ✓ Tarsiers are tiny arboreal creatures with oversized eyes
meaning that parents spend much more time rearing and heads and elongated foot bones that allow for far
fewer offspring. jumps. They are genetically closer to monkeys and
✓ Mammals possess various types of specialized teeth apes, though as nocturnal insect-eaters, they resemble
that are replaced only once over a lifetime. Reptile early ancestral primates.
teeth are all nearly identical with unlimited ✓ New World monkeys are flat-nosed tree-dwellers that
replacement. walk on all fours and rarely hang from trees by their
arms. One subgroup possesses a long prehensile tail
How does taxonomy apply to primates, that is used as an extra limb.
and what issues does it pose? ✓ Old World monkeys are alternately terrestrial and
✓ Taxonomists use shared derived characteristics arboreal and have downward-pointing nostrils and
to establish evolutionary relationships. nonprehensile tails. They walk on all fours with palms
down, and many species exhibit sophisticated social
✓ The Linnaean system focuses on the measure of organization, communication, and learning abilities.
anatomical similarity known as a grade. By this system,
primates consist of two subfamilies called Prosimii and ✓ Having no tails, apes are all adapted to hanging
Anthropoidea. Anthropoids are divided into the by their arms and in some species to brachiate. Their
infraorders Platyrrhini and Catarrhini. clavicles position their arms at the sides of the body.
They are able to stand erect due to the curvature of
✓ A new taxonomic scheme based on quantifying genetic their vertebrae. African apes knuckle-walk when on
similarities proposes a regrouping of primates into two the ground, and all apes but humans have forelimbs
suborders: Strepsirrhini and Haplorrhini. It also that are longer than their legs.
distinguishes the hominin subfamily of hominids
(humans and their ancestors) from the other What pressures do primate populations
African apes.
currently face?
What features distinguish primates from ✓ Habitat destruction caused by economic development
and globalization has led to the endangered status of
other mammals? many primate species, especially the great apes.
✓ Primates have a long period of childhood dependency
✓ Primates in war-torn regions are particularly threatened
and are large-brained, which enables both learned and
by the presence of automatic weapons and disruption
adaptive behavior.
to conservation efforts.
✓ Primates developed binocular stereoscopic color vision
✓ Relocation, reintroduction, and captive colony
as they became both diurnal and arboreal. Primate
strategies have met with success in recent years, and
teeth reflect the diversity of food sources available
some populations are rebounding due to such
among the trees.
conservation efforts.
79
1. Has learning more about the numerous similarities why is it incorrect to say that some primates are
between us and our primate cousins, from slow lorises more evolved than others? What is wrong with
to chimpanzees to gorillas, motivated you personally the statement that humans are more evolved than
to meet the challenge of preventing their extinction? chimpanzees?
What human factors are causing endangerment of 4. Two systems exist for dividing the primate order
primates? How can governments and organizations into suborders because of difficulties with classifying
work to prevent their extinction? How can tarsiers. Should classification systems be based on
individuals? genetic relationships or based on the biological
2. What are the main differences between mammals concept of grade? Is the continued use of the older
and reptiles? Do we share any ancestral features with terminology an instance of unwillingness to change or
reptiles? What aspects of mammalian primate biology a difference in philosophy? How do the issues brought
do you see reflected in yourself or in people you up by the tarsier problem translate to the hominoids?
know?
3. Considering some of the trends seen among the
primates, such as increased brain size or fewer teeth,
Finding or Losing Your Inner Ape
For many years, primatologists have known that Using her method as an inspiration, take one
chimpanzees sleep in treetop nests that they basic facet of ape biology behavior into “the
fashion daily by lashing branches together. But to field” and make observations as to how it works
really understand the purpose and inner workings or doesn’t work in practice. What would happen,
of these nests, biological anthropologist Fiona for example, if you taped your opposable thumbs
Stewart took her participant observation into the to your hand and needed to take a shower? This
trees. She spent six nights sleeping in abandoned simulates the non-ape condition. What if you
chimps’ nests at a field site in western Tanzania no longer had spoken language but wanted to
(Stewart & Pruetz, 2013). By “aping” the chimps’ communicate with a loved one? You might rely
behavior, she was able to collect data and make on other facets of language at which apes excel.
observations on factors such as threats from Choose to either lose an ape capacity or to rely
predators, sleep disturbances, bug bites, and on one as you go out into the world. Record your
temperatures. observations.
Lisa Newbern
CHALLENGE ISSUE
Not that long ago, scientists thought only humans used tools, were self-aware, and developed
culture—all of which we have now observed in other species. Increasingly, it seems many of
the characteristics historically thought to be unique to humans occur to different degrees in
our primate cousins, especially the apes. Take, for instance, the question of morality. Dutch
primatologist Frans de Waal has spent decades observing and documenting the building
blocks of morality in chimps and bonobos—including empathy, a sense of fairness, and
altruism. Some primatologists have documented chimpanzees’ and other primates’ capacity
for violence, but de Waal challenges this “veneer theory”—that primate morality, includ-
ing human morality, is a thin veneer over a brutal nature. Bonobos in particular are often
observed comforting—through embraces, touches, and sexual contact—individuals who have
suffered the loss of a family member or other hardship. Even very young bonobos, thought
to lack the complex reasoning necessary for picturing themselves “in another’s shoes,” will
comfort hurting individuals, a response de Waal argues is based on what they are feeling
(Davies, 2013). Apes even manifest guilt, as in the case of Lody the bonobo, who hung his
head and hugged himself in shame after accidentally biting off a veterinarian’s finger—an
incident Lody remembered fifteen years later, when he ran to the visiting vet to inspect
her incomplete hand (Dye, 2013). More and more, primatologists like de Waal are finding
that the capacity for morality and other “human” traits are not exclusive to our species.
Primate Behavior 4
Research into primate behavior has repeatedly shown the behavioral sophis-
sophis In this chapter you will
tication of our closest living relatives. Primates use tools, learn, and can be learn to
dishonest, just as humans can. Although the young Jane Goodall was criticized ● Identify the range of
for naming the chimpanzees she studied, social interactions, particularly among variation of primate behavior
and the theories that
the apes, demonstrate that they recognize one another as individuals and adjust account for it.
their behavior accordingly. (Many other long-lived social mammals, such as
● Distinguish different forms of
elephants and dolphins, do the same.) Certainly, biology plays a role in such primate social organization.
primate behaviors, but often, as with humans, social traditions also determine ● Examine the biological
behavior. Nevertheless, some broad biological factors underlie the social tradi- basis of primate behavior,
with particular emphasis
tions of primates.
on the primate life cycle,
Primates take more time to reach adulthood compared to most other mam- social learning, and the
mals. During this lengthy period of growth and development, they learn the environment.
behaviors of their social group. Observations of primates in their natural habitats ● Explore the cultural
over the past decades have shown that social interaction, organization, learning, influences on theories of
primate behavior.
reproduction, care of the young, and communication among our primate relatives
● Distinguish the diverse
resemble human behavior. As we study primate behavior to learn about ourselves,
behavioral patterns of
who we are as a species today, and how we got here, it becomes clear that many our closest relatives—
of our differences reflect only the degree of expression of shared characteristics. orangutans, gorillas,
chimpanzees, and
bonobos—with particular
emphasis on sexual
Primates as Models behavior, cooperation,
hunting, and tool use.
for Human Evolution ● Describe the linguistic
capacities of the great apes.
As we will explore in the human evolution chapters, the human line split from
a common ancestor we share with the African apes. Although this split occurred
● Define primate culture in the
context of human evolution.
millions of years ago, paleoanthropologists in the mid-20th century were hope-
● Explore the moral questions
ful that observations made among the living apes might shed light on the life-
surrounding the use of
ways of the fossil species they were discovering. To that end, Louis Leakey sent chimpanzees in biomedical
Jane Goodall to study chimpanzees in Gombe Stream Chimpanzee Reserve (now research.
a national park) on the eastern shores of Lake Tanganyika in Tanzania, as well as
81
82 CHAPTER 4 Primate Behavior
supported the fieldwork of U.S. pri- Although baboons differ considerably from our two-
matologist Dian Fossey, studying legged ancestors, their survival strategies provide some
mountain gorillas in Rwanda, and clues as to how early humans adapted to the savannah
German primatologist environment. Fully ground-dwelling members of the
Biruté Galdikas, studying genus Papio, baboons are among the largest of the Old
orangutans in Borneo. UGANDA World monkeys. Troops of baboons can be seen sitting
But as forest-dwellers, together on the dry savannah earth to forage for corms
KENYA
each of these ape species RWANDA (thick, nutritious underground parts of plants), keeping a
Mt.
inhabited an environment BURUNDI Kilimanjaro watchful eye out for predators. At the first sign of danger,
that differed considerably Gombe Stream alarm calls by members of the troop will signal all the
from the grassy savannahs Lake National Park ZANZIBAR
individuals to retreat to safety.
Tanganyika
inhabited by the earliest CONGO TANZANIA Indian
Ocean
Baboons live in groups that vary dramatically in size,
© Cengage Learning
human ancestors known from less than ten individuals to hundreds. In some
at that time. Instead, pa- ZAMBIA species the groups are multi-male multi-female, while
leoanthropologists turned MALAWI others are made up of a series of polygynous groups—one
MOZAMBIQUE
to baboons: Old World male with several females that he dominates (Figure 4.1).
monkeys native to the sa- Sexual dimorphism—anatomical differences between
vannah environments of eastern Africa where the richest males and females—is high in baboons, and males can
fossil evidence of our ancestors had been found. use their physical advantages to overpower females easily.
© Paul van Gaalen/Flirt/Corbis
Figure 4.1 Baboon Social Learning

The behavior of baboons, a type of Old World monkey, has been particularly well studied. There
are several distinct species of baboon, each with its own social rules. Troops of hamadryas
baboons, the sacred baboons of ancient Egypt pictured here, consist of a series of smaller
groups made up of a single male and several females over which he dominates. Female
hamadryas baboons, if transferred to a troop of olive baboons, where females are not as
submissive, maintain the passive behaviors learned in their original troop. But a female olive
baboon placed in the hamadryas troop quickly learns submissive behaviors in order to survive.
But the degree to which males choose to do so varies from

group to group.
When constructing their theories, paleoanthropol-
ogists did not expect our ancestors to possess a tail or
ischail callosity—a hardened, nerveless pad on the
(a) Solitary (b) Monogamous (c) Polygynous (d) Polyandrous
buttocks that allows baboons to sit for long periods of time.
Tails are strictly a monkey characteristic, not an ape one, and
among the hominoids only gibbons and siamangs possess
ischial callosities. Instead, paleoanthropologists were looking
for examples of convergence
convergence—behaviors that might appear in
© Cengage Learning
large-bodied, dimorphic primates living in large multi-male
multi-female groups in a savannah environment. Paleoan-
thropology’s “baboon hypothesis” led to many excellent (e) All male (f) Multi-male multi-female
long-term field studies that have yielded fascinating data on
baboons’ social organization, omnivorous diet, communica- Figure 4.2 Primate Social Organization
tion, mating patterns and other reproductive strategies. As Primate social organization ranges from (a) solitary to
with most primate field studies, the evolutionary questions (b) monogamous to (c) polygynous (single male with many females
remain in the background while the rich repertoire of pri- and their young) to (d) the rare polyandrous (single female
mate behavior takes center stage. with multiple males and her young) to (e) all male to (f) multi-
While the savannah environment has certainly been male multi-female groups of various sizes and ages. In this
important in human evolution, recent fossil discoveries and illustration, females are rust-colored, and males are dark brown.
analyses have led paleoanthropologists back into the forest,
where the earliest two-legged ancestors lived. Researchers subgroups will break up again into smaller units. Typi-
now also focus on human origins and the transition from a cally, when individuals split off from a subgroup, others
forested environment to the savannah. Recent field studies join, so the composition of subunits shifts frequently.
of chimpanzees in more savannah-like environments, ex- Gorilla groups are “families” of five to thirty indi-
plored in this chapter, have yielded fascinating results. viduals led by a mature silverback male and including
younger (black-backed) males, females, and the young.
Occasionally, field studies reveal variation in the typical
Primate Social Organization pattern—some gorilla groups in Uganda and Rwanda con-
tain multiple silverback males. Still, in one of these multi
As social animals, primates live and travel in groups, which -male groups studied in Rwanda, a single dominant male
vary in size and composition from species to species. Differ- fathered all but one of ten juveniles (Gibbons, 2001b).
ent environmental and biological factors have been linked The dominant male gorilla usually prevents subor-
to the groups’ sizes, and different primate species exhibit dinate males from mating with the group’s females. He
various organizational forms (Figure 4.2). For example, will force young, sexually mature males, who take on
gibbons live in small nuclear family units consisting of a the characteristic silver color when they are sexually ma-
pair of bonded adults and their offspring, whereas orangu- ture (about 11 to 13 years of age), to leave their natal
tans tend to lead more solitary existences, with males and group—the community they have known since birth.
females coming together only to mate. Young orangutans After some time as a solitary male in the forest, a young
stay with their mothers until they reach adulthood. The silverback may find the opportunity to start his own social
northern muriqui monkeys of Brazil live in a peaceful, egal- group by winning outside females. Occasionally, these
itarian society with no hierarchy (Strier, 2015). solitary males will form an all-male group. In the natal
In contrast to the polygynous organization of some group, if the dominant male is weakening with age, one
baboon species, a very few New World species are polyan- of his sons may remain with the group to succeed to his
drous with a single female and her young living in groups father’s position. Alternatively, an outside male may take
with multiple males. Twins are common in these species, over the group. With the dominant male in control, go-
and the males help with parenting. rillas rarely fight over food, territory, or sex, but they will
Chimps and bonobos live in large multi-male fiercely defend the group.
multi-female groups. Among them, the largest social orga-
nizational unit in primatology is a community, usually ischial callosity A hardened, nerveless pad on the buttocks that allows
composed of fifty or more individuals who collectively baboons and other primates to sit for long periods of time.
inhabit a large geographic area. Rarely do all of these community In primatology, a unit of primate social organization
composed of fifty or more individuals who collectively inhabit a large
animals congregate. Instead, they travel individually or geographic area.
in small subgroups. In the course of their travels, sub- natal group The group or the community an animal has inhabited
groups may join and forage together, but eventually these since birth.
In many primate species, including humans, adoles-

cence marks the time when individuals change their rela-
tionship with the group they have known since birth. This
change often takes the form of migration to new social
groups. In many species, females constitute the core of the
social system. For example, offspring tend to remain with
the group to which their mother, rather than their father,
© Cengage Learning
belongs. Among gorillas, male adolescents leave their na-
tal groups more frequently than females. However, among
chimpanzees and bonobos, adolescent females are often A B
the ones to migrate.
Figure 4.3 Home Range and Territory
Among Tanzanian chimpanzee communities studied,
As illustrated in A, home ranges can overlap. When members
about half the females leave the community they have
of the same species meet one another in the shared parts of
known since birth to join another group (Moore, 1998).
the range, there might be some tension, deference, or peaceful
Other females may also temporarily leave their group to
mingling. Some groups maintain clear territories (B) that are
mate with males of another group. Among bonobos, ado-
strictly defended from any intrusion by members of the same
lescent females appear to always transfer to another group
species.
where they promptly establish bonds with those females.
Although biological factors such as hormonal influence
on sexual maturity play a role in adolescent migration, Chimpanzees, by contrast, have been observed pa-
the variation across species and within the chimpanzees trolling their territories to ward off potential trespassers.
indicates that differences may also derive from the learned Moreover, Jane Goodall (see Anthropologists of Note) has
social traditions of the group. recorded the destruction of one chimpanzee community
by another invading group. This sort of deadly inter-
community interaction has never been observed among
Home Range bonobos. Some have interpreted the apparent territorial
Primates usually move within a circumscribed area, or behavior as an expression of the supposedly violent na-
home range, which varies in size depending on the ture of chimpanzees. However, others have suggested that
group and on ecological factors such as food availability. the violence Goodall witnessed was a response to over-
Ranges often change seasonally, and the number of miles crowding that resulted from human activity.
traveled daily by a group varies. Some areas, known as core
areas, are used more often than others and typically con-
tain water, food sources, resting places, and sleeping trees. Social Hierarchy
The ranges of different groups may overlap, as among
In the past, primatologists believed that a male dominance
bonobos, where 65 percent of one community’s range
hierarchy, in which some animals outrank and dominate
may overlap with that of another. By contrast, chimpan-
others, formed the basis of primate social structures. They
zee territories, at least in some regions, are exclusively oc-
noted that physical strength and size play a role in deter-
cupied and will be defended from intrusion (Figure 4.3).
mining an animal’s rank. By this measure, males generally
Gorillas do not defend their home range against in-
outrank females. However, the male-biased cultures of
cursions of others of their kind, although they will defend
many early primatologists may have contributed to this
their group if it is threatened. In the lowlands of Central
theoretical perspective, with its emphasis on domination
Africa, it is not uncommon to find several families feed-
through superior size and strength. Male dominance hier-
ing in close proximity to one another. In encounters with
archies seemed “natural” to these initial researchers.
other communities of their species, bonobos will defend
Over the last fifty years, detailed field studies, includ-
their immediate space through vocalizations and displays
ing cutting-edge research by female primatologists such as
but rarely through fighting. Usually, they settle down and
Goodall, have illuminated the nuances of primate social
feed side by side, often grooming, playing, and engaging
behavior, the relative harmony of primate social life, and
in sexual activity between groups as well. Female bonobos
the importance of female primates. High-ranking female
will even prevent war with neighboring groups, rushing
chimpanzees may dominate low-ranking males. And
ahead of the males to greet the enemy with an orgy in-
among bonobos, female rank determines the social order
stead of violence (de Waal, 2014).
of the group far more than male rank. Although strength
and size do contribute to a bonobo’s social position, other
home range The geographic area within which a group of primates factors also come into play, including the rank of the
usually moves.
bonobo’s mother, a factor largely determined through
dominance hierarchy An observed ranking system in primate societies,
ordering individuals from high (alpha) to low standing corresponding to her cooperative social behavior and how effectively each
predictable behavioral interactions including domination. individual creates alliances with others.
Anup Shan/Minden Pictures

Figure 4.4 G–G Rubbing
The two female bonobos pictured here are engaging in genital–genital, or G–G, rubbing. This is
one of the many sexual practices bonobos use to reduce tension and resolve social conflicts.
Among bonobos, primatologists have observed every possible combination of ages and sexes
engaging in a remarkable array of sexual activities that goes far beyond male–female mating for
purposes of biological reproduction.
For males, drive or motivation to achieve high status also competitive nature of the societies in which evolutionary
influences rank. For example, in the Gombe community theory originated. Those cultures have often concentrated
studied by Goodall, one male chimp had the idea to incorpo- on the struggle and competition of natural selection
rate noisy kerosene cans into his charging displays, thereby instead of coexistence within a fixed social order. By
intimidating all the other males. As a result, he rose from contrast, the early Japanese primatologist Kinji Imanishi
relatively low status to the number one (alpha) position. developed a holistic ecosystem-based theory of evolution
On the whole, bonobo females form stronger bonds with and initiated long-term field studies of bonobos that have
one another compared to chimpanzee females. Moreover, ultimately demonstrated the importance of cooperation
the strength of the bond between bonobo mother and son rather than competition. In social species that cooper-
interferes with bonds among males. Bonobo males defer to fe- ate and depend upon one another, reconciliation—a
males in feeding, and alpha females have been observed chas- friendly reunion between former opponents not long after
ing alpha males; such males may even yield to low-ranking a conflict—has more evolutionary import than the fight
females, particularly when groups of females form alliances. that preceded it (Aureli & de Waal, 2000; de Waal, 2000).
Furthermore, allied females will band together to force an Reconciliation takes varied forms. Female bonobos
aggressive male out of the community. Allied bonobo reconcile by rubbing their clitorises and swollen genitals
females cooperate despite not being genetically related. together (Figure 4.4). Chimpanzees reconcile with a hug
Female dominance prevails among bonobos instead of the
male dominance characteristic of chimps.
Western primatologists’ focus on social rank and reconciliation In primatology, a friendly reunion between former
attack behavior may be a legacy of the individualistic, opponents not long after a conflict.
Jane Goodall (b. 1934) ● Kinji Imanishi (1902–1992)
In July 1960, Jane Goodall arrived with her mother at Lake Tan- opportunity. While in Kenya, she met Leakey, who gave her a job as
ganyika at the Gombe Stream, in what is now Tanzania, East Af Af- an assistant secretary. Before long, she was on her way to Gombe.
rica. Goodall was the first of three women Kenyan anthropologist Within a year, the outside world began to hear extraordinary things
Louis Leakey sent to study the great apes in the wild (the others about this pioneering woman and her research: tales of toolmaking
were Dian Fossey and Biruté Galdikas, who studied gorillas and apes, cooperative hunts by chimpanzees, and what seemed like
orangutans, respectively); Goodall’s task was to begin a long- exotic chimpanzee rain dances. By the mid-1960s, her work had
term study of chimpanzees. Little did she realize that, fifty-five earned her a doctorate from Cambridge University, and Gombe was
years later, she would still be at Gombe. on its way to becoming one of the most dynamic field stations for
Born in London, Goodall grew up and was schooled in Bourne- the study of animal behavior anywhere in the world.
mouth, England. As a child, she dreamed of living in Africa, so when Although Goodall is still very much involved with chimpan-
an invitation arrived to visit a friend in Kenya, she jumped at the zees, she now spends a good deal of time lecturing, writing,
and overseeing the work of
other researchers. She is
passionately committed to
primate conservation and
is dedicated to halting ille-
gal trafficking in chimps as
well as fighting for the hu-
mane treatment of captive
chimps. In a 2015 interview
with The Globe and Mail’s
Ivan Semeniuk, Goodall,
who travels 300 days out of
the year, says there is still
so much to do, and now
that she is over 80, she
Kay & Karl Ammann/Bruce Coleman INC./Alamy
must speed up rather than
slow down. Always looking
ahead, Goodall says, “All
my efforts would be in vain,
all the efforts of everybody
who’s trying to conserve
and protect would be use-
less, if we’re not raising
new generations to be bet-
Jane Goodall in the field with chimpanzees at Gombe. ter stewards than we’ve
a
been.”
and mouth-to-mouth kiss. The reconciliation techniques macaques continued to practice these behaviors when
of other primates and other mammalian species, includ- living strictly with rhesus macaques.
ing dolphins and hyenas, have been observed in the wild. Chimps, as de Waal observed, take reconciliation a step
Although some attribute reconciliation behavior to sim- further: Some individuals, generally older females, take on
ple biology, de Waal carried out a series of experiments the role of mediator. Recognizing a dispute between two
demonstrating that primates learn these social skills (de other individuals (by noticing, for example, that two chim-
Waal, 2001a). He took two species of Old World monkey, panzees are sitting near one another but avoiding eye con-
the aggressive rhesus macaque and the mellower stump- tact), this mediator will groom one of the combatants for a
tailed macaque, and housed some of them together for bit. When she gets up to groom the other combatant, the
five months. At the end of this period, rhesus macaques first fighter follows and grooms her. She eventually leaves
that had learned reconciliation from the stump-tailed the two fighters grooming each other.
I was walking along a path in a valley, and there was a

grasshopper on a leaf in a shrubbery. Until that moment
I had happily caught insects, killed them with chloroform,
impaled them on pins, and looked up their names, but I
realized I knew nothing at all about how this grasshopper
b
lived in the wild.
In his most important work, The World of Living Things, first

published in 1941, Imanishi developed a comprehensive theory
about the natural world rooted in Japanese cultural beliefs and
practices. Imanishi’s work challenged Western evolutionary the-
ory in several ways. Rather than focusing on the biology of indi-
vidual organisms, Imanishi used a holistic approach suggesting
that naturalists examine “specia” (a species society) to which
individuals belong as the unit of analysis. Instead of focusing on
Photo by Jun’ichiro Itani (The photo archives of PRI, Kyoto University)

time, Imanishi emphasized space in his approach to the natural
world, noting how the space each living thing occupied was con-
nected to others around it in a fixed social order. He highlightred
the harmony of all living things rather than conflict and competi-
tion among individuals of a single species.
Imanishi’s research techniques, now standard worldwide,
developed directly from his theories: long-term field study of pri-
mates in their natural societies using methods from ethnography.
With his students, Imanishi conducted pioneering field studies of
African apes and Japanese and Tibetan macaques. Japanese pri-
matologists were the first to document the importance of kinship,
the complexity of primate societies, patterns of social learning,
and the unique character of each primate social group. Because
Kinji Imanishi initiated the earliest field studies of bonobos in of the work by Imanishi and his students, we now think about the
the 1940s. While his field methods have been influential, today, distinct cultures of primate societies.
cigarettes are not involved.
a
“Jane Goodall on why retirement isn’t factoring in to her future
plans.” (2015, April 17). Jane Goodall interviewed by Ivan Semeniuk.
Long before Louis Leakey sent the first Western primatologists The Globe and Mail. http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/news
into the field, Kinji Imanishi—naturalist, explorer, and mountain -video/video-jane-goodall-on-why-retirement-isnt-factoring-in-to-her
climber—profoundly influenced primatology in Japan and through- -future-plans/article24004092/ (retrieved October 9, 2015)
b
out the world. Although fully aware of Western methods and theo- Kawakatsu, H. (1999). Imanishi’s view of the world. Journal of
ries, he developed a radically different approach to the scientific Japanese Trade and Industry 18 (2), 15; Matsuzawa, T., & McGrew,
study of the natural world. Imanishi dates his transformation to a W. C. (2008, July 22). Kinji Imanishi and 60 years of Japanese
youthful encounter with a grasshopper: primatology. Current Biology 18 (14), R587–R591.
Individual Interaction and Bonding Interestingly, different chimp communities have dif-
ferent styles of grooming. In one East African group, for
Grooming, the ritual cleaning of another animal to example, two chimps groom each other face-to-face, with
remove parasites and other matter from its skin or coat, one hand, while clasping their partner’s free hand. In
has social as well as practical benefits (Figure 4.5). The another group 90 miles distant, the handclasp does not
grooming animal deftly parts the hair of the one being occur. In East Africa, all communities incorporate leaves in
groomed and removes foreign objects, often eating them. their grooming, but in West Africa they do not.
Besides being hygienic, grooming can signify friendliness,
closeness, appeasement, reconciliation, or even submis-
sion. Bonobos and chimpanzees have favorite grooming grooming The ritual cleaning of another animal’s coat to remove
partners. parasites and other matter.
Gunter Ziesler/Photolibrary/Getty Images

Figure 4.5 Primate Grooming
Grooming is an important activity among all Old World monkeys and apes, as shown here in a
group of chimps grooming one another in a pattern known as the domino effect. Such activity is
important for strengthening bonds among individual members of the group.
Besides grooming, other behaviors demonstrate group elicit the nervous reaction from the mothers that it does
sociability. For instance, primatologists have witnessed among chimps; chimp mothers may be reacting to the
embracing, touching, and the joyous welcoming of other occasional infanticide on the part of chimpanzee males, a
members of the ape community. These important behav- behavior never observed among bonobos.
ioral traits undoubtedly existed among human ancestors.
Gorillas, though gentle and tolerant, tend toward aloof-
ness and independence. Restraint characterizes interaction Sexual Behavior
among adults, with friendship and closeness typifying
Most mammals mate only during specified annual or bian-
only the relationships between adults and infants. Among
nual breeding seasons. Although some primates have a fixed
bonobos, chimpanzees, gorillas, and orangutans, as among
breeding season tied to a simultaneous increase in body
most other primates, the mother–infant bond is the stron-
fat or to the consumption of specific plant foods, many
gest and longest lasting. It may endure for many years—
primate species can breed throughout the year. Among the
commonly for the lifetime of the mother. Gorilla infants
African apes, as with humans, there is no fixed breeding sea-
share their mothers’ nests but have also been seen sharing
son. In chimps, frequent sexual activity—initiated by either
nests with mature childless females. Bonobo, chimpanzee,
the male or the female—occurs during estrus, the period
and gorilla males pay attention to juveniles, thus con-
when the female is receptive to impregnation (Figure 4.6).
tributing to their socialization. Bonobo males even carry
In chimpanzees the skin around the genitals swells during
infants occasionally. Their interest in youngsters does not
estrus as a visible sign to potential mates. Bonobo females,
by contrast, always appear fertile due to their constant gen-
estrus In some primate females, the time of sexual receptivity during ital swelling and interest in sex. Gorillas appear to show less
which ovulation is visibly displayed. interest in sex than either chimps or bonobos.
Figure 4.6 Gelada Estrus

Because geladas, a kind of
Old World monkey, spend
far more time sitting than
standing upright, it is
not as practical to signal
ovulation through genital
swelling. Instead, this
species signals estrus
through the reddening of
a patch of furless skin on
their chests. This way it is
easy for other members of
the group to see that they
are fertile even while they
are foraging.
Michel Gunther/Science Source
When in estrus, a chimpanzee female engages in a lot of for a few “private” days during the female’s fertile period.
sexual activity, sometimes copulating as many as fifty times Interestingly, the relationship between reproductive success
in one day with a dozen different partners. For the most and social rank differs for males and females. In the chim-
part, females mate with males of their own group. Domi- panzee community studied by Goodall, low- or mid-level
nant males often try to monopolize females in full estrus, males sired about half the infants. Although high female
although this cannot succeed without cooperation from the rank is linked with successful reproduction, social success
female. Sometimes an individual female and a lower-ranking for males—achieving alpha status—does not translate neatly
male will form a temporary bond, leaving the group together into the evolutionary currency of reproductive success.
Blickwinkel/Mcphoto/Vlz/ Alamy
Anup Shah/Minden Pictures

Figure 4.7 Mature and Adolescent-Looking Orangutans
The orangutan on the left has developed the physical bulk and secondary sex characteristics
typical of adult males of his species. The orangutan on the right has retained his slight
adolescent physique even though his primary sex characteristics are fully mature, allowing him
to father offspring. Surprisingly, these two individuals might be close to the same age.
Bonobos (like humans) do not limit their sexual Among bonobos, primatologists have observed virtu-
behavior to times of female fertility. The constant gen- ally every possible combination of ages and sexes engaging
ital swelling of female bonobos, in effect, conceals in sexual activities, including oral sex, tongue kissing,
ovulation, or the moment when an egg released into the and massaging each other’s genitals (de Waal, 2001a).
womb is receptive for fertilization. The absence of genital Male bonobos may mount each other, or one may rub his
swelling conceals ovulation in humans. For both humans scrotum against another’s. Researchers have also observed
and bonobos, concealed ovulation plays a role in separating bonobos “penis fencing”—hanging face-to-face from a
sexual activity for social and pleasurable reasons from the branch and rubbing their erect penises together as if cross-
biological task of reproduction. In fact, among bonobos ing swords. Among females, genital rubbing is particularly
(as among humans) sexuality goes far beyond male–female common. Most of this sex functions to reduce tensions
mating for purposes of biological reproduction. and resolve social conflicts. Bonobo sexual activity is very
frequent, but also very brief, lasting only 8 to 10 seconds.
Field studies by primatologists have documented a
variety of sexual behaviors among other species as well.
ovulation The moment when an egg released from an ovary into the For example, some male orangutans become sexually ma-
womb is receptive for fertilization. ture but retain the appearance of adolescents (Figure 4.7).
Scientists initially interpreted this arrested development susceptible to becoming “gendered.” That is, the gender
as a sign of stress. However, primatologists showed this to norms of the scientists can easily creep their way (sub-
be a reproductive strategy that allows these arrested males consciously, of course) into the theories they are creating.
to father offspring without posing a threat to nearby Darwin’s era, despite the reign of Queen Victoria, was
males who have all the secondary sex characteristics of firmly patriarchal, and male–male competition prevailed
adulthood (Maggioncalda & Sapolsky, 2009). But adult in British society. Women of Darwin’s time and class
females tend to not be sexually receptive to these unde- were denied basic rights such as voting. Inheritance laws
veloped males. Thus, the arrested males will often forcibly favored first-born male heirs. Feminist analyses such as
copulate with females in order to pass on their genes. Fedigan’s have contributed substantially to the developing
Interestingly, should the dominant male die or move on, discipline of primatology.
these other males will then physically mature and change Primate field studies have revealed that male–male
their behavior. competition is just one of many factors playing a role
Are these forced copulations by orangutans equivalent in primate reproduction. Male–male competition can
to rape among humans? Or is this behavior a natural part be reduced, as it is in orangutans, through arrested devel-
of orangutan sexuality to which human standards should opment. In baboons, a very sexually dimorphic species,
not be applied? Likewise, individuals uncomfortable with the female chooses her mate just as often as the choice
sexual diversity among humans might see the sexual is determined through male–male competition. Females
behavior of bonobos as deviant. As we study the sexual frequently choose to mate with lower-ranking males that
behavior of primates, we must be acutely aware of how show strong male–female affiliative actions (tending
we might be imposing our own cultural notions onto the to promote social cohesion) and good parental behavior
behaviors of our closest living relatives. (Sapolsky, 2002).
Consider, for example, the traditional approach to Among baboons, paternal involvement has been
gorilla sexuality solely in terms of male control. Primatol- shown to have distinct advantages for offspring, includ-
ogists described the dominant silverback as having exclu- ing more rapid growth in baboon infants that receive
sive breeding rights with the females, although sometimes attention from their fathers. In addition, adult males will
the alpha male tolerated the presence of a young adult also intercede on their offspring’s behalf when the young
male, allowing him occasional access to a low-ranking ones are involved in fights. For female baboons, choosing
female. Today, when we consider the female gorilla’s per- a good mate based on affiliative qualities can optimize
spective, we find an explanation for why males leave the reproductive success.
home group by the time they become silverbacks. Young
males then can entice partners away from the group in
order to have reproductive success. Females recognize the Reproduction and Care of Young
future potential in an incipient silverback and the pos-
The average female monkey or ape spends most of her
sibility of forming a new group and thus will mate with
adult life either pregnant or nursing her young. Apes
these young adult males. Today’s scientists recognize the
generally nurse each of their young for about four to five
importance of female choice in reproduction.
years. After weaning her infant, she will come into estrus
The vast majority of primate species are not
periodically until she becomes pregnant again.
monogamous—in primatology, a term that means bonded
Among primates, as among some other mammals, fe-
exclusively to a single sexual partner. Still, many smaller
males generally give birth to one infant at a time. Natural
species of New World monkeys, a few island-dwelling
selection may have favored single births among arboreal
populations of leaf-eating Old World monkeys, and all of
primates because primate infants (humans included),
the smaller apes (gibbons and siamangs) appear to mate
possessing a highly developed grasping ability, must be
for life with a single individual of the opposite sex. These
transported about while holding onto their mother. More
monogamous species have a lower degree of sexual dimor-
than one clinging infant would interfere with her move-
phism than our closest primate relatives (the great apes) or
ment through the trees. Only the smaller nocturnal pro-
our own ancient ancestors.
simians, the primates closest to the ancestral condition,
Evolutionary biologists, dating back to Charles Darwin
typically bear more than one infant at a time. Among
himself, have proposed that sexual dimorphism (for exam-
the anthropoids, only the true marmoset, a kind of New
ple, larger male size in apes, beautiful feathers in peacocks)
World monkey, has a pattern of habitual twinning. Other
relates to competition among males for access to females.
species like humans will twin occasionally. In marmosets,
In such models, while significant evolutionary change
both parents share infant care, with fathers doing most
happened to males, females evolved by just tagging
along, what Canadian primatologist Linda Fedigan has
called the “coat-tails theory” of evolution (Fedigan, 1992). monogamous In primatology, mating for life with a single individual of
She points out that evolutionary theories about sexual the opposite sex.
dimorphism and reproductive behaviors are particularly affiliative Behaving in a manner that tends to promote social cohesion.
The long interval between primate births, particu-

Prenatal period Adult period larly among the apes, results in small population size. A
Infantile period Female reproductive period female chimpanzee, for example, does not reach sexual
Juvenile period maturity until about age 10, and once she produces her
80 first live offspring, five or six years pass before she will
bear another. So, assuming that none of her offspring die
70 before adulthood, a female chimpanzee must survive for
at least twenty or twenty-one years just to maintain the
60 chimpanzee population. In reality, chimpanzee infants
and juveniles do die sometimes, and not all females
Average life expectancy
50 live full reproductive lives. This accounts for the lower

population size of apes compared to monkeys. Likewise,
in years
40 humans’ short intervals between births account for our

ever-increasing population.
Despite the effect on population size, a long slow pe-
30
riod of growth and development, particularly among the
hominoids, provides opportunities. Young monkeys and
20
apes are born without built-in responses dictating specific
behavior in complex situations. Like young humans, they
10 learn how to strategically interact with others and even to
5 manipulate them for their own benefit—by trial and error,
observation, imitation, and practice. Young primates learn
© Cengage Learning
3 18 24 34 38 to modify their behavior based on the reactions of other

Gestation in weeks members of the group. Each individual has a unique phys-
Mouse Lemur Macaque Chimp Human
ical appearance and personality. Youngsters learn to match
their interactive behaviors to each individual’s social posi-
Figure 4.8 The Primate Life Cycle
tion and temperament. Anatomical features common to all
A long life cycle, including a long period of childhood
monkeys and apes, such as a free upper lip (unlike lemurs
dependency, is characteristic of the primates. In biological
and cats, for example), allow for communicative facial ex-
terms, infancy ends when young mammals are weaned, and
pressions. Much of this learning takes place through play.
adulthood is defined as sexual maturation. In many species,
For primate infants and juveniles, play does more than
such as mice, animals become sexually mature as soon as
they are weaned. Among primates, a juvenile period for social
pass the hours. Young primates play to learn about their
learning occurs between infancy and adulthood. For humans, environment, to learn social skills, and to test a variety
the biological definitions of infancy and adulthood are modified of behaviors. Chimpanzee infants mimic the food-getting
according to cultural norms. activities of adults, “attack” dozing adults, and “harass”
adolescents. Observers have watched young gorillas do
somersaults, wrestle, and play organized games, such as
jostling for position on a hillside or following and mimick-
of the carrying. Polyandry also occurs among marmosets,
ing a single youngster. One juvenile, becoming annoyed at
presumably as an adaptation to carrying multiple young.
repeated harassment by an infant, picked it up, climbed a
Primates bear few young but devote much time and
tree, and deposited it on a branch from which it was unable
effort to the care of each offspring. Compared to other
to get down; eventually, its mother came to retrieve it.
mammals, such as mice, which pass from birth to adult-
hood in mere weeks, primates spend a long time growing
up. Generally, the more closely related to humans a pri-
mate species is, the longer its period of infant and child-
hood dependency (Figure 4.8). A lemur depends upon its
Communication
mother for only a few months after birth, whereas an ape
is dependent for four or five years. A chimpanzee in the
and Learning
wild cannot survive if its mother dies before it reaches the Primates, like many animals, vocalize. They have a great
age of 4 at the very least. The larger social group, rather range of calls, often used together with movements of
than just the mother, sustains juvenile primates. The the face or body to convey a message. By studying the
young use this period to learn and refine a variety of be- reactions of animals that hear the calls, primatologists
haviors. If the mother of a juvenile primate dies, an older have distinguished a number of specific calls, such as
member of the group may adopt the youngster. Among warnings, threat calls, defense calls, and gathering calls.
bonobos, a juvenile who has lost his or her mother has Chimps use various calls to announce the arrival of indi-
very little social standing. viduals or calls (called “pant-hoots”) to inquire. But most
teeth to express pleasure with sociable body contact. To-

gether, these facilitate group protection, coordination of
group efforts, and social interaction in general.
To what degree are various forms of communication uni-
versal and to what degree are they specific to a given group?
On the group-specificity side, primatologists have recently
documented dialects that emerge when specific social groups
within a species are isolated in their habitats. Social factors,
genetic drift, and habitat acoustics could all contribute to the
appearance of these dialects (de la Torre & Snowden, 2009).
Smiles, kisses, and embraces have long been under-
stood to be universal among humans and our closest
relatives. But recently, additional universals have been
DLILLC/ Documentary/Corbis
documented. For example, athletes who are blind use
the same gestures to express submission or victory as
sighted athletes, although they have never seen such
gestures themselves (Figure 4.10) (Tracy & Matsumoto,
2008). This raises interesting questions about the extent
to which primate communications are biologically hard-
Figure 4.9 Universal Hominoid Expressions wired or learned.
Many ape nonverbal communications are easily recognized Visual communication can also take place through ob-
by humans, as we share the same gestures. This capacity jects, such as the bonobos’ use of trail markers. When forag-
allows us to communicate across cultures and across ing during the day, the community breaks up into smaller
species. Among humans, this capacity also makes groups. Those in the lead will indicate their direction by de-
miscommunication more likely when visual cues are missing liberately stomping down the vegetation or ripping off large
or do not match the accompanying words. leaves and placing them at the intersections of trails or where
downed trees obscure the path. Thus, the bonobos know
vocalizations—like facial expressions, gestures, and where to come together at the end of the day (Recer, 1998).
postures—communicate an emotional state, such as distress, Primate calls can also communicate specific threats.
fear, or excitement, rather than information (Figure 4.9). For example, researchers documented how the alarm
For example, chimps will smack their lips or clack their calls of vervet monkeys communicate several levels of
Figure 4.10 Gestures

of the Blind
Athletes who have been
blind since birth use the
same body gestures to
express victory and defeat
as sighted athletes.
Because they do this
without ever having seen an
“end zone” celebration, this
indicates that these body
gestures are hardwired into
humans and presumably
derive from our primate
heritage.
Bob Willingham
Humans and Bonobos: A Bicultural Conversation

Linguists have long argued
that humans are uniquely
capable of using language.
However, the research done
by U.S. primatologist Sue
Savage-Rumbaugh and her
colleagues since the 1970s
challenges this idea.
It began with a bonobo
named Kanzi, who, as an
infant, tagged along while
his mother Matata had lan-
guage lessons involving
The Great Ape Trust, photo courtesy of Sue Savage-Rumbaugh

a
pictures called lexigrams.
Though Kanzi showed no in-
terest in the lessons, later he
spontaneously began to use
lexigrams himself. Rather
than give Kanzi school-like
lessons, Savage-Rumbaugh
decided upon a more organic
approach, encouraging him
to express himself based on
his social and physical envi-
ronment. She built a familial
relationship with Kanzi, liv-
Kanzi the bonobo uses lexigrams to communicate with primatologist Sue Savage-Rumbaugh at the Great
ing with him, going for hikes
Ape Trust of Iowa.
with him, and playing games.
information to elicit specific responses from others in the warning one another of predators would have a signifi-
group (Seyfarth, Cheney, & Marler, 1980). The calls desig- cant survival advantage over those without this capability.
nated different types of predators (birds of prey, big cats, However, evolutionary biologists would also expect the
snakes) and where the threat might arise. Further, the re- animals to act in their own self-interest, with survival of
searchers have documented how young vervets learn the self being paramount. By giving an alarm call, an individ-
appropriate use of the calls. If a young individual utters ual calls attention to itself, thereby becoming an obvious
the correct call, adults will repeat it, triggering appropriate target for the predator. How, then, could altruism, or
escape behavior (heading into the trees to get away from concern for the welfare of others, evolve so that individ-
a cat or into brush to be safe from an eagle). But if an in- uals place themselves at risk for the good of the group?
fant utters the cry for an eagle in response to a leaf falling Biologists suggest net gain is important. Consider being
from the sky or for a nonthreatening bird, no adult calls given a choice between receiving $10 million, with the
will ensue. stipulation that you give $6 million to your neighbor, or
From an evolutionary perspective, behaviors such as receiving $10. While taking the $10 million and netting
these vervet alarm calls puzzle scientists. Biologists as- $4 million benefits your neighbor to a much greater de-
sume the forces of natural selection work on behavioral gree, it is ultimately a selfish act (Nunney, 1998).
traits just as they do on genetic traits. It seems reasonable Natural selection of beneficial social traits was probably
that individuals in a group of vervet monkeys capable of an important influence on human evolution because some
degree of cooperative social behavior among primates became
important for food-getting, defense, and mate attraction.
altruism Concern for the welfare of others expressed as increased risk Indeed, U.S. anthropologist Christopher Boehm argues, “If
undertaken by individuals for the good of the group. human nature were merely selfish, vigilant punishment of
Kanzi appeared to value this relationship offspring of language-competent apes— how much humans and apes have to
greatly after Matata left the research fa- provide an additional unique opportunity learn from each other.
cility; the first day she was gone, he used for Savage-Rumbaugh and her colleagues
his lexigrams more than 300 times, asking to investigate the concept of human–ape
Savage-Rumbaugh for comfort and for help biculturalism.
Compare the way that Kanzi and Pan-
finding his mother. For instance, infant Teco, like a human
banisha acquired language to how a
Eventually, Kanzi was using hundreds baby, did not cling with his feet. He also
human child learns language. Do you
of symbols—representing objects, activi- demonstrates more ability to consciously
c agree with Savage-Rumbaugh that these
ties, and even abstract concepts like now. control his tongue and breathing. Sav-
bonobos are bicultural? Are you bicul-
Savage-Rumbaugh also claims Kanzi can age-Rumbaugh sees this as evidence
tural in any ways? Is this reflected in
understand almost 3,000 English words, of neural changes preceding physical
your language?
an assertion she has tested repeatedly changes, in part due to the shared culture
by giving Kanzi specific and unusual enabled by better communication. In a
instructions—such as putting pine nee- 2012 interview with Harper’s, Savage-
a
Hamilton, J. (2006, July 8). A voluble
dles in the refrigerator—via a headset Rumbaugh describes her findings: visit with two talking apes. National Pub-
or sitting motionless and with her face lic Radio. July 8, 2006. http://www.npr
masked, conditions that prevent him from If one wants to determine how we .org/2006/07/08/5503685/a-voluble
interpreting her facial expressions or ges- became human, one has to look at the -visit-with-two-talking-apes (retrieved Octo-
b
tures. He is nearly always successful. cultural transitions from quadrupedal ber 9, 2015)
His sister Panbanisha has made similar to bipedal, from clinging to not clinging, b
Raffaele, P. (2006, November). Speaking
achievements in learning to communicate from foraging to carrying food and bonobo. Smithsonian Magazine. http://
with lexigrams and understand spoken storing, from inhabiting only warm w w w. s m i t h s o n i a n m a g . c o m / s c i e n c e
English. climates to inhabiting all climates, from -nature/speaking-bonobo-134931541
In addition to being able to commu- fear of fire to control of fire, and so on. /?no-ist=&page=1 (retrieved October 9,
nicate with their human family, Savage- These are things we do not because 2015)
Rumbaugh claims Kanzi and Panbanisha we are human, but because our culture c
Hale, B. (2012, August 6). A Q&A with Sue
are bicultural—able to view the world in defines them as productive ways of Savage-Rumbaugh. Harper’s Magazine.
d
a manner similar both to bonobos who living. http://harpers.org/blog/2012/08/a-qa
do not use language, like Matata, and -with-sue-savage-rumbaugh/ (retrieved
to humans. Panbanisha’s son Nyota and Research like Savage-Rumbaugh’s— October 9, 2015)
Kanzi’s son Teco—ape and human-reared and bonobos like Kanzi—remind us of
d
Ibid.
deviants would be expected, whereas the elaborate proso- they cannot literally “speak,” it is now clear that all of
cial prescriptions that favor altruism would come as a sur- the great ape species can develop language skills to the
prise” (Boehm, 2000, p. 7). level of a 2- to 3-year-old human (Lestel, 1998; Miles,
With primate survival dependent on social coop- 1993). At the same time, chimps
eration, evolutionary forces favor the development of can outperform college students
strong communication skills. Decades-long experiments at a computer-based memory
with captive apes reveal remarkable communicative abil- game (Inoue & Matsuzawa,
ities. In some cases bonobos and chimpanzees have been 2007). Over the course of
taught to communicate using symbols, as in the case of evolution, human brains
Kanzi, a bonobo who uses a visual keyboard (see this have lost some visual-spa-
chapter’s Biocultural Connection). Other chimpanzees, tial skill to make space for
CHINA
gorillas, and orangutans have been taught American Sign language. RUSSIA
Language. Numerous examples
Sea of
Controversy surrounds this research in part because of inventive behavior NORTH Japan
KOREA Pacific
it challenges notions of human uniqueness. Neverthe- that gets passed on to Nagano Ocean
less, it has become evident that apes are quite capable of the group through imita- SOUTH
KOREA Tokyo
understanding language and can even use rudimentary tion have been observed
JAPAN
© Cengage Learning
grammar. They generate original utterances, ask ques- among monkeys and
Koshima
tions, distinguish naming something from asking for it, apes. The snow monkeys East
China Philippine
develop original ways to tell lies, coordinate their actions, or macaques of the re- Sea Sea
and spontaneously teach language to others. Even though search colony on Koshima
grain could be separated from sand if it

was placed in water. The sand sank and
the grain floated clean, making it much
easier to eat. She also began washing the
sweet potatoes that primatologists pro-
vided—first in fresh water but later in the
ocean, presumably because of the pleas-
ant saltwater taste. In each case, only the
young animals imitated the innovations;
Imo’s mother was the lone older ma-
caque to embrace them right away. Simi-
larly, a female macaque named Mukubili
at a field site in the Nagano Mountains
initiated the practice of bathing in hot
springs, a behavior other members of the
group happily adopted (Figure 4.11).
Researchers noted another example of
innovation in food manipulation among
captive chimpanzees in the zoo of Madrid,
Spain. It began when a 5-year-old female
rubbed apples against a sharp corner of a
concrete wall in order to lick the mashed
pieces and juice left on the wall. From
this youngster, the practice of “smearing”
spread to her peers, and within five years
most group members were performing
the operation frequently and consistently.
The innovation has become standardized
and durable, having transcended two gen-
erations in the group (Fernández-Carriba
& Loeches, 2001).
Freely living chimpanzees in West
Africa provide another dramatic exam-
ple of learning: These chimps have
developed a way to crack open hard-
shelled oil-palm nuts—the hardest nuts
in the world. For this they use tools:
Age Fotostock/Superstock
an anvil stone with a level surface on

which to place the nut and a good-sized
hammerstone to crack it. Not just any
stone will do; it must be the right shape
and weight, and the anvil may require
Figure 4.11 Macaque Social Learning leveling by placing smaller stones be-
In the same way that young Imo got her troop to begin washing sweet potatoes neath one or more edges. Nor does
in saltwater, at the Kyoto University Primate Research Institute’s field station on random banging away do the job. The
Koshima Island another young female macaque recently taught other macaques nut must be hit at the right speed and
to bathe in hot springs. In the Nagano Mountains of Japan, this macaque, named trajectory or it simply flies off into the
Mukubili, began bathing in the springs. Others followed her, and now this is an forest. Lastly, the apes must avoid mash-
activity practiced by all members of the group. ing their fingers rather than the nut.
According to fieldworkers, the expertise
Island, Japan, are famous for this. In the 1950s and early of the chimps far exceeds that of any human who tries
1960s, one particularly bright young female macaque cracking these tough nuts.
named Imo (Japanese primatologists always considered Youngsters learn this process by staying near to adults
it appropriate to name individual animals) started several who are cracking nuts, where their mothers share some
innovative behaviors in her troop. She figured out that of the food. This teaches them about the edibility of the
nuts but not how to get at what is edible.

This they learn by observing and “aping”
(copying) the adults. At first, they play
with a nut or stone alone; later they begin
to randomly combine objects. They soon
learn, however, that placing nuts on anvils
and hitting them with a hand or foot gets
them nowhere.
Only after three years of futile effort
do they begin to coordinate all the ac-
tions and objects. Even then, and only
after a great deal of practice by the age of
6 or 7 years, do they become proficient.
They practice this skill for over a thousand
days. Evidently, social motivation accounts
for their perseverance when after at least
three years of failure no reward reinforces
their effort. At first, a desire to act like their
mothers motivates them; only later does
the desire to feed on the tasty nutmeat take
over (de Waal, 2001a).
Use of Objects as Tools

Young primates learn how to make and
use tools from adults in the group. A tool
may be defined as an object used to facil-
itate some task or activity. The nut crack-
ing just discussed—involving both hands,
two tools, and exact coordination—is the
most complex tool-use task observed by
researchers in the wild. But other examples
of tool use among apes in the wild abound.
Chimpanzees, bonobos, and orangutans all
make and use tools.
Martin Harvey/Photolibrary/Getty Images

Tool use and toolmaking capacities
are distinct traits. Tool use—for example,
pounding something with a convenient
stone—requires far less acumen than tool-
making, which involves deliberate modi-
fication of some material for an intended
use. Otters that use unmodified stones
to crack open clams may be tool users,
Figure 4.12 Fishing for Termites
but they are not toolmakers. Not only do
Chimps use a variety of tools in the wild. Here a chimp uses a long stick
chimpanzees modify objects to make them stripped of its side branches to fish for termites—the first chimp tool use
suitable for particular purposes, but they described by Jane Goodall in the 1960s. Chimps will select a stick when
also modify these objects in regular and set still quite far from the termite mound and modify its shape on the way to the
patterns. They pick up and even prepare snacking spot.
objects for future use at some other loca-
tion, and they can use objects as tools to
solve new problems.
Chimps have been observed using stalks of grass, twigs
tool An object used to facilitate some task or activity. Although
that they have stripped of leaves, and sticks up to 3 feet
toolmaking involves intentional modification of the material of which it is
(.9 meters) long that they have smoothed down to “fish” made, tool use may involve objects either modified for some particular
for termites (Figure 4.12). They insert the modified stick purpose or completely unmodified.
into a termite nest, wait a few minutes, pull the stick out, hunting behavior in baboons and capuchin monkeys,
and eat the insects clinging to it, all of which requires among others.
considerable dexterity. Chimpanzees are equally deliber- Chimpanzee females sometimes hunt, but males do so
ate in their own nest building, testing vines and branches far more frequently. The hunters spend hours watching,
for sturdiness before settling down in a tree. Chimps will following, and chasing intended prey. Moreover, instead
move to another site if the conditions are not adequate. of the usual primate practice of each animal finding its
Other examples of tool use among chimpanzees own food, hunting frequently involves teamwork to trap
include leaves used as wipes or sponges to get drinking and kill prey, particularly when hunting baboons. Once
water out of a hollow. In aggressive or defensive displays, a potential victim has been isolated from its troop, three
chimps use large sticks and stones as clubs or missiles. or more adult chimps will carefully position themselves
Chimps use twigs as toothpicks to clean teeth as well as to block escape routes while another pursues the prey.
to extract loose baby teeth. They use these dental tools Following the kill, most who participated get a share of
on themselves as well as on one another (McGrew, 2000). the meat, either by grabbing a piece as chance affords or
In the wild, bonobos have not been observed making by begging for it.
and using tools to the extent seen in chimpanzees. How- Chimpanzees frequently kill animals weighing up to
ever, their use of trail markers may be considered a form 25 pounds and eat much more meat than previously be-
of tool use. Further, a captive bonobo has been observed lieved. Annually, hunting parties of chimps at Gombe kill
learning how to make stone tools that are remarkably like about 20 percent of the population of colobus monkeys
the earliest tools our own ancestors made, providing fur- that share their habitat, many of them babies, often by
ther evidence of their toolmaking capacities. shaking them out of 30-foot (about 9 meters) treetops.
That chimpanzees use plants for medicinal purposes Chimps may capture and kill as many as seven victims
illustrates their selectivity with raw materials, a skill rein a raid. These hunts usually take place during the dry
quired to tool manufacture. Chimps that appear ill have season when plant foods are less available. On average,
been observed seeking out specific plants of the genus each chimp at Gombe eats about one-fourth of a pound
Aspilia. They eat the leaves one at a time without chewing of meat per day during the dry season. For female chimps,
them, instead letting them soften in their mouths for a a supply of protein-rich food helps support the increased
long time before swallowing. Primatologists have discov- nutritional requirements of pregnancy and lactation.
ered the leaves pass through the chimps’ digestive systems In West Africa, somewhat different
relatively intact, scraping parasites off the intestinal walls chimpanzee hunting practices have
in the process. been observed. At Tai National Park
Although gorillas (like bonobos and chimps) build in Côte d’Ivoire, for instance, chim-
nests, they have not been observed to make and use other panzees engage in highly
tools in the wild. This likely stems from the fact that they coordinated team efforts
have no particular need for tools to obtain their easily to chase monkeys hiding
MALI
obtained diet of leaves and nettles. in very tall trees in the
dense tropical forest. In- BURKINA
FASO
dividuals who especially
distinguish themselves in
Hunting a successful hunt are re-
GUINEA
CÔTE D’IVOIRE
Prior to the 1980s, most primates were thought to be warded with more meat.
vegetarian, with humans alone considered meat-eating Bonobos also sup- Tai GHANA © Cengage Learning
hunters. Since then, detailed field studies have revealed plement their diet with National
LIBERIA
that many primates are omnivores who eat a broad range meat obtained by hunt- Park
Gulf of
of foods. Though some do have specialized adaptations— ing, although among Guinea
Atlantic Ocean
such as a complex stomach and shearing teeth to aid in the bonobos, females pre-
digestion of leaves or an extra-long small intestine to slow dominantly hunt. These
the passage of juicy fruits to maximize their absorption— female hunters regularly share carcasses with other fe-
the diets of monkeys and apes are extremely varied. males but are less likely to share with males. Even when
Goodall’s fieldwork among chimpanzees at Gombe dem- the most dominant male throws a tantrum nearby, he
onstrates that these apes supplement their primary diet may still be denied a share of meat. Female bonobos
of fruits and other plant foods with insects and meat. behave in much the same way when it comes to sharing
Even more surprising, she found that in addition to other foods such as fruits.
killing small invertebrate animals for food, chimpanzees Although it has long been assumed that male chim-
also hunt and eat monkeys. Chimps grab adult red colo- panzees were the primary hunters, U.S. primatologist
bus monkeys and flail them to death. Since Goodall’s Jill Pruetz and her colleagues researching in Fongoli,
pioneering work, other primatologists have documented Senegal, have documented habitual hunting by groups
The Question of Culture 99
of young female and male chimpan- “Declaration on Great Apes,” which extends some human
zees using spears. The chimps took rights to gorillas, chimpanzees, bonobos, and orangutans
spears they had sharpened with (O’Carroll, 2008). In 2015, two laboratory chimpanzees in
their teeth and jabbed New York State were briefly given a writ of habeas corpus,
them repeatedly into which appeared to legally grant them personhood. The
Atlantic
the hollow parts of trees Ocean Senegal R.
judge later amended the court order to remove the phrase,
where small animals, in- MAURITANIA but the high-profile case garnered much public attention
Va
llé
cluding primates, might Dakar ed
(Grimm, 2015).
u
Fe
rlo
be hiding. Although the Sine R. R. In December 2010 the U.S. National Institutes of Health
R .
Saloum Ba
male chimpanzees in fi (NIH) commissioned the U.S. Institute of Medicine to
Falé R.
Gam SENEGAL
ng
mé
Fongoli still do the ma- bia R
study whether there was a need for chimps in biomedical
R.
GAMBIA .
© Cengage Learning
MALI
jority of the killing, the Casamance R. and behavioral research. The answer was such an unequiv-
Fongoli
researchers found that GUINEA-BISSAU ocal no that the NIH will no longer fund any new projects
females did most of the GUINEA involving research chimpanzees. The NIH also committed
tool-assisted hunting to reviewing all existing studies and dismantling any that
(Pruetz et al., 2015). do not meet the stringent criteria outlined in the Institute
That young chimpanzees, one adolescent female in of Medicine’s report. By 2012, the NIH decided to retire
particular, are the most frequent spear hunters indicates most government-owned chimpanzees to sanctuaries. In
that this innovation appeared in the group quite recently. 2015, research using chimpanzees stopped altogether.
Just as the young female Japanese macaques mentioned Despite this progress, powerful social barriers still
previously were the innovators in those groups, this work against the well-being of our animal relatives. In
young female chimp seems to be leading this behavior in Western societies there has been an unfortunate ten-
Senegal. The savannah conditions of the Fongoli Reserve dency to erect what paleontologist Stephen Jay Gould
make these observations particularly interesting in terms refers to as “golden barriers” that set us apart from the
of human evolutionary studies: Paleoanthropologists have rest of the animal kingdom (quoted in de Waal, 2001a).
suggested that among our ancestors out on the savannah, Sadly, this mindset blinds us to the fact that a contin-
males hunted while females gathered. The Fongoli obser- uum exists between us (humans) and them (animals),
vation undermines this theory. which in turn may lead us to more easily justify primate
trafficking and cruelty (see this chapter’s Globalscape).
We have already seen that the physical differences
between humans and apes are largely differences of
The Question of Culture degree, rather than kind. It now appears that the same
is true with respect to behavior. As British primatologist
The more we learn of the behavior of our nearest primate Richard Wrangham put it,
relatives, the more we become aware of their learned,
Like humans, [chimpanzees] laugh, make up after
socially shared practices and knowledge. Do chimpan-
a quarrel, support each other in times of trouble,
zees, bonobos, and other apes have culture? The answer
medicate themselves with chemical and physical
appears to be yes. Detailed studies of ape behavior reveal
remedies, stop each other from eating poisonous
varied use of tools and patterns of social engagement that
foods, collaborate in the hunt, help each other
seem to derive from the traditions of a specific group
over physical obstacles, raid neighboring groups,
rather than from a biologically determined script. A young
lose their tempers, get excited by dramatic weather,
individual’s ability to learn a social group’s complex, flexi-
invent ways to show off, have family traditions and
ble patterns of behavior is something the other apes share
group traditions, make tools, devise plans, deceive,
with humans.
play tricks, grieve, are cruel and are kind. (quoted in
If we agree that these other primates possess culture,
Mydans, 2001, p. 5)
does this demand rethinking how humans behave toward
them, such as stopping the use of monkeys and apes in This is not to say that we are “just” another ape;
biomedical research and ending animal trafficking? Jane obviously, degree does make a difference. Nevertheless,
Goodall argues vehemently for this change. She em- the continuities between our primate kin and us reflect a
phasizes that cultural processes determine the place of common evolutionary heritage, giving us the responsibil-
animals within biomedical research, and she advocates ity to help our cousins today. The biology and behavior
eliminating the cultural distinction between humans and of the other living primates, like the contemporary study
our closest relatives. (See this chapter’s Anthropology of genetics, provide valuable insight into human origins.
Applied feature for more on Goodall’s advocacy work.) We next turn to the methods scientists use in the study of
Governments have begun responding to her calls as seen the human past, allowing us to recover data directly from
by the 2008 approval by the Spanish Parliament of the fossilized bones and preserved cultural remains.
Chimpanzees in Biomedical Research: Jane Goodall

and the Fight to End the Practice
Biological similarities among humans,
apes, and Old World monkeys have led to
the extensive use of nonhuman primate
species in biomedical research aimed at
preventing or curing disease in humans.
Courtesy of Save the Chimps, the world’s largest sanctuary for rescued chimpanzees; www.savethechimps.org
Some biomedical research disturbs ani-
mals minimally. For example, DNA can be
extracted from the hair naturally shed by
living primates, allowing for cross-species
comparisons of disease genes. Other
biomedical research is far more invasive.
For example, to document the infectious
nature of kuru, a disease closely related
to mad cow disease, extract from the
brains of sick humans is injected into the
brains of living chimpanzees, who develop
the classic features of kuru—uncontrol-
lable spasticity, seizures, dementia, and
ultimately death.
These research animals are subjected
to procedures that would be considered
morally reprehensible if done on humans.
Jane Goodall makes a convincing case for
ending the practice of invasive research:
Surely it should be a matter of moral

responsibility that we humans, differing
from other animals mainly by virtue The toll of a life spent in the Coulston research facility is evident in Mickey, who has since
of our more highly developed intellect been rescued by Save the Chimps.
and, with it, our greater capacity for
understanding and compassion, ensure
deadly diseases such as HIV or hepatitis The biological similarities of humans
that the medical progress slowly
and cannot be released into the wild. For- and other primates leading to such re-
detaches its roots from the manure
tunately, Mickey and the other research search practices derive from a long, shared
of non-human animal suffering and
chimps were given sanctuary through Save evolutionary history. By comparison, the
despair. Particularly when this involves
a the Chimps, one of several organizations cultural rules that have allowed our closest
the servitude of our closest relatives.
that rescue research animals. relatives to be the subjects of biomedical
Mickey, pictured here, was one of the Goodall, a UN Messenger of Peace, research are relatively recent. In November
hundreds of chimps who spent decades of has remained vocal about this issue 2015, Dr. Goodall’s call was heard: the
her life alone in a concrete-and-steel win- throughout her career. In 2011, after head of the U.S. NIH announced that the
dowless cage in a private research facility over 200 government-owned chimps were fifty chimpanzees reserved for potential
in New Mexico run by Frederick Coulston. slated to be sent to the Southwest Na- research studies would all be eligible for
After years of testing the effects of various tional Primate Research Center in Texas retirement.
infectious diseases, cosmetics, drugs, to be available for invasive research,
and pesticides on chimps like Mickey, the Goodall and 1,000 scientists and doctors a
Goodall, J. (1990). Through a window: My
Coulston laboratory finally closed in 2002 sent a letter to the director of the Na- thirty years with the chimpanzees of Gombe.
when government research funding was tional Institutes of Health (NIH) demand- Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
withdrawn due to repeated violations of ing an end this practice. In 2013, the NIH b
Sweeney, S. (2013, June 26). NIH director
the Animal Welfare Act. But after years of decided to retire all but 50 of its chimps. accepts recommendations to retire research
abuse and neglect, research chimpanzees In a gratified yet poignant statement, chimpanzees. Jane Goodall Institute. http://
lack the skills to participate in chimpan- Goodall praised the decision while calling www.janegoodall.org/media/news/nih-director-
zee social life. Furthermore, research for the nation to remember the 50 chimps accepts-recommendations-retire-research-
animals have often been infected with who remained. b chimpanzees (retrieved October 9, 2015)
GLOBALSCAPE
Arctic
Ocean
ASIA
NORTH EUROPE
Michigan
AMERICA
AMERIC A
Atlantic
Austin,Texas Ocean
AFRICA Pacific
Pacific Ocean
Ocean
Democratic
Uganda
Republic Indian
SOUTH of Congo Rwanda Ocean
AMERICA
AUSTRALIA
© Cengage Learning
ANTARCTICA
© Population Media, www.populationmedia.org

Jim West/Alamy
Gorilla Hand Ashtrays? access the gorillas. Local governments of Rwanda and Uganda, in
Ashley, a 20-year-old from Austin, Texas, once tweeted: “Guy partnership with the Fossey Fund and the Bush Meat Project, have
at this party talking about gorilla hand ashtrays! What?” The organized poaching patrols and community partnerships to protect
unnamed guy was talking about one of the many real threats the endangered gorillas. Thousands of miles away, Ashley and her
to gorillas in the wild. With no natural enemies, human actions friends can also help by recycling their cell phones. The mineral
alone are responsible for the shrinking population of gorillas in coltan (shown in Chapter 1, Figure 1.8) that is found in cell phones
their natural habitats in Rwanda, Uganda, and the Democratic is mined primarily from gorilla habitats in the Democratic Republic
Republic of Congo. Despite conservation work begun by the late of Congo. Recycling, as pictured here in a Michigan cell phone recy
recy-
primatologist Dian Fossey, who pioneered field studies of the go- cling plant, will reduce the amount of new coltan needed.
rillas in the 1970s, ashtrays made from gorilla hands and gorilla
heads remain coveted souvenirs for unsavory tourists. A poacher Global Twister
can sell these body parts and the remaining bushmeat for a Encouraging recycling of cell phones and discouraging poaching
handsome profit. both will help protect gorilla populations. How would you go about
Today, not only do logging and mining in gorilla habitats de- convincing average cell phone users or poachers to change their
stroy these forests, but new roads make it easier for poachers to habits or livelihoods to protect endangered gorillas?
101
How does primate social organization other primate social structures. However, female
dominance is prevalent among some species, such as
differ among species? bonobos.
✓ Chimps and bonobos compose communities of up to
✓ A host of characteristics—including size, the rank of
fifty members split among subgroups that change as
one’s mother, motivation, and alliances—contribute
individuals join and leave.
to an individual’s rank within primate groups.
✓ Gorillas group into “families” led by a silver-backed
✓ Western social norms may skew perceptions of the
male who tends to have exclusive mating rights. Upon
importance of social hierarchy and male–male
maturity, younger males are forced to leave their natal
competition in primatology. Cooperation and
group and may go on to form their own family or join
reconciliation are vitally important aspects of primate
an all-male group.
behavior.
✓ Baboons live in troops of varying size that may
✓ Females’ choices in selection of mates based on
comprise several smaller single-male multi-female
affiliative and paternal behavioral qualities are
(polygynous) groups.
important evolutionary forces among many primates.
✓ Gibbons and a few other species are monogamous and
live with only their nuclear families. How do the behavioral patterns and
linguistic capabilities of the great apes
How does primate biology reflect compare?
behavioral and environmental factors?
✓ Apes combine vocalizations, gesturing, and facial
✓ Natural selection has favored single births among tree- expressions to communicate a variety of messages
dwelling primates whose young must cling to their directly. Survival for many species depends on strong
mothers for transport. The long period until maturity communication skills and effective social
provides opportunity for learning social behaviors, cooperation.
communication, and practical skills.
✓ Individuals in captivity have been taught to
✓ Bonobo genitals maintain a constant state of swelling, communicate using visual symbols and have learned
which conceals ovulation and reflects their frequent American Sign Language. Innovation and adoption
and regular sexual activity. Sexual interactions are an of new skills by whole groups is widespread.
important component of bonobo social organization
and often mark reconciliation. ✓ Chimps and bonobos are known for making tools
whereas gorillas do not. Furthermore, chimps know to
✓ A free upper lip allows apes a greater range of facial use certain plants for medicinal purposes and regularly
expression than that present in other primates, hunt monkeys and other smaller animals, even using
which contributes to their advanced communicative prepared spears.
abilities.
✓ Baboons and some other species possess ischial What ethical concerns arise from the use
callosities, permitting them to sit for long durations— of primates in biomedical research?
an important feature for ground-dwellers. Primatologists
have proposed that sexual dimorphism varies among ✓ The use of primates in biomedical research was
primate species according to the degree of male–male traditionally derived from a firm distinction between
competition. the other primates and us.
✓ Recognition of primate culture contradicts the

What are some possible cultural suppositions of human uniqueness.
influences on theories about primate ✓ As our closest relatives, apes deserve the same rights we
behavior? extend to fellow humans.
✓ Primatologists from male-biased cultures supposed that ✓ Recent laws in several countries have begun to ban the
male-dominated hierarchies were the natural order of use of apes in biomedical research.
103
1. Does human morality differ from the building blocks 3. Given the variation seen in the specific behaviors of
of morality observed in some ape species? What facets chimp, bonobo, and gorilla groups, is it fair to say that
of your own morality do you feel you were born with? these primates possess culture?
What facets have you learned? 4. Many primate species are endangered today due to
2. What kinds of communication systems have been human action. What features of ape biology also
observed in primates? How do these differ from contribute to apes’ limited population size? Do these
human language? How are they the same? biological limitations pertain to humans? Why or
why not?
Picture This
Kanzi the bonobo uses pictograms to communicate. University, calls emoji an expressive human way
Humans use pictures to communicate as well— to converse and even to convey tone in a medium
from prehistoric paintings to ancient and modern that does not allow for many words (Haber, 2015).
hieroglyphic writing to current societies using How much do picture communications impact
complex text-based written languages. For your life? Have you ever had a pictures-only
instance, a generic figure of a person may denote conversation on a phone or online? Could you
a restroom. A red circle with a slash through it communicate using only pictures? For one day,
indicates something is forbidden. Many people make note of all the times picture communication
today also incorporate emoji into their daily text is part of your day, from wordless street signs
messaging and other written communications. to food and clothing labels to computer icons to
In fact, John McWhorter, a linguist at Columbia emoticons. Do the results surprise you?
REUTERS/Social Media
CHALLENGE ISSUE
Even in ideal circumstances, paleoanthropological and archaeological fieldwork is demanding

and delicate. Scientific efforts can be further complicated when local groups contest the
rights to ancient remains. In an extreme example, in May 2015 militants from the group
known as ISIL (Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant) or ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria)
captured the ancient city of Palmyra, located in the heart of present-day Syria. As the center
of the Palmyrene empire, which extended from lands in present-day Turkey to Egypt in the
3rd century, the city was known for its blend of Greco-Roman and Persian styles of art and
architecture. The site had already been extensively looted and vandalized amid the chaos
of the Syrian civil war, ongoing since 2012, but its capture by ISIL marked a drastic and irre-
versible fate for the city. ISIL announced a policy of destruction of statues and shrines built
for ancient deities, pictured here, which these militant religious fundamentalists consider
sacrilegious. Even more tragically, in August 2015 the group executed Syrian archaeologist
Khaled al-Asaad when he refused to help them locate ancient treasures that ISIL wanted to
sell to fund their activities. Al-Asaad had helped organize efforts to relocate many artifacts
for safekeeping and was a lifelong scholar of the UNESCO World Heritage protected site.
Investigating and preserving ancient remains challenge us to collectively solve the complex
question of who owns the past and how we can best protect precious remains. Archaeologists
maintain that for the benefit of local peoples and the global community alike, these ques-
tions must be answered with an eye to long-term preservation, cooperation, and peace.
Field Methods in
Archaeology and
Paleoanthropology
5
Paleoanthropologists and archaeologists reconstruct the biology and behavior of In This Chapter You
humans and their ancestors using a remarkable array of techniques. They share Will Learn To
a focus on prehistory, a conventional term used to refer to the period of time ● Define the site
before written records. For some people, the term prehistoric might conjure up identification and
images of “primitive” cavemen and cavewomen, but it does not imply a lack of excavation methods
of archaeologists and
history or any inferiority—merely a lack of written history. The next several chap-
paleoanthropologists.
ters of this book will consider that ancient past; this chapter prepares for that
● Describe the best
exploration by presenting the methods archaeologists and paleoanthropologists
excavation practices
use to give us our understanding of human prehistory. with particular
Most of us are familiar with some kind of archaeological material: a coin dug emphasis on
out of the earth, a fragment of an ancient pot, a spear point used by an ancient
collaboration among
diverse scientists and
hunter. Archaeology consists of far more than finding and cataloguing such
community members.
cultural treasures. Instead, archaeologists use material and ecological remains to
● Explain how
reconstruct the culture and worldview of past human societies. Archaeologists
archaeologists and
examine every recoverable detail from past societies, including all kinds of struc- paleoanthropologists
tures: temples, hearths, garbage dumps, bones, and plant remains. Although it employ a variety of
laboratory techniques
may appear that archaeologists are digging up things, they are really digging up
in their investigations
human biology, behavior, and beliefs. once an excavation is
Similarly, paleoanthropologists who study the physical remains of our complete.
ancestors and other ancient primates do more than find and catalogue old ● Distinguish among
bones. Paleoanthropologists recover, describe, and organize these remains to various absolute and
see what they can tell us about human prehistory A conventional term used to refer relative dating methods.
to the period of time before the appearance of
biological evolution. written records. ● Describe geologic
time, continental
drift, and molecular
clocks and their role in
reconstructing the past.
105
106 CHAPTER 5 Field Methods in Archaeology and Paleoanthropology
Recovering Cultural way into the ground. What people do with the things they
have made, how they dispose of them, and how they lose
and Biological Remains them reflect important aspects of human culture.

Cultural and physical remains represent distinct kinds
Archaeologists and paleoanthropologists face a dilemma. of data, but the most comprehensive interpretation of the
The only way to thoroughly investigate our past is to exca- human past requires the integration of ancient human
vate sites where cultural and biological remains are found. biology and culture. Often paleoanthropologists and
Unfortunately, excavation results in a site’s destruction. archaeologists work together to systematically excavate
Thus, anthropologists precisely record the location and and analyze fragmentary remains, placing scraps of bone,
context of everything recovered, no matter how small, as shattered pottery, and scattered campsites into broad in-
they excavate. Without these records, the knowledge that terpretive contexts.
can be derived from such remains diminishes dramatically.
As anthropologist Brian Fagan has put it, “The fundamental
premise of excavation is that all digging is destructive, even
The Nature of Fossils
that done by experts. The archaeologist’s primary responsi- Some of the oldest biological remains have survived
bility, therefore, is to record a site for posterity as it is dug through the process of fossilization. Broadly defined, a
because there are no second chances” (Fagan, 1995, p. 19). fossil is any mineralized trace or impression of an organ-
Archaeologists excavate to recover an artifact, any ob- ism that has been preserved in the earth’s crust from a past
ject fashioned or altered by humans—a flint scraper, a basket, geologic time. Fossilization typically involves the hard parts
an axe, the ruins of a house or its walls. An artifact expresses of an organism like bones, teeth, shells, horns, and the
a facet of human culture. Artifacts, as products or represen- woody tissues of plants. Although the soft parts of an organ-
tations of human behavior and beliefs, help archaeologists ism are rarely fossilized, casts or impressions of footprints,
define material culture, or durable aspects of culture such brains, and even whole bodies are sometimes found. Be-
as tools, structures, and art. Archaeologists also integrate an cause dead animals quickly attract meat-eating scavengers
ecofact, the natural remains of plants and animals found in and bacteria that cause decomposition, they rarely survive
the archaeological record, to help them interpret much about long enough to become fossilized. Entirely preserved fossil
associated artifacts. A further distinction is made between skeletons dating from before the cultural practice of burial
these categories and a feature, which is a nonportable el- about 100,000 years ago are exceedingly rare (Figure 5.1).
ement of human activity such as a hearth or a ditch or an For an organism to become a fossil, it must be covered
architectural element such as a wall. Archaeologists take into by some protective substance soon after death. Preserva-
account how the artifacts and physical remains make their tion of an organism or part of an organism can take place
Figure 5.1 Lucy’s Baby

In September 2006, researchers
announced the discovery of a
spectacular new fossil—the
skeleton of a young child dated
to 3.3 million years ago. The
fossil was first discovered in the
Dikika area of northern Ethiopia
in 2000. Since then, researchers
worked on careful recovery and
analysis of the fossilized remains
so that when the announcement
was made in 2006, a great
deal was already known about
the specimen. Their analyses
have determined that this child,
a little girl about 3 years old
who likely died in a flash flood,
was a member of the same
Lealisa Westerhoff/AFP/Getty images
species as the famous Lucy

specimen (see Chapter 6). Due
to the importance of this find,
scientists have referred to this
child as “Lucy’s Baby” though the
child lived about 150,000 years
before Lucy.
Recovering Cultural and Biological Remains 107
Jean Louis Pradels/Maxppp/Landov

Figure 5.2 The Ice Man Ötzi
In rare circumstances, human bodies are so well preserved that they could be mistaken for recent
corpses. Such is the case of Ötzi, the 5,200-year-old Ice Man, exposed by the melting of an alpine glacier
in the Tyrolean Alps in 1991. Both the Italian and the Austrian governments felt they had legitimate claims
on this rare find, and they mounted legal, geographic, and taphonomic arguments for housing the body.
These arguments continued as the specimen, just released from the ice, began to thaw.
in a number of ways that do not necessarily lead to fos- Fossilization occurs most frequently among marine
silization. The whole animal may be frozen in ice (Figure animals and other creatures living near water. As the re-
5.2), like the famous mammoths found in Siberia, safe mains of organisms accumulate on the floor of shallow
from predators, weathering, and bacteria. Natural resins seas, rivers, or lakes, they become covered by sediment
exuding from evergreen trees may enclose an organism and silt, or sand. These materials gradually harden into
allowing it to later become hardened and fossilized as a shale and limestone, forming a protective shell around the
golden translucent material known as amber. Specimens skeleton of the organism. The internal cavities of bones or
of spiders and insects dating back millions of years have teeth and other parts of the skeleton fill in with mineral
been preserved in the Baltic Sea area in northeastern Eu- deposits from the sediment immediately surrounding the
rope, which is rich in resin-producing evergreens such as specimen. Then the external walls of the bone decay and
pine, spruce, and fir trees. are replaced by calcium carbonate or silica.
Lake bottoms and sea basins provide optimal condi- Unless protected in some way, the bones of a land-
tions for preservation because sediment can quickly cover dweller are generally scattered and exposed to the deterio-
the organism. An entire organism may also be mummi- rating influence of the elements, predators, and scavengers.
fied or preserved in tar pits, peat, oil, or asphalt bogs, in
which the chemical environment prevents the growth of
artifact Any object fashioned or altered by humans.
decay-producing bacteria.
material culture The durable aspects of culture, such as tools,
However, fossils generally consist of scattered teeth structures, and art.
and fragments of bones found embedded in rock deposits. ecofact The natural remains of plants and animals found in the
Most have been altered in some way in the process of archaeological record.
becoming fossilized. Taphonomy (from the Greek for feature A nonportable element such as a hearth or a ditch or
an architectural element such as a wall that is preserved in the
“grave”), the study of the biologic and geologic processes
archaeological record.
by which dead organisms become fossils, provides system- fossil The mineralized remains of past life forms.
atic understanding of the fossilization process vital for the taphonomy The he study of how bones and other materials come to be
scientific interpretations of the fossils themselves. preserved in the earth as fossils.
© Javier Trueba/Science Photo Library

Figure 5.3 Sima de los Huesos
To excavate the ancient Stone Age site Sima de los Huesos or “Pit of Bones,” Spanish
paleoanthropologist Juan Luis Arsuaga and his team spend nearly an hour each day traveling
underground through a narrow passage to a small enclosed space, rich with human remains.
Here, the fossils are excavated with great care and transported back to the laboratory, where
the long process of interpretation and analysis begins. Arsuaga’s team has proposed that the
high number of individuals recovered from this single cave site indicates ritual surrounding
death—a placement of the dead as in an ossuary rather than a burial. If true, this site,
dated to sometime between 350,000 and 600,000 years ago, would provide some very early
evidence of ritualistic treatment of the dead.
Occasionally, terrestrial animals living near lakes or rivers rapidly in the tropical forests where they lived. The records
become fossilized if they die next to or in the water. A land- are more complete for primates (such as evolving humans)
dweller may also become fossilized if it happens to die in that lived on the grassy plains or in savannah environments,
a cave (Figure 5.3), or if some other meat-eating animal where conditions were more favorable to the formation of
drags its remains to a site protected from erosion and decay. fossils. Several localities in Ethiopia, Kenya, and Tanzania in
In caves, conditions are often excellent for fossilization, as East Africa, found near ancient lakes and streams and often
minerals contained in water dripping from the ceiling may encased between layers of volcanic ash, yield numerous fos-
harden over bones left on the cave floor. sils important for our understanding of human evolution.
Burial of the Dead

The cultural practice of burial that began (regularly) about
Searching for Artifacts
100,000 years ago has increased the preservation of complete
fossil skeletons. The human fossil record from before this
and Fossils
time consists primarily of fragmentary remains with an oc- Where are artifacts and fossils found? Places containing
casional complete skeleton. The fossil record for many other archaeological remains of previous human activity are
primates is even poorer because organic materials decay known as sites. Many kinds of sites exist, and sometimes it
is difficult to define their boundaries, for remains may be

strewn over large areas. Sites are even found under water
(Figure 5.4). Some examples of sites identified by archae-
ologists and paleoanthropologists are hunting campsites,
from which hunters went out to hunt game; kill sites, in
which game was killed and butchered; village sites, in which
domestic activities took place; and cemeteries, in which the
dead, and sometimes their belongings, were buried.
As we go back in time, the association of skeletal and cul-
tural remains becomes less likely. No cultural remains older
than 2.6 million years have been discovered, perhaps because
the earliest tools used by our ancestors were likely made of
organic materials (such as the termite-fishing sticks used by
chimpanzees) and so are much less likely to be preserved.
Site Identification
Although archaeologists still may discover sites for explo-
ration by chance, modern survey techniques allow research-
ers to investigate, map, and plot large geographic areas for
excavation. A survey can be made from the ground, but using
remote sensing techniques is more common today. Archae-
ologists have used aerial photographs to find sites since the
1920s. They are still widely used today along with a variety of
innovations in the geographical and geological sciences such
as geographic information systems (GIS), ground-penetrating
radar (GPR), and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs).
WaterFrame/Alamy
High-resolution aerial photographs, including satel-
lite imagery, resulted in the astonishing discovery of over
500 miles of prehistoric roadways connecting numerous sites
in the Four Corners region of the United States (where Ari-
zona, New Mexico, Colorado, and Utah meet). This discovery Figure 5.4 Underwater Archaeology
led to a new understanding of prehistoric Pueblo Indian Here a diver recovers antique amphorae (the traditional
economic, social, and political organization. Evidently, large containers for transporting wine, olives, olive oil, grain, and
centers in this region governed a number of smaller satellite other commodities) from the site of a shipwreck in the
communities, mobilized labor for large public works, and al- Mediterranean Sea near the village of Kas, Turkey. The
lowed for the distribution of goods over substantial distances. shipwreck dates back to the time of the Trojan War (over 3,000
In open country, archaeologists can easily identify years ago). Underwater archaeologists—led in this expedition
more obvious sites, such as the human-made mounds or by George Bass from the Institute of Nautical Archaeology of
tells of the Middle East, that rise as swells from the ground. Texas A&M University collaborating with the Bodrum Museum of
Otherwise, a soil mark—a stain that shows up on the Underwater Archaeology in Bodrum, Turkey—reconstruct facets
surface of recently plowed fields—can indicate a potential of the past, including ancient trade routes and shipbuilding
site. Soil marks led archaeologists to many of the Bronze techniques, through the analysis of such remains.
Age burial mounds in Hertfordshire and Cambridgeshire,
England. The mounds hardly rose out of the ground, yet and controversial 19th-century German archaeologist, to the
each was circled at its core by chalky soil marks. In for- discovery of Troy. (As was typical of that time, Schliemann’s
ested regions, changes in vegetation can provide evidence excavation methods destroyed much of the actual remains.)
of a site. For example, the topsoil of ancient storage and Place names and local lore often indicate the presence of an
refuse pits is often richer in organic matter than that of the archaeological site in an area. Archaeologists therefore often
surrounding areas, and so it grows distinctive vegetation. depend upon collaboration with local people who are famil-
At Tikal, an ancient Maya site in Guatemala, breadnut iar with the history of the land, or who even have ancestral
trees usually grow near the remains of ancient houses, connections to the physical and cultural remains being stud-
guiding archaeologists to these sites for exploration. ied, as seen in this chapter’s Original Study.
Archaeologists also use documents, maps, and folklore in
the search for sites. For example, Homer’s ancient Greek epic soil mark A stain that shows up on the surface of recently plowed fields
poem the Iliad helped lead Heinrich Schliemann, the famous revealing an archaeological site.
ORIGI
NAL Action Archaeology and the BELIZE
S T U DY Community at El Pilar BY ANABEL FORD MEXICO
Orange
Walk Corozal
Resource management and conservation are European ecological impe- Belize City
palpable themes of the 21st century. Nowhere is this more rialism that inhibits a full BELIZE
Turneffe Islands
keenly felt than in the tropics, seemingly our last terrestrial understanding of other El Pilar
Belmopan
frontier. The Maya forest, one of the world’s most biodiverse land-use systems. San Dangriga
areas, is experiencing change at a rapid rate. Over the next During the conquest of Ignacio
GUATEMALA
© Cengage Learning
decades this area’s population will double, threatening the the Maya area, Spaniards Placencia
integrity of the tropical ecosystems with contemporary felt there was nothing to San Antonio
Punta Gorda
development strategies that are at odds with the rich biodi- eat in the forest; presented HONDURAS
versity of the region. with a staggering cornuco-
Curiously, in the past the Maya forest was home to a pia of fruits and vegetables
major civilization with at least three to nine times the cur- that could fill pages, they asserted they were starving because
rent population of the region. The prosperity of the Classic there was no grain or cattle. Today, we use European terms
Maya civilization has been touted for the remarkable quality that are in many ways inappropriate in describing the agricul-
of their unique hieroglyphic writing; the beauty of their art tural lands of traditional systems. The word arable specifically
arable
arable specifically
expressed in stone, ceramics, and plaster; and the precision means “plowable” and is derived from the Latin word arare,
of their mathematics and astronomy. What was the secret or “to plow.” In common usage, arable arable is equated with cultiv- cultiv
of Maya conservation and prosperity? How can archaeology able and is considered in those terms by the United Nations
shed light on the conservation possibilities for the future? Food and Agriculture Organization, as well as by E. O. Wilson
These are the questions I address in my research at El Pilar. in his treatise The Future of Life. But by doing so, the conno-
I began my work as an archaeologist in the Maya forest tation eliminates land-use and management practices that
in 1972. Eschewing the monumental civic centers that draw have a subtler impact on the environment. Fallow is Fallow is loosely
Fallow
tourist and scholar alike, I was interested in the everyday life used to indicate abandoned fields, but really fallow fallow means
of the Maya through the study of their cultural ecology—the “unseeded plowed field.” To European eyes, plowing was
multifaceted relationships of humans and their environ- equivalent to cultivating, but in the New World cultivating
ment. Certainly, the glamorous archaeological centers in- was done by hand and depended on natural rainfall. Thus,
trigued me; they were testaments to the wealth of the Maya cultivating embraced a much broader meaning that included
civilization. Yet, it seemed to me that an understanding of selected fields of crops, tree succession, diverse home gardens
the ancient Maya landscape would tell us more about the re- and orchards, and managed forest gardens. In fact, it meant
lationship of the Maya and their forest than yet another ma- the entire landscape mosaic.
jor temple. After all, the Maya were an agrarian civilization. It is important to remember that the Maya, like all Native
The ancient Maya agricultural system must be the key Americans prior to the tumultuous conquest 500 years ago,
to their growth and accomplishments. With more than lived in the Stone Age. Their land management did not need
a century of exploration of the temple centers, we know metal tools and worked without domesticated animals. This
that the civic centers were made for the ceremonial use of was not a hindrance, as it would seem today, but a fact that
the ruling elite, that the temples would hold tombs of the focused land use and intensification in other realms. Farmers
royals, and that they would include dedications of some of were called upon to use their local skill and knowledge to
the most astounding artworks of the ancient world. Centers, provide for daily needs. And, as with all Native Americans,
too, would present stone stele erected in commemoration of this skill would involve the landscape and most particularly
regal accomplishments with hieroglyphic writing that is in- the plants and their relationship to animal habitat.
creasingly understood as codification of the Maya language. Reports of yields of grain from the Mesoamerican maize
These facts about the Maya point to successful development fields, or milpas, suggest that they were more than two to
founded in their land-use strategies that supported the in- three times as productive as the fertile fields of the Seine
creasing populations, underwrote the affluent elite glamour, River near Paris of the 16th century, the time of the con-
and allowed for the construction and maintenance of major quest. The Maya farmed in cooperation with the natural en-
civic centers over two millennia. The Maya farmers were at vironment. Like the Japanese rice farmer Masanobu Fukuoka
the bottom of this astounding expansion, and that is where describes in his book One Straw Revolution, Maya farmers to-
I thought there could be real discoveries. day use their knowledge of the insects to ensure pollination,
Because agriculture figures so importantly in preindus- their understanding of animals to promote propagation,
trial agrarian societies, such as the Maya, we would expect their appreciation of water to determine planting, and their
that the majority of the settlements would be farming observations of change and nuance to increase their yields.
ones. But how can we understand the farming techniques This is not at all like current agricultural development mod- mod
and strategies? Our appreciation of the traditional land- els that rely on increasingly complex techniques to raise
use methods has been subverted with technology and a production, disregarding nature in the process.
My focus on the patterns of

the ancient Maya settlements
has provided me with impor-
tant answers to questions of
how the Maya achieved their
success. The answers lie in find-
ing where the everyday Maya
© Rolox Awards for Excellence, Susan Gray

lived, when they lived there,
and what they did there. Al-
though popular notions would
have you think that the Maya
were a seething sea of humanity
displacing the forest for their
cities, I have discovered patterns
on the landscape indicating
that at their height in the Late
Classic from 600 to 900 CE, the El Pilar team members (left to right) archaeologists Clarke Wernecke, Anabel Ford, Rudy Larios, master
Maya occupied less than two- forest gardener Carmen Cruz, and master story teller Teo Williams.
thirds of the landscape. More
than 80 percent of the settlements were concentrated into development, and education. Yet the program’s impact
less than 40 percent of the area, whereas another 40 percent goes further. Working with traditional forest gardeners
of the region was largely unoccupied. This diversity of land- affects agriculture, rural enterprise, and capacity building.
use intensity created a patchwork of stages—what traditional There are few areas untouched by the program’s inclusive
farmers see as a cycle from forest to field and from field to sweep, and more arenas can contribute to its evolution.
orchard and from orchard back to forest again. The result in At El Pilar, I practice what I call “action archaeology,” a
the Maya forest garden was an economic landscape that sup- pioneering conservation model that explores solutions of
ported the ancient Maya, fueled wealth in the colonial and the past to draw out those that benefit contemporary pop-
independence eras with lumber, and underwrote capitalism ulations. For example, the co-evolution of Maya society
with the natural gum chicle. Today, more than 90 percent of and the environment provide clues about sustainability in
the dominant trees of the forest are of economic value. The this region today. At El Pilar we have advanced programs
Maya constructed this valuable forest over the millennia. that will simulate Maya forest gardens as an alternative
Despite my interest in daily life in the forest, monumen- to conventional resource-diminishing plow-and-pasture
tal buildings became a part of my work. While conducting farming methods. Working with the traditional farmers,
a settlement survey in the forest, I uncovered and mapped we have established model gardens that will help to trans-
El Pilar, a major ancient Maya urban center with enormous fer knowledge to the younger generation and carry on
important embedded conservation strategies. The forest
temples towering more than 22 meters high and plaza
survives and demonstrates resilience to impacts brought
expanses greater than soccer fields. The whole center of
on by human expansion. The ancient Maya lived with
civic buildings covers more than 50 hectares. El Pilar is the
this forest for millennia, and the El Pilar program argues
largest center in the Belize River area and is located only
there are lessons to be learned from that past.
47 kilometers from Tikal, which has become a tourist desti-
The El Pilar program recognizes the privilege it has en-
nation, presenting an opportunity to explore new ways to
joyed in forging an innovative community participatory
tell the Maya story. My observation that the ancient Maya
process, in creating a unique management planning design,
evolved a sustainable economy in the tropics of Mesoamer- and in developing a new tourism destination. The success of
ica guided my approach to developing El Pilar. local outreach at El Pilar can best be seen in the growth of the
Astride the imaginary line separating Belize from Gua- community organizations such as the El Pilar Forest Garden
temala, El Pilar has been the focus of a bold conservation Network and Amigos de El Pilar. With groups based in both
design for an international peace park on a long-troubled Belize and Guatemala working together, the El Pilar pro-
border. The vision for El Pilar is founded on the preser- gram can help build an inclusive relationship between the
vation of cultural heritage in the context of the natural community and the reserve that is mutually beneficial. The
environment. With a collaborative and interdisciplinary development of this dynamic relationship lies at the heart of
team of local villagers, government administrators, and the El Pilar philosophy—resilient and with the potential to
international scientists, we have established the El Pilar educate communities, reform local-level resource manage-
Archaeological Reserve for Maya Flora and Fauna. Since ment, and inform conservation designs for the Maya forest.
1993, the innovations of the El Pilar program have forged
new ground in testing novel strategies for community Written expressly for this text, 2005. Anabel Ford is the director
participation in the conservation development of the of the Mesoamerican Research Center, University of Califor-
El Pilar Archaeological Reserve. This program touches nia, Santa Barbara, and president of the nonprofit Exploring
major administrative themes of global importance: tour- Solutions Past: The Maya Forest Alliance. www.marc.ucsb.edu
ism, natural resources, foreign affairs, agriculture, rural /elpilar/. Reprinted by permission of Professor Anabel Ford.
Patrick Dieudonne/Robert Harding Picture Library Ltd/Alamy

Figure 5.5 Village of Skara Brae
The gradual action of wind and storms blowing away sand eventually exposed the village of
stone huts dug into the ground at Skara Brae on Scotland’s Orkney Islands. The structures were
occupied around 5,000 years ago, making them some of the best-preserved remnants of this era.
Sometimes natural processes, such as soil erosion or approval in order to ensure the identification and pro-
droughts, expose sites (Figure 5.5). For example, in east- tection of those finds (Figure 5.6). Cultural resource man-
ern North America, erosion along coastlines and river- agement, introduced in Chapter 1, is routinely included
agement
banks may expose a prehistoric refuse mound known as a in the environmental review process for federally funded
midden. Alternatively, human actions unrelated to an- or licensed construction projects in North America, as
thropological investigations may reveal physical and cul- it is in Europe. For example, in the United States, if
tural remains. For instance, limestone quarrying at a the transportation department of a state government
variety of sites in South Africa early in the 20th century plans to replace a highway bridge, the state must first
led to the discovery of the earliest human-like fossils from contract with archaeologists to identify and protect any
millions of years ago (see Chapter 6). Disturbances of the significant resources that might be affected by this new
earth on a smaller scale, such as plowing, may turn up construction.
bones, fragments of pots, and other archaeological objects. Since passage of the Historic Preservation Act of
1966, the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969,
the Archaeological and Historical Preservation Act of
Cultural Resource Management 1974, and the Archaeological Resources Protection Act of
1979, cultural resource management has been required
Because construction projects frequently uncover ar-
for any construction project that is partially funded or
chaeological remains, in many countries, including
licensed by the U.S. government. As a result, the practice
the United States, such projects require government
of cultural resource management has flourished. Many
archaeologists are employed by U.S. government agen-
cies such as the Army Corps of Engineers, the National
midden A refuse or garbage disposal area in an archaeological site. Park Service, the Forest Service, and the Natural Resource
The U.S. National Park Service

Figure 5.6 African Burial Ground
In 1991, construction workers in New York’s Lower Manhattan—at the site of a proposed 34-story,
$276-million U.S. federal office building—discovered skeletal remains. This chance find led to one of
the most important archaeological sites of colonial America: a massive African burial ground, covering
nearly 6 acres. Activists, politicians, and anthropologists worked together to protect and ultimately
excavate the site. The investigations documented the extreme physical hardships endured by these
earliest American slaves—men women, and children—as well as the contributions they made to the
economic and cultural development of colonial America. The excavations also showed how the slaves
maintained some cultural continuity with their African homeland against great odds. After completing
analyses of the skeletal remains of over 400 of the estimated 20,000 people buried there, the
remains were respectfully reinterred in a commemorative ceremony, “Rites of Ancestral Return.”
Today, instead of an office building, a memorial and a historical exhibit mark the site.
Conservation Service, assisting in the preservation, res- culturally affiliated Indian tribes, and Native Hawaiian
toration, and salvage of archaeological resources. Canada organizations. NAGPRA has become central to the work of
and the United Kingdom have programs very similar to anthropologists who study Paleo-Indian and more recent
those of the United States. From Chile to China, various indigenous cultures in the United States.
governments use archaeological expertise to manage their In addition to working in all the capacities mentioned,
cultural heritage. archaeologists also consult for engineering firms to help
When cultural resource management work or other them prepare environmental impact statements. Some of
archaeological investigation unearths Native American these archaeologists operate out of museums, universities,
cultural items or human remains in the United States, fed-
eral laws come into the picture again. The Native Amer-
ican Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA),
(
NAGPRA The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act,
passed in 1990 by the U.S. Congress, outlines a process a federal law that outlines a process for the return of remains to related
for the return of these remains to lineal descendants, native peoples.
© Cengage Learning
Figure 5.7 The Grid System

At large sites covering several square miles, archaeologists construct a giant grid, as shown in
this map of the center of the ancient Maya city of Tikal in Guatemala. Each square of the grid
is one-quarter of a square kilometer; excavators number individual structures according to the
square in which they are found.
and colleges, while others work for independent consulting

firms. When state legislation sponsors any kind of archaeo-
Excavation
logical work, it is referred to as contract archaeology. Once investigators identify a site likely to contribute to
their research agenda, they plan out an excavation de-
signed to meet research goals. To begin the excavation,
grid system A system for recording data in three dimensions for an the team clears the land and plots the area as a grid
archaeological excavation. system (Figure 5.7), dividing the site surface into squares
of equal size and numbering and marking each square geological expertise because interpretation of a fossil
with stakes. This way, every object found can be located depends utterly on its place in the sequence of rocks that
precisely in the square from which it came. Remember, contain it. The geological context provides the dates that
context is everything! place specimens in the human evolutionary sequence.
Each grid system has a starting point, such as a large More recent archaeological sites can be dated more re-
rock, the edge of a stone wall, or an iron rod sunk into the liably. Hence, paleoanthropological expeditions today
ground located precisely in three dimensions. This point is generally are made up of teams of specialists in various
the reference or datum point. At large sites covering sev- fields in addition to physical anthropology so that all the
eral square miles, the plotting may be done in terms of in- necessary expertise is available.
dividual structures, numbered according to the squares that
make up a giant grid. With great care, archaeological teams
dig each square of the grid separately, using trowels to scrape Excavation of Bones
the soil and screens to sift all the loose soils, to recover even Removing a fossil from its burial place without damage
the smallest artifacts such as flint chips or beads. Another requires surgical skill and caution. To remove newly
technique, called flotation, consists of immersing soil in discovered bones, the paleoanthropologist begins uncov-
water causing the particles to separate. Some will float and ering the specimen using pick and shovel for initial ex-
others will sink to the bottom, allowing for easy retrieval of cavation, then small camel-hair brushes and dental picks
fine objects, such as fish scales or very small bones. to remove loose and easily detachable debris surrounding
If the site is stratified—that is, if the remains lie in the bones. Once the researchers uncover the entire spec-
layers one upon the other—archaeologists will dig each imen (a process that may take days of intensive patient
layer, or stratum, separately. Each layer represents a par- labor), they cover the bones with shellac and tissue paper
ticular span of time and period of settlement. Thus, it to prevent cracking and damage during further excavation
will contain artifacts deposited at the same time and be- and handling.
longing to the same culture (Figure 5.8). Cultural change The excavation team prepares both the fossil and
can be traced through the order in which artifacts were the earth immediately surrounding it, or the matrix, for
deposited—deeper layers reveal older artifacts. If no strati- removal as a single block. They cut the bones and matrix
fication is present, then the archaeologist digs by arbitrary out of the earth but do not remove them. Next the team
levels. Each square must be dug so that its edges and adds more shellac to the entire block to harden it. They
profiles are straight; walls between squares are often left cover the bones with burlap bandages dipped in plaster.
standing to serve as visual correlates of the grid system. Then they enclose the block in more plaster and burlap
Paleoanthropologists working on older sites, with- bandages, perhaps splinted with tree branches, and allow
out the benefit of archaeological layers, must employ it to dry overnight. After it has hardened, the excavators
carefully remove the entire block from the earth, now
ready for packing and transport to a laboratory. Before
More
recent Hearth leaving the discovery area, the investigator makes a thor-
Pottery ough sketch map of the terrain and pinpoints the find on
geological maps to aid future investigators.
Bricks
The State of Preservation

of Archaeological
Skull
and Fossil Evidence
Stonework The results of an excavation depend greatly on the con-
© Cengage Learning
dition of the remains. Inorganic materials such as stone

Bone and metal are more resistant to decay than organic ones
More such as wood and bone. Sometimes the anthropologist
ancient
discovers an assemblage—a collection of artifacts—made
Figure 5.8 An Archaeological Profile of durable inorganic materials, such as stone tools, and
Archaeologists create profiles or vertical representations of
the sites they excavate. In stratified sites where archaeological
datum point The starting point or reference for a grid system.
remains lie in stacked layers, with older layers deeper or lower
flotation An archaeological technique employed to recover very tiny
down and more recent layers above them, profiles are especially
objects by immersion of soil samples in water to separate heavy from
informative. Geologic processes will result in strata of different light particles.
depths in different places. Interpretation of the site depends stratified In archaeology, a term describing sites where the remains lie
upon careful mapping of each stratum using the grid system. in layers, one upon another.
© Cengage Learning
Figure 5.9 Reconstruction from Traces of Organic Remains
Although the wooden posts of a house have long since decayed, their positions may still be
marked by discoloration of the soil. The plan shown on the left—of an ancient post-hole pattern
and depression at a prehistoric settlement in Snaketown, Arizona—permits the hypothetical
house reconstruction on the right.
traces of organic ones long since decomposed, such as ancient Egyptian burial practices selectively preserved
woodwork (Figure 5.9), textiles, or food. more information about the elite members of society
Climate, local geological conditions, and cultural than the average individual. But even the earliest Egyptian
practices also play a role in the state of preservation. For burials, consisting of shallow pits in the sand, often yield
example, much of our knowledge of ancient Egyptians well-preserved corpses due to rapid desiccation, or com-
stems from their belief that eternal life could be achieved plete drying out, in the warm desert climate (Figure 5.10).
only if the dead were buried with their worldly posses- The dryness of certain caves also promotes the preser-
sions. Hence, the tombs of the rulers of dynastic Egypt vation of coprolite (derived from the Greek word for
often contain wooden furniture, textiles, flowers, written “dung”), which is the scientific term for fossilized human
scrolls on paper made from papyrus reeds, or even the or animal excrement. Coprolites provide information on
skeletons of other humans they owned. Of course, these prehistoric diet and health. From the analysis of elements
The Trustees of the British Museum/Art Resource, NY
Figure 5.10 Preservation and Environment

The preservation of archaeological remains is dependent upon the environment. Even before
the invention of mummification technologies, buried bodies were very well preserved in Egypt
because they dried so quickly in the extremely arid environment. For the same reason, the
artifacts alongside such remains may appear barely touched by time, seemingly as fresh as
they were when deposited in the tombs as long as 5,000 years ago.
coprolite Fossilized excrement material providing evidence of the diet

and health of past organisms.
Sorting Out the Evidence 117
information to answer a question that no one thought
© University of Pennsylvania Museum, from Tikal, A Handbook of Ancient Maya Ruins by William R.
of at the time of the initial investigation. In other words,
archaeological sites are nonrenewable resources. Even the
most meticulous excavation results in a permanent distur-
bance of the arrangement of artifacts.
Sometimes sites are illegally looted, which can result
in loss not only of the artifacts themselves but of the site
(Figure 5.12). Although looting has long been a threat
to the archaeological record, today it is a high-tech en-
deavor. Avid collectors and fans of archaeological sites
unwittingly aid looting through sharing site and artifact
location information on the Internet, which has also pro-
vided a market for artifacts.
Meticulous care does not end with excavation. Ar-
chaeologists and paleoanthropologists apply a variety of
laboratory methods to studying the artifact or fossil, once
Coe. 1967 #153371

freed from the surrounding matrix. Generally, archaeolo-
gists and paleoanthropologists plan on at least 3 hours of
laboratory work for each hour of fieldwork.
In the lab, archaeologists first clean and catalogue all
Figure 5.11 Reconstructing Decayed Wood Carvings artifacts before beginning any analyses. Then archaeolo-
At the Maya site of Tikal, these intricately carved figures, gists will determine each artifact’s function from its shape
originally made of wood, were recovered from a king’s tomb by and traces of manufacture and wear. For example, Russian
pouring plaster into a cavity in the soil that was left when the archaeologist S. A. Semenov, who devoted many years to
original organic material decayed. the study of prehistoric technology, described a flint tool
used as a scraper. He determined, by examining the wear
preserved in coprolites—such as seeds, insect skeletons, and patterns of the tool under a microscope, that the prehis-
tiny bones from fish or amphibians—archaeologists and toric individuals who used it would alternate the direction
paleoanthropologists can directly determine diets from the of their scraping to avoid straining the muscles of the hand.
past. This information, in turn, can shed light on overall From the work of Semenov and others, we now know that
health. Coprolites also allow scientists a rare chance to right-handed individuals made most stone tools preserved
examine genetic material from ancient human ancestors. in the archaeological record, a fact that has implications for
Certain climates can obliterate all evidence of organic brain structure. Relationships among populations can also
remains. In the tropical rainforests of Mesoamerica (the be discerned from material remains (Figure 5.13).
region encompassing central and southern Mexico and Paleoanthropologists, bioarchaeologists, and forensic
northern Central America), rain and humidity quickly anthropologists use a variety of investigative techniques to
destroyed almost all traces of woodwork, textiles, or bas- examine bones and teeth. For example, the examination of
ketry from ancient Maya sites. Fortunately, impressions dental specimens under the microscope might reveal mark-
of these artifacts can sometimes be preserved in plaster ings on teeth that provide clues about diet. Paleoanthropol-
(Figure 5.11), and stone carvings and pottery figurines ogists often make an imprint or endocast of the inside of
may depict some objects made of wood or plant fibers. a skull to determine the size and shape of ancient brains.
Thus, even in the face of substantial decay of organic sub- Just as DNA fingerprinting might be used in forensic
stances, archaeologists can still learn about these remains. investigations, paleoanthropologists apply advances in
genetic technology to ancient human remains. By extract-
Sorting Out the Evidence ing genetic material from skeletal remains, they can make
DNA comparisons among the specimen, other fossils, and
living people. Small fragments of DNA are amplified or
Excavation records include a scale map of all the features,
copied repeatedly using polymerase chain reaction
the stratification of each excavated square, a description
(PCR) technology to provide a sufficient amount of ma-
of the exact location and depth of every artifact or bone
terial to perform these analyses. However, unless DNA is
unearthed, and photographs and scale drawings of the
objects. Such detailed records allow the researchers to
piece together the archaeological and biological evidence
endocast A cast of the inside of a skull; used to help determine the
so as to arrive at a plausible reconstruction of a culture.
size and shape of the brain.
Although researchers conducting an excavation may focus
polymerase chain reaction (PCR) A technique for amplifying or creating
only on certain kinds of remains, they must record every multiple copies of fragments of DNA so that it can be studied in the
aspect of the site. Future researchers may need a piece of laboratory.
preserved in a stable material such as

amber, it will decay over time. There-
fore, analyses of DNA extracted from
specimens older than about 50,000
years become increasingly unreliable
due to the decay of DNA.
The bioarchaeologist combines the
biological anthropologist’s expertise in
skeletal biology with the archaeologi-
cal reconstruction of human cultures.
Examination of human skeletal ma-
terial provides important insights into
ancient peoples’ diets, gender roles, so-
cial status, and patterns of activity. For
Agnes Dherbeys/The New York Times/Redux

example, analysis of human skeletons
reveals that elite members of society
had access to more nutritious foods
and that the less well-nourished lower
classes did not reach their full growth
potential. In fully preserved adult
skeletons, the sex of the deceased
individual can be determined with a
Figure 5.12 Looting high degree of accuracy, allowing for
When looters harvest artifacts to sell illegally, they simply pull them from the ground comparisons of male and female life
or the air, as was the case with the 1,000-year-old Khmer warrior statue, looted from expectancy, mortality, and health sta-
Koh Ker, Cambodia, in 2012. Only the feet and pedestal were left while the rest of the tus (Figure 5.14). These analyses can
warrior was smuggled out of the country before eventually being voluntarily returned to help establish the social roles of men
Cambodia. Looters steal far more than the artifacts themselves. They also steal all the and women in past societies.
information that could have been gleaned from a proper excavation of the site. Even New biomedical technology also
if police ultimately recover the artifacts from the thieves, or from the collectors who plays a role in the investigation of
purchase such artifacts illegally, lack of context and precise location of the artifacts in remains from both the past and the
relation to every other detail of the site severely limits the opportunity to reconstruct present. For example, CT (computed
lifeways of past peoples. Further, looters often completely destroy the sites they tomography) scans have added new
loot, erasing evidence of their crime along with any details archaeologists might have information in forensic, bioarchae-
salvaged. ological, and paleoanthropological
investigations. Recent and ancient
remains are now routinely scanned, yielding consider-
able information about the structural details of bones.
Although a CT scan cannot substitute for an autopsy in
forensic contexts, it may facilitate identification in situ-
ations like mass disasters. In addition, it can provide evi-
dence of past trauma that might otherwise remain hidden
© Cengage Learning
in an investigation aimed at determining an immediate

cause of death (Leth, 2007).
S-twist ( \ ) Z-twist ( / ) In archaeological contexts, CT technology has been
particularly useful for determining whether damage to
remains took place during excavation or whether it pre-
Figure 5.13 Actions in Objects
In northern New England, prehistoric pottery was often ceded death. For example, after the remains of Egyptian
decorated by impressing the damp clay with a cord- pharaoh Tutankhamun (“King Tut”) were scanned, scien-
wrapped stick. Examination of cord impressions reveals tists uniformly agreed that the young king did not die of a
that coastal people made cordage by twisting fibers head injury as previously thought; some suggested that a
to the left (Z-twist), whereas those living inland did the broken femur may have been the cause of his death almost
opposite (S-twist). The nonfunctional differences reflect 3,300 years ago (Handwerk, 2005). To minimize handling,
motor habits so deeply ingrained as to seem completely scientists scan these rare specimens only once, allowing
natural to the cordage makers. From this, we may infer future researchers to study the digital images instead of
two distinctively different populations. the remains.
Dating the Past 119
without permission. For example, the University of Vienna

in Austria has been challenged by representatives of the
Skull (cranium)
Ju/’hoansi people of southern Africa because the remains
Maxilla that the Austrian ethnological museum holds were not do-
Mandible nated; rather, they were taken early in the century by Rudolf
Clavicle
Pöch, an Austrian medical doctor and anthropologist, as was
Scapula common practice at that time. Roger Chennells, the South
Sternum
Humerus African legal advisor for the Ju/’hoansi, states their position:
Ribs “We have not been consulted, and we do not support any
photographic archiving of our people’s remains—we are
Radius Vertebrae opposed to it” (quoted in Scully, 2008, p. 1155).
Ulna By the standards of the 1990 Native American Graves
Pelvis
Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA), the Ju/’hoansi
Sacrum
Carpals would have legal decision-making authority over the fate
Metacarpals of these remains; but the equivalent of NAGPRA has not
Phalanges yet been codified in international law. Even with NAGPRA
in place, scientists and native peoples approach the han-
Femur
dling of remains quite differently, as seen with Kennewick
Man, a 8,900–9,000-year-old skeleton that was dislodged
Patella by the Columbia River in the state of Washington in 1996,
the subject of this chapter’s Biocultural Connection.
Fibula
Tibia
Tarsals
Tarsals
Metatarsals Dating the Past
Phalanges With accurate and detailed records of their excavations
in hand, archaeologists and paleoanthropologists can
begin to investigate a crucial research issue: the question
of age. As we have seen, analysis and interpretation of
cultural and physical remains hinges upon accurate calcu-
lation of the age of the artifacts or specimens. How then,
do scientists reliably date the materials retrieved from
excavations?
© Cengage Learning
Remains can be dated by noting their position in the

earth, by measuring the amounts of certain chemicals
Male Female contained in fossil bones and artifacts, or through as-
sociation with other plant, animal, or cultural remains.
Figure 5.14 The Human Skeleton These techniques, known as relative dating, do not
Learning the basic skeleton will be useful in the chapters ahead establish precise dates for remains. Instead, they establish
as we trace the history of human evolution. In addition, bear in the relationship among a series of remains by using geo-
mind that the complete male and female skeletons differ, on logic principles to place remains in chronological order.
average, in some consistent ways that allow skeletal biologists Absolute or chronometric dating (from the Latin
to identify the sex of the deceased individual. Some of these for “measuring time”) provides actual dates calculated in
differences relate to the fact that generally males outsize
years “before the present” (BP). Relying upon advances
females. But the successful adaptation of the human female
in chemistry and physics, these methods use properties
pelvis to childbirth makes it the most dimorphic bone of the
such as rates of decay of radioactive elements present in
body and the best way for researchers to determine the sex of
skeletal remains. Notice the typically more open space on the
interior of the female pelvis corresponding to the birth canal. In
males, bones project into this space. relative dating In archaeology and paleoanthropology, designating
an event, object, or fossil as being older or younger than another by
noting the position in the earth, by measuring the amount of chemicals
Digital technologies have also helped resolve conflicts contained in fossil bones and artifacts, or by identifying its association
with other plant, animal, or cultural remains.
involving the rights to skeletal remains, as scientists can
absolute or chronometric dating In archaeology and
continue to study imaged specimens after repatriation to the
paleoanthropology, dating archaeological or fossil materials in units
communities that claim them. Still, many aboriginal groups of absolute time using scientific properties such as rates of decay of
question the practice of digitizing remains of their people radioactive elements.
Kennewick Man
The “Ancient One” and “Kennewick Man” challenge was based on the notion that also revealed a link between Kennewick
both refer to the 8,900–9,000-year-old skel- cultural affiliation is a very difficult concept Man and Central and South American native
etal remains that were found in 1996 below when it concerns such ancient human peoples. This revelation suggests that the
the surface of Lake Wallula, part of the remains, which are among the oldest ever northwestern tribes represent a lineage that
Columbia River, in Kennewick, Washington. discovered in the western hemisphere. The split from the people who would eventually
This discovery has been the center of continu- scientists focused on the fact that the re- migrate into the southern continent.
ing controversy since it was made. Who owns gion’s Native American peoples could not Ironically, science was required to vali-
these human remains? Who can determine prove they are direct lineal descendants. date the Native Americans’ original claim—a
what shall be done with them? How do the They further cited anatomical differences claim that would have prevented the re-
biological characteristics preserved in these between the skeleton and modern aborig- search from happening at all. Since the
remains play a role in determining their fate? inal peoples, suggesting that Kennewick announcement, the coalition of tribes has
Because the skeleton was found in an Man may have been more closely related redoubled on their efforts for repatriation.
area for which the U.S. Army Corps of En- to Polynesian or East Asian populations. Now that scientists have had the oppor-
gineers is responsible, this federal agency In 2004 federal court rulings permit- tunity to learn more about Kennewick Man,
first took possession of the remains. At ted initial scientific investigations. Just they might be more willing to let him go.
first, Kennewick Man was assumed to be a as these investigations were wrapping up Although the initial hypotheses, based on
19th-century specimen of European origin. in July 2005, the Senate Indian Affairs craniometric data, had failed to adequately
Once the remains were carbon dated to the Committee heard testimony on a proposal identify the skeleton, genetic tests had
much earlier time period, five nearby Amer
Amer- by Arizona Senator John McCain to expand also been attempted without success early
ican Indian groups claimed them under NAGPRA so that remains such as these on. Some researchers wonder how much
NAGPRA. Kennewick Man was found within would be once again prohibited from study. more we could discover from such remains
their ancestral homeland, so they argued Congress adjourned without this bill be- with more time and advanced technology.
that they were “culturally affiliated” with the coming law, and the remains have been
individual they refer to as “Ancient One.” studied continually since then. Biocultural Question
Viewing these human bones as belonging Finally, in July 2015, a Danish team If the skeletons of your ancestors were
to an ancestor, they wished to return them reported the first results from a detailed the subject of scientific study, how would
to the earth in a respectful ceremony. DNA analysis of the remains in the journal you react? How far back in time should
Fearing the loss of a unique scientific Nature.a These findings confirm that Kenne- rights, like those granted by NAGPRA,
specimen, a group of scientists, including wick Man is in fact more closely related to extend?
archaeologists and biological anthropol- Indian tribes of the Pacific northwest than
ogists, filed a lawsuit in federal court to to any other modern population. The study, a
Rasmussen, M., et al. (2015, July 23).
prevent reburial before the bones were which determined relationships based on the The ancestry and affiliations of Kennewick
researched and analyzed. Their legal frequency of shared alleles in the genome, Man. Nature 523 (7561), 455–458.
the remains themselves or in the surrounding soil. By of error. Table 5.1 describes several of the most common
comparing dated remains across a variety of sites, anthro- dating techniques.
pologists can establish timelines for major events such as
evolutionary adaptations, migrations, and technological
developments.
Relative Dating
Each of the many relative and absolute dating tech- Stratigraphy is probably the most reliable relative dat-
niques has certain weaknesses. Ideally, archaeologists and ing method (recall Figure 5.8). Based on the simple princi-
paleoanthropologists utilize as many methods as appro- ple that the oldest layer, or stratum, was deposited first (it
priate, given the materials available and funds at their is the deepest) whereas the newest layer was deposited last
disposal. This redundancy significantly reduces the risk (in undisturbed situations, it lies at the top), stratigraphy
establishes a reliable sequence of age at a given site. Thus,
even in the absence of precise dates, one knows the relative
age of objects in one stratum compared with the ages of
stratigraphy In archaeology and paleoanthropology, the most reliable those in other strata. However, defining the stratigraphy
method of relative dating by means of strata. of a given site can be complicated by geologic activities
Dating the Past 121
Smithsonian Institution
The names for this prehistoric skeleton, Kennewick Man and Ancient One, exemplify the conflict
between scientists and American Indians. For researchers, the skeleton is a specimen for study, but
for Native Americans, it is a member of the family. Doug Owsley (right) is the forensic anthropologist
from the Smithsonian Institution who has been leading the research team that includes forensic
anthropologist Kari Bruwelheide (left).
such as earthquakes that shift the position of stratigraphic Relative dating can also be done by seriation, a
layers or human activity, as seen in Figure 5.15. method of establishing sequences of plant, animal, or even
Archaeologists also use the relative dating technique of cultural remains. With seriation, the order of appearance of
fluorine dating, based on the fact that the amount of a succession (or series) of plants, animals, or artifacts pro-
fluorine deposited in bones is proportional to the amount vides relative dates for a site based on a series established
of time they have been in the earth. The oldest bones con- in another area. An example of seriation based on cultural
tain the greatest amount of fluorine and vice versa. The artifacts is the Stone–Bronze–Iron Age series used by pre-
fluorine test can help date bones that cannot be ascribed historians. Within a given region, sites containing artifacts
with certainty to any particular stratum. The variation in the
amount of naturally occurring fluorine from region to region
limits the validity of this method for cross-site comparisons fluorine dating In archaeology or paleoanthropology, a technique for
of fluorine values. Fluorine dating was vital for exposing the relative dating based on the fact that the amount of fluorine in bones is
proportional to their age.
infamous Piltdown hoax in England, in which a human
seriation In archaeology and paleoanthropology, a technique for relative
skull and orangutan jaw were placed together in the earth as dating based on putting groups of objects into a sequence in relation to
false evidence for an early human ancestor (see Chapter 6). one another.
TABLE 5.1
Absolute and Relative Dating Methods Used by Archaeologists and Paleoanthropologists

Dating Method Time Period Process and Use Drawbacks
Stratigraphy Relative only Based on the law of superposition, which states that lower Site specific; natural
layers or strata are older than higher strata; establishing forces, such as
the age of biological and cultural remains based on the earthquakes, and
layer in which they are found human activity,
such as burials,
disturb stratigraphic
relationships
Fluorine analysis Relative only Comparing the amount of fluorine from surrounding soil Site specific
absorbed by specimens after deposition; older remains
will have absorbed more fluorine
Faunal and floral Relative only Sequencing remains into relative chronological order Dependent upon
series based on an evolutionary order established in another known relationships
region with reliable absolute dates; called palynology when established elsewhere
done with pollen grains
Seriation Relative only Sequencing cultural remains into relative chronological Dependent on
order based on stylistic features known relationships
established elsewhere
Dendrochronology About 3,000 years Comparing tree growth rings preserved in a site with a Requires ancient trees
before present (BP) tree of known age of known age, limited
maximum time depth
Radiocarbon Accurate , 50,000 Comparing the ratio of radioactive carbon 14 (14C), with a Increasingly inaccurate
BP half-life of 5,730 years, to stable carbon (12C) in organic when assessing
material; after organisms die, only the 14C decays (half of remains from more than
it every 5,730 years), so the ratio between 14C and 12C 50,000 years ago
determines an actual date since death
Potassium argon . 200,000 BP Using volcanic ash, comparing the amount of radioactive Requires volcanic ash;
(K-Ar) potassium (40K), with a half-life of 1.25 billion years, to requires cross-checking
stable argon (40Ar) due to contamination
from atmospheric argon
Amino acid 40,000–180,000 BP Comparing the ratio of right- and left-sided proteins in a Amino acids leached
racemization three-dimensional structure; decay after death causes out variably from soil
these proteins to change cause error
Thermoluminescence Possibly up to Measuring the amount of light given off due to radioactivity Technique developed
200,000 BP when the specimen is heated to high temperatures for recent materials
such as Greek pottery;
not clear how accurate
the dates are for older
remains
Electron spin Possibly up to about Measuring the resonance of trapped electrons in a Works with tooth
resonance 200,000 BP magnetic field enamel, not yet
developed for bone;
problems with accuracy
Fission track Wide range of times Measuring the tracks left in crystals by uranium as it Useful for dating
decays; good cross-check for K-Ar technique crystals only
Paleomagnetic Wide range of times Measuring the orientation of magnetic particles in Large periods of normal
reversals stones and linking them to whether the earth’s magnetic or reversed magnetic
field pulled toward the north or south during their orientation require
formation dating by some other
method; some smaller
© Cengage Learning
events are known to

interrupt the sequence
Uranium series 40,000–180,000 Measuring the amount of uranium decaying in cave sites Large error range
Dating the Past 123
the earliest African fossils in

human evolution, paleoan-
thropologists have developed
faunal series in regions where
accurate chronometric dates
can be established. They then
use these series to establish
relative sequences in other re-
gions. Similar series have been
established for plants, partic-
ularly using grains of pollen.
With this approach, known
as palynology, the kind of
pollen found in any geologic
stratum indicates the kind of
vegetation that existed at the
time that stratum was depos-
ited. Hence, palynology also
helps to reconstruct the en-
vironments in which prehis-
toric peoples lived.
Chronometric
Dating
Some archaeological sites yield
written records that provide
archaeologists with a fascinat-
ing account of dates and times
(Figure 5.16). But precise dates
usually derive from a variety
of absolute or chronometric
dating methods. These tech-
niques apply chemistry and
physics to calculate the ages of
John Gordon Swogger
physical and cultural remains,

though each one is limited to
a particular timespan and car-
ries a certain margin of error.
One of the most widely
Figure 5.15 Making it Public used methods of absolute dat-
Archaeologist John Swogger has started to use comics to make archaeology, its methods, ing is radiocarbon dating.
and its results accessible to the public, such as this one that documents a recent expedition This method uses the fact
to the Pacific island of Palau. How can you account for the presence of a beer can in a lower that while they are alive, all
stratigraphic layer? What dating techniques are at work in this excavation? organisms absorb radioactive
carbon (known as carbon 14
or 14C) as well as ordinary carbon 12 (12C) in proportions
made of iron are generally more recent than sites containing
identical to those found in the atmosphere. Absorption of
only stone tools. In well-investigated cultural areas, archae-
carbon 14 (14C) ceases at the time of death, and the ratio
ologists have developed series for particular styles of pottery.
Scientists make similar inferences with animal or fau-
nal series. For example, very early North American In-
palynology In archaeology and paleoanthropology, a technique of
dian sites have yielded the remains of mastodons and
relative dating based on changes in fossil pollen over time.
mammoths—animals now extinct. These remains allow
radiocarbon dating In archaeology and paleoanthropology, a technique
scientists to date these sites to a time before these animals of chronometric dating based on measuring the amount of radioactive
died out, roughly 10,000 years ago. For dating some of carbon (14C) left in organic materials found in archaeological sites.
of carbon 14 will be present. Thus, the age of an organic

substance such as charcoal, wood, shell, or bone can be
measured through determining the changing proportion of
carbon 14 relative to the amount of stable carbon.
Though scientists can measure the amount of radioac-
tive carbon left in even a few milligrams of organic sub-
stance from a recent specimen, the miniscule amount of
carbon 14 present in remains from the distant past limits
accurate detection. The radiocarbon method can ade-
quately date organic materials up to about 50,000 years
old, but dating older material is far less reliable.
Because there is always a certain amount of error in-
volved, radiocarbon dates (like all chronometric dating
methods) are not as absolute as is sometimes thought. This
is why any stated date always has a plus-or-minus (±) fac-
tor attached to it corresponding to one standard deviation
above and below the mean value. For example, a radiocar-
bon date of 5,200 ± 120 years ago means that there is a two
out of three chance (or a 67 percent chance) that the true
date falls somewhere between 5,080 and 5,320 years ago.
A more accurate, though more limited, method of
© University of Pennsylvania Museum CX 61–4–123
absolute dating is dendrochronology (derived from

dendron, a Greek word meaning “tree”). Originally devised
for dating Pueblo Indian sites in southwestern North
America, this method is based on the fact that in the right
kind of climate, trees add one (and only one) new growth
ring to their trunks every year. The rings vary in thickness,
depending upon the amount of rainfall received in a year,
so that tree ring growth registers climatic fluctuation. By
taking a sample of wood, such as a beam from a Pueblo In-
dian house, and comparing its pattern of rings with those
Figure 5.16 Maya Calendric Glyphs in the trunk of a nearby tree of known age, archaeologists
Some ancient societies devised precise ways of recording dates can date the archaeological material.
that archaeologists have been able to correlate with our own Dendrochronology is applicable only to wooden ob-
calendar. Here is the tomb of an important ruler, Siyaj Chan K’awiil jects. Furthermore, it works only in regions that contain
II, at the ancient Maya city of Tikal. The glyphs painted on the wall living trees of great age, such as giant sequoias and bristle-
give the date of the burial in the Maya calendar, which is the same cone pines. Radiocarbon dating of wood from bristlecone
as March 18 of the year 457 AD in the Gregorian calendar. pines dated by dendrochronology allows scientists to cor-
rect the carbon 14 dates and bring them into agreement
between the two forms of carbon begins to change as the with calendar dates.
unstable radioactive element carbon 14 begins to “decay.” Potassium-argon dating, another commonly used
Each radioactive element decays, or transforms into a stable method of absolute dating, is based on a technique similar
nonradioactive form, at a specific rate. The amount of time to that of radiocarbon analysis. Following intense heating,
it takes for one-half of the radioactive material to decay is as from a volcanic eruption, radioactive potassium decays
expressed as the “half-life.” For carbon 14, it takes 5,730 at a known rate to form argon; any previously existing ar-
years for half of a given quantity of carbon 14 to decay to gon will have been released by the heating of the molten
stable nitrogen 14. In another 5,730 years (11,460 years lava. The half-life of radioactive potassium is 1.3 billion
total), half of the remaining amount will also decay to years. Measuring the ratio of potassium to argon in a
nitrogen 14 so that only one-quarter of the original amount given rock accurately dates deposits back millions of years.
Potassium-argon analysis can indicate the age of fossils
and artifacts found encased between layers of volcanic
dendrochronology In archaeology and paleoanthropology, a technique ash (as at Olduvai and other sites in East Africa). But as
of chronometric dating based on the number of rings of growth found in
with radiocarbon dates, potassium-argon dates are always
tree trunks.
stated with a plus-or-minus margin of error attached. Fur-
potassium-argon dating In archaeology and paleoanthropology, a
technique of chronometric dating that measures the ratio of radioactive ther, potassium-argon dating loses precision with materi-
potassium to argon in volcanic debris associated with human remains. als younger than about 200,000 years.
Concepts and Methods for the Most Distant Past 125
Neither the radiocarbon nor the potassium-argon

methods work well during the time period extending from Magnetic
about 50,000 years ago to about 200,000 years ago. Because polarity
of lava
this same time period happens to be very important in Magnetic–
reversal Millions
human evolutionary history, scientists have attempted to time scale of years ago
develop complementary methods for this critical period. 0.0
One such method, amino acid racemization, is based on
the fact that amino acids trapped in organic materials grad- Brunhes
normal
ually change, or racemize, after death, from left-handed epoch 0.5
forms to right-handed forms. Thus, the ratio of left- to
right-handed forms should indicate the specimen’s age.
Unfortunately, in substances like bone, moisture and acids
in the soil can leach out the amino acids, thereby intro- 1.0
ducing a serious source of error. However, ostrich eggshells
Events
have proved immune to this problem; the amino acids
are so effectively locked up in a tight mineral matrix that 1.5
they are preserved for thousands of years. Because ostrich
eggs were widely used as food and the shells as containers
Matuyama
in Africa and the Middle East, they provide a powerful reversal 2.0
means of dating sites of the later parts of the Old Stone Age epoch
(Paleolithic), between 40,000 and 180,000 years ago.
Electron spin resonance, which measures the number of
trapped electrons in bone, and thermoluminescence, which 2.5
measures the amount of light emitted from a specimen
when heated to high temperatures, are two additional Gauss
normal
methods that have been developed to fill in prehistoric epoch 3.0
time gaps. Dates derived from these two methods have
© Cengage Learning
been vital for reconstructing human origins.
A few other chronometric techniques rely on the ele-
3.5
ment uranium. Fission track dating
dating, for example, counts ra-
diation damage tracks on mineral crystals. Like amino acid
racemization, all these methods have problems: They are Figure 5.17 Paleomagnetic Reversals
complicated and tend to be expensive, many can be carried Scientists have documented a geomagnetic polarity time scale
out only on specific kinds of materials, and some are so new in which the changes in the earth’s magnetic force—to north
that their reliability is not yet unequivocally established. It or south—have been calibrated. This geomagnetic time scale
is for these reasons that they have not been as widely used provides scientists with opportunities to cross-check other
as radiocarbon and potassium-argon dating techniques. dating methods.
Paleomagnetic reversals contribute another interesting
dimension to absolute dating methodologies by providing sequence can be used to date sites to either normal or re-
a way to cross-check dates (Figure 5.17). This method is versed periods and can be correlated with a variety of other
based on the shifting magnetic pole of the earth—the same dating methods to cross-check their accuracy.
force that controls the orientation of a compass needle.
Today, a compass points to the north because we are
in a period defined as the geomagnetic “normal.” Over the
past several million years, there have been extended periods
Concepts and Methods
of time during which the magnetic field of the earth pulled
toward the South Pole. Geologists call these periods geomag-
geomag
for the Most Distant Past
netic reversals. Iron particles in stones will be oriented into As this chapter’s Anthropology Applied feature demon-
positions determined by the dominant magnetic pole at the strates, archaeological expertise can still be valuable for
time of the stone’s formation, allowing scientists to derive recovery of very recent remains, where dating is not an is-
broad ranges of dates for huge layers of rock. Human evo- sue. But context and dating are vital for the interpretation
lutionary history contains a geomagnetic reversal starting of older fossils and cultural remains. Because mammalian
5.2 million years ago that ended 3.4 million years ago, fol- primate evolution extends so far back in time, paleo-
lowed by a normal period until 2.6 million years ago; then a anthropologists reconstruct our evolutionary history in
second reversal began, lasting until about 700,000 years ago conjunction with information about the geologic history
when the present normal period began. This paleomagnetic of the earth, which is 4.6 billion years old.
The Atari Burial Grounds

Many archaeological expeditions are in- Atari company seized
spired by myths or legends. Usually such the opportunity to cre-
tales date back further than the 1980s, but ate a videogame ad-
for defunct videogame maker Atari, overzeal- aptation of the movie.
ous business practices, a cult following, and Atari paid handsomely
some solid detective work led to one of the for the rights to pursue
most curious excavations of recent times. this venture and then
Self-identified “punk archaeologists” William rushed the design of
Caraher, Raiford Guins, Andrew Reinhard, the game in order to
Richard Rothaus, and Bret Weber, who led allow for massive pro-
the excavation of the Atari burial grounds, duction of cartridges
Mark Wilson/Reuters/Corbis
saw this excavation as part spectacle, part for their home con-
public service for the town that housed the sole before that year’s
dump. For them it was also a way to com- holiday season. E.T.
ment on the intersection of archaeological had been one of the
practice and popular culture while recovering highest-grossing films
and researching the recent past.a of all time, so Atari
Atari had been the undisputed king of the initially manufactured One of the E.T. the Extraterrestrial Atari videogames recovered from
videogame world in the 70s and early 80s, around 4 million cop- the landfill in Alamogordo, New Mexico, has made its way into the
thanks to popular home and arcade titles such ies of the game in Smithsonian Institution collections as an artifact that reflects a
as Pong and Yars’ Revenge. With the success expectation of similar moment in the cultural history of the United States: the gaming
of the 1982 film E.T. the Extra-Terrestrial, the commercial success. crash of 1982–1985.
Continental Drift By 190 million years ago—the end of what geologists

call the Triassic period—true mammals were on the scene.
and Geologic Time Mammals from the Triassic, Jurassic (135–190 mya), and
The geologic time scale is unfamiliar because few people deal Cretaceous (65–135 mya) periods are largely known from
with hundreds of millions of anything, let alone years, on a hundreds of fossils, especially teeth and jaw parts. Because
regular basis. To understand this type of scale, U.S. astronomer teeth are the hardest, most durable structures, they often
Carl Sagan correlated the geologic time scale for the history of outlast other parts of an animal’s skeleton. Fortunately,
the earth to a single calendar year. In this “cosmic calendar,” investigators often are able to infer a good deal about the
the earth itself originates on January 1, the first organisms total animal on the basis of only a few teeth found in
appear approximately 9 months later around September 25, the earth.
followed by the earliest vertebrates around December 20, Over such vast amounts of time, the earth itself has
mammals on December 25, primates on December 29, homi- changed considerably. During the past 200 million years,
noids at 10:15 am on New Year’s Eve, bipeds at 9:30 pm, with the position of the continents has shifted through a
our species appearing in the last minutes before midnight. process called continental drift or the rearrangement
Human evolutionary history begins with the December 25 of adjacent landmasses, accounted for by the theory of
appearance of the mammals in the Mesozoic era, roughly 245 plate tectonics. According to this theory, the continents,
million years ago (mya). Figure 5.18 plots out the more re- embedded in platelike segments of the earth, move their
cent events in mammalian primate evolution that take place positions as the edges of the underlying plates are created
during the final week of Sagan’s cosmic calendar. or destroyed (Figure 5.19). Plate movements are also re-
sponsible for geologic phenomena such as earthquakes,
volcanic activity, and mountain formation. Continental
drift impacted the distribution of fossil primates (recall
continental drift According to the theory of plate tectonics, the
movement of continents embedded in underlying plates on the earth’s Figure 3.1) and played a role in the earliest stages of hu-
surface in relation to one another over the history of life on the planet. man evolutionary history.
Concepts and Methods for the Most Distant Past 127
Though the release was highly antici- The mythic status of E.T. as a cautionary copies of E.T., citing its significance in
pated, gamers quickly discovered a slow tale of hubris in the videogame industry marking “the end of an era for videogame
and frustrating game that fell far short of led to an interest in excavating the landfill. manufacturing.”c
expectations. Many were returned, and In 2013, Canadian filmmakers secured
retailers canceled orders leading to an permission to dig up the refuse and pro-
overstock of around 3 million cartridges in duce a documentary on the subject, with a
Caraher, W., Guins, R., Reinhard, A.,
Atari warehouses. Faced with competition the aim of discovering the true fate of the Rothaus, R., & Weber, B. (2014, August 7).
from other vendors and market saturation reviled game.b With the help of the punk Why we dug Atari. The Atlantic. http://www
for its other products, Atari reported losses archaeologists and videogame historians, .theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2014
of $583 million in 1983 and was subse- the effort uncovered over a thousand Atari /08/why-we-dug-atari/375702/ (retrieved
quently dismantled and sold off over the cartridges, including some copies of E.T. October 30, 2015); Muckle, R. (2014,
next year. the Extra-Terrestrial. Former Atari managers September/October). Punk archaeology
Truckloads of Atari equipment were later revealed that over 700,000 cartridges and excavating video games in New Mexico.
reported buried in a landfill in Alamogordo, had been buried in Alamogordo, although Anthropology News 55 (9-10), 4–5.
New Mexico, in the fall of 1983. Though many other Atari games were represented b
Atari: Game over: The long road here.
the company stated that it was disposing in larger proportions. There had been no (2014, November 20). Directed by Zak Penn.
of broken and inoperable materials, the specific effort to “send E.T. home.” 66 min. Fuel Entertainment.
recent disappointment of the E.T. game fu- The archaeologists recorded and cata- c
Robarge, D. (2014, December 15). From
eled rumors that Atari was burying millions logued their findings for the New Mexico landfill to Smithsonian collections: “E.T. the
of copies of that title in an act of shame. Museum of Space History for display and Extraterrestrial” Atari 2600. Smithsonian.
In the years to come, E.T. would often be auction on behalf of the City of Alam- http://americanhistory.si.edu/blog/landfill
panned as the “worst game ever made,” ogordo, which retains ownership of all -smithsonian-collections-et-extra-terrestrial
responsible for the brief implosion of the landfill materials. Even the Smithsonian -atari-2600-game (retrieved October 30,
entire gaming industry that followed. Institution has kept one of the recovered 2015)
The Molecular Clock antibodies directed against it. Antibodies are proteins
produced by organisms as part of an immune response to
In the 1960s, molecular biochemist Allan Wilson from an infection. The technique relies on the notion that the
New Zealand and his U.S. graduate student Vince Sarich stronger the biochemical reaction between the protein
(Figure 5.20) developed the revolutionary concept of a and the antibody (the more precipitate), the closer the
molecular clock. Although not a dating method per se, evolutionary relationship. The antibodies and proteins of
such clocks help detect when the branching of related species closely related species resemble one another more than
from a common ancestor took place in the distant past. They the antibodies and proteins of distant species.
can establish a series of relationships among closely related Sarich made immunological comparisons between a va-
species that reinforce absolute or relative dates established riety of species and suggested that he could establish dates
at specific fossil localities. However, because the molecular for evolutionary events by calculating a molecular rate of
clock depends on mutation rates that vary between species, change over time. By assuming a constant rate of change in
scientists are constantly refining as more data are uncovered. the protein structure of each species, Sarich used these results
For the first molecular clock, Sarich and Wilson used to predict times of divergence between related groups. Each
a technique that had been around since the beginning molecular clock needs to be set, or calibrated, by the dates as-
of the 20th century: comparison of the blood proteins sociated with a known event, such as the divergence between
of living groups (Sarich & Wilson, 1967). Today, this prosimian and anthropoid primates or a major change in the
technique has been expanded to include comparisons in continental plates, as established by absolute dating methods.
bases of DNA. With Wilson as his mentor, Sarich worked Using this technique, Sarich proposed a sequence of
on serum albumin, a protein from the fluid portion of divergence for the living hominoids showing that human,
the blood (like the albumin that forms egg whites) that
can be precipitated out of solution. Precipitation refers to
the chemical transformation of a substance dissolved in a molecular clock The technique that dates of divergences among
liquid back into its solid form. One of the forces that will related species can be calculated through an examination of the genetic
cause such precipitation is contact of this protein with mutations that have accrued since the divergence.
A Millions
N T H ROPOL
of OGY A PPL I E D
years ago
Anthropocene start:
Pleistocene
Pliocene industrial revolution
0 Holocene start:
start:10,000
10,000 years ago
Earliest bipeds EA
Miocene “Golden age of hominoids” GA
N
PA
Oligocene
First undisputed
50 Eocene monkey–ape ancestors
Paleocene First undisputed primates
EPOCHS
250 million
years
ears ago
100 Cretaceous
LAURASIA
Anthropology, 2E. © 2010 Cengage Learning.

150
Jurassic
First undisputed
mammals GON
200 DW
AN
Triassic ALA
ND
From Haviland/Prins/Walrath/McBride, The Essence of Anthropology
20 million
200
years
ears ago
250 Mammal-like
Permian
reptiles
re ptiles
NORTH
AMERICA EURASIA
300
AFRICA
Carboniferous First reptiles
SOUTH INDIA
AMERICA
350 PERIODS AUSTRALIA

65 million ANTARCTICA
Figure 5.18 Milestones of Mammalian Primate Evolution years
ears ago
This timeline highlights some major milestones in the course
of mammalian primate evolution that ultimately led to humans
and their ancestors. The Paleocene, Eocene, Oligocene, NORTH
AMERICA ASIA
and Miocene epochs are subsets of the Tertiary period. The
Quaternary period begins with the Pleistocene and continues INDIA
today. It includes the Holocene epoch that began at the end AFRICA
of the last Ice Age around 12,000 years ago. In 2000, the SOUTH
Dutch Nobel Prize–winning atmospheric chemist Paul Crutzen AMERICA
used the term Anthropocene to describe the world since the AUSTRALIA
industrial revolution because of the profound geologic changes

human activity imposes on the earth. Geologic societies
Present ANTARCTICA
around the globe are currently debating the inclusion of
Anthropocene as a formal geologic unit.
Figure 5.19 Continental Drift

chimp, and gorilla lines split roughly 5 million years ago Continental drift is illustrated here during several geologic
(mya). He boldly stated that it was impossible to have a sepa- periods. At the time of the extinction of the dinosaurs 65
rate human line before 7 million years ago, “no matter what million years ago, continental drift caused the seas to open up,
it looked like.” Before this work, anthropologists had thought creating isolating barriers between major landmasses. About
that the great apes—chimpanzees and bonobos, gorillas, and 23 million years ago, at the start of the time period known
orangutans—were more closely related to one another than as the Miocene epoch, African and Eurasian landmasses
any of them were to humans. This work was the first proof reconnected, and the Indian subcontinent joined Asia.
The Sciences of Discovery 129
Figure 5.20 Wilson and Sarich

Allan Wilson (right) developed the
notion of a molecular clock with his
graduate student Vince Sarich (left) and
published the groundbreaking paper
“Immunological Time Scale for Human
Evolution” in the journal Science in
1967. The molecular clock proposes
that evolutionary events such as the
split between humans and apes can
be dated through an examination
of the number of genetic mutations
that accumulated since two species
diverged from a common ancestor. A
biochemist by training, Wilson’s “hybrid
science” was both innovative and
controversial within anthropology.
Roger Ressmeyer/Encyclopedia/Corbis
that human origins are firmly in Africa and that humans, figurine provides new data as it is unearthed. Just like de-
chimps and bonobos, and gorillas are more closely related tectives at an investigation, scientists use each new clue to
to one another than any of them are to the orangutans. A refine our collective understanding of the past.
discovery in the laboratory, like the molecular clock, can Archaeological and fossil evidence is imperfect.
drastically change the interpretation of the fossil evidence. Chance circumstances of preservation have determined
what has and what has not survived the consequences
of time. Thus, scientists reconstruct the biology and cul-
ture of our ancestors on the basis of fragmentary and, at
The Sciences of Discovery times, unrepresentative samples of physical and cultural
remains. Chance also impacts the discovery of prehistoric
The previous discussion demonstrates that anthropolo- remains. Vestiges may come to light due to factors ranging
gists participate in an unusual kind of science. Paleoan- from changing sea level to a local government’s decision
thropology and archaeology are sciences of discovery. As to build a highway.
new fossil discoveries and artifacts come to light, inter- Ancient cultural processes have also shaped the
pretations inevitably change, improving our understand- archaeological and fossil record. We know more about
ing of human evolutionary and cultural history. Today, the past due to the cultural practice of deliberate burial.
discoveries can occur in the laboratory as easily as on the We also know more about the elite segments of past
site of an excavation. Molecular studies provide new lines societies because they have left more material culture
of evidence in much the same way that a fossil or pottery behind. However, as archaeologists have shifted their
focus from gathering treasures to the reconstruction who we are today. The challenge of reconstructing
of human behavior, they have gained a more com- our past will be met by a continual process of re-
plete picture of ancient societies. Similarly, paleo- examination and modification as anthropologists
anthropologists no longer simply catalogue fossils; discover evidence in the earth, among living people,
they interpret data about our ancestors in order to and in the laboratory leading to new understandings
reconstruct the biological processes responsible for of human origins.
How do archaeologists and ✓ Technology such as CT scanning minimizes handling

and potential damage to specimens; three-dimensional
paleoanthropologists identify sites digital images permit the continued scientific study of
for excavation? remains that must be repatriated.
✓ Aerial photographs and other surveying tools reveal ✓ DNA samples can be extracted from more recent
environmental clues such as soil markings. Survey may skeletal remains.
be combined with documents, folklore, and found
artifacts in order to locate important sites. What are the important dating methods,
✓ Many excavations take place where natural forces such and how do they differ?
as erosion or drought leave sites exposed.
✓ Relative dating techniques establish the age of remains
✓ Chance discoveries, like those from mining or by association with the surrounding earth or other
construction, have led to the recovery of significant nearby remains. Researchers may combine several
historical remains. techniques to create accurate timelines of the past.
Relative dating methods include stratigraphy, the
What excavation practices are preferred? fluorine method, and seriation.
✓ Excavators map the land into a grid system to precisely ✓ Most absolute dating techniques rely on rates of decay
record the location of found objects, and they choose a of radioactive elements present in remains in order to
fixed landmark to use as the reference (datum point) of estimate a numerical age. Absolute methods include
the grid. Photographs and scale drawings supplement techniques such as radiocarbon dating, potassium-
the written excavation data. argon dating, amino acid racemization, and, in the
case of wooden remains, dendrochronology.
✓ The destructive nature of excavation demands
that researchers record information on all found
objects including those irrelevant to their original
How do geologic phenomena contribute to
purpose. our understanding of human history?
✓ Where stratification is present, layers corresponding to ✓ Knowledge of geomagnetic reversals can be used to
distinct time periods are dug carefully, one at a time. If date ancient remains by examining the position of iron
searching for smaller objects, the excavation team may particles in stone artifacts.
utilize the flotation technique to separate particles of ✓ Continental drift has impacted the course of human
varying density. evolution by separating populations that then diverged
✓ For bone excavation, the earth matrix containing the to become distinct species.
specimen is cut out and hardened using shellac and
plaster bandages. Then the entire block is removed What is the molecular clock, and what
and shipped to a laboratory for the final stages of does it reveal about human evolution?
extraction.
✓ Scientists used molecular clocks to determine that
How do scientists continue excavation humans, chimps, bonobos, and gorillas split into different
evolutionary branches between 5 and 7 million years ago
analysis in the lab? in Africa. All African hominoids are more closely related
✓ Close examination of wear patterns on artifacts can to one another than any is to the orangutan.
lead to understanding of early human behaviors.
✓ The evolutionary proximities of living species can be
Similarly, markings on teeth suggest dietary habits, and
estimated by comparing their blood proteins. Assuming
endocasts reveal brain size and shape.
these proteins have changed at a constant rate over
✓ Bioarchaeologists use anatomical data to reconstruct time, scientists estimate when the last common
cultures of the past. ancestor of two species lived.
131
1. Who owns the past? How much does politics 3. Controversy has surrounded Kennewick Man since this
affect the answer to that question? What should skeleton was discovered on the banks of the Columbia
archaeologists do when groups that claim rights to River in Washington in 1996. Did scientists deserve
cultural heritage intend to destroy it? the opportunity to study the remains at the expense of
2. The cultural practice of burial of the dead altered the Native American wishes? What should happen next?
fossil record and provided valuable insight into the 4. How can an interpretation of physical or cultural
beliefs and practices of past cultures. The same is true remains change depending upon the date assigned to
today. What beliefs are reflected in the traditions for the remains? Why are metaphors used in the context
treatment of the dead in your culture? of geologic time?
Digging Anthropology
This chapter talks about the actual digging that you can gather your tools: A trowel will suffice
paleoanthropologists and archaeologists perform, to get going, though you may want some of the
so it’s time for you to do some digging yourself! other archaeological tools such as a sifting screen,
Assemble a team and mimic the processes described shovel, or brushes depending upon conditions and
here as best you can. First is site identification: availability. Once you find a remnant of human
Locate a place that might be interesting to dig activity, record it, protect it, and take it back to your
like a backyard, beach, or riverbank and acquire “lab” for cleanup, cataloguing, and analysis. See if
permission as necessary. Make a map of the area, you can use techniques like stratigraphy to date
choose a datum point, and draw out a grid. Then your finds!
Gallo Images/Getty Images
CHALLENGE ISSUE
What makes us human? Where and when did our first ancestors appear? Paleoanthropologists
answer these questions by studying our primate relatives, the fossil record, and geology.
They use this fragmentary evidence to reconstruct a coherent trajectory of our evolution-
ary history. Each new discovery impacts this narrative, often stirring up controversy. Take,
for example, the announcement at the Cradle of Human Kind Visitor Center in Gauteng,
South Africa, in September 2015, of a new member of the genus Homo discovered in the
nearby Rising Star Cave. The enthusiasm of University Vice Chancellor Adam Habib, South
African Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa, and Professor Lee Berger is palpable as they
reveal Homo naledi. Berger and his team argue that these fossils, from at least fifteen
distinct individuals, display human features and appear to have been deliberately buried.
However, others disagree, saying that the hasty excavation and laboratory work led to inac-
curate dating. Still others contend that the fossils resemble established species of the
genus Homo, or even that they are closer to earlier bipeds. Paleoanthropologists debate
each new discovery constantly updating their interpretations of our evolutionary history.
From First Primates
to First Bipeds 6
In geologic terms, humans appeared in the world recently, although not as In this chapter you
recently as some new strains of bacteria. Our form—like that of any organism— will learn to
came about only as a consequence of a whole string of accidental happenings ● Identify the course of
in the past. The history of any species contains many such occurrences. This primate evolution and its
chapter begins our focus on human origins, starting with our earliest primate major geologic events.
ancestors. Much of who we are, as culture-bearing biological organisms, derives ● Recognize the anatomy
from our mammalian primate heritage. of bipedalism and how
paleoanthropologists
identify the hominin line
and distinct species in
Primate Origins the fossil record.
Early primates began to emerge during a time of great global change at the start
● Discuss how cultural
biases interfered with
of the Paleocene epoch 65 million years ago (mya). Evidence suggests that a
scientific recognition of
meteor or some other extraterrestrial body slammed into the earth where the Yu- the African origins of
catan Peninsula of Mexico is now, cooling global temperatures to such an extent humans.
as to cause the extinction of the dinosaurs (as well as numerous other species). ● Describe paleoanthro-
For 100 million years, dinosaurs had dominated most terrestrial environments pology in action: how
paleoanthropologists
suitable for vertebrate animals and would probably have continued to do so
construct the trajectory
without such a climate change. Although mammals appeared at about the same of human origins from
time as reptiles, they were small, inconspicuous creatures. With the demise of fragmentary remains.
the dinosaurs, new opportunities became available, allowing mammals to begin ● Compare the earliest
their great adaptive radiation into a variety of species, including our own ances- bipeds to one another
tors, the earliest primates (Figure 6.1).
and to chimps and
humans.
Newly evolved grasses, shrubs, and other flowering plants proliferated enor-
mously during this same time period. This diversification, along with a milder
● Identify two types of
australopithecines: the
climate, favored the spread of tropical and subtropical forests over the earth.
gracile and the robust.
The spread of these huge belts of forest set the stage for the expansion of some
● Describe the earliest
mammals into the trees. Forests provided our early ancestors with the ecolog-
appearance of the
ical niches in which they would flourish. See Figure 6.2 for a full timeline of genus Homo in the
primate evolution. fossil record.
133
134 CHAPTER 6 From First Primates to First Bipeds
© Hammer/Kobal Collection/Art Resource

Figure 6.1 Extinction of the Dinosaurs
Although popular media depict the coexistence of humans and dinosaurs, in reality the extinction
of the dinosaurs occurred 65 million years ago, while the first bipeds ancestral to humans
appeared between 5 and 8 million years ago. The climate changes beginning 65 million years
ago allowed for the adaptive radiation of mammals and a diversification of plant life. The
appearance of the true seed plants (the angiosperms) provided not only highly nutritious fruit
seeds and flowers but also a host of habitats for numerous edible insects and worms—just the
sorts of food required by mammals with their higher metabolism. For species like mammals to
continue to survive, a wide diversity of plants, insects, and even single-celled organisms needs
to be maintained. In ecosystems these organisms are dependent upon one another.
Eras
MESOZOIC CENOZOIC
Epochs
PALEOCENE EOCENE OLIGOCENE MIOCENE PLIOCENE
Old World
World monkeys
and apes appear as
Prosimian
Pr osimian fossil distinctive groups
gr
primates common
in Laurasia
Anthropoid
opoid fossil
primates become Evolutionaryy lines
Evolutionar
Mass extinction common in the New to humans, chimps,
of dinosaurs and Old World
W and gorillas split
Adaptive radiation
© Cengage Learning
of mammals begins
70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0
Millions of years ago
Figure 6.2 Timeline of Primate Evolution

This timeline depicts some of the major events of primate evolution.
Primate Origins 135
One explanation for primate evolution, the arboreal

hypothesis, proposes that life in the trees was respon-
sible for enhanced visual acuity and manual dexterity in
primates. Misjudgments and errors of coordination led to
falls that injured or killed the individuals poorly adapted
to arboreal life. Natural selection would favor those
that judged depth correctly and gripped the branches
strongly. Early primates that took to the trees were prob-
ably in some measure preadapted by virtue of behavioral
flexibility, better vision, and more dexterous fingers than
their contemporaries.
Primatologist Matt Cartmill’s visual predation
hypothesis suggests that primate visual and grasping
abilities were also promoted through the activity of hunt-
ing for insects by sight (Cartmill, 1974). The relatively
small size of the early primates allowed them to make use
of the smaller branches of trees; larger, heavier competi-
tors and most predators could not follow. The move to the
smaller branches also gave them access to an abundant
food supply; the primates were able to gather insects,
leaves, flowers, and fruits directly rather than waiting for
them to fall to the ground.
Natural History Museum, University of Oslo, Norway

The first “true” primates appeared by about 55 million
years ago at the start of the Eocene epoch. During this time
period, an abrupt warming trend caused the extinction of
many older mammalian forms, which were replaced by
recognizable forerunners of some of today’s mammals,
including the prosimians. Over fifty prosimian fossil gen-
era have been found in Africa, North America, Europe,
and Asia, where the warm, wet conditions of the Eocene
sustained extensive rainforests (Figure 6.3). Relative to
ancestral primate-like mammals, these early primate fam-
Figure 6.3 Ida
ilies had enlarged braincases, slightly reduced snouts, and
The fossil record indicates that Eocene primates, ancestors of
a somewhat forward position of the eye orbits, which,
today’s prosimians and anthropoids, were abundant, diverse,
though not completely walled in, were surrounded by a
and widespread. One of these fossil finds is the spectacularly
complete bony ring called a postorbital bar (Figure 6.4).
well-preserved 47-million-year-old specimen nicknamed “Ida,”
Near the end of the Eocene, temperatures took a
which received a lot of media attention in 2009 when two
sudden dive, triggering the formation of an icecap over sections of her remains were reunited after almost thirty years
previously forested Antarctica. The result was a marked in separate private collections. Nevertheless, scientists continue
reduction in the range of suitable environments for to debate whether Ida is a true anthropoid, a distinction that
primates. The formation of icecaps also led to lower sea would place her on the line leading to humans.
levels, perhaps changing opportunities for migration of
primates. In North America, now well isolated from Eur-
monkeys and prosimians, whereas others have the
asia, primates became extinct, and elsewhere their range
derived dental formula shared by Old World monkeys
seems to have been reduced considerably.
and apes: two incisors, one canine, two premolars, and
three molars (2-1-2-3) on each side of the jaw. Their
smaller eye orbits (which indicate that these specimens
Oligocene Anthropoids were diurnal) have a complete wall, another feature of
During the Oligocene epoch, about 23 to 34 million anthropoid primates.
years ago (mya), the anthropoid primates diversified
and expanded their range. We have fossil evidence of
at least sixty genera from two different families from arboreal hypothesis An explanation for primate evolution that proposes
that life in the trees was responsible for enhanced visual acuity and
places like Egypt’s Fayum region, along with newly dis-
manual dexterity in primates.
covered localities in Algeria (North Africa) and Oman visual predation hypothesis An explanation for primate evolution that
(Arabian Peninsula). All quadrupeds, some have the proposes that hunting behavior in tree-dwelling primates was responsible
ancestral dental formula (2-1-3-3) seen in New World for their enhanced visual acuity and manual dexterity.
(lower jaws) compared to the smaller females. This infer-

Primates ence is based on modern anthropoids, where such sexual
Anthropoid Prosimian dimorphism correlates with social systems with high
Relatively Relatively competition among males.
short snout long snout
New World Monkeys

Postorbital bar The earliest evidence of primates in Central and South Amer-
Orbit completely ica dates from the Oligocene epoch. Scientists hypothesize
enclosed in bone that these primates came to South America from Africa by
means of giant floating clumps of vegetation of the sort that
No bony originate even today in the great rivers of West and Central
© Cengage Learning
plate behind Africa. In the Oligocene, the distance between the two con-
eye orbit
tinents, though still formidable, was far less than it is today.
Favorable winds and currents could have carried New World
monkey ancestors on these floating islands of vegetation to
Figure 6.4 Prosimian and Anthropoid Skulls South America quickly enough for them to survive.
Ancestral features seen in Eocene and Oligocene primates are
still seen in prosimians today. Like modern lemurs, these fossil
prosimians have a postorbital bar, a bony ring around the eye socket
that is open in the back. Anthropoid primates have orbits completely
Miocene Apes
enclosed in bone. Note also the difference in the relative size of the
snout in these two groups. Paleoanthropologists make these kinds
and Human Origins
of comparisons as they reconstruct our evolutionary history. True apes first appeared in the fossil record during the Mio-
cene epoch, 5 to 23 million years ago. It was also during
Many of these Oligocene this time period that the African and Eurasian landmasses
species possess a mixture of made direct contact. For most of the preceding 100 million
monkey and ape features. Of years, the Tethys Sea—a continuous body of water that
particular interest is the joined what are now the Mediterranean Sea and the Black
genus Aegyptopithecus Sea to the Indian Ocean—created a barrier to migration
(pronounced “e-GYPT- between Africa and Eurasia. Once joined through what is
o-PITH-ee-kus”; Greek Mediterranean Sea now the Middle East and Gibraltar, Old World primates,
for “Egyptian ape”), an Alexandria Cairo such as the apes, could extend their range from Africa into
Oligocene anthropoid Fayum Memphis Eurasia. Miocene ape fossil remains have been found ev-
Oxyrhynchus
that has sometimes been Antinooupolis erywhere from the caves of China, to the forests of France,
called a monkey with an to East Africa, where scientists have recovered the oldest
Ni
LIBYA

LIBY
le
Ri
ape’s teeth. Its lower mo- EGYPT fossil remains of bipeds. So varied and ubiquitous were
ver
Re
dS
lars have the five cusps of the fossil apes of this period that the Miocene has been
ea
an ape, and the upper ca- called the golden age of the hominoids. The word hominoid
nine and lower first pre- SUDAN comes from the Latin roots homo and homin (meaning “hu-
molar exhibit the sort of man being”) and the suffix oïdes (“resembling”).
shearing surfaces found in monkeys and apes. Its skull has In addition to the Old World anthropoid dental formula
forward-facing eye sockets completely protected by a bony of 2-1-2-3, hominoids can be characterized by the derived
wall. The endocast of its skull indicates that it had a larger characteristics of Y5 molars, lack of a tail, and broad flex-
visual cortex than that found in prosimians. Relative to ible shoulder joints. One of the Miocene apes is the direct
its body size, the brain of Aegyptopithecus was smaller than ancestor of the human line; exactly which one remains a
that of more recent anthropoids. Still, this primate seems question. An examination of the history of the contenders
to have had a larger brain than any prosimian, past or pres- for direct human ancestor among the Miocene apes dem-
ent. Possessed of a monkey-like skull and body, and fingers onstrates how reconstruction of evolutionary relationships
and toes capable of powerful grasping, it evidently moved involves much more than simply bones. Scientists interpret
about quadrupedally in a manner similar to a monkey. fossil finds by drawing on existing beliefs and knowledge.
Although no bigger than a modern house cat, Aegypto- With new discoveries, interpretations change.
pithecus was, nonetheless, one of the larger Oligocene pri- The first Miocene ape fossil remains were found in
mates. Primatologists consider the larger Aegyptopithecus Africa in the 1930s and 1940s by the British archaeologist
fossils to be males, noting that these specimens also pos- A. T. Hopwood and the renowned British Kenyan paleoan-
sess more formidable canine teeth and deeper mandibles thropologist Louis Leakey (see Anthropologists of Note).
The Leakeys
No account of 20th-century anthropology is complete without not- reconstructed, described, and interpreted the fossil material,
ing the contributions of the Leakey family. Few figures in the history Mary made the definitive study of the Oldowan tools, a very early
of the science discovered so many key fossils, received so much stone tool industry.
public acclaim, or stirred up as much controversy as Louis Leakey The Leakeys’ important discoveries were not limited to those at
(1903–1972) and his second wife Mary Leakey (1913–1996). Olduvai. In the early 1930s they found the first fossils of Miocene
Their legacy has continued through two more generations of family apes in Africa at Rusinga Island in Lake Victoria as well as a number
members as well as a multitude of students and collaborators. of skulls showing a mixture of derived and ancestral features at Kan-
Born in Kenya of missionary parents, Louis received his early jera in western Kenya. In 1948, at Fort Ternan, Kenya, the Leakeys
education from an English governess and subsequently was sent found the remains of a late Miocene ape with features that seemed
to England for a university education. He returned to Kenya in the appropriate for an ancestor of the bipeds. After Louis’s death, Paul
1920s to begin his career. In 1931, Louis and his research assis- Abell, a member of an expedition led by Mary Leakey, found the first
tant from England, Mary Nicol (whom he married in 1936), began fossilized footprints of early bipeds at Laetoli, Tanzania.
working in their spare time at Olduvai Gorge in Tanzania, where The Leakey tradition continues—with son Richard (b. 1944),
German paleontologist Hans Reck had found a contentious ancient Richard’s wife Meave (b. 1942), and their daughter (Louis and
human skeleton in 1913. Numerous animal fossils as well as crude Mary’s granddaughter) Louise (b. 1972). Richard was at the fore-
stone tools were lying scattered on the ground and eroding out of front of paleoanthropology in the 1970s when he led expeditions
the walls of the gorge, but the Leakeys did not find human biological that uncovered the Nariokotome Boy, the Kenyan Black Skull, as
remains there, despite repeated expeditions over many years. well as several important early Homo skulls. Although Richard
Their patience and persistence were not rewarded until 1959, has since retreated from fieldwork to focus on conservation and
when Mary found the first fossil, an Australopithecus boisei skull. political activism, Meave and Louise continue the study of human
A year later, their 19-year-old son Jonathan (b. 1940) found the origins in the Turkana Basin of Kenya, where they made their stun-
first specimens that would be termed Homo habilis, and Olduvai ning Kenyanthropus platyops discovery, among others.
began to be known as one of the most important sources of Louis Leakey supported a good deal of important work by
fossils relevant to human evolution in all of Africa. While Louis others. He made it possible for Jane Goodall to begin her land-
mark field studies of chim-
panzees and later he was
instrumental in setting up
Dian Fossey’s similar studies
of gorillas and Biruté Galdi-
kas’s studies of orangutans.
He also set into motion the
fellowship program responsi-
ble for the training of numer
numer-
ous paleoanthropologists
from Africa.
Louis had a flamboyant
personality and a way of
interpreting fossil materi-
als that frequently did not
stand up to careful scrutiny,
Robert Sisson/National Geographic Creative
but this did not stop him

from publicly presenting his
views as if they were the
gospel truth; it was this as-
pect of the Leakeys’ work
that generated controversy.
Nonetheless, the research
of the Leakey family has
contributed greatly to our
Not only did Louis and Mary Leakey contribute substantially to paleoanthropology through numerous
much fuller understanding of
archaeological fossil finds, but they also created a lineage of paleoanthropologists. Here they are in
human origins.
the 1950s.
These fossils turned up on one of the many islands in Lake did in the mid-1700s when Linnaeus developed the taxo-
Victoria, the 27,000-square-mile lake where Kenya, Tanza- nomic scheme that grouped humans with other primates.
nia, and Uganda meet. Impressed with the chimp-like ap- Chimps, bonobos, gorillas, and orangutans all possess the
pearance of these fossil remains, Hopwood suggested that same basic body plan, adapted to hanging by their arms
the new species be named Proconsul, combining the Latin from branches or knuckle-walking on the ground. Hu-
root for “before” ((pro) with the stage name of a chimpan- mans and their ancestors had an altogether different form
zee who was performing in London at the time. of locomotion—walking upright on two legs (Figure 6.6).
Dated to the early Miocene (17 to 21 mya), Proconsul On an anatomical basis, the first Miocene ape to become
exhibited some of the classic hominoid features, like the bipedal could have come from any part of the vast range
characteristic pattern of Y5 grooves in the lower molar of Old World Miocene apes.
teeth and the lack of a tail. However, the adaptations of Today, scientists agree that genetic evidence firmly es-
the upper body seen in later apes (including humans), tablishes that the human line diverged from those leading
such as a skeletal structure adapted for hanging suspended to chimpanzees between 5 and 8 million years ago with
below tree branches, were absent. In other words, Pro- gorillas diverging somewhat earlier. Although any fossil
consul had some apelike features as well as some features discoveries in Africa from this critical time period have
of four-footed Old World monkeys (Figure 6.5). This the potential to be the missing link between humans and
mixture of ape and monkey features makes Proconsul a the other African ape species, controversy surrounds the
contender for a missing link between monkeys and apes, interpretation of many of these fossil finds. Still, scientists
although at least seven fossil hominoid groups besides
Proconsul have been found in East Africa from the early to
middle Miocene.
Before these African fossil discoveries, European sci-
entists in the early 20th century concentrated on the
various species of European ape—all members of the
genus Dryopithecus (pronounced “DRY-o-PITH-ee-kus”).
They believed that humans evolved where “civilization”
developed and that these apes could be the missing link
to humans. Moreover, investigators initially did not
consider that humans were more closely related to the
African apes than they were to the other intelligent great
ape—the Asian orangutan. Chimps, bonobos, gorillas, and
orangutans were thought to be more closely related to one
another than any of them were to humans.
The construction of evolutionary relationships still
relied upon visual similarities among species, much as it
Martin Harvey/Photolibrary/Getty Images

© Cengage Learning
Figure 6.6 Bipedal Apes?

Figure 6.5 A Reconstructed Skeleton of Proconsul While an ape like this bonobo can walk upright on two legs for
Note the apelike absence of a tail but limb and body proportions a minute or two, no ape can sustain this form of locomotion for
similar to monkeys. Proconsul, however, was capable of greater long periods of time. The shift to bipedalism involved structural
rotation of forelimbs than monkeys. changes in the skeleton that apes do not possess.
agree on the basic evolutionary relationships among the gorilla lineage had become distinct from the human and
Old World anthropoid primates (Figure 6.7). chimp lines 2 to 4 million years before those lines split.
For example, in 2007 scientists announced a new Other scientists have required more fossil evidence before
10-million-year-old ape species discovered in Ethiopia as pushing back the timing of the split.
ancestral to gorillas (Suwa et al., 2007). Named Chorora- Some fossil discoveries have begun to fill in the critical
pithecus abyssinicus—after Chorora, the local area where period of 5 to 8 million years ago. In the summer of 2002,
the fossil was found, and Abyssinia, the historical Arab a team of international researchers in Chad unearthed
name of Ethiopia—the scientists who found the nine a well-preserved skull dated to between 6 and 7 million
fossil teeth claim that this specimen indicates that the years ago (Figure 6.8). Calling their find Sahelanthropus
CATARRHINI
CERCOPITHECOIDS HOMINOIDS
Baboon Macaque Cercopithecus Presbytis Colobus Gibbon- Orangutan Gorilla Bonobo Chimpanzee Homo
Siamang
0
Australopithecus
5
Ardipithecus
Orrorin
tugenensis
10
MIOCENE
Sahelanthropus
Sivapithecus tchadensis
(Toumai)
15
Chororapithecus
abyssinicus

Proconsul
20
Aegyptopithecus
25
OLIGOCENE
30
35
40
© Cengage Learning
45
Figure 6.7 Relationships among the Old World Anthropoids

Although debate continues over details, this chart represents a reasonable reconstruction
of evolutionary relationships among the Old World anthropoid primates. Note that except for
humans, chimps, and bonobos, these groups listed contain two or more species. (Extinct
evolutionary lines are not shown.)
but nicknamed “Millennium Man,” controversy also sur-

rounds these specimens (Senut et al., 2001).
The evidence for Orrorin consists of bone fragments
from the arm and thigh, a finger bone, some jaw frag-
ments, and teeth from at least five individuals. The thigh-
bones demonstrate possible but not definite bipedalism.
Unfortunately, the distal, or far ends, of the thighbone
that would prove this are not fully preserved. The humerus
(upper arm) appears to be more like that of humans, but
arm bones cannot confirm bipedalism. Surprisingly, many
other unexpected fragments can provide strong evidence
of bipedalism, as we will explore next.
The Anatomy
of Bipedalism
© Michael Brunet Anatomical changes accompany bipedalism literally from
head to toe. An isolated skull may be one indicator of
Figure 6.8 Sahelanthropus tchadensis bipedalism (Figure 6.9) because balancing the head in
The spectacular skull from Chad nicknamed “Toumai” (“hope an upright posture requires a skull position relatively
for life” in the region’s Goran language) has been proposed as centered above the spinal column. The spinal cord leaves
the earliest direct human ancestor. Although the 6- to 7-million- the skull at its base through the foramen magnum (see
year-old specimen is beautifully preserved and has some derived Chapter 3). In a knuckle-walker like a chimp, the foramen
features, some paleoanthropologists do not believe that the skull magnum sits toward the back of the skull, whereas in a
alone establishes bipedalism, the hallmark of the human line. biped it is toward the front.
Extending down from the skull of a biped, the spinal
column makes a series of convex and concave curves
tchadensis (“Sahel human of Chad,” referring to the Sahel, that together maintain the body in an upright posture
a belt of semi-arid land bordering the southern edge of the by positioning the body’s center of gravity above the legs
Sahara Desert), the researchers suggested that this speci- rather than forward. The curves correspond to the neck
men represented the earliest known ancestor of humans (cervical), chest (thoracic), lower back (lumbar), and pel-
(Brunet et al., 2002). Inclusion of any fossil specimen in vic (sacral) regions of the spine, respectively. In a chimp,
the human evolutionary line depends upon evidence for the shape of the spine follows a single arching curve
bipedalism (also called bipedality), the shared derived (Figure 6.10). Interestingly, at birth the spines of human
characteristic distinguishing humans and their ancestors
from the other African apes.
Some paleoanthropologists argue that this specimen, Human Chimpanzee
nicknamed “Toumai” (“hope for life” in the region’s
Goran-language), cannot be established as a hominin
from its skull alone, considering the degree of distortion
present. The research team maintains that derived fea-
tures, such as a reduced canine tooth, indicate its status
as a member of the human evolutionary line. Whether or
not this specimen proves to be a direct human ancestor,
as the only skull from this time period, it remains a very
© Cengage Learning
important find.
In 2001, 6-million-year-old fossils discovered in Kenya
were also reported as human ancestors. Officially given Foramen magnum
the species name Orrorin tugenensis (Orrorin meaning “orig-
inal man” and tugenensis meaning “from the Tugen Hills”)
Figure 6.9 The Foramen Magnum
Bipedalism can be inferred from the position of the foramen
bipedalism A special form of locomotion, distinguishing humans and
magnum, the large opening at the base of the skull. Note its
their ancestors from the African great apes, in which the organism walks relatively forward position on the human skull (left) compared to
upright on two feet; also called bipedality.
bipedality the chimpanzee skull.
The Anatomy of Bipedalism 141
A Cervical vertebrae
B Thoracic vertebrae
C Lumbar vertebrae
D Sacrum
E Ilium
Pelvis A
F Ischium
G Pubis
H Femur B
I Tibia
A E
D
B G
F
C
D
E
H
G
F
I
© Cengage Learning
I
Homo sapiens Australopithecus Ape
Figure 6.10 Chimp and Human Skeletons

Differences between skeletons of chimps and humans reflect
their habitual mode of locomotion. Notice the curves in the
spinal column of the human as well as the basin-shaped pelvis.
babies have a single arching curve as seen in adult apes.

As humans mature, the curves characteristic of bipedal-
ism appear: the cervical curve at about 3 months and the
David L. Brill
lumbar curve at around 12 months—a time when many
babies begin to walk.
The shape of the pelvis also differs considerably be-
tween bipeds and other apes. Instead of an elongated Figure 6.11 Lower Limb Comparisons
shape following the arch of the spine as seen in the The upper hip bones and lower limbs of (from left) Homo
chimp, the biped has a wider and foreshortened pelvis sapiens, Australopithecus (an ancestral hominin species), and
that provides structural support for the upright body. an ape can be used to determine means of locomotion. The
With a wide bipedal pelvis, the lower limbs would be striking similarities between the human and australopithecine
oriented away from the body’s center of gravity if the bones are indicative of bipedal locomotion.
thighbones (femora) did not angle in toward each other
from the hip to the knee, a phenomenon termed “kneeing toward the midline). In general, humans and their ances-
in.” (Notice how your own knees and feet can touch when tors possess shorter toes than the other apes.
standing whereas your hip joints remain widely spaced.) These anatomical features allow paleoanthropologists
This angling does not continue past the knee to the shin- to diagnose bipedal locomotion even in fragmentary
bones (tibia), which are oriented vertically (Figure 6.11).
Other characteristics of bipeds are their stable arched
abduction Movement away from the midline of the body or away from
feet and the absent opposable big toe. The position of the center of the hand or foot.
the ape big toe is abducted (sticking out away from the adduction Movement toward the midline of the body or toward the
midline) while the human big toe is adducted (pulled in center of the hand or foot.
© Cengage Learning
Figure 6.12 Bipedal Gait
The bipedal gait in some regards is really serial monopedalism, or movement by means of one foot
at a time through a series of controlled falls. While the body is supported in a one-legged stance,
a biped takes a stride by swinging the other leg forward. The heel of the foot is the first part of the
swinging leg to hit the ground. Then as the biped continues to move forward, the individual rolls
from the heel toward the toe, pushing or “toeing off” into the next swing phase of the stride.
remains such as the top of the shinbone or the base of a

skull. Bipedal locomotion can also be established through
fossilized footprints, which preserve the characteristic
stride used by humans and their ancestors (Figure 6.12).
Once bipedalism establishes a fossil specimen as a homi-
nin, paleoanthropologists turn to other features, such as
the skull or teeth, to reconstruct relationships among the
various fossil hominin groups.
The most dramatic confirmation of our ancestors’
walking ability comes from Laetoli, Tanzania, where two
(perhaps three) individuals walked across newly fallen
volcanic ash 3.6 million years ago (Figure 6.13). Because it
was damp, the ash took the impressions of their feet, and
these were sealed beneath subsequent ash falls until dis-
covered in the late 1970s by a team led by British paleoan-
thropologist Mary Leakey (see Anthropologists of Note).
Ardipithecus
Kenneth Garrett/National Geographic/Getty Images
A dramatic paleoanthropological discovery was announced
in the fall of 2009: a remarkably complete skeleton of a
putative human ancestor dated to 4.4 million years ago
(Figure 6.14). Only half a dozen partially complete fossil
skeletons on the human line older than 1 million years
have ever been discovered, and this one is the oldest. Nick-
named “Ardi” for the new genus Ardipithecus,
Ardipithecus these fossil
remains, unearthed between 1992 and 1995, have dramat-
ically changed what we know about the earliest bipeds
(White et al., 2009). The genus actually contains two spe- Figure 6.13 Laetoli FFootprints
cies, A. ramidus and the older A. kadabba, whose less com- The Laetoli Footprints are some of the earliest evidence
plete remains date to between 5.2 and 5.8 million years ago. of hominoid bipedalism in the fossil record. Because the
footprints were preserved in volcanic ash, paleoanthropologists
can date when these steps were taken at the Laetoli site in
Ardipithecus One of the earliest genera of bipeds that lived in East
Tanzania. Mary Leakey led the team of paleoanthropologists
Africa. Ardipithecus
Ardipithecus is actually divided into two species: the older, A.
kadabba,, which dates to between 5.2 and 5.8 million years ago, and the that discovered this 24 meters (80 feet) long trail of
younger, A. ramidus which dates to around 4.4 million years ago.
A. ramidus, footprints.
Australopithecus 143
Australopithecus
By the early 20th century, fossils of more recent Pliocene
bipeds had already been uncovered in East Africa and
South Africa (Figure 6.15). The name for this genus,
Australopithecus, was coined in 1924 when a partial
skull and natural brain cast of a young individual was
brought to the attention of anatomist Raymond Dart of
the University of Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, South
Africa. Found by workers in a limestone quarry in the
David Brill Photography

South African town of Taung, the specimen (dubbed
“Taung Child”) was unlike any creature Dart had seen be-
fore. Recognizing an intriguing mixture of ape and human
characteristics, Dart proposed a new taxonomic category
Figure 6.14 Ardipithecus ramidus for the specimen—
specimen—Australopithecus africanus or “southern
Paleonthropological analyses of the Ardi remains discovered ape of Africa”—suggesting that it represented an extinct
in the early 1990s established that she was a forest-dwelling species that was ancestral to humans (Figure 6.16).
human ancestor. For over fifteen years, an international team
of forty-seven scientists conducted painstaking excavation,
reconstruction, and analysis to create a complete picture of
the lifeways of this new species. Here (left to right) are three
members of that team: Gen Suwa from Japan, Berhane Asfaw
M ed ite
from Ethiopia, and Tim White from the United States. Through rranean Sea
this process Ardi has become personified. A series of research

papers in the prestigious journal Science, along with a Discovery
Channel documentary about how the scientists went about their
work, reveal not only the importance of the find but how Ardi has
captured our collective imagination. CHAD Hadar
Middle
ETHIOPIA Awash
(Once the name of a genus has been established, it can be Olduvai

East Turkana KENYA
Gorge
abbreviated with the first letter followed by the complete West Turkana
species name.) The discovery of A. ramidus shows that some TANZANIA Laetoli
of the earliest bipeds inhabited a forested environment Indian
much like that of contemporary chimpanzees, bonobos, MALAWI Ocean
and gorillas; the remains were found in deposits along Atlantic

Ocean
Ethiopia’s Awash River accompanied by fossils of forest
Sterkfontein
animals. Ardi’s name comes from the local Afar language,
© Cengage Learning
SOUTH
in which Ardi means “floor” and ramid means “root.” AFRICA
Swartkrans
As is often the case with fossil discoveries, paleoan- Taung
thropologists debate Ardi’s exact place on the human line.
Many paleoanthropologists expected the earliest bipeds
to resemble something halfway between humans and Figure 6.15 Map of Australopithecus Sites
chimps. Indeed, at 120 centimeters (47 inches) tall and Australopithecine fossils have been found in South Africa,
a weight of about 50 kilograms (110 pounds), Ardi was Malawi, Tanzania, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Chad. In the Miocene, the
about the size of a female chimpanzee, with correspond- Eurasian and African continents made contact at the eastern
ing brain size and tooth enamel thickness as well. But de- and western ends of what is now the Mediterranean Sea. As
spite possessing a chimps’ grasping big toe, Ardi’s overall these landmasses met, rifting also occurred, gradually raising the
body plan is closer to that of some early Miocene apes. elevation of the eastern third of Africa. The drier climates that
Ardi was suited to traveling across the tops of branches resulted may have played a role in human evolution in the
distant past. This rifting also gives us excellent geologic
with the palms of her hands and feet facing downward,
conditions for finding fossils today.
as well as walking between the trees on the ground in an
upright position. The other African apes, as we saw in pre-
vious chapters, knuckle-walk on the forest floor and hang
suspended below the branches. Nevertheless, some scien-
Australopithecus The genus including several species of early bipeds
tists suggest Ardipithecus is a side branch on the human from South Africa and East Africa living between about 1.1 and 4.3
evolutionary tree rather than our direct ancestor. million years ago, one of whom was directly ancestral to humans.
fragments and immodestly named it Eoanthropus dawsoni

or “Dawson’s Dawn Man” (Figure 6.17). The bones of some
extinct animal species had also been discovered at Pilt-
down, lending credibility to the claim that Dawson’s skull
represented an ancient human ancestor. Until the 1950s,
the Piltdown remains were widely accepted as the missing
link between apes and humans; today, they are known as
one of the biggest hoaxes in the history of science.
There were several reasons for widespread acceptance
Pascal Goetgheluck/Science Source

of Piltdown Man. As Darwin’s theory of evolution by
natural selection gained acceptance in the early 20th cen-
tury, intense interest developed in finding traces of pre-
historic human ancestors. On the basis of his knowledge
of embryology and the comparative anatomy of living
apes and humans, Darwin even suggested in his 1871
book The Descent of Man that early humans had, among
Figure 6.16 The Taung Child
other things, a large brain and an apelike face and jaw.
Discovered in South Africa in 1924, the Taung Child was the
Although the tools made by prehistoric peoples were
first fossil specimen placed in the genus Australopithecus.
Though Raymond Dart correctly diagnosed the Taung Child’s commonly found in Europe, their bones were not. A few fos-
bipedal mode of locomotion as well as its importance in human silized skeletons had come to light in France and Germany,
evolution, scientists immediately rejected Dart’s claims that this but they did not resemble the predicted missing link, nor had
small-brained biped with a human-like face was a direct ancestor any human fossils ever been discovered in England. Given
to humans. this state of affairs, the Piltdown finds could not have come
at a better time: a long-awaited missing link, and with the
bonus that it was found on English soil.
Fortunately, the self-correcting nature of science pre-
Although the anatomy of the base of the skull indi-
vailed. While a handful of scholars questioned Piltdown
cated that the Taung Child was probably a biped, the sci-
Man’s authenticity early on, it took the application of the
entific community was not ready to accept the notion of a
newly developed fluorine dating (described in Chapter 5)
small-brained African ancestor to humans. Dart’s original
by British physical anthropologist Kenneth Oakley and
paper describing the Taung Child was published in the
colleagues in 1953 to conclusively expose the hoax. The
February 1925 edition of the prestigious journal Nature.
forgery consisted of a 600-year-old human skull and a
The next month’s issue was filled with venomous critiques
recent jaw from an orangutan that had been chemically
rejecting Dart’s proposal that this specimen represented
treated to appear fossil-like. These findings fully vindi-
a human ancestor. Criticisms of Dart ranged from biased
cated Dart and the Taung Child.
to fussy to sound. Some scholars chastised Dart for incor-
rectly combining Latin and Greek in the genus and species
name he coined. Other critics more justifiably questioned
the wisdom of making inferences about the appearance of
The Pliocene Environment
an adult of the species based only on the fossilized remains
of a young individual. However, ethnocentric bias was the
and Hominin Diversity
biggest obstacle to Dart’s proposed human ancestor. Pa- The tremendous geologic changes of the Miocene epoch
leoanthropologists of the early 20th century assumed that continued into the Pliocene. The steady movement of
human ancestors had possessed large brains for millions geologic plates supporting the African and Eurasian conti-
of years and expected to find evidence of them in Europe nents resulted in a collision of the two landmasses at either
or Asia. No researchers at the time believed that human end of what now is the Mediterranean Sea. This contact
evolution had occurred in Africa; this expectation was allowed for the spread of species between the continents.
partially due to the infamous Piltdown Man. The same tectonic movements led to the creation of
In 1912, British amateur archaeologist Charles Dawson the Great Rift Valley system, a separation between geo-
claimed to have uncovered a specimen consisting of a hu- logic plates extending from the Middle East through the
man-like skull with an apelike jaw at the Piltdown gravels of Red Sea and East Africa into South Africa. Rifting created
Sussex, England. Working with paleontologist Arthur Smith the steady increase in the elevation of the eastern third
Woodard, Dawson had reconstructed the cranium from of the African continent, which experienced a cooler and
drier climate and a transformation of vegetation from
rifting In geology, the process by which a rift, or a long narrow zone of forest to dry grassy savannah. Rifting also contributed
faulting, results when two geologic plates separate. to the volcanic activity in the region, which has provided
savannah Semi-arid plains environment with few scattered trees. opportunities for accurate dating of fossil specimens.
The Pliocene Environment and Hominin Diversity 145
Discovery of the Piltdown Man in 1911, Cooke, Arthur Claude (1867–1951)/Geological Society, London, UK/Bridgeman Images
Figure 6.17 The Piltdown Gang
The Piltdown Man was widely accepted as ancestral to humans, largely because it fit with
conventional expectations that the missing link would have a large brain and an apelike
face. No one knows with certainty how many of the Piltdown gang—scientists supporting this
specimen as the missing link—were actually involved in the forgery. Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, the
author of the Sherlock Holmes detective stories, has been implicated.
Diverse Australopithecine the East African sites are the most reliably dated, we will
look at these fossils first, followed by the South African
Species australopithecines, and then we close the chapter with a
Since Dart’s original find, hundreds of other fossil bipeds late-appearing grade of australopithecine that coexisted
have been discovered, first in South Africa and later in with the genus Homo.
Tanzania, Malawi, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Chad. As they
were discovered, scientists defined a variety of different
genera and species, but over time researchers have deter-
East Africa
mined that the single genus Australopithecus includes most The oldest australopithecine species known so far consists
of these species. Anthropologists recognize possibly as of some jaw and limb bones from Kenya that date to
many as ten species of the genus (Table 6.1). In addition, between 3.9 and 4.2 million years ago (see Australopith-
some other groups of fossil bipeds from the Pliocene ep- ecus anamensis in Table 6.1). Meave and Louise Leakey
och (1.6 to around 5 mya) have been discovered, includ- (daughter-in- law and granddaughter, respectively, of
ing the earliest representatives of the genus Homo. Because Louis and Mary, see Anthropologists of Note) discovered
TABLE 6.1
Species of Australopithecus and Other Pliocene Fossil Hominins*

Species Location Dates Notable Features/Fossil Specimens
Ardipithecus ramidus Ethiopia 4.4 mya †
Fossil remains of over thirty-five individuals including
Ardi (another species, Ardipithecus kadabba, dates to
5.4–5.8 mya)
Australopithecus anamensis Kenya 3.9–4.2 mya Oldest australopithecine
Australopithecus deyiremeda Ethiopia 3.3–3.5 mya Newly proposed relative of A. afarensis with slightly more
robust jaws
Kenyanthropus platyops Kenya 3.2–3.5 mya Contemporary with australopithecines, believed by some to
be a member of that genus
Australopithecus afarensis East Africa 2.9–3.9 mya Lucy, Lucy’s Child, the Laetoli footprints
Australopithecus bahrelghazali Chad 3–3.5 mya Only australopithecine from Central Africa
Australopithecus africanus South Africa 2.3–3 mya First discovered, gracile, well represented in fossil record
(Taung)
Australopithecus aethiopicus Kenya 2.5 mya Oldest robust australopithecine (Black Skull)
Australopithecus garhi Ethiopia 2.5 mya Later East African australopithecine with human-like dentition
Australopithecus boisei Kenya 1.2–2.3 mya Later robust form coexisted with early Homo (Zinj)
Australopithecus robustus South Africa 1–2 mya Coexisted with early Homo
Australopithecus sediba South Africa 1.97–1.98 mya May be ancestral to early Homo and a descendant
of A. africanus
Homo naledi South Africa ? Possibly a transitional species between australopithecines
and Homo if dated to between 2–2.5 mya
* Paleoanthropologists differ in the number of species they recognize; some believe that the species represent separate genera.
† Million years ago.
these fossils in 1995, giving them a name meaning “ape- Fossil localities in Ethiopia and Tanzania have yielded
man of the lake.” The jaw of anamensis shows particular- at least sixty individuals from Australopithecus afarensis.
ities in the teeth such as a true sectorial: a lower premolar Potassium-argon techniques securely date the specimens
tooth shaped to hone the upper canine as seen in apes. from Ethiopia’s Afar region to between 2.9 and 3.9 mil-
In humans and more recent ancestors, the premolar has lion years ago, and material from Laetoli, in Tanzania, to
a characteristic bicuspid shape and does not sharpen the 3.6 million years ago. Altogether, A. afarensis appears to
canine each time the jaws come together. As in other aus- be a sexually dimorphic bipedal species with estimates of
tralopithecines and humans, thick enamel coats the molar body size and weight ranging between 1.1 and 1.6 meters
teeth. The limb bone fragments indicate bipedalism. (3½–5 feet) and 29 and 45 kilograms (64–100 pounds),
The next australopithecine species defined in the fossil respectively.
record, Australopithecus afarensis, is also one of the best Assuming that larger mature fossil specimens were
known due to the Laetoli footprints from Tanzania, the fa- males and smaller specimens females, males were about
mous Lucy specimen (Figure 6.18), and the recent discov- one and a half times the size of females. This falls
ery of the 3.3-million-year-old remains of a young child between the lesser degree of dimorphism present in
called “Lucy’s Baby” (recall Figure 5.1). Lucy consists of modern chimpanzees and the greater amount seen in
bones from almost all parts of a single 3.2-million-year-old gorillas and orangutans. Some research suggests that
skeleton discovered in 1974 in the Afar Triangle of Ethi- A. afarensis’ sexual dimorphism was closer to chimpanzees
opia (hence the name afarensis). Standing only 3½ feet and modern humans (Larsen, 2003). A. afarensis males
tall, this adult female was named after the Beatles song possess canine teeth significantly larger than those of
“Lucy in the Sky with Diamonds,” which the paleoanthro- females, though canine size is reduced compared to that
pologists listened to as they celebrated her discovery. In of chimps (Figure 6.19).
1975, the same team also discovered the “First Family”—a Nearly 40 percent complete, the Lucy specimen has
collection of afarensis bones from at least thirteen individ- provided invaluable information about the shape of the
uals, ranging in age from infancy to adulthood, who died pelvis and torso of early human ancestors. From the
together as a result of some single calamity. waist up, A. afarensis resembles an ape and from the waist
Figure 6.18 Lucy

Safely back in Ethiopia since
2013, after the six-year traveling
exhibit that was organized
and curated by the Ethiopian
government and the Houston
Museum of Natural History, Lucy
retains her powerful draw. Some
paleoanthropologists had warned
that placing the 3.2-million-year-
old fragile ancient skeleton on
public display was far too risky.
The Smithsonian Institution
and the Cleveland Museum of
Natural History declined to host
the show for this reason. Others
felt that the benefits outweighed
the risks. During the trip, Lucy’s
remains were CT scanned
so that future generations of
scientists could study them
without actually handling the
fragile bones. In addition,
the revenues from the tour
were used to help modernize
Ethiopia’s museums. Did the
tour raise public awareness
of human origins and the vital
role of Africa—in particular,
Ethiopia—in our evolutionary
history? Certainly, President
Barack Obama’s visit to Lucy in
Ethiopia in the summer of 2015
Saul Loeb/AFP/Getty Images
brought attention to her and to
our species’ African origins. Lucy
also has become the best sort
of diplomat—a symbol of human
unity, through whom we can all
trace our ancestry.
Male Male
Female
© 1981 Luba Dmytryk Gudz\David L. Brill
Female Male
Female
Chimpanzee Australopithecus
ustralopithecus
ustralopithecus af
afar
arensis
arensis Human
Figure 6.19 Sexual Dimorphism in Canine Teeth

In addition to the different levels of sexual dimorphism of canine teeth seen in chimps,
australopithecines, and humans, respectively, also note the more dagger-like shape of the
chimp canines compared to the hominins.
Figure 6.20 Comparisons of

Trunk Skeletons of Modern
Human, A. afarensis, and
Chimp
In its pelvis, the australopithecine
resembles the modern human,
but its rib cage shows the
pyramidal configuration of
the ape.
© Cengage Learning
Human A. afarensis Chimpanzee
down, a human (Figure 6.20). In addition, because her hyoid bone (located in the throat region) that will allow
forearm bones are relatively shorter than those of apes, scientists to reconstruct australopithecine patterns of
it is believed that, like humans, Lucy’s upper limbs were vocalization. Although the lower limbs clearly indicate
lighter and her center of gravity lower in the body than in bipedalism, the specimen’s scapula and long curved finger
other apes. Still, Lucy and other early australopithecines bones are more apelike.
possessed arms that were long in proportion to their legs The curvature of the fingers and toes and the some-
when compared to the proportions seen in humans. what elevated position of the shoulder joint seen in adult
Though she lived about 150,000 years before her specimens indicate that A. afarensis was better adapted to
namesake, Lucy’s Baby will add considerably to our tree climbing than were more recent human ancestors.
knowledge about the biology and behavior of A. afarensis In the following Original Study, U.S. paleoanthropologist
(Alemseged et al., 2006). These well-preserved remains of John Hawks discusses the kinds of evidence used to recon-
a child, thought to have died in a flash flood, include a struct a behavior such as tree climbing in our ancestors.
NAL
ORIGI
STU YD Ankles of the Australopithecines BY JOHN HAWKS
Recent University of Michigan PhD Jeremy extinct species; we can only observe the behavior of their
DeSilva gets some nice press about his work demonstrat- living relatives. We can observe the anatomy of fossil
ing that fossil hominins didn’t climb like chimpanzees. specimens, but testing hypotheses about their behavior re-
quires us to understand the relationship between anatomy
“Frankly, I thought I was going to find that early hu-
and behavior in living species. We’ve known about the
mans would be quite capable, but their ankle morphol-
anatomy of fossil hominin ankles for a long time, but it’s
ogy was decidedly maladaptive for the kind of climbing
not so obvious how the anatomical differences between
I was seeing in chimps,” DeSilva told LiveScience. “It
them and chimpanzee ankles relates to behavior.
kind of reinvented in my mind what they were doing
DeSilva studied the tibiae and anklebones of early
and how they could have survived in an African savan-
hominins and concludes “that if hominins included tree
nah without the ability to go up in the trees.”a
climbing as part of their locomotor repertoire, then they
This is a good example of the comparative method were performing this activity in a manner decidedly un-
un
in paleoanthropology. We can’t observe the behavior of like modern chimpanzees.”
at the ankle joint (as opposed to the midfoot). In this case,

the observations were pretty obvious—chimpanzees were
habitually flexing their ankles in ways that would dam-
age a human ankle. Then, by examining the bony limits
on human ankle flexibility, DeSilva showed that fossil
hominins shared the same constraints on ankle move-
ment as recent people. They couldn’t have climbed like
chimpanzees.
Human Climbing
I would say that the ankle-joint observations match the
rest of the skeleton. It seems pretty obvious that Austral-
opithecus afarensis and later hominins couldn’t possibly
have climbed in the chimpanzee-like manner described
in DeSilva’s paper because the hominins’ arms were too
short. If a logger tried to climb with his arms instead of a
strap, even spikes on his feet would be relatively ineffec-
tive holding him up. Dorsiflexion would be hopeless—the
normal component of force against the tree trunk would
be insufficient to prevent slipping.
© Kristen Mosher/Danita Delimont. All rights reserved.

Humans who aren’t loggers use a different strategy to
climb vertical tree trunks—they put a large fraction of the
surface area of their legs directly in contact with the trunk.
Wrapping legs around and pressing them together gives
the necessary friction to hold the body up.
If you’re like me, you’ll remember this climbing strat-
egy ruefully from gym class, where “rope climbing” is the
lowest common denominator of fitness tests. The sad fact
is that many otherwise-normal humans fall on the wrong
side of the line between mass and muscle power. Straining
my groin muscles to the max, I still could never pull my
The amount of dorsiflexion in chimpanzees’ feet allows them to way up a rope.
climb trees with the feet in a position that is impossible for humans. There’s nothing magical about getting a human to
Comparisons like this with living species allow paleoanthropologists
climb. Ladders, after all, are relatively easy for the large
to reconstruct the pattern of locomotion in fossil groups.
fraction of the population who can’t climb a rope or tree
trunk. The trick with a ladder is that friction is organized
DeSilva’s conclusion is straightforward and easy to in a more effective way for our ankle mechanics and arm
illustrate. Chimpanzees climb vertical tree trunks pretty length. But you don’t need to schlep a ladder, if you can
much like a logger does. A logger slings a strap around the manage a little extra arm strength and a low enough
trunk and leans back on it. Friction from the strap holds body mass.
him up as he moves his feet upward; spikes on his boots
hold him while he moves the strap. Early Hominin Climbing
Of course, chimpanzees don’t have spikes on their feet, Australopithecines were light in mass, and from what we
and they don’t use a strap. Instead, their arms are long can tell, they had strong arms. So they had what it takes
enough to wrap around the trunk, and they can wedge for humans today to climb trees effectively—not like
a foot against the trunk by flexing their ankle upward— chimpanzees, but like humans. Up to A. afarensis, every
dorsiflexing it—or grip the trunk by bending the ankle early hominin we know about lived in an environment
sideways—inverting the foot—around it. . . . that was at least partially wooded.
You might wonder, yeah so what? Isn’t it obvious that . . . DeSilva hypothesizes a trade-off between climbing
chimpanzees climb this way? ability and effective bipedality, so that early hominins
Well, it wasn’t so obvious which features of the ankle could not have effectively adapted to both. I don’t think
might adapt chimpanzees to this style of climbing. By a chimpanzee-like ankle would have been any use with
watching the chimpanzees (and other apes), DeSilva was arms as short as australopithecines’. So I don’t see the
able to determine the average amount (and range) of dorsi- necessity of a trade-off in ankle morphology. A. afarensis—
flexion and inversion of the feet while climbing, and could long before any evidence of stone tool manufacture—had
also assess the extent to which dorsiflexion is accomplished very non-apelike arms, hands, and thumbs.
But there’s one significant question that DeSilva One possibility is that Clarke and Tobias were simply
omits discussing—the foot bones of a South African mistaken. That appears to be the explanation favored by
australopithecine: StW 573 [see Figure 6.23]. Clarke and Harcourt-Smith and Aielloc and McHenry and Jones,d who
Tobiasb describe the foot of StW 573 as having a big toe concluded that all known hominin feet appear to lack any
that is abducted (sticks out) from the foot, intermediate “ape-like ability to oppose the big toe.” They also point to
between the chimpanzee and human condition. They the Laetoli footprint trails, most observers of which agree
conclude: that the big toe was adducted, not abducted.
I tend to favor that explanation—australopithecines
[W]e now have the best available evidence that the
simply didn’t have a grasping foot. But they may not have
earliest South African australopithecine, while bipedal,
shared the medial longitudinal arch, at least not in the
was equipped to include arboreal, climbing activities
human configuration, and without it one might doubt
in its locomotor repertoire. Its foot has departed to
that their gait featured as strong a toe-off as that of later
only a small degree from that of the chimpanzee. It is
humans. Who knows?
becoming clear that Australopithecus was not an obli-
gate terrestrial biped, but rather a facultative biped and Adapted from Hawks, J. (2009, April 14). Ankles of the aus-
climber. (p. 524) tralopithecines. John Hawks Weblog. http://johnhawks.net
/weblog/reviews/early_hominids/anatomy/desilva-2009
DeSilva studied the talus (an ankle bone), not the toe. StW -chimpanzee-climbing-talus.html (retrieved October 11, 2015).
573 has a talus, and although it is not in DeSilva’s sample, Copyright © 2009 John Hawks, all rights reserved. Reprinted
it probably would place very close to the other hominins by permission of the author.
in his comparison. Even Clarke and Tobias described its
talus as humanlike—their argument for an intermediate a
DeSilva, J. M. (2009). Functional morphology of the ankle and
form was based mostly on the toe. the likelihood of climbing in early hominins. Proceedings of the
But still, it’s hard to believe that australopithecines National Academy of Sciences USA 106 (16), 6567–6572.
would retain a chimpanzee-like big toe, if they couldn’t b
Clarke, R. J., & Tobias, P. V. (1995). Sterkfontein member 2 foot
use that big toe by inverting or dorsiflexing their foot in bones of the oldest South African hominid. Science 269 (5223),
any significant way. By all other accounts, an abducted 521–524.
hallux (big toe) would only impede effective bipedality. It c
Harcourt-Smith, W. E. H., & Aiello, L. C. (2004). Fossils, feet
is of no use at all for a humanlike pattern of climbing. The and the evolution of human bipedal locomotion. Journal of
only remaining utility would be for small-branch grasp- Anatomy 204 (5), 403–416.
ing, but small branches would seem unlikely as a support d
McHenry, H. M., & Jones, A. L. (2006). Hallucial convergence
for hominin arboreality. in early hominids. Journal of Human Evolution 50 (5), 534–539.
At the other end of the body, skull bones are vital for of adult weights, this ratio cannot be determined for
the reconstruction of evolutionary relationships. They australopithecines.
allow paleoanthropologists to learn about the cognitive Australopithecine teeth constitute one of the primary
capacities of ancestral species. For example, the brow means for distinguishing among closely related groups. In
of an A. afarensis skull slopes backward to a relatively A. afarensis, unlike humans, the teeth are all quite large,
low height and has the ridge that helps give apes such particularly the molars. The premolar is no longer fully
massive-looking foreheads. Other ape features include sectorial as in A. anamensis, but most other features of
large jaws relative to the size of the skull, no chin, and the teeth represent a more ancestral rather than derived
a small brain. Even the semicircular canal, a part of the condition. For example, instead of the dental arch seen
ear crucial to maintenance of balance, is apelike. Cranial in humans, australopithecines possess more parallel tooth
capacity, commonly used as an index of brain size for rows (the ancestral ape condition). The canines project
A. afarensis, averages about 420 cubic centimeters (cc), slightly, and a slight gap known as a diastema remains
roughly equivalent to the size of a chimpanzee and about between the upper incisors and canines as found in the
one-third the size of living humans. In addition to abso- apes (Figure 6.21).
lute brain size, the ratio of brain to body size contributes To further complicate the diversity seen in A. afarensis,
to intelligence. Unfortunately, with such a wide range in 2001 Meave and Louise Leakey announced the discov-
ery of an almost complete cranium, parts of two upper
jaws, and assorted teeth from a site in northern Kenya,
diastema A space between the canines and other teeth allowing the
dated to between 3.2 and 3.5 million years ago (Leakey
large projecting canines to fit within the jaw.
et al., 2001). Contemporaneous with early East African
Kenyanthropus platyops A proposed genus and species of biped
contemporaneous with early australopithecines; may not be a separate Australopithecus, the Leakeys see this as a different genus
genus. and named it Kenyanthropus platyops (“flat-faced
Ape Laetoli-Hadar Later Australopithecus

ustr
ustralopithecus and Homo
Dental arcade and diastema
© 1981 Luba Dmytryk Gudz\David L. Brill

Chimpanzee upper jaw Early Australopithecus
ustr
ustralopithecus Human upper jaw
Figure 6.21 Upper Jaws of Chimps, Australopithecines, and Humans

Note the differences in the arched dental arcade and the spacing between the canines and the
adjoining teeth. Only the earliest australopithecines possess a diastema (a large gap between
the upper canine and incisor), which is found in chimpanzees.
man of Kenya”). Unlike early australopithecines, Kenyan- dating it to 3.67 million years ago. Paleomagnetism and
thropus has a small braincase and small molars set in a a faunal series established in East Africa have helped to
large, human-like, flat face. The Leakeys regard the fossils place other fossils, like the Taung Child, to between 2.3
as ancestral to the genus Homo. Other paleoanthropolo-
gists disagree, suggesting that the Leakeys’ interpretation
rests on a questionable reconstruction of badly broken Catchment
fossil specimens (White, 2003). area
Central Africa Reconstructed

surface
The first Central African australopithecine species, dated
to the same time period as Kenyanthropus platyops, was
discovered in Chad. Named Australopithecus bahrelghazali
for a nearby riverbed, the specimen consists of a jaw and
several teeth dated to between 3 and 3.5 million years
ago. With time, perhaps more discoveries from this region
(also home to the Toumai specimen discussed previously)
will give a fuller understanding of the role of A. bahrel-
ghazali in human evolution.
© Cengage Learning
South Africa
Throughout the 20th century and into the present, a
variety of sites in South Africa have yielded australop-
ithecine fossils (Figure 6.22). These include numerous Figure 6.22 South African Limestone Cave Sites
fossils found beginning in the 1930s at Sterkfontein and Many of the fossil sites in South Africa were limestone caverns
Makapansgat, in addition to Dart’s original find from connected to the surface by a shaft. Over time, dirt, bones, and
Taung. Absence of the clear stratigraphy and volcanic other matter that fell down the shaft accumulated inside the
ash of East African sites makes these discoveries far more cavern, becoming fossilized. In the Pliocene, trees that grew from
difficult to date and interpret. However, cutting-edge earth next to the shaft’s opening provided a sheltered location
dating techniques have been applied to one unusually that may have been used by predators for eating without being
complete skeleton known as “Little Foot” (Figure 6.23), bothered by scavengers.
developmental pattern of australopithecines was more

humanlike than apelike. Our current understanding of
genetics and the macroevolutionary process indicates
that a developmental shift likely underlies a change in
body plan such as the emergence of bipedalism among
the African hominoids.
Hominins of the Early

Pleistocene
Other South African sites have yielded fossils from the early
Pleistocene (beginning around 2.5 mya) whose skulls and
teeth looked quite different from the gracile australopithe-
cines described previously. Relative to the size of their brain-
© Cengage Learning
cases, these South African fossils, known as Australopithecus

robustus, possess massive (robust) teeth, jaws, and chewing
muscles that distinguish them from the slightly smaller
gracile forms.
Figure 6.23 Gracile Australopithecine Foot

Note the length and flexibility of the first toe (at right) in this
drawing of the foot bones of the Sterkfontein, South Africa,
specimen (StW 573) referred to in this chapter’s Original Study,
Robust Australopithecines
also known as “Little Foot.” In 2015 scientists applied a new Over the course of evolution, several distinct groups of
radioisotopic dating technique to the remains and pushed robust australopithecines have appeared not only
back their age to 3.67 million years. It took fifteen years just in South Africa but throughout East Africa as well. The
to excavate Little Foot after its discovery in 1994, proving just first remains were found at Kromdraai and Swartkrans
how difficult and sensitive interpretation of the fossil record in the 1930s in deposits that, unfortunately, cannot be
can be. securely dated. Current thinking puts them between 1 and
2 million years ago. Usually referred to as A. robustus (see
Table 6.1), this species possessed a characteristic robust
and 3 million years ago. Paleoanthropologists usually chewing apparatus including a sagittal crest (more
classify all these specimens as A. africanus, also known as pronounced in males) running from front to back along
gracile australopithecines. the top of the skull (Figure 6.24). This feature provides
Researchers debate the presence of human qualities sufficient area on a relatively small braincase for attach-
such as an enlarged brain in gracile australopithecines. ment of the huge temporal muscles required to operate
At the moment, the weight of the evidence favors men- powerful jaws and maintain a diet based on uncooked
tal capabilities for all gracile australopithecines as being plant foods. Also present in famously herbivorous mod-
comparable to those of modern great apes (chimps, ern gorillas, the sagittal crest provides an example of
bonobos, gorillas, orangutans). Using patterns of tooth convergent evolution.
eruption in young australopithecines such as Taung, The first East African robust australopithecine was
some paleoanthropologists further suggest that the discovered by Mary Leakey in the summer of 1959, the
centennial year of the publication of Darwin’s On the
Origin of Species. She found it in Olduvai Gorge, a massive
gracile australopithecine One member of the genus Australopithecus fossil-rich gash in the earth, near Ngorongoro Crater,
possessing a more lightly built chewing apparatus; probably had a diet on the Serengeti Plain of Tanzania. About 40 kilometers
that included more meat than that of the robust australopithecines; best
(25 miles) long and 91 meters (300 feet) deep, Olduvai
represented by the South African species A. africanus.
robust australopithecine One member of the genus Australopithecus,
Gorge cuts through Pleistocene geologic strata revealing
living from 1 to 2.5 million years ago in East Africa and South Africa; close to 2 million years of the earth’s history.
known for the rugged nature of its chewing apparatus (large back teeth, Louis Leakey reconstructed his wife Mary’s discovery
large chewing muscles, and a bony ridge on the skull top to allow for and gave it the name Zinjanthropus boisei (Zinj, an old
these large muscles).
Arabic name for East Africa that means literally “Land of
sagittal crest A crest running from front to back on the top of the skull
along the midline to provide a surface of bone for the attachment of the the Blacks,” boisei after the benefactor who funded their
large temporal muscles for chewing. expedition). At first, the stone tools found in association
Hominins of the Early Pleistocene 153
Gracile Robust Sagittal crest

(the bony point
No crest
at the top of
skull)
Face
lower Face higher
on skull on skull
Smaller Wide and flaring

zygomatic zygomatic
arch (cheekbone) arch
Front and back teeth Unbalanced dentition with

of similar sizes very large molar teeth
© Cengage Learning
Figure 6.24 Gracile and Robust Australopithecines
The differences between gracile and robust australopithecines
relate primarily to their chewing apparatus. Robust species
John Reader/Science Source

have extremely large back teeth, large chewing muscles, and
a bony ridge (sagittal crest) on the top of their skulls for the
attachment of large temporal muscles. The front and back
teeth of gracile species are balanced in size, and their chewing
muscles (reflected in a less massive skull) are more like those
seen in the later genus Homo. If you place your hands on the
Figure 6.25 Robust Australopithecines and the Genus Homo
sides of your skull above your ears while opening and closing
The robust australopithecines and the earliest members
your jaw, you can feel where your temporal muscles attach
of genus Homo inhabited the earth at the same time.
to your skull. Glide your hands toward the top of your skull
These particular skulls and leg bones were all found along
while still moving your jaw to feel where these muscles end
the eastern shores of Lake Turkana in Kenya and are
in humans.
dated to between 1.7 and 1.9 million years ago. Many
paleoanthropologists classify the two specimens with rounded
skulls as members of the species Homo habilis. The robust
australopithecine at the top of the photograph has the bony
with this specimen led Louis Leakey to suggest that this ridge (sagittal crest) along the top of its skull. Note that the
ancient fossil seemed more human than Australopithecus dates for each of these species expands beyond the dates
and extremely close to modern humans in evolutionary found at one particular site.
development. Further study, however, revealed that Zin-
janthropus, the remains of which consisted of a skull and
a few limb bones, was an East African species of robust
australopithecine, Australopithecus boisei (see Table 6.1). centimeters. Body size, too, is somewhat larger; estimates
Potassium-argon dating places these fossils at about 1.75 for the weight of the South African robust forms range
million years old. between 32 and 40 kilograms (70 and 88 pounds), while
Since the time of Mary Leakey’s original A. boisei the East African robusts probably weighed between 34 and
find, numerous other fossils of this robust species have 49 kilograms (75 and 108 pounds).
been found at Olduvai, as well as north and east of Lake Because the earliest robust skull from East Africa,
Turkana in Kenya (Figure 6.25). These robust fossils date the Black Skull from Kenya, dated to 2.5 million years
from between 1 and 2.5 million years ago. Like robust ago (see A. aethiopicus in Table 6.1), retains a number
australopithecines from South Africa, East African robust of ancestral features shared with earlier East African
forms possessed enormous molars and premolars. Despite australopithecines, some suggest that it evolved from
a large mandible and palate, the anterior teeth (canines A. afarensis, giving rise to the later robust East African
and incisors) were often crowded, owing to the room forms. Paleoanthropologists debate whether the South
needed for the massive molars. The heavy skull, more African robust australopithecines represent a southern
massive even than seen in the robust forms from South offshoot of the East African line or convergent evolu-
Africa, has a sagittal crest and prominent brow ridge. tion from a South African ancestor. In either case, the
Cranial capacity ranges from about 500 to 530 cubic later robust australopithecines developed molars and
Epochs
MIOCENE PLIOCENE PLEISTOCENE
Australopithecus
Australopithecus bahr
bahrelghazali
elghazali Australopithecus
Australopithecus aethiopicus
Sahelanthropus
Sahelanthropus Kenyanthr
nyanthropus
nyanthr
anthropus
tchadensis platyops
platyops
Australopithecus garhi
Australopithecus
Australopithecus
Australopithecus
Orrorin
Orr
rorin Australopithecus
Australopithecus af
afar
arensis
arensis sediba
tugenensis
Australopithecus
Australopithecus
deyiremeda
yiremeda
yiremeda Australopithecus
Australopithecus boisei
Ar
Ardipithecus Australopithecus
Austr Austr
Australopithecus
Australopithecus
Australopithecus
© Cengage Learning
anamensis africanus
robustus
robustus
6 5 4 3 2 1
Figure 6.26 Timeline of Australopithecines and Other Ancestral Plio-Pleistocene Hominins

This timeline shows the fossil bipeds who were not members of the genus Homo and the
scientific names by which they have been known, arranged according to when they lived.
The genus Homo first appeared in the fossil record 2.5 million years ago and coexisted with
the gracile species A. garhi and A. sediba. There is also overlap between Homo and the robust
australopithecine species A. aethiopicus, A. boisei, and A. robustus. Whether the different
species names are warranted is a matter of debate.
premolars that are both absolutely and relatively larger (Figure 6.27). Though the teeth were large, this australo-
than those of earlier australopithecines, who possessed pithecine possessed an arched dental arcade and a ratio
front and back teeth more in proportion to those seen between front and back teeth more like humans and
in the genus Homo. South African gracile australopithecines than like robust
Many anthropologists believe that the late australop- groups. For this reason, some have proposed that A. garhi
ithecines avoided competition with early members of the (named from the Afar word for “surprise”) is ancestral to
genus Homo, their contemporaries, by becoming special- the genus Homo, though the question of which australo-
ized consumers of plant foods. In the course of evolution, pithecine was ancestral to humans remains particularly
the law of competitive exclusion dictates that when controversial.
two closely related species compete for the same niche, In 2010, scientists announced a newly discovered
one will outcompete the other, bringing about the loser’s gracile australopithecine named Australopithecus
extinction. Their lengthy coexistence from about 1 to sediba. First discovered in 2008 in South Africa by
2.5 million years ago suggests that early Homo and late paleoanthropologist Lee Berger’s then 9-year-old son
Australopithecus did not compete for the same niche Matthew, who was exploring while his father excavated
(Figure 6.26). a formal site nearby, this find consists of at least four
partial skeletons, one of which is a well-preserved ado-
lescent male. Best of all, A. sediba can be precisely dated
Australopithecines to between 1.97 and 1.98 million years ago by paleo-

magnetism and uranium dating (Pickering et al., 2011).
and the Genus Homo A variety of derived traits in the hand, forearm, and
pelvis have led Berger’s team to suggest that A. sediba is a
A variety of bipeds inhabited Africa about 2.5 million
transitional species between A. africanus and early Homo
years ago. In 1999, more fossil discoveries from the Afar
(Figure 6.28). Others argue that these specimens are
region of Ethiopia added Australopithecus garhi to the mix
part of the wide variation present in A. africanus. They
also protest that A. sediba could not be ancestral to early
law of competitive exclusion When two closely related species Homo because the two groups seem to have coexisted.
compete for the same niche, one will outcompete the other, bringing A variety of scenarios have been proposed, each one
about the latter’s extinction. giving a different australopithecine group the starring
Australopithecus sediba A recently identified species of South African
role as the immediate human ancestor (Figure 6.29).
gracile australopithecine dated precisely to between 1.97 and 1.98
million years ago, with derived Homo-like characteristics in the hands Paleoanthropologists use the dates of the specimens
and pelvis. as well as derived features to link the contending
Environment, Diet, and the Origins of the Human Line 155
Figure 6.27
Reconstruction of Fossil
Specimens
Photographer David
Brill, a specialist in
images of fossils and
paleoanthropology, positions
the upper jaw and the
other skull fragments of
Australopithecus garhi so
that the fragments are
aligned as they would be in
a complete skull.
© T. White 1998
australopithecines to Homo. Pelvic shape and forearm
anatomy make the case for A. sediba. An arched dental
arcade is the evidence promoted for A. garhi. The flat
face and perhaps larger cranial capacity of Kenyanthro-
pus platyops is also proposed as the link to Homo. In any
case, paleoanthropologists agree that the robust austral-
opithecines, though successful in their time, ultimately
represent an evolutionary side branch.
Environment, Diet,
and the Origins
of the Human Line
How did evolutionary processes transform an early ape
into a hominin? Besides investigating the fossil evidence,
paleoanthropologists use scientific reconstructions of en-
vironmental conditions and inferences made from data
on living nonhuman primates and humans to construct
Courtesy of Professor Lee Berger
their hypotheses about this transformation.

For many years, the emergence of the savannah
environment in East Africa has dominated the human
evolutionary narrative. Although the evidence from Ardip-
ithecus shows that the earliest members of the human line
were forest-dwellers, over time the size of tropical forests
Figure 6.28 Exquisite Hands decreased or, more commonly, broke up into mosaics
Derived features of the hand and forearm, which Australopithecus where patches of forest were interspersed with savannah
sediba shares with humans, have led some scientists to suggest that or other types of open country. The forebears of the hu-
this is the ancestral hominin that gave rise to the human line. From man line likely lived in places with access to both trees
the analysis of the well-preserved bones, it appears that these ancient and open savannah.
hominins were anatomically capable of a “precision grip,” a feature As the forests thinned, these early ancestors had to
characteristic of humans. The A. sediba pelvis also has evidence of adapt to a new, more exposed environment. Traditional
derived morphology that would contribute to a more efficient stride. ape-type foods found in trees became less available,
Early Homo Early Homo Robust

australopithecines
Robust
A. africanus australopithecines
Early Homo A. rrobustus A. boisei
A. garhi?
A. africanus A. africanus
A. afar
afarensis
ensis A. afar
afarensis
ensis A. aethiopicus
A. anamensis? C
A. anamensis
B A. afar
afarensis
A
Early Homo
Early Homo A. africanus Robust
australopithecines A. boisei
A. africanus A. rrobustus
Kenyanthr
Kenyanthropus A. garhi
platyops
A. afar
afarensis
E A. aethiopicus
D
A. afar
afarensis
ensis
Early Homo Early Homo Robust

Robust australopithecines
australopithecines
A. sediba A. sediba
A. africanus
A. africanus
© Cengage Learning
F G
Figure 6.29 Scenarios for Human Origins

Paleoanthropologists debate the relationships among the various Pliocene groups and the question
of which group is ancestral to the genus Homo. These diagrams present several alternative
hypotheses. Most agree, however, that the robust australopithecines represent an evolutionary
side branch and that Ardipithecus ramidus is ancestral to the australopithecines. Recent points of
contention include whether Australopithecus sediba might be directly ancestral to the genus Homo
and the place of the new species Homo naledi.
especially in seasons of reduced rainfall (Figure 6.30). by throwing stones and using wooden objects as clubs.
Therefore, it became more and more necessary to forage Many of the other hominoids use their hands in this fash-
on the ground for foods such as seeds, grasses, and roots. ion. In australopithecines the use of clubs and throwing
With reduced canine teeth, early bipeds were relatively stones may have set the stage for the much later manu-
defenseless against numerous carnivorous predators. The facture of more efficient weapons from bone, wood, and
South African fossil evidence supports the notion that stone.
predators were a problem for early hominins. Most of Although the hands of the later australopithecines
the fossil specimens were dropped into rock fissures by were suitable for toolmaking, no evidence exists that any
predators such as leopards or, as in the case of the Taung of them actually made stone tools. Still, using brain size
Child, by an eagle. as a measure, Australopithecus certainly had no less intel-
Many investigators have argued that the hands of ligence and dexterity than do modern great apes, all of
early bipeds took over the weapon functions of reduced whom make use of tools as described in Chapter 4. Most
canine teeth. Hands enabled them to threaten predators likely, the ability to make and use simple tools dates back
Humans Stand on Their Own Two Feet 157
Late Miocene
through to Pliocene Pleistocene Present
SAVANNAH
AV
AVANNAH AND SAVANNAH
D E S E R T D E S E R T
WOODLAND Lake SAVA
Megachad NNAH, W
OODLAND,
RAINF 1 SAVA N N A H SHRUB
OR RA I N
E 2 FO
RE RAINFOREST
T
S
T 3 S
T
4 RAINFOREST
PLIOCENE SITES
SI SAVANNAH,
AV
AVANNAH,
AH
REFUGIA
ERT
SAVA N N A H WOODLAND,
1. Af
Afar SAVANNAH
AV
AVANNAH
NN
© Cengage Learning
DES
AND SHRUB
2. Lake
Lak Turkana
T
VA
ODLAND MONTANE
WOODLAND
WO MONTANE
SA
3. Lake
Lak Baringo 5 FORESTS
TS DESERT
T
4. Olduvai
Old Region
5. Transv
Transvaal, S. Africa
Figure 6.30 Climate Change and Vegetation Zones

Since the late Miocene, the vegetation zones of Africa have changed considerably. Cooler, drier
periods during the Pliocene reduced forested areas to far less than what exist today. The loss
of forest likely created selective pressures that favored bipedalism.
to the last common ancestor of the Asian and African can attain speeds up to 60 to 70 kilometers per hour (37
apes, before the appearance of the first bipeds. to 43 miles per hour). Also, the consequences of a leg or
Unfortunately, these simple tools would not be pre- foot injury are more serious for a biped, whereas a quad-
served well in the fossil record, and certainly not for over ruped can do amazingly well on three legs. Because each
a million years. Although we cannot be sure about this, in of these negatives would have placed our early ancestors
addition to clubs and objects thrown for defense, sturdy at risk from predators, paleoanthropologists ask what
sticks may have been used to dig edible roots, and conve- made bipedal locomotion worth paying such a high price.
nient stones may have been used (as some chimpanzees What selective pressures favored bipedalism despite these
do) to crack open nuts. In fact, some animal bones from disadvantages?
australopithecine sites in South Africa show microscopic Bipedalism does appear to offer some advantage when
wear patterns suggesting their use to dig edible roots from it comes to endurance running, so humans do have an
the ground. We may also allow the possibility that, like advantage over quadrupeds for distance running. One
chimpanzees, females used tools more often to get and older theory proposed that bipedal locomotion allowed
process food, while males more typically used tools as males to obtain food on the savannah and transport it
weapons. The female chimpanzees hunting with spears in back to females, who were restricted from doing so by the
Fongoli as described in Chapter 4 call into question these dependence of their offspring. The fact that female apes,
distinct roles for the sexes. not to mention women among food-foraging peoples,
routinely combine infant care with foraging for food ne-
gates this theory. Indeed, among most food foragers, it is
the women who commonly supply the bulk of the food
Humans Stand on Their eaten by both sexes.

Moreover, this model presumed pair bonding (one
Own Two Feet male attached to one female), a form of social organiza-
tion atypical of terrestrial primates displaying the degree
There are serious drawbacks to bipedalism as a pattern of sexual dimorphism that was characteristic of Australo-
of locomotion. For example, paleoanthropologists have pithecus. Nor is pair bonding really characteristic of Homo
suggested that bipedalism makes an animal more visible sapiens. In a substantial majority of recent human societ-
to predators, exposes its soft underbelly or gut, and inter- ies, including those in which people forage for their food,
feres with the ability to instantly change direction while some form of polygamy—marriage to two or more individ-
running. They also emphasize that bipedalism does not uals at the same time—is not only permitted but preferred.
result in particularly fast running: Quadrupedal chim- And even in the supposedly monogamous United States,
panzees and baboons, for example, run 30 to 34 percent many individuals marry (and hence mate with) two or
faster than we average bipeds. For 100-meter distances, more others (the only requirement is that the person not
our best athletes today may attain speeds of 34 to 37 kilo- be married to more than one mate at the same time).
meters per hour (21 to 23 miles per hour), while the larger In the end, the idea of males provisioning stay-at-
African carnivores from which bipeds might need to run home moms appears to be more culture-bound than based
on the fossil evidence. A more accurate version of the According to Wheeler, the interesting thing about hu-
theory emphasizes that any individual biped—whether mans and other primates is that
male or female—has the ability to gather food from the
We can’t uncouple brain temperature from the rest
ground for transport back to a tree or other place of safety
of the body, the way an antelope does, so we’ve
for consumption. The biped does not have to remain out
got to prevent any damaging elevations in body
in the open, exposed and vulnerable, to do all of its eat-
temperature. And of course the problem is even
ing. Paleoanthropologists, like all anthropologists, must
more acute for an ape, because in general, the larger
exercise caution to avoid infusing theories about the fossil
and more complex the brain, the more easily it is
record with their own cultural beliefs. See the Biocultural
damaged. So, there were incredible selective pressures
Connection for another example of the influence of con-
on early hominids favoring adaptations that would
temporary gender roles on paleoanthropological theories.
reduce thermal stress-pressures that may have favored
Besides making it possible to carry nourishment, bi-
bipedalism. (quoted in Folger, 1993, pp. 34–35)
pedalism could have facilitated the food quest in other
ways. With their hands free and body upright, the animals Wheeler has studied this notion by comparing the
could reach otherwise unobtainable foodstuff on thorny exposure to solar radiation for an early biped, like Lucy, in
trees too flimsy and too spiny to climb (Kaplan, 2007; upright and quadrupedal stances. He found that the bipedal
Thorpe, Holder, & Crompton, 2007). Furthermore, they stance reduced exposure to solar radiation by 60 percent,
could gather other small food quickly using both hands indicating that a biped would require less water to stay cool
in alternation. And in times of scarcity, being able to see in a savannah environment compared to a quadruped.
farther, with the head in an upright position, would have Wheeler further suggests that bipedalism made the
helped them locate food and water sources. human body hair pattern possible. Fur can keep out solar
Food may not have been the only thing transported radiation as well as retain heat. A biped, with reduced
by early bipeds. As we saw in Chapters 3 and 4, from birth exposure to the sun everywhere except the head, would
primate infants must cling by themselves to their mothers, benefit from hair loss on the body surface to increase the
who use all their limbs in locomotion. Injuries caused by efficiency of sweating to cool down. On the head, hair
falling from the mother account for a significant propor- serves as a shield, blocking solar radiation.
tion of infant mortality among apes. Thus, the ability to Some object to this scenario, citing that when bipedal-
carry infants would have significantly contributed to the ism developed, savannah was not as extensive in Africa
survival of offspring, and the ancestors of Australopithecus as it is today. In both East Africa and South Africa, envi-
would have been capable of doing just this. ronments included closed and open bush and woodlands.
Although it appeared before our ancestors lived on Moreover, fossil flora and fauna found with Ardipithecus
the savannah, bipedalism likely served as a means to and the possible human ancestors from the Miocene are
cope with heat stress out in the open as the forested envi- typical of a moist, closed, wooded habitat.
ronments shrank. In addition to bipedalism, our relative However, the presence of bipedalism in the fossil record
nakedness constitutes one of the most obvious differences without a savannah environment does not indicate that
between humans and other living hominoids. Humans bipedalism was not adaptive to these conditions. It merely
have only a sparse layer of body hair over most of the indicates that bipedalism appeared without any particular
body with a very dense cover of hair limited primarily to adaptive benefits at first, likely through a random macro-
the head. Peter Wheeler, a British physiologist, has sug- mutation. Bipedalism provided a body plan preadapted to
gested that bipedalism and the human pattern of body the heat stress of the savannah environment.
hair growth are both adaptations to the heat stress of the Recall that in the early 20th century, larger brains were
savannah environment (Wheeler, 1993). Building upon thought to have permitted the evolution of bipedalism.
the earlier “radiator” theory of paleoanthropologist Dean We now know not only that bipedalism preceded the
Falk (1990), Wheeler developed this hypothesis through evolution of larger brains by several million years, but
comparative anatomy, experimental studies, and the ob- that bipedalism may have preadapted human ancestors for
servation that humans are the only apes to inhabit the brain expansion. According to Wheeler,
savannah environment today.
Many other animals, however, inhabit the savannah, The brain is one of the most metabolically active
and each of them possesses some mechanism for coping tissues in the body. . . . In the case of humans it
with heat stress. Some animals, like many of the carni- accounts for something like 20 percent of total energy
vores, limit their heavy activity to dawn or dusk when consumption. So you’ve got an organ producing a lot
the sun is low in the sky or to the cooler nights. Some, of heat that you’ve got to dump. Once we’d become
like antelope, have evolved to tolerate high body temper- bipedal and naked and achieved this ability to dump
atures that would kill humans due to overheating of the heat, that may have allowed the expansion of the
brain tissue. They accomplish this by cooling their blood brain that took place later in human evolution. It
in their muzzles through evaporation before it enters the didn’t cause it, but you can’t have a large brain unless
vessels leading to the delicate tissues of the brain. you can cool it. (quoted in Folger, 1993, pp. 34–35)
Humans Stand on Their Own Two Feet 159
Evolution and Human Birth

Because biology and culture have always head or shoulders and the birth canal. high-tech delivery of a neonate (the medical
shaped human experience, it can be a Nevertheless, changes in the birth canal term for a newborn) with the assistance of
challenge to separate the influences of associated with bipedalism coupled with medically trained personnel. Women in the
each of these factors on human practices. the evolution of large brains were held 1950s were generally fully anesthetized durdur-
For example, in the 1950s paleoanthropol- responsible for difficult birth in humans. ing the birth process. Paleoanthropological
ogists developed the theory that human At the same historical moment, child- theories mirrored the cultural norms, provid-
childbirth is particularly difficult compared birth practices in the United States were ing a scientific explanation for the change in
to birth in other mammals. This theory changing. In one generation from the 1920s U.S. childbirth practices.
was based in part on the observation of to the 1950s, birth shifted from the home As a scientific theory, the idea of diffi-
a “tight fit” between the human mother’s to the hospital. In the process childbirth cult human birth stands on shaky ground.
birth canal and the baby’s head, though transformed from something a woman nor nor- No fossil neonates have ever been re-
several other primates also possess sim- mally accomplished at home, perhaps with covered, and only a handful of complete
ilarly tight fits between the newborn’s the help of a midwife or relatives, into the pelves (the bones forming the birth canal)
exist. Instead, scientists must examine
the birth process in living humans and
nonhuman primates to reconstruct the
evolution of the human birth pattern.
Cultural beliefs and practices, however,
shape every aspect of birth. Cultural fac-
tors determine where a birth occurs, the
actions of the individuals present, and
beliefs about the nature of the experience.
When paleoanthropologists of the 1950s
and 1960s asserted that human childbirth
is more difficult than birth in other mam-
mals, they were drawing upon their own
cultural beliefs that childbirth is dangerous
and should occur in a hospital.
A quick look at global neonatal mortality
statistics indicates that in countries such as
the Netherlands and Sweden, healthy women
give birth successfully outside of hospitals,
as they did throughout human evolutionary
history. In other countries, deaths related
to childbirth reflect malnutrition, infectious
disease, and the low social status of women,
rather than an inherently faulty biology.
Though well-nourished healthy women
successfully birth their babies outside
Album/Art Resource, NY
of hospital settings, caesarean section

(C-section) rates have been rising in
industrialized societies. In the United
States one in three deliveries is by C-
section, and in many Latin American
countries more than half of all deliveries
Tlazolteotl, the earth mother goddess of the Aztecs, is depicted here giving birth in
are by caesarean. What cultural factors
a squatting position, which is favored by women throughout the world. For hospital
births, women generally have to work against gravity to bring a child into the world have led to this practice? Would your per-
because they tend to be placed on their backs with their legs in stirrups for the sonal approach to birth change with the
benefit of attending physicians. knowledge that humans have successfully
adapted to childbirth?
Scalp vein Early Representatives

Skull
of the Genus Homo
Emissary vein
Skull (Diploic) vein Just as the Leakeys thought, Olduvai Gorge with its stone
tool assemblages was a good place to search for human
Venous sinus Meningeal veins ancestors. Part of today’s Olduvai Gorge was once a lake.
Almost 2 million years ago, numerous wild animals in-
cluding a variety of bipeds inhabited its shores. In 1959—
when the Leakeys found the bones of the first specimen of
robust Australopithecus boisei in association with some of
these tools and the bones of birds, reptiles, antelopes, and
Brain pigs—they thought they had found the remains of one of
the toolmakers. Fossils unearthed a few months later and
a few feet below this first discovery led them to change
their mind. These fossil remains consisted of more than
one individual, including a few cranial bones, a lower jaw,
External a clavicle, some finger bones (Figure 6.32), and the nearly
Internal jugular
carotid vein
artery Juvenile gorilla Olduvai hominin Modern human
© Cengage Learning
Internal
External jugular
carotid vein
artery
Figure 6.31 Cooling Hot-Headed Hominins

Instead of returning directly to the heart, in humans blood from
the face and scalp may be directed into the braincase and then
to the heart. Already cooled at the surface of the skin, blood is
able to carry heat away from the brain.
Consistent with Wheeler’s hypothesis is the fact that the

system for drainage of the blood from the cranium of the
earlier australopithecines is significantly different from
that of the genus Homo (Figure 6.31).
Though paleoanthropologists cannot resolve every
detail of the course of human evolution from the avail-
able data, over time the narrative they have constructed
has improved. Today, we know that bipedalism preceded
brain expansion by several million years. Bipedalism
likely occurred as a sudden shift in body plan; then sta-
bilizing selection took over, and little change took place
for at least a few million years. Change again occurred
© Cengage Learning
about 2.5 million years ago, resulting in the branching

out of new forms, including several robust species as well
as the first appearance of the genus Homo. From about
2.3 million years ago until robust australopithecines be-
came extinct around 1 million years ago, however, the Figure 6.32 Comparative Anatomy of Homo habilis Hand Bones
robust forms underwent relatively little alteration. By A comparison of hand bones from a juvenile gorilla, Homo habilis
contrast, after its appearance 2.5 million years ago, Homo from Olduvai, and a modern human highlights important differences
began a steady course of brain expansion that continued in the structure of fingers and thumbs. In the top row are fingers,
over the next 2.3 million years until brain size reached and in the second row are terminal (end) thumb bones. Although
its current state. With the appearance of this new larger- the terminal finger bones of the Olduvai specimen are more human,
brained hominin, the first stone tools appear in the its lower finger bones are more curved and powerful. The bottom
archaeological record. row compares thumb length and angle relative to the index finger.
Early Representatives of the Genus Homo 161
also contain crude stone tools. The

Chimpanzee Homo habilis Modern human
KNM ER 1470 skull is more modern
in appearance than any Australop-
ithecus skull and has a
cranial capacity of 752
cubic centimeters (cc).
River
However, the large teeth
SOUTH SUDAN ETHIOPIA
and face of this speci-
Omo
men resemble the ear-
lier australopithecines. Koobi Fora
This same site has
© Cengage Learning
(East Turkana)
L a ke
provided another well- Tur k a n a
preserved skull from the UGANDA KENYA
© Cengage Learning
same time period (KNM
ER 1813); it possesses a
cranial capacity of less than 600 cc but has the derived
characteristics of a smaller, less projecting face and teeth
(both of these specimens are shown in Figure 6.25).
Figure 6.33 Comparative Anatomy of Homo habilis Foot Bones
A partial foot skeleton of Homo habilis (center) is compared with
Though specimens attributed to H. habilis generally have
the same bones of a chimpanzee (left) and a modern human cranial capacities greater than 600 cc, the cranial capacity
(right). Note how H. habilis’ bone at the base of the great toe is of any individual is also in proportion to its body size.
in line with the others, as it is in modern humans, making for Therefore, many paleoanthropologists interpret KNM ER
effective walking but poor grasping. 1813 and ER 1470 as a female and male of a very sexu-
ally dimorphic species, with the smaller cranial capacity
of KNM ER 1813 a reflection of her smaller body size
(Figure 6.34).
complete left foot of an adult (Figure 6.33). Skull and jaw
fragments indicated that these specimens represented a
larger-brained biped without the specialized chewing ap- Lumpers or Splitters?
paratus of the robust australopithecines. Other paleoanthropologists do not agree with placing
The Leakeys and colleagues named their find Homo specimens as diverse as KNM ER 1813 and KNM ER 1470
habilis (Latin for “handy human”) and suggested that in the single taxonomic group of H. habilis. Instead they
tool-wielding H. habilis may have eaten the animals and feel that the diversity represented in these specimens war-
possibly the Australopithecus boisei. Of course, we do not rants separating the fossils like the larger-brained KNM
really know whether A. boisei from Olduvai Gorge met its ER 1470 into a distinct coexisting group called Homo ru-
end in this way, but we do know that cut marks from a dolfensis. Whether one chooses to call these or any other
stone tool are present on a jawbone from a 2.4-million- contemporary fossils Homo rudolfensis or Homo habilis is
year-old australopithecine from South Africa (Pickering, more than a name game. Fossil names indicate research-
White, & Toth, 2000). This was done, presumably, to ers’ perspectives about evolutionary relationships among
remove the mandible, but for what purpose we do not groups. Giving specimens separate species names signifies
know. In any event, it does lend credibility to the idea that they are part of a reproductively isolated group.
of A. boisei on occasion being dismembered by H. habilis. Some paleoanthropologists approach the fossil record
Subsequent work at Olduvai has unearthed not only with the perspective that making such detailed biologi-
more skull fragments but other parts of the skeleton of H. cal determinations is arbitrary and that variability exists
habilis as well. Since the late 1960s, sites in South Africa, within any group. Arguing that it is impossible to prove
Ethiopia, and Kenya have yielded fossils of the genus whether a collection of ancient bones and teeth represents
Homo contemporaneous with those from Olduvai. a distinct species, these paleoanthropologists tend to
The eastern shores of Lake Turkana, on the border be “lumpers,” placing similar-looking fossil specimens
between Kenya and Ethiopia, have been particularly rich together in more inclusive groups. For example, gorillas
with fossils from earliest Homo. Richard Leakey (see An- show a degree of sexual dimorphism similar to that which
thropologists of Note) discovered one well-known fossil, lumpers attribute to H. habilis.
known as KNM ER 1470, at Koobi Fora. (The letters KNM “Splitters,” by contrast, accentuate the variation in the
stand for Kenya National Museum; the ER, for East Ru- fossil record, interpreting minor differences in the shape
dolf, the name for Lake Turkana during the colonial era of skeletons or skulls as evidence of distinct biological
in Kenya.) The deposits in which it was found are about species with corresponding cultural capacities. The late
1.9 million years old; these deposits, like those at Olduvai, great South African paleoanthropologist Philip Tobias
standards—or even by those of a half-million years ago—

they are smaller in relation to the size of the skull than
0 5 cm those of any australopithecine. Early Homo also had
undergone an enlargement of the brain indicating that
early Homo’s mental abilities probably exceeded those of
Australopithecus. Early Homo likely possessed a marked
increase in ability to learn and to process information
compared with australopithecines.
Supraorbital The later robust australopithecines from East Africa
sulcus and South Africa that coexisted with early Homo evolved
Supraorbital into specialized “grinding machines” with massive jaws
torus
and back teeth for processing plant foods. Robust austral-
opithecine brain size did not change, nor is there firm
evidence that they made stone tools. Thus, in the period
between 1 and 2.5 million years ago, two kinds of bipeds
were headed in very different evolutionary directions:
the robust australopithecines, specializing in consuming
plant foods and ultimately becoming extinct, and the ge-
nus Homo, with expanding cranial capacity, a varied diet
that included meat, and the earliest evidence for stone
toolmaking.
Without stone tools, early Homo could eat few animals
(only those that could be skinned by tooth or nail); there-
fore, their diet was somewhat limited in terms of animal
protein. But on the arid savannah, it is hard for a primate
with a human-like digestive system to satisfy its protein
requirements from just the available plant resources.
Moreover, failure to do so has serious consequences:
stunted growth, malnutrition, starvation, and death.
© Cengage Learning
Leaves and legumes (nitrogen-fixing plants, familiar mod-

ern examples being beans and peas) provide the best plant
KNM ER 1470 KNM ER 1813
sources of protein; unfortunately, substances in the leaves
and legumes cause proteins to pass right through the gut
Figure 6.34 One Diverse Species? without being absorbed unless they are cooked.
The KNM ER 1470 skull—one of the most complete skulls of Chimpanzees have a similar problem when out on
Homo habilis—is close to 2 million years old and is probably a the savannah. Even with canine teeth far larger and
male; it contrasts with the considerably smaller KNM ER 1813 sharper than ours or those of early Homo, chimpanzees
skull, probably a female. Some paleoanthropologists feel this frequently have trouble tearing through the skin of
variation is too great to place these specimens in the same other animals. In savannah environments, chimps spend
species. about a third of their time foraging for insects (ants and
termites), eggs, and small vertebrate animals. Such ani-
once quipped about the variable shape of the bony ridge mal foods not only are easily digestible, but they provide
above ancient eyes: “Splitters will create a new species at high-quality proteins that contain all the essential amino
the drop of a brow ridge.” acids, the building blocks of protein. No single plant
Splitting has the advantage of specificity while lump- food can provide this nutritional balance. Only a com-
ing has the advantage of simplicity. We will use a lumping bination of plants can supply the range of amino acids
approach throughout our discussion of the genus Homo. provided by meat alone.
Lacking long, sharp teeth for shearing meat, our ear-
liest ancestors likely foraged for insects, but sharp tools
Differences Between Early Homo for butchering made it possible to efficiently eat meat.
The initial use of tools by early Homo may be related to
and Australopithecus adapting to an environment that, since the Miocene, we
By 2.4 million years ago, the evolution of the genus Homo know was changing from forests to grasslands. The phys-
was diverging from that of Australopithecus. In terms of ical changes that adapted bipeds for spending increasing
body size, early Homo differs little from Australopithecus. amounts of time on the increasingly grassy terrain may
Although early Homo had teeth that are large by modern have encouraged toolmaking.
Early Representatives of the Genus Homo 163
Thus, with the appearance of the genus Homo, a course of increasing brain size and a reliance on culture
feedback loop between biological characteristics and cul- as the means of adaptation, as we explore in detail in the
tural innovations began to play a major role in our evo- next chapter. Time will tell where exactly Homo naledi
lutionary history. This set the hominin line on a steady from the chapter opener lies in our evolutionary history.
What was the course of primate evolution, How did cultural biases interfere with the
and how was it affected by geologic recognition of Africa as the place of origin
events? of the human species?
✓ Early primates began to emerge after the extinction of ✓ During the Miocene epoch, 5 to 23 million years ago,
dinosaurs 65 million years ago, when a meteor hit the the African and Eurasian landmasses made direct
earth and dramatically cooled global temperatures. The contact, and the first hominoids appeared.
new climate led to the growth of forests over the earth,
✓ During the later Miocene 5 to 14 million years ago, the
creating an ideal environment for early arboreal
fossil record in Africa became scarce because the
primates.
rainforest environment did not permit the preservation
✓ A warming trend 55 million years ago caused the of fossils.
extinction of many earlier mammals and led to the
✓ Western scientists tended to focus on European apes as
evolution of the first true primates, including the
the possible missing link to humans, believing that
prosimians.
humans had evolved where Western civilization had
✓ Primates became extinct in North America at the end developed.
of the Eocene era, when the earth cooled and icecaps
✓ Western scientists were eager to label the Piltdown
formed over Antarctica.
remains, found in England, as evidence of a missing
✓ By 33 million years ago, during the Oligocene epoch, a link in human ancestry due to its location on British
diverse array of Old World anthropoid primates soil and its large cranial capacity. The remains were
existed, possessing a mixture of ape and monkey later revealed to be a hoax.
features. The earliest evidence of New World monkeys
✓ These biases impeded the acceptance of the small-
also dates from the Oligocene epoch.
brained bipedal Taung Child from South Africa as one
of our ancestors when it was first discovered.
What are the distinguishing features of Ultimately, the self-correcting nature of science
bipedalism, and how do paleoanthropologists prevailed, and today scientists agree that the human
use fossil evidence to identify hominins? line originated in Africa as a small-brained biped.
✓ Bipedalism is the characteristic that separates humans

and their ancestors from the other African apes.
How do the earliest bipeds compare
to one another? How do they compare
✓ Distinguishing features of bipedalism include a skull
centered above the spinal column; a series of convex
to chimps? To humans?
and concave curves in the spine; a wide pelvis; femora ✓ The earliest bipeds belonged to the genus Ardipithecus,
that “knee in”; stable arched feet and an adducted big which contains the species Ardipithecus ramidus
toe; and shorter toes than other apes. These anatomical and the older Ardipithecus kadabba. Though bipedal,
features allow scientists to determine bipedalism in the remarkably complete specimen Ardi physically
fossils, even from fragmentary remains. resembles a chimp and inhabited forested
environments.
✓ Bipedal locomotion is the process of shifting the
body’s weight from one foot to the other as the ✓ Most bipeds from the Pliocene epoch belong to the
nonsupporting foot swings forward. Scientists genus Australopithecus, which includes possibly as
can use fossilized footprints to determine bipedal many as ten known species.
locomotion.
✓ Australopithecus afarensis resembles an ape from the
✓ After bipedalism is determined in a fossil, scientists waist up and a human from the waist down and was
turn to other characteristics, such as skull and teeth, to better adapted to life in the trees than more recent
reconstruct relationships among fossil groups. human ancestors.
✓ Australopithecines probably used tools in ways similar ✓ Robust australopithecines were larger and possessed
to modern chimpanzees. massive teeth, jaws, and chewing muscles that were
attached to a sagittal crest, making them adapted for
✓ Bipedalism would have allowed australopithecines, like
plant consumption.
humans, to carry their offspring in their arms, reducing
the risk of infant mortality for chimps whose young
must cling to the mother for safety.
What is the earliest appearance of the
genus Homo in the fossil record?
What are the distinguishing ✓ The earliest specimen from the genus Homo is the
characteristics of gracile and robust stone toolmaking species Homo habilis, discovered by
australopithecines? the Leakeys in Olduvai Gorge. Since then, similar
fossils have been discovered throughout Kenya,
✓ Gracile australopithecines had about the same mental Ethiopia, and South Africa.
capacity as modern great apes. Their teeth were smaller
than those of robust australopithecines, and they likely ✓ Early Homo had smaller teeth and a larger brain than
ate meat. early Australopithecus. Its body was about the same size.
1. How much evidence is necessary to allow designation 3. Describe the anatomy of bipedalism, providing
of a new species in the fossil record? Consider the examples from head to toe of how bipedalism can
biological definition of species and compare this with be “diagnosed” from a single bone. Do you think
arguments made for and against speciation among evidence from a single bone is enough to determine
ancient remains. Does the naming game help or whether an organism from the past was bipedal? What
hinder our understanding of human evolution? evidence would you use to support a case for tool use
2. Although we often consider human intelligence as in early bipeds?
the quality that separates us from the other apes, 4. How do paleoanthropologists decide whether a fossil
bipedalism was the first feature to define the human specimen from the distant past is male or female?
evolutionary line. Does this surprise you? Does our Do our cultural ideas about males and females in the
early evolutionary history make us seem more like the present affect the interpretation of behavior in human
other animals? Does this challenge your notions of evolutionary history?
what it means to be human?
Fool with Your Ancestors
The Piltdown hoax was one of the longest and own conspiracy! Design a fossil specimen that
most significant frauds ever perpetrated in the plays on current expectations about this period in
history of science. It escaped detection for so long human evolution to fill in the gap. Where should
because it played into scientists’ expectations it be found? How old should it be to fit in with the
and because there was a gap in the fossil record. other fossils you have learned about? What blend
Today, still, the scarcity of fossil evidence during of derived and ancestral features will you give it?
the period of 5 to 8 million years ago prevents Write up an analysis of your fossil that explains
paleoanthropologists from definitively identifying why it is the undisputed missing link between
the link between humans and the other great humans and our last common ancestor with the
apes. This is the perfect opportunity to plot your other great apes.
The Natural History Museum, London/The Image Works
CHALLENGE ISSUE
What is it that makes us human? Intelligence undeniably plays a role. Perhaps nothing
dramatizes humanity’s emergence more powerfully than the harnessing of fire long ago.
Captured in folklore—such as Prometheus in Greek mythology or Maui in the legends of
New Zealand’s Maori people or here in this reconstruction of life at Zhoukoudian Cave in
China about 500,000 years ago—fire changed what early humans could eat and where they
could live. Control of fire—like the emergence of toolmaking traditions, human language,
and the ability to travel long distances and survive in cold environments—was connected
to changes in human biology, specifically an increase in brain size. The emergence of the
genus Homo separated our ancestors from the australopithecines and set the course for
the eventual arrival of the species that we are today. How do we know that this change
happened? How quickly did the evolution of the genus Homo take place? What distinct
species form our lineage? And, finally, the most challenging question: What is the relation-
ship between brain size (and the cultural innovations it allowed) and species designation?
Origins of the Genus
Homo 7
In the quest for the origin of modern humans, paleoanthropologists confront In this chapter you
mysteries by drawing from scant evidence that can be misleading and con-
con will learn to
tradictory. Some of the mystery stems from the kind of evolutionary change ● Describe the cultural
that was set in motion with the appearance of the genus Homo. The earliest capacity of various
proposed members of genus Homo were recently discovered in sediments members of the genus
Homo and how these
in Afar, Ethiopia, and date to about 2.8 million years ago (mya) (DiMaggio
capacities relate to
et al., 2015; Villmoare et al., 2015). The new South African Homo naledi fossils anatomy preserved in
introduced in the previous chapter may date to a similar time range (Berger fossils.
et al, 2015). Around this time, the brain size of our ancestors began to grow. ● Situate humans’
Simultaneously, these first members of the genus Homo improved their cultural place in the animal
manipulation of the physical world through use of stone tools. Over time, they
kingdom and recognize
the cultural biases
increasingly relied on cultural adaptation as a rapid and effective way to adjust
that have influenced
to the environment. the development of
The evolution of the human brain was imperative for human survival and scientific theories about
human evolution.
the evolution of human culture. Over the course of the next 2.5 million or so
years, increasing brain size and specialization of function permitted the devel-
● Describe the
debates surrounding
opment of language, planning, new technologies, and artistic expression. With
relationships among
the evolution of a brain that made versatile behavior possible, members of the fossil groups of the
genus Homo became biocultural beings. genus Homo.
U.S. biological anthropologist Misia Landau describes the narrative of human ● Identify the features
evolutionary history as a heroic epic (Landau, 1991). The hero, or evolving hu- that characterize
man, faces natural challenges that cannot be overcome from a strictly biological
the distinct eras of
toolmaking.
standpoint. When endowed with the gift of intelligence, the hero meets these
challenges and becomes fully human. In this narrative, cultural capabilities in-
● Discuss the
controversy surrounding
creasingly separate humans from other
Neandertals’ place in
evolving animals. But, as we have seen Homo The genus of bipeds that appeared human evolution.
about 2.5 million years ago, characterized
in earlier chapters, recent advances in by increased brain size compared to
earlier bipeds. The genus is divided into
primatology are undercutting this no- various species based on features such
as brain size, skull shape, and cultural
tion of human uniqueness. capabilities.
167
168 CHAPTER 7 Origins of the Genus Homo
The mechanics of biological and cultural change differ.

Cultural equipment and techniques can develop rapidly
with innovations occurring during an individual’s life-
time. By contrast, biological change requires many gen-
erations because it depends upon heritable traits. When
a new type of stone tool appears, paleoanthropologists
investigate whether the cultural change corresponds to
a major biological change, such as the appearance of a
new species. Debate within paleoanthropology often
features the relationship between biological and cul- 3
tural change. 2
1
The Discovery of the First

Stone Toolmaker
© Cengage Learning
Paleoanthropologists Louis and Mary Leakey began their
1 2 3
search for human origins at Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania, be-
cause of the presence of crude stone tools unearthed there,
which date back almost 2 million years to very early in Figure 7.1 The Percussion Method
the Pleistocene epoch. These tools define the Oldowan Early Homo in Africa invented the percussion method of stone
tool tradition and consist of implements made using a tool manufacture by 2.5 million years ago. This technological
system of manufacture called the percussion method breakthrough, which is associated with a significant increase
(Figure 7.1). in brain size, made it possible to butcher meat from scavenged
The toolmaker using the percussion method would carcasses.
obtain sharp-edged flakes from a stone (often a large, wa-
ter-worn cobble) either by using another stone as a ham-
mer (a hammerstone) or by striking the cobble against a
to 3.3 million years ago, predating the earliest Oldowan
large rock (anvil) to remove the flakes. Microscopic wear
tools by 700,000 years. This major discovery has reshaped
patterns show that these flakes were used for cutting
how anthropologists view the beginning of the Old Stone
meat, reeds, sedges, grasses, and wood. Small indenta-
Age or Lower Paleolithic (Harmand et al., 2015). These
tions on their surfaces suggest that the leftover cores were
earliest stone tools mark the beginning of the hominin
transformed into choppers for breaking open bones and
archaeological record. Lower Paleolithic tools have also
perhaps for defense. The appearance of early stone tools
been found in Gona, Ethiopia, known for assemblages
marks the beginning of the Lower Paleolithic, the first
dated to 2.6 million years ago, as well as sites near Gona
part of the Old Stone Age.
in the Afar Triangle of Ethiopia and
From the time these tools were discovered, paleoan-
in the vicinity of Lake Turkana in
thropologists have regarded the Oldowan stone tool tradi-
northwestern Kenya.
tion as the oldest. But in May 2015, at three sites named
Paleoanthropologists apply a
Lomekwi in West Turkana, Kenya, researchers discovered
methodology of experimental
even older tools. The Lomekwian tool tradition dates
archaeology: the sys-
tematic recreation of an-
cient lifeways in order to
Oldowan tool tradition An early stone tool industry, beginning between test hypotheses, interpre-
2.5 and 2.6 million years ago.
tations, and assumptions Gona
percussion method A technique of stone tool manufacture performed
about the past. For exam-
by striking the raw material with a hammerstone or by striking raw
material against a stone anvil to remove flakes. ple, researchers use raw
ETHIOPIA
Lower Paleolithic The first part of the Old Stone Age beginning with materials to make stone Lomekwi
the earliest Lomekwian tools spanning from about 200,000 or 250,000 tools themselves in an Lake
years ago to 3.3 million years ago. West Turkana
effort to understand the
Turkana
Lomekwian tool tradition The earliest stone tools dated to 3.3 million
process of toolmaking. KENYA
years ago, discovered in 2015 in Kenya.
The process of fashioning
experimental archaeology The recreation of ancient lifeways by
modern paleoanthropologists in order to test hypotheses, interpretations, tools allows researchers
and assumptions about the past. to analyze which skills
Sex, Gender, and the Behavior of Early Homo 169
toolmaking requires. To consistently

and efficiently produce well-formed,
sharp-edged flakes from raw materials
with the least effort, the toolmaker
had to have in mind an abstract idea
of the tool to be made, as well as a
specific set of steps to transform the
raw material into the finished prod-
uct (Ambrose, 2001). The toolmaker
also would have to know which kinds
of stone have the flaking properties
that allow the transformation to take
place and where such stone could
Dr Clive Bromhall/Oxford Scientific/Getty Images

be found.
Tool fabrication sometimes re-
quired the transport of raw ma-
terials over great distances. The
planning for the anticipated future
trips undoubtedly was associated
with changes in brain structure.
These changes mark the beginning
of the genus Homo. As described
in the previous chapter, Homo Figure 7.2 Lower Paleolithic Toolmaking
habilis was the name given to the Although hominoids have not been observed making stone tools in the wild, we have
oldest members of the genus when seen them use stones as tools as this chimpanzee who cracks palm nuts open
first discovered in 1959. With larger between hammer and anvil-like stones. Recall too, that they make tools out of other
brains and stone tools preserved materials such as the sticks that were shaped and transported for termiting. How do
in the archaeological record, pa- we translate this into evidence of our ancestors’ cognitive capacities? Experimental
leoanthropologists began to piece archaeologists examine such phenomena by learning ancient toolmaking techniques and
together a picture of the life of analyzing the exact processes involved. They perform the same behaviors and create
early Homo (Figure 7.2). The rela- the same artifacts so that they can understand which skills these lifeways required. This
tionship between the newly discov- knowledge is indispensible for the interpretation of the material remains. Experimental
ered Homo naledi fossils and Homo archaeologists often master the entire range of ancient stone tool techniques described
habilis will depend upon dating as in this chapter in order to make comparisons among the various industries. Although
well as whether tools are ultimately not preserved in the archaeological record, we can safely assume that various
associated with these remains. perishable tools, used by hominoids in the wild, were also used by our ancestors.
As anthropologists became aware of their own

biases, they began to set the record straight, documenting
Sex, Gender, and the the vital role of “woman the gatherer” in provisioning
the social group in foraging cultures, past and pres-
Behavior of Early Homo ent. (See this chapter’s Biocultural Connection for the
specific contributions of female paleoanthropologists.)
Until the 1960s, paleoanthropologists’ depictions of The division of labor among contemporary food foragers,
the lifeways of early Homo concentrated on “man the like all gender relations, does not conform to fixed
hunter,” a tough guy with a killer instinct, wielding boundaries defined by biologically based sex differ-
tools on a savannah teeming with meat, while female ences. Instead, it is influenced by cultural and environ-
members of the species stayed at home tending their mental factors. Uncovering such biases is as important
young. Similarly, until the 1960s, most cultural anthro- as any new discovery for interpreting the fossil record
pologists doing fieldwork among foragers stressed the (Figure 7.3).
role of male hunters and underreported the significance
of female gatherers in providing food for the community.
Western notions of gender, the cultural elaborations Homo habilis “Handy human.” The first fossil members of the genus
Homo appearing about 2.5 million years ago, with larger brains and
and meanings assigned to the biological differentiation smaller faces than australopithecines.
between the sexes, played a substantial role in creating gender The cultural elaborations and meanings assigned to the
these biases. biological differentiation between the sexes.
culture plays a role in establishing these behaviors.

No evidence exists to explain how procured foods
may have been shared among our ancestors.
Hunters or Scavengers?
The elimination of biases in paleoanthropological
interpretations helped to reveal that early mem-
bers of the genus Homo were not hunters of large
game. Oldowan tools and broken animal bones tell
us that both H. habilis and large carnivorous ani-
mals were active at these locations. Marks on the
bones—made by slicing, scraping, and chopping
with stone tools—are present along with marks
of gnawing teeth. Sometimes the gnawing marks
Cavemen, Jackson, Peter (1922–2003)/Private Collection/© Look and Learn/Bridgeman Images

overlie the butcher marks, indicating that other
carnivores were attracted to the bones after Homo
was done with them. In other cases, the butcher
marks overlie the tooth marks of carnivores, indi-
cating that the animals got there first.
Further, there is evidence that only parts of kills
were transported away from the original location
where they were obtained, suggesting that they
were stolen from the kill of some other animal.
The stone tools, too, were made of raw material
procured at distances of up to 60 kilometers (about
37 miles) from where they were used to process
pieces of carcasses. Finally, the incredible density of
bones at some of the sites and patterns of weather-
ing indicate that the sites were used repeatedly for
perhaps five to fifteen years.
By contrast, contemporary hunting species typ-
ically bring whole carcasses back to camp or form a
Figure 7.3 Gender Bias
camp around a large animal in order to fully pro-
In this reconstruction, the artist portrays separate roles for males and
cess it. After processing, nothing edible remains—
females. Do the roles depicted here derive from biological differences
neither meat nor marrow (the fatty nutritious
between the sexes or culturally established gender differences?
tissue inside long bones where blood cells are pro-
Studies of extant primates allow paleoanthropologists duced). The bones themselves are broken up not just
to appropriately incorporate gender into their theories. to get at the marrow but to fabricate tools and other objects
Evidence from chimpanzees and bonobos casts further of bone. The scavenging process may have required fabrica-
doubt on a strictly sex-based division of labor in human tion of carrying devices like net bags and trail markers like
evolutionary history. As described in Chapter 4, female those (described in Chapter 4) used by modern bonobos.
chimpanzees have been observed participating in hunting Microscopic analysis of cut marks on bones reveals
expeditions, with the female chimps utilizing spears more that the earliest members of the genus Homo were actu-
often than the males. Meat from a successful hunt is shared ally tertiary scavengers—that is, third in line to get
within the group whether a male or a female chimpanzee something from a carcass after a predator killed the prey.
provides it. Among bonobos, females hunt regularly and After scavengers (such as hyenas and vultures) swarmed a
share meat as well as plant foods with one another. In recently killed carcass, our tool-wielding ancestors would
other words, patterns of food sharing and hunting behav- reach the prey, breaking open the shafts of long bones to
iors in these apes are variable, supporting the notion that get at the rich marrow inside. A small amount of marrow
is a concentrated source of both protein and fat. Further-
more, as the Original Study shows, evolving humans were
probably prey themselves, and this selective pressure im-
marrow The fatty nutritious tissue inside of long bones where blood
cells are produced. posed by predators played a role in brain expansion (Hart
tertiary scavenger In a food chain, the third in line to get something & Sussman, 2005). Homo habilis likely continued to sleep
from a carcass after a predator killed the prey. in trees or rocky cliffs, in order to be safe from predators.
Sex, Gender, and Female Paleoanthropologists

Until the 1970s, a deep-seated bias of capable women entering the profession recognized the importance of scavenging
men’s privileged status in Western society of paleoanthropology. in early human evolution as well as the
permeated the study of human evolution. Up until the 1960s, there were few value of gathering and other activities con-
Beyond the obvious labeling of fossils as women in any field of physical anthropology, sidered to be female behaviors.
particular types of “men,” irrespective but with graduate programs expanding and There is still plenty to learn about hu-
of the sex of the individual represented, attitudes changing about the role of women man evolution, but thanks to these women
males were portrayed as the active play- in society, more and more women began we now know that it was not a case of fe-
ers in human evolution. Males were seen earning doctorates. One of these was Adri- males being “uplifted” through their asso-
as providers and innovators, using their enne Zihlman, who earned her doctorate ciation with progressively evolving males.
wits to become increasingly effective at the University of California, Berkeley, in Rather, the two sexes evolved together,
suppliers of food and protectors of pas- 1967. Zihlman authored a number of im- with each making its own important contri-
sive females. Females were depicted as portant papers critical of “man the hunter” butions to the process.
spending their time preparing food, caring scenarios.a She was not the first to do
for offspring, and performing other do- so; as early as 1971, Sally Linton wrote a Biocultural Question
mestic tasks. Central to this biased view preliminary paper on “woman the gatherer” Can you think of any examples of how
was the idea of “man the hunter,” con- and the male bias in anthropology.b But it gender norms are influencing theories
stantly honing his wits through the pursuit was Zihlman who, from 1976 on, elabo- about the biological basis of male and
and killing of animals (Lovejoy, 1981). The rated on the importance of female activities female behavior today?
men’s hunt was considered the pivotal for human evolution. Others have joined in
humanizing activity in evolution. that effort, including Zihlman’s graduate a
Tanner, N., & Zihlman. A. (1976). Women
We now acknowledge that such school companion and professional col- in evolution. Part I: Innovation and selection
ideas are culture-bound, reflecting the league Nancy Tanner. in human origins. Signs 1 (3), 585–608.
expectations of Western culture in the The work of Zihlman and her female b
Slocum, S. (1975). Woman the gatherer:
late 19th and early 20th centuries. peers was crucial in forcing a reexami- Male bias in anthropology. In R. R. Reiter
This recognition came in the 1970s as nation of existing “man the hunter” sce- (Ed.), Toward an anthropology of women. New
a direct consequence of many highly narios. Over time, anthropologists have York: Monthly Review Press.
NAL
ORIGI
S T U DY
Humans as Prey BY DONNA HART
There’s little doubt that humans, partic-

partic violence and even cannibalism. In fact, a club-swinging
ularly those in Western cultures, think of themselves as “Man the Hunter” is the stereotype of early humans
the dominant form of life on earth. And we seldom ques- ques that permeates literature, film, and even much scientific
tion whether that view holds true for our species’ distant writing. . . .
past. . . . We swagger like the toughest kids on the block as Even the great paleontologist Louis S. B. Leakey en-
we spread our technology over the landscape and irrevo-
irrevo dorsed it when he emphatically declared that we were
cably change it for other species. not “cat food.” Another legendary figure in the annals of
. . . The vision of our utter superiority may even hold paleontology, Raymond A. Dart, launched the killer-ape-
true for the last 500 years, but that’s just the proverbial man scenario in the mid-20th century. . . .
blink of an eye when compared to the 7 million years that Dart had interpreted the finds in South African caves of
our hominid ancestors wandered the planet. fossilized bones from savannah herbivores together with
“Where did we come from?” and “What were the first damaged hominid skulls as evidence that our ancestors
humans like?” are questions that have been asked since had been hunters. The fact that the skulls were battered
Darwin first proposed his theory of evolution. One com- com in a peculiar fashion led to Dart’s firm conviction that
monly accepted answer is that our early ancestors were violence and cannibalism on the part of killer ape-men
killers of other species and of their own kind, prone to formed the stem from which our own species eventually
flowered. In his 1953 article “The Predatory Transition newspaper headlines, each year 3,000 people in sub-Saha-
from Ape to Man,” Dart wrote that early hominids were ran Africa are eaten by crocodiles, and 1,500 Tibetans are
“carnivorous creatures, that seized living quarries by vio- killed by bears about the size of grizzlies. In one Indian
lence, battered them to death, tore apart their broken bod- state between 1988 and 1998, over 200 people were at-
ies, [and] dismembered them limb from limb, . . . greedily tacked by leopards; 612 people were killed by tigers in the
devouring livid writhing flesh.” Sundarbans delta of India and Bangladesh between 1975
But what is the evidence for Man the Hunter? Could and 1985. The carnivore zoologist Hans Kruuk, of the Uni-
smallish, upright creatures with relatively tiny canine versity of Aberdeen, studied death records in eastern Eu-
teeth and flat nails instead of claws, and with no tools or rope and concluded that wolf predation on humans is still
weapons in the earliest millennia, really have been deadly a fact of life in the region, as it was until the 19th century
predators? Is it possible that our ancestors lacked the spirit in western European countries like France and Holland.
of cooperation and desire for social harmony? We have The fact that humans and their ancestors are and were
only two reliable sources to consult for clues: the fossilized tasty meals for a wide range of predators is further sup-
remains of the human family tree and the behaviors and ported by research on nonhuman primate species still in
ecological relationships of our living primate relatives. existence. My study of predation found that 178 species
When we investigate those two sources, a different of predatory animals included primates in their diets. The
view of humankind emerges. First, consider the hominid predators ranged from tiny but fierce birds to 500-pound
fossils that have been discovered. Dart’s first and most crocodiles, with a little of almost everything in between:
famous find, the cranium of an Australopithecus child who tigers, lions, leopards, jaguars, jackals, hyenas, genets, civ-
died over 2 million years ago (called the “Taung Child” af- ets, mongooses, Komodo dragons, pythons, eagles, hawks,
ter the quarry in which the fossil was unearthed), has been owls, and even toucans.
reassessed by Lee Berger and Ron Clarke of the University Our closest genetic relatives, chimpanzees and gorillas,
of the Witwatersrand, in light of recent research on eagle are prey to humans and other species. Who would have
predation. The same marks that occur on the Taung cra- thought that gorillas, weighing as much as 400 pounds,
nium are found on the remains of similarly sized African would end up as cat food? Yet Michael Fay, a researcher
monkeys eaten today by crowned hawk eagles, known to with the Wildlife Conservation Society and the National
clutch the monkeys’ heads with their sharp talons. Geographic Society, has found the remnants of a gorilla
C. K. Brain, a South African paleontologist like Dart, in leopard feces in the Central African Republic. Despite
started the process of relabeling Man the Hunter as Man the their obvious intelligence and strength, chimpanzees of-
Hunted when he slid the lower fangs of a fossil leopard into ten fall victim to leopards and lions. In the Tai Forest in
perfectly matched punctures in the skull of another austral- the Ivory Coast, Christophe Boesch, of the Max Planck In-
opithecine who lived between 1 million and 2 million years stitute, found that over 5 percent of the chimp population
ago. The paradigm change initiated by Brain continues to in his study was consumed by leopards annually. Takahiro
stimulate reassessment of hominid fossils. Tsukahara reported, in a 1993 article, that 6 percent of the
The idea that our direct ancestor Homo erectus prac- chimpanzees in the Mahale Mountains National Park of
ticed cannibalism was based on the gruesome disfigure- Tanzania may fall victim to lions.
ment of faces and brain-stem areas in a cache of skulls a The theory of Man the Hunter as our archetypal an-
half-million years old, found in the Zhoukoudian cave, in cestor isn’t supported by archaeological evidence, either.
China. How else to explain these strange manipulations Lewis R. Binford, one of the most influential figures in
except as relics of Man the Hunter? But studies over the archaeology during the last half of the 20th century,
past few years by Noel T. Boaz and Russell L. Ciochon—of dissented from the hunting theory on the ground that
the Ross University School of Medicine and the University reconstructions of early humans as hunters were based on
of Iowa, respectively—show that extinct giant hyenas a priori positions and not on the archaeological record.
could have left the marks as they crunched their way into Artifacts that would verify controlled fire and weapons, in
the brains of their hominid prey. particular, are lacking until relatively recent dates.
The list of our ancestors’ fossils showing evidence of And, of course, there’s also the problem of how a small
predation continues to grow. A 1.75-million-year-old hominid could subdue a large herbivore. . . . Large-scale,
hominid skull unearthed in the Republic of Georgia shows systematic hunting of big herbivores for meat may not
punctures from the fangs of a saber-toothed cat. Another have occurred any earlier than 60,000 years ago—over
skull, about 900,000 years old, found in Kenya, exhibits 6 million years after the first hominids evolved.
carnivore bite marks on the brow ridge. . . . Those and What I am suggesting, then, is a less powerful, more
other fossils provide rock-hard proof that a host of large, ignominious beginning for our species. Consider this
fierce animals preyed on human ancestors. alternate image: smallish beings (adult females maybe
It is equally clear that, outside the West, no small weighing 60 pounds, with males a bit heavier), not overly
amount of predation occurs today on modern humans. analytical because their brain-to-body ratio was rather
Although we are not likely to see these facts in American small, possessing the ability to stand and move upright,
who basically spent millions of years as meat walking Christian views of original sin and the necessity to be
around on two legs. Rather than Man the Hunter, we saved from our own awful, yet natural, desires. Other
may need to visualize ourselves as more like Giant Hyena religions don’t necessarily emphasize the ancient savage
Chow, or Protein on the Go. in the human past; indeed, modern-day hunter-gatherers,
Our species began as just one of many that had to who have to live as part of nature, hold animistic beliefs
be careful, to depend on other group members, and to in which humans are a part of the web of life, not superior
communicate danger. We were quite simply small beasts creatures who dominate or ravage nature and one another.
within a large and complex ecosystem. Think of Man the Hunted, and you put a different face
Is Man the Hunter a cultural construction of the West? on our past. . . . W
We needed to live in groups (like most
Belief in a sinful, violent ancestor does fit nicely with other primates) and work together to avoid predators.
Thus an urge to cooperate can clearly be seen as a func-
tional tool rather than a Pollyannaish nicety, and deadly
competition among individuals or nations may be highly
aberrant behavior, not hardwired survival techniques. The
same is true of our destructive domination of the earth by
technological toys gone mad.
Raymond Dart declared that “the loathsome cruelty
of mankind to man . . . is explicable only in terms of his
carnivorous, and cannibalistic origin.” But if our origin
was not carnivorous and cannibalistic, we have no excuse
Rob Reijnen/Minden Pictures

for loathsome behavior. Our earliest evolutionary history
is not pushing us to be awful bullies. Instead, our millions
of years as prey suggest that we should be able to take our
heritage of cooperation and interdependency to make a
brighter future for ourselves and our planet.
Just as a leopard will bring its prey up into the trees for a quiet repast
today, giant cats of the past likely feasted upon out ancestors in this Adapted from Hart, D. (2006, April 21). Humans as prey.
fashion. In fact, the fossil record includes australopithecine skulls Chronicle of Higher Education. http://chronicle.com/article
pierced with holes just where a cat’s giant canine teeth would be. /Humans-as-Prey/23846 (retrieved October 14, 2015). Reprinted
by permission of Donna Hart.
Whether as hunters or as the hunted, brain expansion Larger brains required parallel improvements in diet.
and tool use played a significant role in genus Homo’s The energy demands of the nerve tissue of which the
evolution. Advanced preparation for meat processing— brain is made are higher than the demands of other types
implied by the storing of stone tools and the raw materials of tissue in the human body. The brain accounts for just
for making them—show considerable foresight and coop- 2 percent of body weight, but it accounts for about 20
eration among our ancestors. to 25 percent of energy consumed at resting metabolic
rate in modern human adults. A vegetarian diet can
meet the brain’s energy demands, but plant food con-
Brain Size and Diet tains less energy compared to the same amount of meat.
From its appearance around 2.8 million years ago, the Large plant-eating animals, such as gorillas, spend all
genus Homo began a course of brain expansion that con- day munching on plants to maintain their large bodies.
tinued until about 200,000 years ago when brain size Consequently, meat-eating bipeds of both sexes may have
reached the proportion of contemporary people. The had more leisure time to explore and manipulate their
cranial capacity of the largely plant-eating robust australo- environment.
pithecines ranged from 310 to 530 cubic centimeters (cc). The archaeological record provides a tangible account
The cranial capacity of Australopithecus sediba was not large of our ancestors’ growing cultural abilities that correspond
although they possessed some more Homo-like skeletal with expansion of the brain. Toolmaking, which puts a
features. The cranial capacity of the earliest known meat- premium on manual dexterity, precision, and fine manip-
eater, Homo habilis from East Africa, ranged from 580 to ulation (Figure 7.4), indicates specialization of the brain.
752 cc; in contrast, Homo erectus, who eventually used fire From the time genus Homo first appeared, increasing brain
and hunted and scavenged for meat, possessed a cranial size and cultural development each presumably acted to
capacity of 775 to 1,225 cc. promote the other.
proportions indicated the creature was a biped. Believing

that his specimens represented a bipedal missing link,
Dubois named his find Pithecanthropus erectus (from the
Greek pithekos meaning “ape,” anthropus meaning “man”)
or “erect ape-man.” Dubois used the genus name pro-
posed in a paper by the German zoologist Ernst Haeckel,
a strong supporter of Darwin’s theory of evolution,
who also supported the idea of an intermediate species
between apes and humans.
As with the Taung Child australopithecine discovered
in the 1920s, many scientists criticized Dubois’s claim,
suggesting that the skull (resembling an ape) and femur
(resembling a human) came from different individuals.
© Cengage Learning
The controversy surrounding these specimens eventually
led Dubois to store the fossil specimens under the floor-
boards of his dining room. Eventually, the discovery of
more fossils provided enough evidence to support his
Figure 7.4 Power Versus Precision Grip claim. In the 1950s, the Trinil skullcap and similar spec-
A power grip (left) utilizes more of the hand whereas the imens from Indonesia and China were assigned to the
precision grip (right) relies on the fingers for control, requiring species Homo erectus.
corresponding organizational changes in the brain. Though
Australopithecus sediba possessed a small brain, their hand
anatomy indicates they could execute a precision grip. Fossils of Homo erectus
Remains of Homo erectus have been found in different
places on three continents (Figure 7.5). “Lumpers,” as dis-
The behaviors made possible by larger brains conferred cussed in the last chapter, emphasize that several shared
advantages that increased reproductive success. In this characteristics connect varied H. erectus remains. However,
way, natural selection of increased learning ability led to others known as “splitters” prefer to divide H. erectus into
the evolution of larger and more complex brains up until multiple distinct groups because of differences between
about 200,000 years ago when brain size reached current populations in the fossil evidence. “Splitters” limit the
levels. Bipedalism set the stage for the evolution of large species H. erectus to specimens from Asia, whereas Homo
brains and human culture. It freed the hands for activities ergaster is used for African specimens from the early Pleis-
such as toolmaking and carrying of resources or infants tocene period (Table 7.1).
and opened opportunities for more major changes. Regardless of species designation, the fossil evi-
dence indicates that beginning 1.8 million years ago
these larger-brained members of the genus Homo lived
Homo erectus in Africa and had spread to Eurasia. Fossils dating to
1.8 million years ago have been recovered from Dmanisi,
In 1887, long before Australopithecus or early Homo were Georgia, as well as from Mojokerto, on Java in Indone-
discovered, the Dutch physician Eugène Dubois set out sia. A recently discovered and securely dated jaw from
to find the missing link between humans and apes. The the Atapuerca site in Spain places the genus Homo in
presence of human-like orangutans in the Dutch East western Europe 1.2 million years ago (Carbonell et al.,
Indies (now Indonesia) led him to join the colonial ser- 2008). Additional specimens have been found at sites all
vice as an army surgeon and start his search there. Dubois over Europe and Asia.
found a few fossilized teeth, a skullcap, and a thighbone
at Trinil on the island of Java, which seemed to him part
ape, part human. The flat skull with its low forehead and Physical Characteristics
enormous brow ridges resembled that of an ape, but at
about 775 cubic centimeters it possessed a much larger
of Homo erectus
cranial capacity, even though small by modern human Skull features are the best way to identify H. erectus.
standards. The femur was clearly human-like, and its Cranial capacity ranges from 525 to 1,250 cc (average
about 1,000 cc) with the smaller-brained specimens lim-
ited to early in its evolutionary history. Cranial capacity
Homo erectus “Upright human.” A species within the genus Homo first
overlaps with both the nearly 2-million-year-old KNM
appearing just after 2 million years ago in Africa and ultimately spreading ER 1470 skull from East Africa (752 cc) and the 1,000
throughout the Old World. to 2,000 cc range (average 1,300 cc) for modern human
is used for African specimens from the early Pleis
Homo erectus 175
Boxgrove (500,
0,000
000) Zhoukoudian
Ceprano (500,000)
(780,000)? Bilzingsleben (350,000)?
(350,
Atapuerca Mauer (500,000)? Dmanisi Lantian
(400,000–1.2
(1.8 mya)? (800,000)?
mya)
T
Ternifine Hexian
(800,000)? (300,000)
Salé Jianshi
(400,000)?
0)? (300,000)
Longgupo
(1.8 mya)
Konso Yuanmou (?)
Y
Gardula
(1.3–1.9 mya)
Thomas Quarries Melka Kunturé
& Sidi Abderrahman (700,000-1.3 mya)?
(400,000)? Omo
(1.4 mya)
Nariokotome
(1.6 mya) Koobi Fora
(1.8 mya)
Olduvai Gorge
(1.4 mya)
Sambungmachan
(<500,000)?
Swartkrans
(1.5 mya)? Java
© Cengage Learning
mya = million years ago Sangiran
(1.6 mya) T
Trinil Mojokerto
(900,000)? (1.8 mya)
Figure 7.5 Map of Homo erectus Sites

Homo erectus sites are shown here with their dates. The arrows indicate the proposed routes
by which Homo spread from Africa to Eurasia. The question marks indicate the uncertain dating
for particular sites. “Splitters” give some of these fossils different names.
TABLE 7.1
Alternate Species Designations for Homo erectus Fossils from Eurasia and Africa
Name Explanation
Homo ergaster Some paleoanthropologists contend that large-brained successors to H. habilis from Africa and Asia are too
different to be the same species. Therefore, they use H. ergaster for the African specimens, saving H. erectus
for the Asian fossils. Some paleoanthropologists place the recent discoveries from Dmanisi into this taxon.
Homo antecessor This name was coined by “splitters” for the earliest Homo fossils from western Europe discovered in
Spain; antecessor is Latin for “explorer” or “pioneer.”
Homo heidelbergensis Originally coined for the Mauer jaw (Mauer is not far from Heidelberg, Germany), this name is now used
by some as a designation for all European fossils from about 500,000 years ago until the appearance
of the Neandertals.
skulls (Figure 7.6). The cranium itself has a low vault H. erectus skulls also possess a sloping forehead and a
(height of the dome of the skull top), and the head is receding chin. Powerful jaws with large teeth, a protruding
long and narrow. When viewed from behind, the skull’s mouth, and huge neck muscles added to H. erectus’ generally
width is greater than its height, with the greatest width rugged appearance. Though large, the face, teeth, and jaws
at the base. In comparison, the skulls of modern humans of this species are actually smaller than those of H. habilis.
are higher than they are wide, with the widest dimension Apart from its skull, H. erectus’ skeleton differs only
in the region above the ears. subtly from that of modern humans. Its bodily propor-
H. erectus possessed a massive brow ridge (Figure 7.7). tions resemble ours but with more robust muscles. Stature
When viewed from above, a marked constriction or “pinch- increased from the smaller australopithecines and earliest
ing in” of the skull can be seen just behind the brow ridge. members of the genus Homo. Sexual dimorphism in body
Cranial Capacity
5 FRONT VIEW
4
Later Homo
3
2 Supraorbital torus
(brow ridge)
1
0
600 700 800 900 1000 1100 1200 1300 1400
Large face
5
Late H. erectus
4
3
2
1
0
600 700 800 900 1000 1100 1200 1300 1400
5
TOP VIEW
Middle H. erectus
4
3
2
1
0
600 700 800 900 1000 1100 1200 1300 1400
5
Early H. erectus
4 Postorbital
3 constriction
2 Brow ridge
© Cengage Learning
1
0
600 700 800 900 1000 1100 1200 1300 1400
SIDE VIEW
Figure 7.6 Ranges of Cranial Capacity Low forehead
Cranial capacity (measured in cubic centimeters) in Homo Brow ridge
erectus increased over time. The cranial capacity of late Homo
erectus overlaps with the range seen in contemporary humans. Thick
cranial bone
size appears to have decreased in H. erectus compared to

earlier bipeds, possibly due to an increase in female size as
an adaptation to childbirth. The discovery of a capacious Nuchal torus
female Homo erectus pelvis in Gona, Ethiopia, supports
this notion (Simpson et al., 2008), although the large pel-
vis of Australopithecus sediba indicates that this trait might
predate brain enlargement (Kibii et al., 2011).
REAR VIEW
Sagittal ridge
Relationship among Homo

habilis, Homo erectus,
and Other Proposed
© Cengage Learning
Nuchal
torus
Fossil Groups
The smaller teeth and larger brains of Homo erectus mark
the continuation of a trend first seen in Homo habilis. Nev- Figure 7.7 The Skull of Homo erectus
ertheless, some skeletal resemblance to H. habilis remains, Note the enormous brow ridge of the Homo erectus skull, along
such as the shape of the thighbone, the long low vault with the sloping forehead and receding chin.
Relationship among Homo habilis, Homo erectus, and Other Proposed Fossil Groups 177
and marked constriction of the skull behind the eyes, and In 1999, researchers dis-
the smaller brain size of early H. erectus fossils. covered two well-preserved GEORGIA
Presumably H. erectus evolved from H. habilis skulls, one with a partial
abruptly, around 1.8 to 1.9 million years ago. Although face. The genus Homo’s
Asian H. erectus possesses thicker bones and more pro- early habitation of this
nounced brow ridges compared to African H. erectus, region is supported at
detailed anatomical comparisons indicate levels of Dmanisi with archaeo- UKRAINE KAZAKHSTAN
RUSSIA
variation approximating those seen in humans today logical, anatomical, and Aral
Sea
(Rightmire, 1998). The mix of African and Asian char- geological evidence.
Black Sea GEORGIA UZBEKISTAN
Ca
acteristics in the 1.8-million-year-old specimens from Since the Pleistocene,
© Cengage Learning
sp i
Dmanisi
an
Dmanisi, in the Caucasus—a region along the overland rising sea levels have ARMENIA
Sea
TURKMENISTAN
route between Africa and Eurasia—supports the notion made it impossible for TURKEY
AZERBAIJAN
of a single species. paleoanthropologists to SYRIA IRAQ IRAN
The recent discovery of the small-brained 1.9-million- document coastal routes
year-old “gracile” Australopithecus sediba, coexisting with for the spread of Homo
these early members of the genus Homo, complicates from Africa to Eurasia, making the evidence from Georgia
matters. The discoverers proposed that derived aspects of the only direct verification of evolving humans’ disper-
its skeleton, such as a precision grip and a large pelvis, sion from Africa to Europe and to Asia.
make A. sediba a viable contender for our direct ances-
tor. Despite complexities, the most recent fossils possess
more derived appearances, and the oldest fossils (up to Homo erectus from Indonesia
1.8 million years old) display features reminiscent of The skullcap and thighbone discovered by Dubois in Java
earlier H. habilis. are now considered typical Asian H. erectus. In the 1930s,
German Dutch paleoanthropologist G. H. R. von Koenig-
swald discovered a number of additional H. erectus fossils
Homo erectus from Africa at Sangiran, Java (see Figure 7.5). Von Koenigswald found
a particular small skull that potassium-argon dating later
Fossils now assigned to H. erectus were discovered in
assigned to the early Pleistocene, indicating that it was
Africa as long ago as 1933, but the better-known finds
older than Dubois’s Trinil skullcap, which dates to approx-
have been made since 1960, at Olduvai Gorge and at
imately 500,000 to 700,000 years ago.
Lake Turkana, Kenya. These include the most complete
Since 1960, Java has been a hot spot for additional
H. erectus skeleton ever found, the Nariokotome Boy, an
fossils, accounting for the remains of around forty indi-
adolescent who died 1.6 million years ago (Figure 7.8).
viduals. From 500,000 to 1.8 million years ago, H. erectus
Paleoanthropologists infer the specimen’s age from his
continuously populated Southeast Asia. H. erectus spread
teeth (the 12-year molars are fully erupted) and the stage
to Java at a time when lower sea levels resulted in a con-
of maturity of the bones. With a height of about 5 feet
tinuous landmass between most of Indonesia and the
3 inches at adolescence, the Nariokotome Boy could have
Asian continent.
attained a stature of about 6 feet by adulthood. A trail of
H. erectus footprints along Lake Turkana, like those from
Laetoli, support the estimates of H. erectus body mass
(weight) and stature made from more fragmentary re-
Homo erectus from China
mains (Bennett et al., 2009). In the mid-1920s a combination of chance and a good
understanding of anatomy led to the discovery of a
fossil-rich H. erectus site in China. Davidson Black, a Ca-
nadian anatomist teaching at Peking Union Medical Col-
Homo erectus Entering Eurasia lege, made the discovery. After purchasing a few ancient
The Dmanisi site in the Caucasus Mountains of Geor- human-like teeth from a Beijing drugstore (which claimed
gia preserves evidence of H. erectus’ movement from the teeth had medicinal value), Black set out for the
Africa into Eurasia. Dmanisi was first excavated as an nearby countryside, where the drugstore’s proprietor indi-
archaeological site because of its historic importance as cated the teeth had been found. At a place called Dragon
a crossroads for the caravan routes of ancient Armenia, Bone Hill in Zhoukoudian, 48 kilometers (30 miles) from
Persia, and Byzantium, but when Oldowan stone tools Beijing (see Figure 7.5), Black began excavating in hopes
were found in 1984, the hunt for fossil specimens began of discovering the “owner” of the teeth. On the day before
as well. Since then, paleoanthropologists have recovered closing camp at the end of his first year of excavation, he
some remarkable remains that, due to past volcanic activ- found one molar tooth. Subsequently, Chinese paleoan-
ity in the region, can be accurately dated to 1.8 million thropologist W. C. Pei, who worked closely with Black,
years ago. found a skull encased in limestone.
P.Plailly/E.Daynes/Science Photo Library
© Cengage Learning
Figure 7.8 Nariokotome Boy

One of the oldest and certainly most complete Homo erectus fossils is the Nariokotome Boy
from Lake Turkana, Kenya. Scientists have determined the age of this specimen by the degree
to which the bones have finished growing and by the emergence of molar teeth. The shape of
the pelvis indicates that the specimen is male, because it lacks the adaptations of the female
pelvis to accommodate childbirth. But even though these remains come from a tall adolescent
boy, this pelvis has been used to reconstruct theories about the evolution of human birth. This
reconstruction by the Daynès Studio, Paris, France (see Élisabeth Daynès at work in Figure 7.17
later in this chapter) puts flesh on these ancient bones. When you look at this reconstruction,
do you see elements of artistic license? Of bias? Do you see elements that surprise you?
Relationship among Homo habilis, Homo erectus, and Other Proposed Fossil Groups 179
Between 1929 and 1934, when he died from silicosis— incomplete skulls—Weidenreich reconstructed a spectacu-
a lung disease caused by exposure to silica particles in the lar composite specimen.
excavation site’s cave—Black labored along with Pei and However, World War II (1939–1945) halted the dig-
French Jesuit paleontologist Pierre Teilhard de Chardin ging, and the original Zhoukoudian specimens were
in the fossil-rich deposits of Zhoukoudian, uncovering lost during the Japanese military occupation of China.
fragment after fragment of ancient remains. Black named Weidenreich and his team carefully packed and placed
these fossils Sinanthropus pekinensis, or “Chinese human the fossils with U.S. Marines, but in the chaos of war,
of Peking” (Beijing), called “Peking Man” at the time. these precious fossils disappeared. In 2012, an interna-
Paleoanthropologists later identified these fossils as an tional team of paleoanthropologists began searching for
East Asian representative of H. erectus. the missing fossils, guided by information from retired
After Black’s death, the Rockefeller Foundation sent Marine Richard Bowen, who was stationed at the camp
German anatomist and paleoanthropologist Franz Weiden- where the fossils were last seen. The potential location
reich to China to continue the work. By 1938, he and his of the remains was pinpointed to a parking lot in the
colleagues had recovered the remains of more than forty in- industrial city of Qinhuangdao. Paleoanthropologists are
dividuals, over half of them women and children, from the working with Chinese Cultural Heritage authorities to
limestone deposits of Zhoukoudian (Figure 7.9). Although excavate the remains.
many of the fossils were fragments—teeth, jawbones, and Fortunately, Weidenreich had made superb casts of
most of the Zhoukoudian fossil specimens and sent them
to the United States before leaving the site. After the war,
other specimens of H. erectus were discovered in China,
at Zhoukoudian and several other sites. The oldest skull
is about 700,000 to 800,000 years old and comes from
Lantian in central China. A fragment of a lower jaw from
a cave in south-central China (Longgupo) is as old as the
oldest Indonesian fossils. Like some of their Indonesian
contemporaries, this Chinese fossil resembles African H.
habilis. Although the two populations overlap in time, the
majority of the Chinese fossils are slightly younger than
those from Indonesia. Not surprisingly, Chinese H. erectus
is less ancestral in appearance with smaller teeth, a short
jaw, and an average cranial capacity of about 1,000 cc,
compared to 900 cc for Indonesian H. erectus, indicating a
more derived status.
Homo erectus
from Western Europe
Although the genus Homo seems to have shown up on
the Eurasian landmass 1.8 million years ago (at Dmanisi,
Georgia), the fossil evidence from western Europe begins
about 1.2 million years ago. Discoveries at the Sima del
ullstein bild/Getty Images
Elefante (“Elephant’s Pit”) site and Grand Dolina site

in the Sierra de Atapuerca region of north-central Spain
yielded fragments of four individuals dating to 1.2 million
years ago. A skull from Ceprano in Italy is thought to be
approximately the same age if not older. Again, whether
these specimens are placed into the inclusive but varied
Figure 7.9 Missing Peking Man
Here are some of the workers who assisted Franz Weidenreich
species H. erectus or into several separate species differs
with the original cave excavation where the Peking Man Homo according to the approach taken by paleoanthropologists
erectus fossils were found near the village of Zhoukoudian. (see Table 7.1).
Weidenriech tried to ship the fossils to the United States as Some other fossils attributable to H. erectus—such as
the violence of World War II reached China, but the specimens a robust shinbone from Boxgrove, England, and a large
disappeared. After the war, scientists returned to Zhoukoudian lower jaw from Mauer, Germany—are close to half a
and continued excavating. Today, Zhoukoudian has a museum to million years old. The Mauer jaw came from a skull that
display the bones and artifacts, and the cave series is a UNESCO was wide at the base, typical of H. erectus, and resembles
World Heritage Site. material from North Africa from the same time period.
This observation and the fact that the earliest evidence

of the genus Homo in western Europe comes from Spain
and Italy suggest continued gene flow between this region
and northern Africa (Balter, 2001b). At the time, a mere
6 or 7 kilometers (about 4 miles) separated Gibraltar from
Morocco (compared to 13 kilometers or about 8 miles
today), and islands dotted the straits from Tunisia to
Sicily. The only direct land connection between Africa and
Eurasia runs through the Middle East and into Turkey and
the Caucasus. Our ancestors may also have come across
the southern Red Sea.
© Cengage Learning
The Culture Figure 7.10 Acheulean Hand-Axe
of Homo erectus The toolmaker imposed a standardized arbitrary form on the
naturally occurring raw material to make this Acheulean hand-
With its larger brain, Homo erectus surpassed its predeces- axe. The crafter made many separate strikes to create the sharp
sors in cultural ability. H. erectus refined stone toolmaking edge visible in profile.
technology and began to use fire for light, protection,
warmth, and cooking. Indirect evidence indicates that the
organizational and planning abilities of H. erectus, or at
least the later ones, exceeded those of their predecessors.
Oldowan tools, whose shapes were dictated by the origi-
nal form, size, and mechanical properties of raw materials.
Acheulean Tool Tradition The shapes of later Acheulean tools were more standard-
ized, apparently reflecting preconceived designs imposed
Implements of the Acheulean tool tradition accom- upon a diverse range of raw materials (Ambrose, 2001).
pany H. erectus remains in Africa, Europe, and Southwest Overall, Acheulean toolmakers could produce sharper
Asia. Named for the stone tools first identified at St. Acheul, points and more regular and larger cutting edges from the
France, the signature piece of this tradition is the hand-axe: same amount of stone.
a teardrop-shaped tool pointed at one end with a sharp Besides hand-axes, H. erectus used tools that func-
cutting edge all around (Figure 7.10). tioned as cleavers (hand-axes with straight, sharp edges
The earliest hand-axes, from East Africa, date to about where the point would otherwise be), picks and knives
1.6 million years ago. Those found in Europe are no older (variants of the hand-axe form), and flake tools. Many
than about 500,000 years. Hand-axes appeared at the flake tools were byproducts of hand-axe and cleaver
same time that archaeological sites in Europe became dra- manufacture. Their sharp edges made them useful tools
matically more common, suggesting an influx of individ- themselves, and many were retouched to make points,
uals bringing Acheulean technology with them. Because scrapers, and borers.
the genus Homo spread into Asia before the invention of Toolkits took on regional variations during this period
the first hand-axes, different forms of tools developed in as well. In northern and eastern Europe, the archaeolog-
East Asia. ical record contains fewer hand-axes than in Africa and
Evidence from Olduvai Gorge indicates that the Southwest Asia. People there used simple flaked choppers,
Acheulean grew out of the Oldowan and Lomekwian tra- a wide variety of unstandardized flakes, and supplemen-
ditions: In lower strata, chopper tools were found along tary tools made of bone, antler, and wood. In East Asia, by
with remains of H. habilis; above these, the first crude contrast, people developed a variety of choppers, scrapers,
hand-axes intermingle with chopper tools; and higher points, and burins (chisel-like tools) different from those
strata contain more finished-looking Acheulean hand- in Southwest Asia, Europe, and Africa.
axes along with H. erectus remains. Besides direct percussion, anvil (striking the raw ma-
Early Acheulean tools represent a significant step terial against a stationary stone) and bipolar percussion
beyond the generalized cutting, chopping, and scraping (holding the raw material against an anvil, but striking
it at the same time with a hammerstone) methods were
used in tool manufacture. Tens of thousands of stone tools
Acheulean tool tradition The prevalent style of the stone tools that are have been found with H. erectus remains at Zhoukoudian,
associated with Homo erectus remains; represented by the hand-axe. but stone implements are not at all common in Southeast
The Culture of Homo erectus 181
The 700,000-year-old Kao Poh Nam rock shelter in

Thailand provides possible evidence for deliberate, con-
trolled use of fire. Here, a roughly circular arrangement of
fire-cracked basalt cobbles was discovered along with arti-
facts and animal bones. Basalt rocks, not native to the rock
shelter area, were likely carried in by H. erectus. The hearth
is associated with bones, showing clear evidence of cut
marks from butchering as well as burning.
Evidence from Swartkrans in South
Africa may indicate the earliest use
of fire by H. erectus. Here, deposits
THAILAND
dated to between 1 and 1.3
million years ago con-
tain bones that had been NEP BHUTAN
AL
heated to much hotter CHINA
INDIA MYANMAR
temperatures than nat-
ural fires could produce. BANGLADESH
LAOS
THAILAND
Heating the bones to Kao Poh Nam
such high temperatures
© Cengage Learning
SRI CAMBODIA
would have made any LANKA
VIETNAM
meat on them inedible, MALAYSIA

Indian Ocean
suggesting that H. Erec- INDONESIA
tus used the Swartkrans
fires to ward off predators.
H. erectus may have also used fire to frighten away
cave-dwelling predators so the fire users could live in the
© Gunter Marx/Alamy
caves themselves. Of course, fire also provided warmth

and light in these otherwise cold and dark habitations.
Earlier bipeds likely used caves as part of their temperature-
regulation strategy (Barrett et al., 2004), and the con-
trolled use of fire expands this ability considerably.
Figure 7.11 Bamboo Construction Fire may have assisted in the quest for food as well.
In regions where bamboo is readily available for the fabrication In the long, cold winters of places like central Europe and
of effective tools, stone tool industries might not have China, food was scarce. Edible plants were unavailable, and
developed. Here, contemporary Chinese construction workers large herds of animals dispersed and migrated. Our ances-
erect a bamboo scaffold, demonstrating this material’s strength tors may have searched for frozen carcasses of animals too
and versatility. large to hunt like woolly mammoths, woolly rhinoceroses,
and bison that died naturally in the late fall and winter.
Using fire to thaw carcasses may have led to the idea
of cooking food. Some paleoanthropologists suggest that
the cooking of food altered the forces of natural selection
Asia. Here, favored materials likely were ones that do not
by favoring further reduction in tooth size and supportive
preserve well, such as bamboo (Figure 7.11) and other
facial structure. The heavy jaws and large, sharp teeth
local woods, which can make excellent knives, scrapers,
required for chewing tough raw foods grew less necessary.
and other tools.
Alternatively, the reduction of tooth size and supporting
structure may have occurred outside the context of ad-
aptation. The genetic changes responsible for increasing
Use of Fire brain size may have caused a reduction in tooth size as
Homo erectus brings the first evidence of ancestral popu- a secondary effect. The discovery of a genetic mutation,
lations living outside the Old World tropics. Controlled shared by all humans but absent in apes, that acts to
use of fire allowed early humans to inhabit regions where prevent growth of powerful jaw muscles supports this
winter temperatures regularly dropped below temperate hypothesis. Without heavy jaw muscles attached to the
climate levels—as they must have in northern China, the outside of the braincase, a significant constraint to brain
mountain highlands of Central Asia, and most of Europe. growth was removed. In other words, humans may have
Members of the genus Homo spread to these colder regions developed large brains as byproduct of jaw-size reduction
some 780,000 years ago. (Stedman et al., 2004).
Cooking, however, does more than soften food. It de-

toxifies a number of poisonous plants; alters digestion-in-
Other Evidence
hibiting substances so that important vitamins, minerals, of Complex Thought
and proteins can be absorbed while in the gut; and makes Other evidence of H. erectus’ capabilities comes from the
high-energy complex carbohydrates like starch digestible. small island of Flores in Indonesia. Flores lies east of a
Cooking increased the available nutritional resources and deep-water strait that acted as a barrier to animals to and
made humans more secure. from Southeast Asia throughout the Pleistocene. Getting
The partial predigestion of food by cooking also may to Flores required crossing open water: at minimum, 25 ki-
have allowed a reduction in the size of the digestive lometers from Bali to Sumbawa, and 19 kilometers farther
tract. To establish this biological change, paleoanthro- to Flores. The presence of 800,000-year-old stone tools on
pologists turn to comparative anatomy of the living Flores indicates that somehow our ancestors navigated
hominoids. Despite many similarities in form to apes, across the deep, fast-moving water.
contemporary humans possess substantially smaller Flores is also the site where the
digestive tracts. This reduced gut takes less energy to “hobbit” species, Homo florensis, was
operate, making it easier to serve the energy demands discovered in 2003. Tiny in stat- INDONESIA
of a larger brain. ure and possessing many
Like tools, fire gave people more control over their ancestral characteristics, CAMBODIA
environment. Fire modified the natural succession of day the Flores fossils date VIETNAM
and night, perhaps encouraging H. erectus to stay up after from 13,000 to 73,000
THAILAND
BRUNEI PHILIPPINES
dark to review the day’s events and plan the next day’s years ago. Some paleo- MALAYSIA
SINGAPORE
activities. The existence of populations in temperate cli- anthropologists propose BORNEO
mates implies planning because survival depended upon SULAWESI
© Cengage Learning
that this dwarf species SUMATRA
I N
the ability to anticipate the needs of the winter season by evolved directly from D O N
E S I A
JAVA
advance preparation for the cold. H. erectus, who arrived Indian BALI
TIMOR
Studies of modern humans indicate that most peo- on the island with stone
Ocean SUMBAWA FLORES
ple remain reasonably comfortable down to 10 degrees tools. Over generations,

Celsius (50 degrees Fahrenheit) with minimal clothing as H. florensis then reduced in size, a phenomenon that can
long as they keep active. Clothing does not fossilize, so we occur in isolated island populations.
have no direct evidence of the kind of clothing H. erectus Increased standardization and refinement of Acheulean
wore. We know only that colder climates required more hand-axes over time also provides evidence for a devel-
sophisticated clothing. In short, our ancestors’ use of fire oping symbolic life. Deliberately marked objects of stone,
allowed them to dramatically increase their geographic bone, and ivory appear in Acheulean contexts at several
range and dietary options. sites in Europe. These include several objects from Bilzing-
sleben, Germany, including a mastodon bone with a series
of deliberately engraved regular lines. Similarly, some of the
Hunting oldest known rock carvings are associated with Acheulean
Sites such as 400,000-year-old Torralba in Spain provide tools in a cave in Bhimbetka, in Madhya Pradesh, India.
evidence that Homo erectus developed organized hunts of These artifacts have no obvious utility or model in the nat-
large animals. The ancient swamp at Torralba contains dis- ural world and appear to be purely artistic. Archaeologists
membered scattered remains of several elephants, horses, argue that the use of such symbolic images requires some
red deer, wild oxen, and rhinoceroses. No natural geologic sort of spoken language, both to assign meaning to the im-
process can explain these animals being accidently caught ages and to maintain the tradition they seem to represent.
and dying in a swamp, and there is no evidence that other
carnivorous animals pursued them there. However, the
bones are closely associated with a few thousand stone
tools of various forms, indicating that the genus Homo
The Question of Language
surely was involved. Although we have no definitive evidence of Homo erectus’
It appears that the animals were driven into the linguistic abilities, indications of a developing symbolic
swamp so that they could be easily killed. The remains life, planning for seasonal changes, and coordinating hunt-
of charcoal and carbon, widely but thinly scattered in ing activities imply improving linguistic competence. The
the vicinity, raise the possibility that grassfires were observation that right-handed individuals made the ma-
used to drive the animals into the swamp. This evidence jority of stone tools also supports the theory of increased
indicates that genus Homo had come a long way from specialization and lateralization of the evolving brain. In
mere opportunistic scavenging, as this type of elaborate, other primates and most mammals, the right and left sides
large-scale kill involves organizational and communica- of the brain duplicate each other’s function; these animals
tive skills. use the right and left sides of their bodies equally and
Archaic Homo sapiens and the Appearance of Modern-Sized Brains 183
interchangeably. In humans, the emergence of handedness

seems closely linked both developmentally (at about the
age of 1 year) and evolutionarily with the appearance of
language. Thus, evidence of handedness in Lower Paleo-
lithic tools indicates that the kind of brain specialization
required for language was well under way (Figure 7.12).
The fossil record provides evidence for evolving hu-
mans’ linguistic capability. The vocal tract and brain of H.
erectus are intermediate between those of H. sapiens and
earlier Australopithecus. The hypoglossal canal—the Hypoglossal
passageway through the skull that accommodates the nerve
nerve that controls tongue movement, which is vital for
spoken language—has taken on the characteristic large
size seen in contemporary humans in fossil skulls dated
to 500,000 years ago (Figure 7.13).
Possibly, a changeover from reliance on gestural to
HYPOGLOSSAL
spoken language was a driving force in these evolutionary CANAL
changes. Reductions of tooth and jaw size may also have
contributed, with improved abilities to articulate speech
sounds. From an evolutionary standpoint, spoken lan- Homo sapiens
© Cengage Learning
guage provides some advantages over gestures. Individuals
do not have to stop whatever they are doing with their Chimpanzee
hands to “talk,” which would be especially useful to a
species increasingly dependent on tool use. Spoken lan-
guage also allows communication in the dark, past opaque Figure 7.13 The Hypoglossal Canal
The size of the hypoglossal canal is much larger in humans
objects, or among people whose gaze is concentrated on
than in chimpanzees. The nerve that passes through this canal
something else (potential prey, for example).
controls tongue movement, which is vital to spoken language.
With H. erectus, we find a clearer manifestation of the
All members of the genus Homo after about 500,000 years ago
interplay among cultural, physical, and environmental
have an enlarged hypoglossal canal.
Broca’s area
(language production) factors than ever before. However slowly, social organiza-
Motor cortex Parietal lobe tion, technology, and communication developed in tan-
dem with an increase in brain size and complexity. In fact,
Frontal lobe the cranial capacity of late H. erectus is 31 percent greater
than the mean for early H. erectus.
Archaic Homo sapiens

and the Appearance
of Modern-Sized Brains
Fossils from a number of sites in Africa, Asia, and Europe
Temporal lobe
T indicate that cranial capacity reached modern proportions
Occipital
lobe between 200,000 and 400,000 years ago. Most fossil finds
Hearing consist of parts of one or very few individuals. The fos-
Cerebellum
sils from Sierra de Atapuerca in northern Spain provide
© Cengage Learning
Brain stem the only evidence of a substantial Paleolithic population

Wernicke’s area (Figure 7.14). Dated to about 400,000 years ago (Parés et al.,
(language comprehension) 2000), the remains of at least twenty-eight individuals of
both sexes and of various ages were deliberately dumped
Figure 7.12 Language Areas of the Brain
Language areas in the left side of the brain. The right side of hypoglossal canal The opening in the skull that accommodates the
the human brain has different specialized functions. tongue-controlling hypoglossal nerve.
the dead at Atapuerca may have involved some

ritual activity that presaged burial of the dead,
which became common after 100,000 years ago.
Cranial capacity varied within this population
from 1,125 to 1,390 cc, overlapping the upper
end of the range for H. erectus and the average size
of H. sapiens (1,300 cc). The bones display a mix
of features—some typical of H. erectus, others of
H. sapiens—including some incipient characteris-
tics of the later appearing Neandertal.
Other remains from Africa and Europe from
the same time range have shown a combination
of H. erectus and H. sapiens features. Some—such
as skulls from Ndutu (Tanzania), Swanscombe
(England), and Steinheim (Germany)—have been
classified as H. sapiens, while others—from Arago
(France), Bilzingsleben (Germany), Petralona
(Greece), and several African sites—have been clas-
sified as H. erectus. Yet all have cranial capacities
that fit within the range exhibited by the Sima de
los Huesos skulls, which are classified as H. anteces-
sor (see Table 7.1).
Comparisons of these transitional skulls to those
of living people or to H. erectus reflect their interme-
diate nature. The Swanscombe and Steinheim skulls
are large and robust, with maximum breadth lower
Javier Trueba/MSF/Science Source
on the skull, prominent brow ridges, large faces, and

big teeth. Similarly, the face of the Petralona skull
from Greece resembles the later European Neander-
tals, while the back of the skull looks like H. erectus.
Conversely, a skull from Salé in Morocco, which had
a rather small brain for H. sapiens (930–960 cc), looks
surprisingly modern from the back. Various jaws
Figure 7.14 Sima de los Huesos from France and Morocco seem to combine features
These fossils from Sima de los Huesos (“Pit of the Bones”), Sierra de of H. erectus with those of the Neandertals. Similarly,
Atapuerca, Spain, are the best collection of Homo fossils from a single skulls from several sites in China exhibit the same
site. The scientists who discovered them place them in the species mix of H. erectus and H. sapiens characteristics.
Homo antecessor, despite cranial capacities overlapping with the average “Lumpers” suggest that the terms “late H. erectus”
size of contemporary humans. These fossils fit into the complex period or “early H. sapiens” (or any other proposed species
of our evolutionary history when brain size and cultural capability began names within the genus Homo) serve no useful pur-
to separate members of genus Homo from earlier ancestral species. pose and merely obscure the transitional status of
these intermediate species. They tend to place these
(after defleshing their skulls) by their contemporaries into fossils in the archaic Homo sapiens category, a group that
a deep cave shaft known today as Sima de los Huesos reflects both their large brain size and the ancestral
(“Pit of the Bones”). The recent Homo naledi discoveries in features on the skull. “Splitters” use discrete names for
South African caves similarly suggest some sort of special- specimens from this period to account for some of the geo-
ized treatment of the dead. graphic and morphologic variation these fossils exhibit.
The presence of animal bones in the same pit with Both approaches reflect their respective opinions about
humans raises the possibility that early humans simply evolutionary relationships among fossil groups.
used the site as a dump. Alternatively, the treatment of
archaic Homo sapiens A loosely defined group within the genus Homo
Levalloisian Technique
that “lumpers” assign to fossils with the combination of large brain size
With the appearance of large-brained members of the ge-
and ancestral features on the skull.
nus Homo, the pace of cultural change accelerated. These
Levalloisian technique Toolmaking technique by which three or four long
triangular flakes are detached from a specially prepared core; developed ancestors invented a new method of flake manufacture—
by members of the genus Homo transitional from H. erectus to H. sapiens. the Levalloisian technique, named for the French site
Archaic Homo sapiens and the Appearance of Modern-Sized Brains 185
where such tools were first excavated. Sites in Africa, Eu-

rope, Southwest Asia, and even China have yielded flake
tools produced by this technique along with Acheulean
tools. In China, the technique could represent a case of
independent invention, or it could indicate the spread of
ideas from one part of the inhabited world to another.
The Levalloisian technique involves first preparing a
core by removing small flakes over the stone’s surface.
Next the toolmaker sets up a platform by striking a cross-
wise blow at one end of the stone’s core (Figure 7.15).
Striking the platform removes three or four long flakes,
whose size and shape have been predetermined by the
preceding preparation, leaving a core nodule that looks
like a tortoise shell from which large preshaped flake
tools can be removed. In contrast to the methods used
previously, this faster technique produces a longer (and
sharper) edge for the same amount of flint.
Other Cultural Innovations

As the Levalloisian technique developed, our ancestors
also invented hafting—the fastening of small stone bifaces
and flakes to handles of wood (Figure 7.16). Hafting led
to the development of knives and more complex spears.
© PhotoDisc/Getty Images
A
Figure 7.16 Hafting

The practice of hafting, the fastening of small stone bifaces and
flakes to handles of wood, was a major technological advance
appearing in the archaeological record at about the same time
as the invention of the Levalloisian technique.
B
These new tools involved three components: a handle
or shaft, a stone insert, and the materials to bind them.
Hafting involved planned sequences of actions that could
be performed at different times and places.
With this new technology, regional stylistic and tech-
nological variants marked the archaeological record, sug-
© Cengage Learning
gesting the emergence of distinct cultural traditions. At the

same time, the proportions of raw materials procured from
C
faraway sources increased. In contrast to Acheulean tools
that were rarely more than 20 kilometers (12 miles) away
Figure 7.15 The Levalloisian Technique from their source, Levalloisian tools have been found up to
These drawings show side (left) and top (right) views of the 320 kilometers (200 miles) away (Ambrose, 2001).
steps in the Levalloisian technique. Arrows indicate where The use of yellow and red ochre as pigments, a develop-
the toolmaker strikes the core with another stone in order ment first identified in Africa, became especially common
to shape it. Drawing A shows the preparatory flaking of the by 130,000 years ago. The use of ochre may signal a rise in
stone core; B, the same on the top surface of that core (the ritual activity, similar to the deliberate placement of the
dotted line indicates what will ultimately become a tool; and human remains in the Sima de los Huesos, Atapuerca. The
C, the final step of detaching a flake tool of a size and shape use of red ochre in ancient burials may relate to its similar-
predetermined by the preceding steps. ity to the color of blood, as a powerful symbol of life.
Philippe Plailly & Atelier Daynes/Science Source

Figure 7.17 Fleshing Out the Bones
Paleoartists like Élisabeth Daynès work closely with paleoanthropologists to transform fossils
and other kinds of data into a form we can see. Layering muscle, nerves, skin, and hair onto
fossil casts, they produce striking yet faithful renderings of ancient individuals. The shape,
size, and markings of bones let paleoartists see where soft tissues once lay. Narratives that
scientists have created about our ancestors allow paleoartists to bring in features such as
facial expression, body language, body hair, and skin color. Paleoartists themselves embody the
essential human traits that make their craft possible: enlarged brains, sophisticated symbolic
thought, imagination, and dexterous hands for wielding tools. But what about the culture and
the beliefs of the paleoartists? What do you see when you compare this image to Figure 7.20?
The Neandertals following the appearance of modern humans? Alternatively,

are descendants of Neandertals walking the earth today?
To many outside the field of anthropology, the Neandertal Neandertals were an extremely muscular people living
is the quintessential caveman, portrayed by imaginative car- from approximately 30,000 to 125,000 years ago in Europe
toonists as a slant-headed, stooped, dim-witted individual clad and in Southwest and Central Asia. Today genetic evidence
in animal skins, carrying a big club as he plodded across the extends their range both forward and back in time. Pos-
prehistoric landscape, perhaps dragging an unwilling female or sessing brains larger than the modern average, Neandertal
a dead saber-toothed tiger. Novels and films have perpetuated faces differed from those of later humans (Figure 7.17).
the Neandertal stereotype. Their large noses and teeth projected forward. They had
Has the popular image of Neandertals as brutish and in- prominent bony brow ridges over their eyes. A bunlike
capable of spoken language, much less abstract or innovative bony mass for attachment of powerful neck muscles pro-
thinking, influenced interpretations of fossil and archaeo- truded from the back of their skull. These features, not in
logical evidence? Neandertals remain one of the most con- line with classic forms of Western beauty, probably con-
tentious issues in paleoanthropology. Did they represent an tributed to the conception of Neandertals as brutes.
inferior side branch of human evolution that went extinct One of the first Neandertals was found in a cave in the
Neander Valley (tal means “valley” in German; thal was the
old German spelling) near Düsseldorf, Germany, in 1856.
Neandertal A distinct fossil group within the genus Homo inhabiting Europe
and Southwest Asia from approximately 30,000 to 125,000 years ago; This was well before scientific theories to account for hu-
today’s genetic evidence extends their range both forward and back in time. man evolution had gained acceptance. (Darwin published
The Neandertals 187
Mary Evans Picture Library/Alamy
Urbanmyth/Alamy
Figure 7.18 Neandertal Depictions
When Neandertals are portrayed as brutes as they were in this sketch from the early 20th century
(left), based on the La Chapelle-aux-Saints skeleton, it is difficult to welcome them into our human
ancestry. But when reconstructions portray them in a positive light, Neandertal ancestry seems
more palatable. The image on the right is from the Neanderthal Museum in Mettmann, Germany.
One can picture such an individual fitting with the reconstruction of Neandertal lifeways from the
Shanidar site located in the Kurdistan region of today’s Iraq. Excavated between 1957 and 1961,
this site includes evidence of deliberate burial of nine individuals. Ochre and pollen associated with
the skeletons led to the nickname the “original flower people” for the Shanidar remains. Although
some have claimed that the pollen is a modern contaminant, analysis of the bones reveals a rich
cultural system. One of the buried individuals, an older male, had survived for years after severe
injuries that required amputating the lower half of one arm as well as a wound to his eye socket
that would have left him partially blind. (The humerus or upper arm bone had withered—a gradual
response to amputation of the lower arm.) Such evidence demonstrates the caregiving capacities of
his community to nurse him through these injuries and help him survive for years afterward.
On the Origins of Species three years later in 1859.) Initially, For example, paleoanthropologist C. Loring Brace observed
experts did not know what to make of this discovery. that “classic” Neandertal features (Figure 7.19) are com-
Examination of the fossil skull, a few ribs, and some limb monly present in 10,000-year-old skulls from Denmark
bones revealed that the individual was a human being, but it and Norway (Ferrie, 1997).
did not look “normal.” Some believed the bones were those Nevertheless, Neandertals differ from more recent hu-
of a sickly and deformed contemporary. Others thought the man populations. Wear patterns on their large front teeth
skeleton belonged to a soldier who had succumbed to “wa- indicate that they may have been used for tasks other
ter on the brain” during the Napoleonic Wars earlier that than chewing. In many specimens, front teeth were worn
century. One prominent anatomist believed the remains down to the root stub by 35 to 40 years of age. Neander-
were those of an idiot suffering from malnutrition, whose tals’ large noses probably helped to warm, moisten, and
violent temper got him into many fights, flattening his fore- clean the dry, dusty frigid air of the glacial climate, pre-
head and making his brow ridges bumpy. Similarly, an anal- venting damage to the lungs and brain as seen in modern
ysis of a skeleton found in 1908 near La Chapelle-aux-Saints cold-adapted people. At the back of the skull, the occipital
in France mistakenly concluded that the specimen’s brain bony bun allowed for attachment of the powerful neck
was apelike and that he walked like an ape (Figure 7.18). muscles and counteracted the weight of a heavy face.
The evidence indicates that Neandertals were nowhere All Neandertal fossils indicate that both sexes were mus-
near as brutish and apelike as originally portrayed. Some cular beings, equipped to take on rigorous physical activity.
researchers contend that Neandertals’ intelligence was no Relative to body mass, the limbs were short (as they are in
different than modern humans’. Many now view them as modern humans native to especially cold climates) with
the archaic H. sapiens of Europe and Southwest and Central extremely robust, dense bones. Their arms were exception-
Asia, ancestral to the more derived, anatomically mod- ally powerful, and pronounced attachments on their hand
ern populations of these regions of the last 30,000 years. bones attest to a remarkably strong grip. Science writer
extinct emphasize Neandertals’ biological differences and

cultural inferiority. Those who include Neandertals in
our direct ancestry emphasize sophisticated Neandertal
Low forehead culture and account for biological differences as regional
adaptations to an extremely cold climate and the reten-
tion of ancestral traits in a somewhat isolated population
(Figure 7.20). The recent discovery of a fossilized hyoid
bone, which is key for making speech sounds, supports
Large nasal the sophistication of Neandertals. Analysis of the Nean-
Projecting aperture
midface dertal hyoid suggests that it functioned similarly to how it
functions in us today (D’Anastasio et al., 2013).
Javanese, African,
Low forehead
Large cranial
capacity
and Chinese Archaic
Low, arching
Homo sapiens
brow ridges
While large-brained Neandertals inhabited Europe and
Southwest Asia, variants of archaic H. sapiens inhabited
other parts of the world. Appearing much more like mod-
ern humans, these archaic H. Sapiens lacked the extreme
midfacial projection and massive muscle attachments on
the back of the skull characteristic of Neandertals.
Occipital
bun Eleven skulls found near the Solo River in Ngandong,
Projecting Java, are a prime example. These skulls indicated mod-
midface
ern-sized brains ranging from 1,013 to 1,252 cc, while
retaining features of earlier Javanese H. erectus. When
© Cengage Learning
their dating was recently revised (to between 27,000 and

53,000 years ago), some researchers concluded that this
Lack of chin proved a late survival of H. erectus in Asia, contemporary
with H. sapiens. But the Ngandong skulls are actually
Figure 7.19 Neandertal Skulls representatives of archaic H. sapiens, with modern-sized
Features of the skull seen in “classic” Neandertals. brains in ancient-looking skulls.
Fossils from various parts of Africa and China show
a similar combination of ancient and modern traits. Ne-
James Shreeve has suggested that a healthy Neandertal andertals could represent an extreme form of archaic H.
could lift an average North American football player over sapiens, whereas elsewhere the archaics living in the same
his head and throw him through the goalposts (Shreeve, regions looked either like robust versions of the early
1995). Their massive, dense foot and leg bones suggest high modern populations or like somewhat more derived ver-
levels of strength and endurance. sions of the H. erectus populations that preceded them. All
Because brain size is related to overall body mass, appeared to have modern-sized brains, with their skulls
heavy robust Neandertal bodies account for the large retaining some ancestral features.
average size of the Neandertal brain (1,400 cc versus Exciting recent discoveries in southern Siberia bring
1,300 cc for modern humans). Paleoanthropologists have a new group of archaic Homo sapiens, the Denisovan,
shifted to debating whether change in the shape, rather into the mix. Named for the cave in which they were
than just the size, of the brain and skull is associated discovered, the fossil evidence for Denisovans consists of
with change in cultural capabilities, in part because the a finger bone, a toe bone, and two molar teeth dated to be-
size of the Neandertal brain is at the high end of the tween 30,000 and 80,000 years ago. Though limited, these
human range. relatively recent remains were well enough preserved to
Interpretations of Neandertal fossils have changed allow for genetic analyses (Reich et al., 2010, 2012). In-
dramatically over time and are still surrounded by contro- terestingly, recently sequenced mitochondrial DNA from
versy. Those who propose that the Neandertal line went the Sima de los Huesos site in Spain resembles that of the
Denisovans (Meyer et al., 2014).
Denisovan A newly discovered group of archaic Homo sapiens from Denisovans made blade tools and burins, more sophis-
southern Siberia dated to between 30,000 and 50,000 years ago. ticated stone tools characteristic of later peoples, as well
Middle Paleolithic Culture 189
University of Michigan Photo Services

Figure 7.20 Wolpoff Versus Neandertal
As this face-off between paleoanthropologist Milford Wolpoff and his reconstruction of a
Neandertal shows, there are not very many differences between the two.
as pendants made from the teeth of a variety of animals.

Genetic analyses indicate that the Denisovans were local
The Mousterian Tool Tradition
descendants of Homo erectus, who possibly interbred with The Mousterian tool tradition and similar techniques
the Neandertals inhabiting this region for a period of of Europe, Southwest Asia, and North Africa, dating to
time, and with other waves of Homo sapiens arriving later. between 40,000 and 125,000 years ago, are the best-
Features of both the Neandertal and Denisovan genomes known toolmaking industries (Figure 7.21). Comparable
are present in modern humans. traditions are found in China and Japan, where they likely
arose independently from local toolmaking traditions.
These traditions indicate significant technological
advancement over preceding industries. For example,
Middle Paleolithic Culture an Acheulean flint worker could get 40 centimeters (16
inches) of working edge from a kilogram (2.2 pound)
Environmental adaptations by Homo from the Middle core, while a Mousterian could get nearly 200 centime-
Paleolithic, or middle part of the Old Stone Age, were ters (6 feet) from the same core. All people—Neandertals
both biological and cultural, but the capacity for cultural and other members of the genus Homo of the Middle
adaptation was predictably superior to what it had been
in earlier members of the genus Homo. Their modern
brain size gave them greater cultural capabilities than Middle Paleolithic The middle part of the Old Stone Age characterized
by the development of the Mousterian tool tradition and the earlier
their ancestors. Such a brain played a role in technolog-
Levalloisian traditions.
ical innovations, considerably sophisticated conceptual
Mousterian tool tradition The tool industry of the Neandertals and
thought, and, almost surely, communication through their contemporaries of Europe, Southwest Asia, and North Africa from
spoken language. 40,000 to 125,000 years ago.
needed for hunting and keeping the body warm. An abun-

Burin
Borer Hand-axe dance of associated animal bones found with cut marks un-
derlines the importance of meat to Mousterian toolmakers.
Frequently, the remains consist almost entirely of very large
game—wild cattle (including the European bison known
as aurochs), wild horses, and even mammoths and woolly
rhinoceroses.
End scraper The Anthropology Applied feature shows that stone
Backed knife
tools continue to be important for humans today. Clearly,
the Neandertals were not mere casual or opportunistic
hunters; rather, they engaged in carefully planned, orga-
nized hunts of very large and potentially dangerous game.
The standardization of Mousterian hunting implements
compared to household tools also reflects the importance
of hunting for these ancient peoples.
At the same time, the complexity of the toolkit needed
for survival in a cold climate may have decreased the
Double scraper
users’ mobility. Deeper deposits at Mousterian sites com-
pared to earlier Lower Paleolithic sites suggest longer hab-
T
Transverse itation in the same place. Such sites contain evidence of
scraper long production sequences, resharpening and discarding
© Cengage Learning
of tools, and large-scale butchering and cooking of game.

Pebble paving, simple wall construction, and the digging
of post holes and artificial pits show how the inhabitants
worked to improve living conditions in caves and rock
Figure 7.21 The Mousterian Toolkit shelters. This evidence suggests that Mousterian sites were
The Mousterian tool tradition’s wide range of tool types with much more than stopovers in an ongoing quest for food.
specific functions resulted in finer workmanship. In addition, there are indications that Neandertal so-
cial organization even developed some forms of healthcare
to provide for physically disabled members of the group.
Paleolithic who possessed more anatomically modern For the first time, the remains of old people, many exhib-
skulls, in Europe, North Africa, and Southwest Asia—used iting treatment for trauma and healed wounds without
Mousterian tools. infection, are well represented in the fossil record. The par-
The Mousterian tradition is named after the Le Moust- tially blind man with a withered upper arm from Shanidar
ier Neandertal cave site in southern France. The develop- in Iraq, described in Figure 7.18, provides one particularly
ment of Mousterian tools likely was rooted in the older dramatic example. Remains of another individual found
Acheulean tradition, but these tools are generally lighter at Krapina in Croatia suggest the possible surgical ampu-
and smaller than those of earlier industries. Previously just tation of a hand. In La Chapelle, France, fossil remains
two or three flakes could be obtained from an entire core, indicate prolonged survival of a man badly crippled by
but Mousterian toolmakers obtained many smaller flakes, arthritis. The earliest example of medical treatment comes
which they skillfully retouched and sharpened. Toolkits from a 200,000-year-old site in France, where a toothless
also contained a greater variety of tool types: hand-axes, man was able to survive, probably because others in his
flakes, scrapers, borers, notched flakes for shaving wood, group processed or prechewed food for him to swallow.
and many kinds of points that could be attached to Whether this indicates true compassionate care by these
wooden shafts to make spears. This variety of tools facil- early people is not clear. However, it does show that cul-
itated more effective use of food resources and enhanced tural factors enabled individuals to provide care to others.
the quality of clothing and shelter.
As population size steadily increased, early people started
living in colder climates. And once there, these members of
genus Homo had little choice but to adapt as climates turned
The Symbolic Life of Neandertals
even colder. A series of cultural adaptations made popula- Neandertals seem to have had a rich symbolic life. Sev-
tion expansion into previously uninhabited colder regions eral sites contain clear evidence that Neandertals buried
possible. The rare and seasonal availability of vegetable foods their dead. The difficulty of digging an adult-sized grave
under such cold conditions made meat a critical staple. In without access to metal shovels suggests that burial was a
particular, animal fats, rather than carbohydrates, become tremendously important social activity. Moreover, inten-
the chief source of energy. Energy-rich animal fat in the tional positioning of dead bodies indicates the symbolic
diets of cold climate meat-eaters provided the extra energy significance of this action.
Stone Tools for Modern Surgeons

When Harvard University anthropologist scalpels that were used successfully in eye sharpest steel blades show torn, ragged
Irven DeVore needed to have some minor surgery. And in 1986, David Pokotylo of the edges and are littered with bits of dis-
melanomas removed from his face, he did Museum of Anthropology at the University placed flesh.b Surgeons have better control
not leave it up to the surgeon to supply the of British Columbia underwent reconstruc- with obsidian, and the incisions heal faster
scalpels. Instead, he had graduate student tive surgery on his hand with blades he with less scarring and pain.
John Shea create a scalpel. Making a blade made himself (the hafting was done by his The superiority of obsidian scalpels led
of obsidian (a naturally occurring volcanic museum colleague, Len McFarlane). Sheets to form a corporation in partnership
“glass”) with the same techniques people The reason for the use of scalpels mod- with eye surgeon Firmon Hardenbergh.
used to create blades during the Upper eled on ancient stone tools is that anthro- Together, they developed a means of pro-
Paleolithic, Shea hafted the obsidian in a pologists realized obsidian’s almost total ducing cores of uniform size from molten
wooden handle, using melted pine resin as superiority to normally used scalpel materi- glass, as well as a machine to detach
glue and then lashing it with sinew. After the als: It is 210 to 1,050 times sharper than blades from the cores.
procedure, the surgeon reported that the ob- surgical steel, 100 to 500 times sharper
a
sidian scalpel was superior to metal ones.a than a razor blade, and three times sharper Shreeve, J. (1995). The Neandertal enigma:
DeVore was not the first to undergo than a diamond blade (which not only costs Solving the mystery of modern human origins
surgery with stone scalpels. In 1975, Don much more but cannot be made with more (p. 134). New York: William Morrow.
b
Crabtree, then at Idaho State University, than 3 millimeters of cutting edge). Sheets, P. D. (1993). Dawn of a New Stone
prepared the scalpels used in his own Obsidian blades are easier to cut with Age in eye surgery. In R. J. Sharer & W.
heart surgery. In 1980, Payson Sheets at and do less damage in the process. Under Ashmore (Eds.), Archaeology: Discovering our
the University of Colorado created obsidian a microscope, incisions made with the past. Palo Alto, CA: Mayfield.
© William A. Haviland
© William A. Haviland
These electron micrographs of the tips of an obsidian blade (left) and a modern steel scalpel
(right) illustrate the superiority of the obsidian.
To date, at least seventeen sites in Europe, South was reopened and the skull removed (a practice that, in-
Africa, and Southwest Asia include Middle Paleolithic terestingly, is sometimes seen in burials in the same region
burials. Luckily for anthropologists, this is one reason for roughly 50,000 years later). Similarly, the rich Krapina site
the relative abundance of reasonably complete Neandertal in Croatia contains the remains of at least seventy indi-
skeletons. At Kebara Cave in Israel, around 60,000 years viduals. Scientists have come to recognize cut marks on
ago, a Neandertal male between 25 and 35 years of age the bones as deliberate defleshing of the skeletons that are
was placed in a pit on his back, with his arms folded over consistent with later ceremonial practices.
his chest and abdomen (Figure 7.22). Sometime later, Shanidar Cave in today’s Iraq provides evidence of
after complete decay of attaching ligaments, the grave a burial accompanied by what may have been a funeral
lacks a working edge. Such objects imply, as archaeologist

Alexander Marshack has observed, “that the Neandertals
did in fact have conceptual models and maps as well as
problem-solving capacities comparable to, if not equal
to, those found among anatomically modern humans”
(Marshack, 1989, p. 22).
The recent discovery of a painting “toolkit” in a South
African cave pushes this behavior back to 100,000 years
ago—and also to a region outside the Neandertal range.
The toolkit shows that ancient artists made paint by mix-
ing pigments that had been ground with stone together
with bone marrow and charcoal (as binders) and a liquid,
most likely water (Henshilwood et al., 2011). The next
chapter will discuss in detail whether a new species was
responsible for this or whether the paint manufacturing
was just a part of Mousterian culture.
Evidence of Neandertals’ symbolic activity raises the
possibility of the presence and use of musical instruments,
such as a proposed bone flute from a Mousterian site in
Slovenia in southern Europe (Figure 7.23). This object,
© Cengage Learning
consisting of a hollow bone with perforations, has sparked

controversy. Some see it as nothing more than a bone that
a cave bear chewed on—producing the perforations. Its
discoverer, French archaeologist Marcel Otte, on the other
Figure 7.22 Kebara Burial hand, sees it as a flute.
The position of the body remains and the careful removal of Unfortunately, the object is fragmentary, with five
the skull, without the lower jaw, indicate that the individual holes surviving: four on one side and one on the opposite
from Kebara Cave in Israel was deliberately buried there about side. The regular spacing of the four holes, fitting perfectly
60,000 years ago. to the fingers of a human hand, and the location of the
fifth hole at the base of the opposite side, at the natu-
ral location of the thumb, all lend credence to the flute
ceremony. Pollen analysis of the soil around a skeleton hypothesis. Although there are also signs of gnawing by
found buried in a pit indicates that flowers had been animals, these are superimposed over traces of human ac-
placed below the body and in a wreath about the head. tivity (Otte, 2000). Were it found in an Upper Paleolithic
Because the key pollen types came from insect-pollinated context, like a flute discovered in the Hohle Fels Cave in
flowers, few if any of the pollen grains found could have southwestern Germany, it would probably be accepted as
been blown into the pit through the air. These flowers a flute without argument. But the early date of Otte’s flute
were varieties valued historically for their medicinal indicates a Neandertal made it, which ties it to the larger
properties. controversy about Neandertals’ cultural abilities and their
Other evidence for symbolic behavior in Mousterian place in human evolutionary history.
culture comes from the use of naturally occurring pig-
ments: manganese dioxide and red and yellow ochre.
Recovered chunks of these pigments reveal clear evi- Speech and Language
dence of scraping to produce powder and of facets, like
those that appear on a used crayon. A notable example
in the Middle Paleolithic
is a carved and shaped section of a mammoth tooth to The Neandertals and other Middle Paleolithic Homo
which a Mousterian artist also applied color about 50,000 had modern-sized brains and sophisticated Mousterian
years ago. This mammoth tooth may have been made for toolkits, or tools that were even more advanced such as
culturally symbolic purposes; it is similar to ceremonial the Denisovan tools. Based on this evidence, we could
objects made of bone and ivory dated to the later Upper surmise that they had some form of language. As paleoan-
Paleolithic and to the wooden churingas made by Aborig- thropologist Stanley Ambrose points out, the Mousterian
ines in Australia. toolkit’s composite tools required the assembly of parts in
The mammoth tooth, which was once smeared with different configurations to produce functionally different
red ochre, has a highly polished surface, suggesting it tools. He likens this ordered assembly of parts into tools
was handled a lot. Microscopic examination reveals that to grammatical language “because hierarchical assemblies
it was not shaped for any utilitarian purpose because it of sounds produce meaningful phrases and sentences, and
Courtesy of Marcel Otte

Figure 7.23 The First Musical Instrument?
There is a strong possibility that this object, found in trash left by Neandertals, is the remains
of a flute made of bone.
changing word order changes meaning” (Ambrose, 2001, show as much flattening without having any difficulty
p. 1751). According to Ambrose, “a composite tool may speaking. When the anatomical evidence is considered
be analogous to a sentence, but explaining how to make in its totality, there is no compelling reason to deny
one is the equivalent of a recipe or a short story” (p. 1751). Neandertals the ability to speak.
In addition, the evidence of manufactured objects with The discovery of a “language gene” by Swedish paleoge-
symbolic significance supports the presence of language neticist Svante Pääbo and colleagues at the Max Planck In-
in Middle Paleolithic Homo. stitute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany,
Beyond archaeological evidence like tools, specific an- adds an interesting new dimension to the study of the evo-
atomical features can be examined to determine whether lution of language (Lai et al., 2001). The gene, called FOXP2,
this language was spoken or gestural. Some have argued was identified through the analysis of a family with a severe
that the Neandertals lacked the physical features neces- speech and language disorder over several generations. Pääbo
sary for speech. For example, a faulty reconstruction of hypothesized that genetic changes control the ability to
the angle at the base of the Neandertal skull from the early make fine movements of the mouth and larynx necessary for
20th century was interpreted to indicate that the larynx spoken language. The identification of this gene in humans
was too high in the throat to support humanlike speech. allowed scientists to compare its structure to other mamma-
Further, the hyoid bone associated with the muscles of lian species.
speech in the larynx is preserved from the skeleton from The human FOXP2 gene differs from versions of the
the Kebara Cave burial in Israel. Its shape is identical to gene found in the chimpanzee, gorilla, orangutan, rhesus
that of contemporary humans, indicating that the vocal macaque, and mouse. We can identify these genetic differ-
tract was adequate for speech. ences among living species, but applying this knowledge
With respect to the brain, paleoneurologists agree to earlier members of the genus Homo is far more difficult.
that Neandertals had the neural development necessary We do not know precisely when in human evolution the
for spoken language, arguing that the changes associ- human form of the FOXP2 gene appeared or whether this
ated with language began even before the appearance gene was associated with the formation of a new Homo
of archaic Homo sapiens. Consistent, too, is an expanded species.
thoracic vertebral canal (the thorax is the upper part In light of these genetic discoveries, it is also interest-
of the body), a feature Neandertals share with modern ing to consider the work done on language capacity in
humans but not with early Homo erectus (or any other the great apes. For example, Sue Savage-Rumbaugh’s work
primate). This feature suggests the increased breath with Kanzi the bonobo documented his ability to under-
control required for producing long phrases or single stand hundreds of spoken words and associate them with
expirations of breath, punctuated with quick inhalations lexigrams (pictures of words) on a computer display (Sav-
at meaningful linguistic breaks. Another argument—that age-Rumbaugh & Lewin, 1994). Kanzi could understand
a relatively flat base in Neandertal skulls would have the words but was unable to create the sounds himself,
prevented speech—has no merit, as some modern adults showing that speech and language are not identical.
© The Natural History Museum, London

Figure 7.24 Comparing Crania
The African archaic Homo sapiens from Kabwe, Zambia (fourth from the left) is pictured here
with a variety of earlier hominins as well as Kabwe’s contemporaries and later members of the
genus Homo. The Kabwe specimen is likely to have died from a dental infection that spread
to the brain of this individual. To the right of the Kabwe specimen is his contemporary, the
original cranium discovered in the Neander Valley, Germany, in 1856 (the only one without a
face), followed by a recent Homo sapiens cranium. The other fossils, from the left, are a gracile
australopithecine; Homo habilis (KNM ER 1470) discovered at Koobi Fora, Kenya; Homo erectus
also from Koobi Fora. Increasing cranial capacity over time is evident from this series, as is the
fact that Neandertal brains and that of Kabwe are in the modern human range. Even without the
Neandertal face, some of the differences in the shape of the skull are evident, compared to
H. sapiens. The African archaic H. sapiens is also quite different from the contemporary skeleton.
Culture, Skulls, and The transition from the Middle Paleolithic to the
Upper Paleolithic occurred around 40,000 years ago. The
Modern Human Origins Upper Paleolithic is known not only for a veritable explo-
sion of tool industries, but also for clear artistic expression
For Middle Paleolithic Homo, cultural adaptive abilities preserved in representative sculptures, paintings, and
relate to the fact that brain size was comparable to that engravings (see Chapter 8). But the earliest anatomically
of people living today (Figure 7.24). Archaeological ev- modern humans, like the Neandertals and other archaic
idence indicates that the increased cranial capacity en- forms, used tools of the Middle Paleolithic traditions.
abled Homo’s development of sophisticated technology The relationship between the cultural developments of
and considerably complex conceptual thought. During the Upper Paleolithic and the underlying biological differ-
this same time period, large-brained individuals with ences between anatomically modern humans and archaic
anatomically modern skull shape began to appear. The forms remains one of the most contentious debates in
earliest specimens with this skull shape—a more vertical paleoanthropology. Discussions concerning the fate of the
forehead, diminished brow ridge, and a chin—appeared Neandertals and their cultural abilities are integral to this
first in Africa and later in Asia and Europe. Whether the debate. Whether or not a new kind of human—anatom-
derived features in the skull indicate the appearance of a ically modern with correspondingly superior intellectual
new species with improved cultural capabilities is hotly and creative abilities—is responsible for the cultural explo-
debated. sion of the Upper Paleolithic will be a focus of Chapter 8.
What are the characteristics of the genus ✓ “Lumpers” identify the first species as Homo habilis,
whereas “splitters” consider these fossils too varied to
Homo? comprise a single species.
✓ Genus Homo first appeared in East Africa and is
✓ Homo erectus appeared first in Africa around 1.9 million
characterized by increasing cranial capacity and the
years ago and began spreading throughout the Old World.
earliest stone tools.
195
✓ Cranial capacity in the genus Homo increased steadily ✓ Soft, cooked foods may have relaxed selection for large
from about 2.5 million years ago until about 200,000 teeth and powerful jaws, permitting the cranium of H.
years ago when it reached modern proportions. erectus to expand significantly.
Other trends include reduced size of jaws and teeth,
✓ Increased overall size and decreased sexual dimorphism
reduced sexual dimorphism, and increase in overall
may have contributed to successful adaptation to
body size.
bearing large-brained young.
How and when did stone tool industries ✓ Fossil evidence indicates that early Homo was a
scavenger rather than a hunter of big game, as the
develop for the genus Homo? biases of Western tradition had suggested. Early tools
✓ The first evidence of stone tools is dated to about were used to butcher scavenged carcasses in order to
3.3 million years ago at Lake Turkana in Kenya. extract as much nutrition as possible.
The Lower Paleolithic or Lower Stone Age began
with these early tools of the Lomekwian How do we describe the history
tradition followed by the Oldowan tradition and lifeways of Homo erectus?
associated with Homo habilis. Ancient toolmakers
used the percussion method of manufacture for ✓ H. erectus appeared 1.8 million years ago, dispersing
these tools. from Africa into Eurasia and Indonesia. A large cranial
capacity, brow ridges, and a protruding mouth are some
✓ Homo erectus originated the Acheulean tradition and of the features that distinguish the H. erectus skull.
exercised superior, more standardized craftsmanship
compared to the preceding Lomekwian and Oldowan ✓ Regional variation in fossils that are otherwise
traditions. considered H. erectus has led some scientists to create
alternate species designations.
✓ The Levalloisian tradition of stone tool manufacture
and its practice of hafting coincided with cranial ✓ Evidence of controlled use of fire dates to 1.3 million
capacity reaching modern proportions between years ago. This skill presumably enabled H. erectus to
200,000 and 400,000 years ago. expand into colder regions of Eurasia as well as to
scavenge for and thaw frozen meat. Fire also provided
✓ The Neandertal timespan coincides with the the enormous nutritional benefits of cooked food.
Mousterian tool era, although all the members
of the genus Homo living at that time employed ✓ Evidence of handedness in tool manufacture and an
these methods. Together the Levalloisian and enlarged hypoglossal canal support claims of late H.
the Mousterian traditions constitute the Middle erectus’ speech and language abilities.
Paleolithic. It surpassed the Lower Paleolithic
in variety and refinement, signifying our ancestors’ How do Neandertals compare
developing reliance on cultural adaptation to other members of Homo?
for survival.
✓ Neandertal brains were larger than the modern average
size, though their bulging facial features and muscular
What is the relationship between statures made them susceptible to derision by early
biological and cultural change among Western scientists, especially before the theory of
early Homo? evolution was introduced.
✓ Brain size increased over the course of about ✓ Aided by their implements and cognitive abilities,
2.5 million years after the appearance of H. habilis, Neandertals could hunt large game effectively and
becoming the biological foundation for the relied upon these kills during the winter when
cultural adaptation on which humans would rely vegetation was scarce.
for survival.
✓ Neandertals practiced ritual burial and cared for ill and
✓ As brain size reached modern proportions, the one-to- disabled members of their groups.
one correspondence between cultural innovation and
✓ Genetic, paleoneurological, anatomical, and artifact
larger brains no longer held.
evidence all suggest Neandertals were capable of and
✓ Meat eating satisfied the high-energy demands used language, just as with other members of the genus
of larger brains and perhaps afforded leisure time Homo (generally classified as archaic Homo sapiens) who
for the development of culture and planning. were living at that time.
1. Members of the genus Homo draw upon integrated of characters prevails with mammals. Otherwise it is
biological and cultural capabilities to face the probable that man would have become as superior
challenges of existence. How do these factors play into in mental endowment to woman as the peacock is
the designation of species in the fossil record? How is in ornamental plumage to the peahen.” How were
the use of fire by ancestral species present in the fossil the cultural norms of Darwin’s time reflected in his
record both biologically and culturally? statement? Can 21st-century paleoanthropologists
2. Paleoanthropologists can be characterized as lumpers speak about differences between the sexes in an
or splitters depending upon their approach to the evolutionary context without introducing their own
identification of species in the fossil record. Which of cultural biases?
these approaches do you prefer and why? 4. Though language itself does not “fossilize,” the
3. In his 1871 book Descent of Man, and Selection in archaeological and fossil records provide some
Relation to Sex, Charles Darwin stated, “Thus man evidence of the linguistic capabilities of our ancestors.
has ultimately become superior to woman. It is Using the evidence available, what sort of linguistic
indeed fortunate that the law of equal transmission abilities do you think early Homo possessed?
Talk Without Speaking
Although paleoanthropologists debate when It could be preparing a meal, playing a friendly

and how spoken language appeared in our game, or just deciding what activity to do on the
evolutionary history, language makes us human. weekend. Before you begin, write down your
Can you imagine how difficult it would be to thoughts about when you believe human language
get through your daily life without spoken appeared. After you are done with the hour
communication or a sophisticated gestural without speaking, record your observations on
language such as American Sign Language? Next how you communicated without spoken language.
time you get together with friends, try performing Has this activity changed your impressions of who
a communal activity using only gestures for 1 hour. among our early ancestors used spoken language?
Fadil Aziz/Alcibbum Photograph/Alcibbum Photography/Corbis
CHALLENGE ISSUE
Does our capacity to make art make us human? It had long been thought that the earliest
art coincided with the appearance of anatomically modern humans in Europe. The hand sten-
cils and figurative art depicting a babirusa (pig-deer) from a cave on the Indonesian island
of Sulawesi challenge this notion. When discovered in the 1950s, this art was estimated
to be no more than 12,000 years old. But in 2014, scientists pushed back the dates to
35,400 to 39,900 years old, making them the oldest known representatives of their kind.
Do the similarities between the Sulawesi and European cave art indicate that our ances-
tors brought artistic capabilities with them when they spread out of Africa? Or did this art
develop independently? Some paleoanthropologists argue that a biological shift accounted
for the imagination, symbolism, and cultural sophistication necessary to craft such works.
Alternatively, local artists may have been capable of such creations, without needing an influx
of new and improved humans. These ancient paintings challenge us to consider whether
a biological change was at the root of the creative expression that unites all humankind.
The Global Expansion
of Homo sapiens and
Their Technology
8
In 1868, at the back of a rock shelter near the banks of the bucolic Vézère In this chapter you
River, in a region of France now known for its delicious truffle mushrooms, the will learn to
remains of eight ancient people were discovered. These Cro-Magnon people, ● Describe the cultural
named after the rock shelter in which they were found (Figure 8.1), resembled and technological
contemporary Europeans more than Neandertals and were associated with tools developments of the
Upper Paleolithic era.
of the Upper Paleolithic, the last part of the Old Stone Age. The Cro-Magnon
name was extended to thirteen other specimens recovered between 1872 and
● Compare the
multiregional continuity
1902 in the caves of southwestern France and, since then, to Upper Paleolithic
and recent African
skeletons discovered in other parts of Europe. origins hypotheses for
The Upper Paleolithic tools associated with Cro-Magnons and the impres- modern human origins.
sive works of art that abound in the caves of this region made scientists and ● Identify the emerging
laypeople alike of that time consider them to be particularly clever. By contrast, diversity of human
the prevailing stereotypes of Neandertals characterized them as dim-witted and
cultures during the
Upper Paleolithic.
brutish. Thus, Cro-Magnons, an anatomically modern people with a superior
culture, could sweep into Europe and replace a primitive local population.
● Recognize the legacy
of Upper Paleolithic
These early discussions of human origins ethnocentrically focused on the
peoples in modern
European fossil evidence instead of incorporating evidence from throughout the times.
globe. Today, fossil evidence for early anatomical modernity in Africa, evidence ● Describe the evidence
of regional continuity from Asia, new dating of earlier art such as that from Sula- of symbolic thought and
wesi, and the cave art at El Castillo in Spain (Pike et al., 2012) have reshaped our the expanding role of
art in ancient peoples.
understanding of human evolution. Scientific innovations, such as the advent of
reliable dating techniques and current breakthroughs in genetics including the

● Explain how humans
came to inhabit the
recent studies of the Denisovans, allow
Cro-Magnon A European people of the Upper entire globe.
Paleolithic after about 36,000 years ago.
paleoanthropologists to develop more
Upper Paleolithic The last part (10,000 to ● Summarize the major
comprehensive theories for the origins 40,000 years ago) of the Old Stone Age, featuring
tool industries characterized by long, slim blades biological and cultural
of modern humans. and an explosion of creative symbolic forms. features of human
evolution.
199
200 CHAPTER 8 The Global Expansion of Homo sapiens and Their Technology
and jaws smaller than those of Neandertals, but there

are exceptions. For example, U.S. paleoanthropologists
Milford Wolpoff and Rachel Caspari have pointed out that
any definition of modernity that excludes Neandertals
also excludes substantial numbers of recent and living
Aborigines in Australia, although they are, quite obvi-
ously, a contemporary people (Figure 8.2). The fact is,
no multidimensional diagnosis of anatomical modernity
includes all living humans while excluding archaic popu-
lations (Wolpoff & Caspari, 1997).
Defining modernity in terms of culture also raises
questions. The appearance of modern-sized brains in ar-
chaic Homo was related to increased reliance on cultural
adaptation, but the Upper Paleolithic was a time of great
technological innovation and creativity. Upper Paleolithic
toolkits contain a preponderance of blade tools, with flint
© David L. Brill
flakes at least twice as long as they are wide. The earliest
blade tools come from sites in Africa, but these tools do
not make up the majority of the tool types until well into
the Upper Paleolithic.
Figure 8.1 Cro-Magnon
With a high forehead, the Cro-Magnon skull is more like
Technological improvements may have reduced the
contemporary Europeans compared to the prominent brow ridge intensity of selective pressures that had previously fa-
and sloping forehead seen in the Neandertal skull. Whether vored especially massive robust bodies, jaws, and teeth.
differences in skull shape rather than differences in age account A marked reduction in overall muscularity accompanied
for their cultural distinctions is hotly debated. The more recent the new emphasis on elongated tools with greater me-
Cro-Magnon skull even preserves evidence of continuity in chanical advantages, more effective techniques of hafting,
diet with local contemporary French people because it exhibits a switch from thrusting to throwing spears, and the devel-
signs of a fungal infection, perhaps caused by eating tainted opment of net hunting. A climate shift from the extreme
mushrooms. Mushrooms are a delicacy in this region to this day. cold that prevailed in Eurasia during the last Ice Age to
milder conditions may have diminished selective pressure
for short stature as an adaptation to conserve body heat.
Upper Paleolithic Peoples:

The First Modern Humans The Human Origins Debate
What do we mean by modernity? Two characteristics pa-
On a biological level, the great human origins debate
leoanthropologists look at are skull shape and cultural
distills down to the question of whether one, some, or
practices, but it is still a difficult designation to make.
all populations of the archaic groups played a role in the
Although Cro-Magnons resemble later populations of
evolution of modern Homo sapiens. Those supporting the
modern Europeans—in braincase shape, high broad fore-
multiregional hypothesis argue for a simultaneous local
head, narrow nasal openings, and common presence of
transition from Homo erectus to modern Homo sapiens
chins—their faces were on average shorter and broader
throughout the parts of the world inhabited by members of
than those of modern Europeans, their brow ridges were a
the genus Homo. By contrast, those supporting a theory of
bit more prominent, and their teeth and jaws were as large
recent African origins argue that all contemporary peoples
as those of Neandertals. Some (a skull from the original
derive from one single population of archaic Homo sapiens
Cro-Magnon site, for instance) even display the distinc-
from Africa. This model proposes that the improved cul-
tive occipital bun of the Neandertals on the back of the
tural capabilities of anatomically modern humans allowed
skull. Similarly, early Upper Paleolithic skulls from Brno,
this group to replace other archaic forms as they began to
Mladec, and Predmosti in the Czech Republic retain heavy
migrate out of Africa sometime after 100,000 years ago. We
brow ridges and Neandertal-like muscle attachments on
next explore both theories in detail.
the back of the skull.
Average brain size actually peaked in Neandertals
at 10 percent larger than the contemporary human av-
erage. The reduction to today’s average size correlates
The Multiregional Hypothesis
with a reduction in brawn, as bodies have become less Shared regional characteristics among African, Chinese,
massive overall. Living humans, in general, have faces and Southeast Asian fossils of archaic Homo sapiens imply
The Human Origins Debate 201
David Gray/Reuters/Corbis
Figure 8.2 A Problematic Definition
Living people today such as Aborigines in Australia do not meet the definition of anatomical
modernity proposed in the recent African origins model. Some paleoanthropologists suggest
that this proves the definition itself is problematic. All living people are clearly full-fledged
members of the species Homo sapiens.
genetic continuity within these respective populations,

from H. erectus through to modern H. sapiens. For exam-
The Recent African
ple, in China, Pleistocene fossils from the genus Homo Origins Hypothesis
consistently have small forward-facing cheeks and flatter The recent African origins hypothesis (also called
faces than their contemporaries elsewhere, as is still true the Eve hypothesis or the out of Africa hypothesis) states that
today. In Southeast Asia and Australia, by contrast, skulls anatomically modern humans descended from one specific
are consistently robust, with huge cheeks and forward population of Homo sapiens, replacing not just the Neander-
projection of the jaws. As new molecular research tech- tals but other populations of archaic H. sapiens as our ances-
niques have developed, scientists have amassed genetic tors spread out from their original homeland. This idea did
data to support the physical evidence. not originate from fossil evidence but from a relatively new
In this model, gene flow among populations keeps technique pioneered in the 1980s that uses mitochondrial
the human species unified throughout the Pleistocene. DNA (mtDNA) to reconstruct family trees (Figure 8.3).
No speciation events remove ancestral populations such
as Asian H. erectus, Denisovans, or Neandertals from the multiregional hypothesis The hypothesis that modern humans
line leading to H. sapiens. Although proponents of the originated through a process of simultaneous local transition from
multiregional hypothesis accept the idea of con- Homo erectus to Homo sapiens throughout the inhabited world.
tinuity from the earliest European fossils through the recent African origins hypothesis The hypothesis that modern
humans are all derived from one single population of archaic Homo
Neandertals to living people, many other paleoanthro-
sapiens who migrated out of Africa after 100,000 years ago, replacing
pologists reject the idea that Neandertals were involved all other archaic forms due to their superior cultural capabilities; also
in the ancestry of modern Europeans. called the Eve hypothesis and the out of Africa hypothesis.
PH OH Thr
Val D-loop
12S
rRNA Cyt b Glu
Phe PL Pro
16S ND6
rRNA
Leu(UUR) ND5
ND1
Ile
Gly Leu(UCN)
Met Ser(AGY)
His
ND2
Ala OL ND4
Trp Tyr ND41
© David L. Brill
Asp Cys ND3
Ser(UCN) Ly
Lys Arg
COX I COX III
© Cengage Learning
ATP6
ATP6 Gly
Asp ATP8
ATP8 Figure 8.4 African Evidence for Anatomical Modernity
COX II
The recently discovered well-preserved specimens from
Herto, Ethiopia, provide the best fossil evidence in support
Figure 8.3 Mitochondrial DNA of the recent African origins hypothesis. Though these fossils
The 16,569 bases in mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) are organized unquestionably possess an anatomically modern appearance,
into circular chromosomes present in large numbers in every they are still relatively robust. In addition, it is not clear whether
cell. The human mtDNA sequence has been entirely sequenced, the higher skull and forehead indicate superior cultural abilities.
with functional genes identified. Because mtDNA is maternally
inherited and not subject to recombination, it can be used to
establish evolutionary relationships. However, population size
were reconstructed and dated to 160,000 years ago (White
impacts the preservation of variation in the mtDNA genome and
et al., 2003). The discoverers of these fossils called them
complicates using contemporary mtDNA variation to calibrate
Homo sapiens idaltu (meaning “elder” in the local Afar lan-
a molecular clock.
guage). Although conceding that the skulls are robust, they
believe that these skulls have conclusively proved the recent
Unlike nuclear DNA (in the cell nucleus), mtDNA is African origins hypothesis, relegating Neandertals to a side
located in the mitochondria, the cellular structures that branch of human evolution.
produce the energy needed to keep cells alive. Because
sperm contribute virtually no mtDNA to the fertilized egg,
mtDNA is inherited from one’s mother and is not subject
to recombination through meiosis and fertilization with
each succeeding generation as is nuclear DNA. There-
Reconciling the Evidence
fore, changes in mtDNA over time occur only through For many years, the recent African origins hypothesis
mutation. has been the majority position among Western paleo-
By comparing the mtDNA of living individuals from anthropologists, but it does not prevail throughout the
diverse geographic populations, anthropologists and mo- international scientific community. Some Chinese paleo-
lecular biologists seek to determine when and where anthropologists, for example, generally favor the multire-
modern Homo sapiens originated. As widely reported in gional hypothesis because it fits well with the fossil
the popular press, preliminary results suggest that the discoveries from Asia and Australia. By contrast, the recent
mitochondrial DNA of all living humans could be traced African origins hypothesis depends more upon the inter-
back to a “mitochondrial Eve” who lived in Africa about pretation of fossils and cultural remains from Europe,
200,000 years ago. If so, all other populations of archaic H. Africa, and Southwest Asia.
sapiens, as well as non-African H. erectus, would have to be Recent sequencing of the entire human genome for
ruled out of the ancestry of modern humans. a variety of contemporary populations—as well as for
For many years, the recent African origins theory has fossil hominins including Cro-Magnons, Neandertals,
been weakened by the lack of good fossil evidence from and Denisovans—has added substantially to the evidence.
Africa. In 2003, however, skulls of two adults and one child, Genetic studies show that features unique to the Neander-
discovered in Ethiopia in 1997 (see Anthropologists of Note), tal genome remain in contemporary humans, particularly
were described as anatomically modern (Figure 8.4) and those of regions inhabited by Neandertals in the past.
Reconciling the Evidence 203
Berhane Asfaw (b. 1953) ● Svante Pääbo (b. 1955)
Born in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in 1953, Berhane Asfaw is a a Swedish Nobel

world-renowned paleoanthropologist leading major expeditions in Prize winner in
Ethiopia. He is coleader of the international Middle Awash Re- biochemistry. As
search Project—the research team responsible for the discovery a boy, he was fas-
of spectacular ancestral fossils dating from the entire 6-million- cinated by Egyp-
year course of human evolutionary history, including Ardipithecus tian archaeology,
ramidus, Australopithecus afarensis, Australopithecus garhi, Homo and that interest
© Frank Vinken
erectus, and, most recently, the Homo sapiens idaltu fossils from led to his study of
Herto, Ethiopia. Egyptology at Upp-
At the June sala University be-
2003 press con- fore he switched
Paleogeneticist Svante Pääbo has
ference, organized to medicine. Pur
Pur-
orchestrated some of the first studies of the
by Teshome Toga, suing a doctorate
genome of Neandertals and other ancient
Ethiopia’s minis- hominins. in molecular ge-
ter of culture, As- netics, he applied
faw described the DNA cloning tech-
Herto specimens nologies to ancient human remains and demonstrated DNA sur sur-
© David L. Brill
as the oldest ana- vival in a 2,400-year-old Egyptian mummy.

tomically modern After completing his doctorate in 1986, Pääbo joined the ge-
humans, likening netics laboratory at the University of California, Berkeley, headed
Ethiopia to the by Allan Wilson, who had invented the molecular clock (see Chap-
Berhane Asfaw has been involved with
Garden of Eden. ter 5). This lab used the newly invented polymerase chain reaction
most of the major recent finds in Ethiopia
and has trained a generation of African
This conference (PCR) technique. Focusing on evolutionary genetics, Pääbo devel-
paleoanthropologists. marked a shift in oped a method to analyze the DNA from ancient remains, which
the Ethiopian gov- is often damaged and contaminated.
ernment’s stance Pääbo accepted an academic position in Germany in 1990
toward the paleoanthropological research spanning Asfaw’s and soon achieved scientific success: sequencing Neandertal
career. Previous discoveries in the Middle Awash were also very DNA, determining the small percentage of genetic difference
important, but the government did not participate in or support between humans and chimpanzees, and linking the FOXP2
this research. gene to language. In 1997, he became the founding director of
Asfaw entered the discipline of paleoanthropology through a the Evolutionary Genetics Department at the Max Planck Institute
program administered by the Leakey Foundation providing fellow- for Evolutionary Anthropology. Based on high-throughput DNA
ships for Africans to pursue graduate studies in Europe and the sequencing technology, his team sequenced the draft genome of
United States. Since this program’s inception in the late 1970s, a Neandertal, based on DNA traced from 45,000-year-old fossils,
the Leakey Foundation has awarded sixty-eight fellowships total- and discovered genetic evidence of interbreeding between archaic
ing $1.2 million to Kenyans, Ethiopians, and Tanzanians to pursue and anatomically modern humans. News of his scientific overview
graduate education in paleoanthropology. of the genome (published in 2009 with fifty-three coauthors) cre-
Asfaw, mentored by U.S. paleoanthropologist Desmond Clark ated a sensation worldwide.
at the University of California, Berkeley, was among the earliest In 2012, Pääbo’s team extracted DNA from a small human
fellows in this program. They first met in 1979 when Asfaw was fossil excavated in a Siberian cave, which they determined was
a senior studying geology in Addis Ababa. Asfaw obtained his almost 80,000 years old. After mapping its genome, the team
doctorate in 1988 and returned to Ethiopia, where he had few concluded that the fossil represented an unknown sister group of
Ethiopian anthropological colleagues, and the government had the Neandertals, now named Denisovans. This discovery demon-
halted fossil exploration. Since that time, Asfaw has recruited and strates interbreeding between ancestors of modern Homo sapiens
mentored many Ethiopian scholars and now has about a dozen on and Neandertals, as well as Denisovans, between 30,000 and
his team. Local scientists can protect the antiquities, safeguard 100,000 years ago.
fossil specimens, and mobilize government support. Asfaw’s lead- Pääbo’s pioneering work challenges contemporary evolutionary
ership in paleoanthropology has played a key role in helping the theory in several ways: It reveals that a small percentage of hu-
government recognize how important prehistory is for Ethiopia. man DNA in living populations is derived from these two archaic
Svante Pääbo, named in 2007 by Time magazine as one of human groups; it advances our understanding of prehistoric
the 100 most influential people in the world, has revolutionized population movements; it challenges the recent African origins hy hy-
our understanding of paleogenetics and human evolution. Born pothesis; and, finally, it shows that the divisions between human
and raised in Sweden, he is the son of an Estonian refugee and groups are not natural but are cultural.
Further, some contemporary Melanesians share 4 to 6 2014). Both of these observations support regional continu-
percent of their DNA with Denisovans, as we discuss in ity, although the case might seem to be less strong in Nean-
a moment. As we will see, paleoanthropologists on both dertals. The lower percentage of genetic identity, however,
sides of the modern human origins debate marshal ge- does not necessarily exclude a group from human ancestry.
netic, anatomical, and cultural evidence to both support The amount of isolation and the inflow of new genes have
and critique each hypothesis. an impact on the precise percentages of retained ancient
molecular features. The Denisovan features may be better
preserved in more isolated island populations compared to
The Genetic Evidence the Eurasian mainland, which was inhabited by Neander-
tals and where gene flow occurred more readily.
Though genetic evidence had been the cornerstone of the
Further evidence from Australia illustrates that specific
recent African origins hypothesis, reanalysis of the origi-
gene sequences can “go extinct” though the species itself
nal mitochondrial DNA data set showed that Africa was
does not. In this case, a mitochondrial DNA sequence pres-
not the sole source of mtDNA in modern humans. In ad-
ent in a skeleton from Australia that is 40,000 to 62,000
dition, because both hypotheses of human origins recog-
years old (and that everyone agrees is anatomically mod-
nize African roots of the human line, though at different
ern) does not appear in recent native Australians (Gibbons,
times, the genetic evidence could simply indicate African
2001a). In short, the genetic evidence that was once the
origins of the genus Homo instead of the more recent spe-
mainstay of the recent African origins hypothesis has now
cies Homo sapiens. Assuming a different rate of molecular
come to demonstrate the gene flow among populations
change will lead to different conclusions.
that has always been central to the multiregional continuity
DNA analyses contain other problematic assumptions.
hypothesis. Many scientists propose a blending of multire-
For example, these models assume a steady rate of muta-
gional continuity and the recent African origins hypotheses.
tion, although mutation can be notoriously uneven. They
also rely upon the assumption that selective pressures do
not impact mtDNA, when in fact variants have been im-
plicated in epilepsy and in a disease of the eye.
The Anatomical Evidence
Another issue is that DNA is seen as traveling exclu- Though the recent fossil discoveries certainly provide
sively from Africa, when it is known that, over the past evidence of the earliest anatomically modern specimens in
10,000 years, there has been plenty of movement of Africa, they do not resolve the relationship between biolog-
humans into Africa as well. Studies of DNA carried on ical change in the shape of the skull and cultural change
the Y chromosome (the sex chromosome inherited ex- as preserved in the archaeological record (Figure 8.5).
clusively in the male line) provide some evidence of this The changes in the archaeological record and the appear-
reverse migration among some African populations. These ance of anatomically modern skulls are separated by some
data all confirm the importance of gene flow in human 100,000 years. The evidence from Southwest Asia is partic-
evolutionary history. Where the hypotheses differ is in ularly interesting in this regard. Here, at a variety of sites
terms of whether this gene flow occurred over the course dated to between 50,000 and 100,000 years ago, there are
of 200,000 years or 2 million years. fossils described as both anatomically modern and Nean-
Starting in 1997, molecular paleoanthropologists un- dertal, and they are associated with Mousterian technology.
der the direction of Swedish paleogeneticist Svante Pääbo Nevertheless, recent African origins proponents argue
of the Max Planck Institute (see Anthropologists of Note) that anatomically modern peoples coexisted for a time with
began to study the mitochondrial DNA of fossil speci- other archaic populations until the superior cultural capac-
mens, starting with the extraction of mtDNA from the ities of the “moderns” resulted in extinction of the archaic
original German Neandertal remains. Today, this work has peoples. Especially clear evidence of this is said to exist in Eu-
expanded to nuclear DNA including mapping the entire rope, where Neandertals and moderns are believed to have
Neandertal genome in 2010 (Green et al., 2010), as well coexisted in close proximity between 30,000 and 40,000
as that of the ancient Denisovans (Max Planck Institute years ago. However, defining fossils as either Neandertals
for Evolutionary Anthropology, 2014) and Cro-Magnons. or moderns illustrates the difficulty with defining a distinct
Now scientists can quantify how much of a genome the biological species, given the variation found in humans.
ancient peoples share with contemporary peoples. If we think in terms of varied populations, as seen in
For example, living Eurasian peoples share between 2 living humans today, we find that features reminiscent
and 4 percent of their genetic identity with Neandertals, of modern humans can be discerned in some of the later
and contemporary Melanesians share 4 to 6 percent with Neandertals. A specimen from Saint-Césaire in France, for
ancient Denisovans. Other evidence of gene flow among example, has a higher forehead and a notable chin. A num-
ancient populations comes from fossils, such as the ge- ber of other Neandertals, too, show incipient chin develop-
nome sequenced from a 45,000-year-old thighbone discov- ment as well as reduced facial protrusion and smaller brow
ered in Siberia that contains some of the same Neandertal ridges. Conversely, the earliest anatomically modern hu-
strands identified in contemporary populations (Fu et al., man skulls from Europe often exhibit features reminiscent
Reconciling the Evidence 205
Pascal Goetgheluck/Science Source

Figure 8.5 Neandertals Compared to Recent Homo sapiens
A comparison of the Neandertal (left) and the contemporary Homo sapiens (right) shows that
although both possess large brains, there are distinctive differences in the shape of the skull.
The Neandertal has a large face, pronounced brow ridges, and a low, sloping forehead, whereas
the contemporary H. sapiens has a high forehead and a chin. The back of the Neandertal,
though not visible from this angle, is robust (as seen in the Herto skull pictured in Figure 8.4).
In what other ways is Herto like these two specimens? How do these three skulls compare to
the Cro-Magnon skull pictured in Figure 8.1?
of Neandertals (see Chapter 7). In addition, some typical

Neandertal features such as the occipital bun are found in Neandertal Anatomically modern
diverse living populations today such as Bushmen from
southern Africa, Finns and Sámi from Scandinavia, and
Aborigines from Australia. Accordingly, we might view
the population of this region between 30,000 and 40,000
years ago as a varied one, with some individuals retaining
a stronger Neandertal phenotype and others exhibiting the X X
prominence of more modern characteristics (Figure 8.6).
If all these groups were members of the same species, gene
flow would be expected, and individuals would express a Average Before c. 30,000 After
© Cengage Learning
characteristics 40,000 to 40,000 30,000
mosaic of traits. The genetic evidence supports such blend- of Europeans yrs. ago yrs. ago years ago
ing of biological traits, which accords with archaeological at: Saint-Césaire Cro-Magnon
evidence that the intellectual abilities of late Neandertals Neandertal
were no different from those of early moderns.
Figure 8.6 Population Variation
The Cultural Evidence This graph portrays a shift in average characteristics of an

otherwise varied population over time from Neandertal to more
Neandertals and anatomically modern humans alike used modern features. Between 30,000 and 40,000 years ago, we
Mousterian toolkits during the Middle Paleolithic. At the would expect to find individuals with characteristics such as those
time of the Upper Paleolithic transition, the Neandertals of of the Saint-Césaire Neandertal and the almost (but not quite)
Europe developed their own Upper Paleolithic technology modern Cro-Magnon. Before and after this period of transition,
(the Châtelperronian) comparable to the industries used by both Neandertals and moderns had more classic features.
anatomically modern Homo sapiens. Around 40,000 years
ago, a new Upper Paleolithic technology known as the Aurignacian tradition Toolmaking tradition in Europe at the beginning
Aurignacian tradition—named after Aurignac, France, of the Upper Paleolithic.
in association with an Aurignacian split-bone

Aurignacian point at the central European site of Vindija,
Châtelperronian Croatia (Karavanić & Smith, 2000).
and other
Upper Some have argued that the Upper Paleo-
Paleolithic lithic technology of the Neandertals was a
industries
developed crude imitation of the true technological ad-
by Neandertals
vancements practiced by anatomically modern
humans. In some respects, however, Neander-
tals outdid their anatomically modern contem-
poraries, as in the use of red ochre, a substance
less frequently used by Aurignacian peoples
than by their late Neandertal neighbors. This
cannot be a case of borrowing ideas and
techniques from Aurignacians because these
© Cengage Learning
developments clearly predate the Aurignacian
(Zilhão, 2000).
Figure 8.7 Aurignacian and Châtelperronian Traditions Coexistence and Cultural

Between 30,000 and 36,500 years ago, Upper Paleolithic industries— Continuity
developed from the Mousterian tradition by European Neandertals—
coexisted with the Aurignacian industry, which is usually associated with Neandertals and anatomically modern hu-
anatomically modern humans. mans also coexisted in Southwest Asia long
before the cultural innovations of the Upper
where tools of this sort were first discovered—appeared Paleolithic (Figure 8.8). Here neither the skeletal nor the
in Europe (Figure 8.7). Paleoanthropologists generally archaeological evidence supports cultural difference be-
consider anatomically modern humans who spread into tween the fossil groups or absolute biological difference.
Europe from Southwest Asia to be the makers of Au- Although Neandertal skeletons are clearly present at sites
rignacian tools. However, Neandertal remains were found such as the caves of Kebara and Shanidar in Israel and
Epoch
PLEISTOCENE
Qafzeh and Skhul
Herto
Paint
Levalloisian manufacture
technique Neandertals
begins found from
Central Asia Upper
Sima de los Huesos Kabwe through Europe Paleolithic
traditions begin
Mousterian tool industries
Large-brained Homo found throughout Old World continuing into the present European
Upper
Paleolithic
traditions begin
Figurative cave art
© Cengage Learning
Denisovan hominin
400,000 300,000 200,000 100,000

Years ago
Figure 8.8 The Cultural Milestones in Human Evolution

Around 400,000 years ago, large-brained members of the genus Homo began to be found throughout Africa and Eurasia;
corresponding cultural changes are evident as well. Analyses of DNA recovered from the Asian Denisovan hominins and late
Neandertals indicate a deeper time depth for these “sibling” fossil groups whose lines diverged around 640,000 ago. Of course,
large-brained members of the genus Homo continue into the present—all members of the unified species Homo sapiens.
Iraq, respectively, skeletons from some older sites have eye orbits previously seen in East Asians. Conversely, the
been described as anatomically modern. At the cave site of round orbits, large frontal sinuses, and thin cranial bones
Qafzeh near Nazareth in Israel, for example, 90,000-year- seen in some archaic H. sapiens skulls from China rep-
old skeletons show none of the Neandertal hallmarks, resent the first appearance there of traits that have greater
although their faces and bodies are large and heavily built antiquity in Europe. The movement of these physical
by today’s standards. A statistical study comparing skull traits has a complex genetic basis that depends upon gene
measurements determined that those from Qafzeh fell flow among populations.
between the anatomically modern and the Neandertal Humans have a remarkable tendency to swap genes
norms, with slightly more similarity to the Neandertal between populations, even in the face of cultural barriers.
(Brace, 2000). So do our primate cousins who tend to produce hybrids
Skeletons from Skhul, a site on Mount Carmel of when two subspecies (and sometimes even species) come
the same period, were also part of a population whose into contact either naturally or when bred in captivity.
continuous range of variation included individuals with Moreover, without such gene flow, evolution inevitably
markedly Neandertal characteristics. Individuals living at would have resulted in the appearance of multiple spe-
Skhul and Qafzeh were making and using the same Mous- cies of modern humans, something that clearly has not
terian tools as those at Kebara and Shanidar, a fact that happened. In fact, the low level of genetic differentiation
undercuts the notion of biologically distinct groups with among modern human populations can be explained eas-
different cultural abilities. Indeed, recent genetic studies ily as a consequence of high levels of gene flow.
also support the notion that these were not biologically
distinct groups.
The examination of sites continuously inhabited
throughout the Upper Pleistocene provides no significant
Race and Human Evolution
evidence for behavioral differences between the Middle The Neandertal question involves far more than simple
Paleolithic and early Upper Paleolithic at these sites. For interpretation of the fossil evidence. It raises fundamental
example, the Upper Paleolithic peoples who used Kebara issues about the relationship between biological and cul-
Cave continued to live in exactly the same way as their tural variation. Can a series of biological features indicate
Neandertal predecessors: They procured the same foods, particular cultural abilities?
processed them similarly, used comparable hearths, and As we examined the fossil record throughout this
disposed of their trash in the same way. The only evident chapter and others, we made inferences about the cultural
difference is that the Neandertals did not use small stones capabilities of our ancestors based on biological features in
or cobbles to bank their fires for warmth as did their combination with archaeological features. The increased
Upper Paleolithic successors. brain size of Homo habilis around 2.5 million years ago
Nevertheless, by 28,000 years ago, many of the ex- supported the notion that these ancestors were capable
treme anatomical features seen in archaic groups like of more complex cultural activities than australopithe-
Neandertals seem to disappear from the European and cines, including the manufacture of stone tools. When
Southwest and Central Asian fossil record. Instead, people we get closer to the present, can we make the same kinds
with higher foreheads, smoother brow ridges, and distinct of assumptions? Can we say that only the anatomically
chins seemed to have Eurasia more or less to themselves. modern humans, with high foreheads and reduced brow
However, an examination of the full range of individual ridges, and not archaic Homo sapiens, even with their
human variation across the globe and into the present modern-sized brains, were capable of making sophisti-
reveals contemporary humans with skulls not meeting cated tools and representational art?
the anatomical definition of modernity proposed in the Supporters of the multiregional hypothesis argue that
standard evolutionary arguments (recall Figure 8.2). Sim- we cannot. They suggest that using a series of biological
ilarly, living people today possess many Neandertal fea- features to represent a type of human being (Neandertals)
tures such as the occipital buns mentioned earlier. Human with certain cultural capacities (inferior) is like making
populations both now and during the Upper Paleolithic assumptions about cultural capabilities of living humans
contain considerable physical variability. based on their appearance. In living peoples, such an as-
Just how much gene flow took place among ancient sumption involves stereotyping or even racism. Support-
human populations cannot be known precisely, but the ers of the recent African origins hypothesis counter that
sudden appearance of novel traits in one region later because their theory embraces African human origins, it
than their appearance elsewhere provides evidence of its could hardly be considered prejudicial.
occurrence. For example, some Upper Paleolithic remains Although paleoanthropologists all acknowledge
from North Africa exhibit the kind of midfacial flatness African origins for the first bipeds and the genus Homo,
previously seen only in East Asian fossils; similarly, vari- considerable disagreement exists with regard to the inter-
ous Cro-Magnon fossils from Europe show the short upper pretation of the relationship between biological change
jaws, horizontally oriented cheekbones, and rectangular and cultural change as we approach the present. The fossil
Upper Paleolithic Tools analogous to peeling long leaves off an artichoke. With
this blade technique, an Upper Paleolithic flint-knapper
Direction could get 23 meters (75 feet) of working edge from a
of force
1-kilogram (2-pound) core; a Mousterian knapper could
Striking get only 1.8 meters (6 feet) from the same-sized core.
platform Other efficient techniques of tool manufacture also
came into common use at this time. One such method
is pressure flaking, in which a bone, antler, or wooden
tool is used to press rather than strike off small flakes as
the final step in stone tool manufacture (Figure 8.10).
The advantage of this technique is that the toolmaker
has greater control over the final shape of the tool than
is possible with percussion flaking alone. The Solutrean
laurel leaf bifaces found in Spain and France are examples
of this technique. The longest of these tools is 33 centi-
Bifaces meters (13 inches) in length but less than a centimeter
Blade Core (about a quarter of an inch) thick. Through pressure
flaking, tools could be worked with great precision into a
Harpoons variety of final forms, and worn tools could be effectively
Needles
resharpened over and over until they were too small for
© Cengage Learning
further use.
Although invented in the Middle Paleolithic, the
burin, a tool with a chisel-like edge, became more
common in the Upper Paleolithic. Burins facilitated the
Figure 8.9 Upper Paleolithic Industries working of bone, horn, antler, and ivory into useful
The techniques of the Upper Paleolithic allowed for the manufacture things such as fishhooks, harpoons, and eyed needles.
of a wide variety of tools including the efficient production of These implements made life easier for Homo sapiens, es-
blade tools from carefully prepared cores. In addition, pressure- pecially in colder northern regions where the ability to
flaking techniques allowed toolmakers to work with bone and stitch together animal hides was particularly important
antler, as well as stone, to produce excellently shaped harpoons for warmth.
and eyed needles and to craft finely wrought leaf-shaped bifaces
characteristic of the Solutrean industry of Europe.
and archaeological evidence from the Middle Paleolithic

does not indicate a simple one-to-one correspondence
between cultural innovations and a biological change
preserved in the shape of the skull.
Upper Paleolithic
Technology
In the Upper Paleolithic new techniques of core prepa-
ration allowed for more intensive production of highly
standardized blades and permitted the proliferation of this
tool type. The toolmaker formed a cylindrical core, struck
Willy Kemps
the blade off near the edge of the core, and repeated this
procedure, going around the core in one direction until
finishing near its center (Figure 8.9). The procedure is
Figure 8.10 Pressure Flaking
Flint-knapper Willy Kemps, like others engaged in experimental
blade technique A method of stone tool manufacture in which long, archaeology, has mastered ancient toolmaking techniques such
parallel-sided flakes are struck off the edges of a specially prepared as pressure flaking, as well as an understanding of the raw
core.
materials used at various sites. Here, he uses a moose-antler
pressure flaking A technique of stone tool manufacture in which a
bone, antler, or wooden tool is used to press, rather than strike off, small
tool to press rather than strike small flakes off the edges of a
flakes from a piece of flint or similar stone. core. This technique allows flint-knappers past and present to
burin A stone tool with chisel-like edges used for working bone, horn, create tools far more intricate than those of the Mousterian, as
antler, and ivory. you can see from his finished products.
Upper Paleolithic Technology 209
SPEAR
Wooden shaft Bone or

Launching stone point
hook
Stone weight
ATLATL
ATLA
TLATL
Handle
© Cengage Learning
Figure 8.11 Spear-Throwers
Spear-throwers (atlatls) allowed Upper Paleolithic individuals to throw spears at animals from a
safe distance while still maintaining reasonable speed and accuracy. Upper Paleolithic artists
frequently combined artistic expression with practical function, ornamenting their spear-throwers
with animal figures.
The spear-thrower, also known by its Aztec (Nahuatl)

name atlatl, appeared at this time as well. Atlatls are de-
vices made of wood, horn, or bone, one end of which is
gripped in the hunter’s hand while the other end has a
hole or hook where the end of the spear is placed. It is
held so as to effectively extend the length of the hunt-
er’s arm, thereby increasing the velocity and thrust of
the spear when thrown, allowing it to pierce thick hides
of game. The greater thrust made possible through the
use of a spear-thrower greatly added to the efficiency of
the spear as a hunting tool (Figure 8.11). Ancient tool-
makers often carved elaborate animal images into the
handles for their spear-throwers (Figure 8.12).
With handheld spears, hunters had to get close to
their prey to make the kill. Because many of the ani-
mals they hunted were large and fierce, this was a dan-
gerous business. The need to get within close striking
range and the improbability of an instant kill exposed
the hunter to considerable risk. But with the spear-
thrower, the effective killing distance was increased;
RMN-Grand Palais/Art Resource, NY
experiments demonstrate that the effective killing

distance of a spear when used with a spear-thrower is
between 18 and 27 meters (60 to 88 feet) and signifi-
cantly less without.
Hunters can safely shorten the killing distance when
their kill is assured. The use of poison on spear tips, as
employed by contemporary hunters such as the Hadza
of Tanzania, decreases the risk to a hunter at shorter Figure 8.12 Early Production Art
range. The archaeological record provides evidence of Some atlatl handles appear to have been relatively mass produced,
this innovation with the invention of tiny, sharp, stone with identical animal figures such as this 15,000-year-old horse
blades that could possibly serve as dart tips and provide appearing in the archaeological record multiple times. This could
a vehicle for poison delivery. The earliest examples of be the signature of an individual toolmaker or of a specific cultural
these “microliths” began during the Upper Paleolithic group, or it might relate to the hunting of a particular animal.
in Africa but did not become widespread until the Meso- came later (see Chapter 9), the artistic explosion may have
lithic or Middle Stone Age, as will be described in detail been no more than a consequence of innovations made
in Chapter 9. by a people who already had possessed that capacity for
Another important innovation, net hunting, appeared tens of thousands of years.
sometime between 22,000 and 29,000 years ago. Knotted In fact, just as many of the distinctive tools that were
nets, made from the fibers of wild plants such as hemp commonly used in Upper Paleolithic times first appear in
or nettle, left their impression on the clay floors of huts the Middle Paleolithic, so too do objects of art. In South-
when people walked on them. When the huts later west Asia, a crude figurine made of volcanic tuff may be
burned, these impressions, baked into the earth, pro- as ancient as 250,000 years old. Although some scholars
vide evidence that suggests such nets existed. Their use contest whether this was carved, others believe that it
accounts for the high number of hare, fox, and other indicates that people had the ability to carve all sorts of
small mammal and bird bones at archaeological sites. things from wood, a substance easier to fashion than vol-
Like historically known and contemporary net hunt- canic tuff but rarely preserved for long periods of time. But
ers, such as the Mbuti of the Congo, everyone—men, with the Upper Paleolithic transition, the archaeological
women, and children—probably participated, frighten- record becomes quite rich with figurative art that has no
ing animals with loud noises to drive them to where apparent utilitarian function. Most notable among these
hunters were stationed with their nets. This method are the various Venus figurines found throughout Eurasia
lets hunters amass large amounts of meat without the (Figure 8.13).
requirement of great speed or strength. Middle Paleolithic archaeological contexts in various
The invention of the bow and arrow, which appeared parts of the world also included ochre “crayons” used by
first in Africa and arrived in Europe at the end of the Up- ancient peoples to decorate or mark. In southern Africa,
per Paleolithic, marked another innovation in hunting for example, regular use of yellow and red ochre goes back
techniques. The bow improves safety as well as stealth by 130,000 years, with some evidence as old as 200,000 years.
increasing the distance between hunter and prey. Beyond Systematic production of paint took place by 100,000 years
24 meters (79 feet), the accuracy and penetration of a ago, as seen in the South African paint factory mentioned
spear thrown with a spear-thrower diminishes consider- in Chapter 7. In that site, the Blombos Cave, archaeologists
ably whereas even a poor bow will shoot an arrow farther, discovered large abalone shells and specialized stones used
with greater accuracy and penetrating power. A good bow, for grinding ochre pigment. They also found the shoulder
effective even at nearly 91 meters (300 feet), dramatically bone of a seal from which marrow, a key ingredient in
reduced the hunter’s risk of being seriously injured by an paint, had been removed. Ancient artists had apparently
animal fighting for survival as well as the chance of star- blended the pigment with the marrow, charcoal, and water
tling an animal and triggering its flight. to make paint. Associated artifacts at this site include large
Upper Paleolithic industries allowed past peoples to crosshatched chunks of ochre as well as beads smeared with
adapt specifically to the various environments in which ochre dating to 77,000 years ago.
they were living. Boneyards containing thousands of Ancient people may well have used these pigmented
animal skeletons indicate just how proficient people paints on their bodies, as well as objects such as beads and
had become at securing food. For example, at Solutré in the 50,000-year-old mammoth-tooth churinga described
France, over a period of many years, Upper Paleolithic in Chapter 7. Recall as well the use of ochre in burials
hunters killed 10,000 horses; at Predmosti in the Czech in Mousterian contexts. The timeline in Figure 8.14
Republic, they were responsible for the deaths of 1,000 shows some of the cultural events of the Upper Paleo-
mammoths. The favored big game of European hunters, lithic and the years leading into it.
however, was reindeer, which they killed in even greater
numbers.
Music
Evidence that music played a role in the lives of Upper
Upper Paleolithic Art Paleolithic peoples is documented through the presence of
bone flutes and whistles in various sites, the most recently
Although tools and weapons demonstrate the ingenuity discovered dated to 35,000 years old. But again, such
of Upper Paleolithic peoples, artistic expression provides instruments may have their origin in Middle Paleolithic
the best evidence of their creativity. Some have argued prototypes, such as the probable Neandertal flute dis-
that this artistry was made possible by a newly evolved bi- cussed in Chapter 7. Although we cannot know just where
ological ability to manipulate symbols and make images. and when it happened, some genius discovered that bows
However, the modern-sized brains of archaic Homo sapiens could do more than kill prey; they could make music as
and increasingly compelling evidence of the presence well. Because the bow and arrow first appeared during
of language or behaviors involving symbolism—such as the Upper Paleolithic, the musical bow likely got its start
burials—undercut this notion. Like agriculture, which then as well. The oldest of the stringed instruments, the
Upper Paleolithic Art 211
Photographer: H. Jensen; Copyright © University of Tübingen

Figure 8.13 The Hohle Fels Cave Venus
This tiny 35,000-year-old Venus figurine (about the size and weight of a small cluster
of grapes) was discovered in the archaeologically rich Hohle Fels Cave in southwestern
Germany in 2008. Because it was associated with the earliest presence of undisputed
Homo sapiens in Europe, the piece changed paleoanthropological interpretations of the
origins of figurative art. Prior to this discovery, the earliest figurative art had included only
representations of animals; human figurines did not appear until about 30,000 years
ago. The exaggerated breasts and vulva and stylized markings on this carving, as on
similar prehistoric statuettes known as Venus figurines, indicate the importance of
female fertility to our ancestors. Some suggest that these figurines demonstrate that our
ancestors may have worshiped the power of females to give birth.
Epoch
PLEISTOCENE
Spread to
Siberia
Spread to
Use of yellow and Australia
red ochre begins Figurative art
Beads smeared
smear in Europe
with ochre
ochr in Africa
Australian
Southwest Asia Painting rock
ck ar t
volcanic tuff figurine tool kit
Sulawesi cave art Spread to
© Cengage Learning
the Americas
Evidence for First paint Possible
care of sick fabrication in Africa Neandertal flute
200,000 175,000 150,000 125,000 100,000 75,000 50,000 25,000

Y s ago
Year
Figure 8.14 Cultural Innovations of the Upper Paleolithic

This timeline indicates the dates for some cultural innovations associated with the Upper
Paleolithic. Evidence supports the presence of other innovations, such as deliberate burial and
music during this time period.
William D. Bachman/Science Source

Figure 8.15 Entoptic Phenomena in Cave Art
These rock art paintings from the Kimberley Region of western Australia depict things seen
by dancers communicating with Wandjina (creation spirits) while in states of trance. Simple
geometric designs such as zigzags, notches, dots, and spirals (as on the cave ceiling) as well
as human and animal figures are common in these paintings.
musical bow ultimately made possible the rich array of extraordinary skill, often in association with geometric
such instruments in use today. and other abstract motifs. Some sites reveal that ancient
peoples had the seemingly irresistible urge to add to ex-
isting rock paintings, whereas others used new sites for
Cave or Rock Art creating what today we call graffiti.
Some of the earliest evidence of cave art comes from The continuation of this rock art tradition, unbro-
Australia and dates back at least 45,000 years. This con- ken into the present, has allowed scientists to discover
sists entirely of geometric patterns and repetitive motifs. what this art means. Living peoples maintain a close
The cave art from Sulawesi described in the chapter connection between art and shamanism, with many
opener is nearly as old. Figurative pictures go back 40,000 scenes depicting visions seen in states of trance. Distor-
years in Europe while both engravings and paintings of tions in the art, usually of human figures, represent sen-
the same age come from rock shelters and outcrops in sations felt by individuals in a state of trance, whereas
southern Africa. The 100,000-year-old paint factory in the geometric designs depict illusions that originate
South Africa provides evidence that pictorial art may have in the central nervous system in altered states of con-
appeared there even earlier. Bushmen peoples have consciousness. This entoptic phenomenon—a vision of
tinued to make various forms of rock art into the present. luminous grids, dots, zigzags, and other designs that
Scenes feature both humans and animals, depicted with seem to shimmer, pulsate, rotate, and expand—occurs
as one enters a state of trance (Figure 8.15). Sufferers
of migraines experience similar hallucinations. Entopic
entoptic phenomenon A vision of bright pulsating forms that is phenomena are typical of the Australian cave art men-
generated by the central nervous system and seen in states of trance. tioned previously.
Figure 8.16 Grotte de

Chauvet
Ancestral humans painted
these images of bison,
panthers, and rhinoceroses
some 32,000 years ago in
the Chauvet Cave in France.
These ancient paintings
reflect a fundamental need
to communicate, to record,
Animals and Birds, Chauvet-Pont-d’Arc Cave, Ardeche (cave painting), Paleolithic/The Bridgeman Art Library
and to share observations.
Yet the ability to make
these ancient paintings,
like contemporary human
culture, is rooted in the
biology of the human hand,
eye, and brain. Because
these forms of expression
appear in the Upper
Paleolithic, is that evidence
of a new species with
such capabilities? Or is it
simply a demonstration of
cultural progression seen
throughout the course of
human evolutionary history?
Do you think that our
earlier ancestors made art
that did not survive in the
archaeological record?
In many recent cultures, geometric designs are used Although well represented in other media like rock
as symbolic expressions of genealogical patterns, records art, humans are not commonly portrayed in cave paint-
of origins, and the afterlife. The animals depicted in this ings; nor are scenes of events. Instead, the animals
art, often with startling realism, are not the ones most depicted are often abstracted from nature and rendered
often eaten. Rather, they are powerful beasts like the eland two-dimensionally—no small achievement for these
(a large African antelope); this power is important to early artists. Sometimes the artists made use of bulges
shamans—individuals skilled at manipulating supernat- and other features of the rock to impart a more three-
ural forces and spirits for human benefit—who try to dimensional feeling. Frequently, the paintings are in
harness it for their rainmaking, healing, and other rituals. hard-to-get-at places although suitable surfaces in more
The most famous Upper Paleolithic art is that of accessible locations remain untouched. In some caves,
Europe, largely because most researchers of prehistoric the lamps by which the artists worked have been found;
art are themselves of European background. Though these are spoon-shaped objects of sandstone in which
the earliest of this art took the form of sculpture and animal fat was burned. Experimentation has shown that
engravings—often portraying such animals as reindeer, such lamps would have provided adequate illumination
horses, bears, and ibexes—figurative art abounds in the over several hours.
spectacular paintings on the walls of 200 or so caves in The experimental work of French archaeologist Michel
southern France and northern Spain. With the exception Lorblanchet in 1990 unraveled the techniques used by
of the 39,000-year-old site at El Castillo, Spain, the oldest Upper Paleolithic peoples to create their cave paintings
of these are from about 32,000 years ago (Figure 8.16). Vi- (described in the Original Study authored by science
sually accurate portrayals of Ice Age mammals—including writer Roger Lewin). Interestingly, they turn out to be the
bison, aurochs, horses, mammoths, and stags—were often same techniques used by the Aborigine rock painters in
painted one on top of another. Australia and the artists in Sulawesi, Indonesia.
NAL
ORIGI
S T U DY Paleolithic Paint Job BY ROGER LEWIN
Lorblanchet’s recent bid to recreate one of the aboriginal people are still creating it. “In Queensland I
most important Ice Age images in Europe was an affair of learned how people painted by spitting pigment onto the
the heart as much as the head. “I tried to abandon my rock,” he recalls. “They spat paint and used their hand, a
skin of a modern citizen, tried to experience the feeling of piece of cloth, or a feather as a screen to create different
the artist, to enter the dialogue between the rock and the lines and other effects. Elsewhere in Australia people used
man,” he explains. Every day for a week in the fall of 1990 chewed twigs as paintbrushes, but in Queensland the spit-
he drove the 20 miles from his home in the medieval ting technique worked best.” The rock surfaces there were
village of Cajarc into the hills above the river Lot. There, too uneven for extensive brushwork, he adds—just as they
in a small, practically inaccessible cave, he transformed are in Quercy.
himself into an Upper Paleolithic painter. When Lorblanchet returned home he looked at the
And not just any Upper Paleolithic painter, but the one Quercy paintings with a new eye. Sure enough, he began
who 18,400 years ago crafted the dotted horses inside the seeing the telltale signs of spit-painting—lines with edges
famous cave of Pech Merle. that were sharply demarcated on one side and fuzzy on
You can still see the original horses in Pech Merle’s the other, as if they had been airbrushed—instead of
vast underground geologic splendor. You enter through a the brushstrokes he and others had assumed were there.
narrow passageway and soon find yourself gazing across Could you produce lines that were crisp on both edges
a grand cavern to where the painting seems to hang with the same technique, he wondered, and perhaps dots
in the gloom. “Outside, the landscape is very different too? Archeologists had long recognized that hand stencils,
from the one the Upper Paleolithic people saw,” says which are common in prehistoric art, were produced by
Lorblanchet. “But in here, the landscape is the same as it spitting paint around a hand held to the wall. But no one
was more than 18,000 years ago. You see what the Upper had thought that entire animal images could be created
Paleolithic people experienced.” No matter where you this way. Before he could test his ideas, however, Lorblan-
look in this cavern, the eye is drawn back to the panel chet had to find a suitable rock face—the original horses
of horses. were painted on a roughly vertical panel 13 feet across and
The two horses face away from 6 feet high. With the help of a speleologist [cave scientist],
each other, rumps slightly overlap- he eventually found a rock face in a remote cave high in
ping, their outlines sketched in the hills and set to work.
black. The animal on the right Following the aboriginal practices he had witnessed,
seems to come alive as Lorblanchet first made a light outline sketch of the horses
it merges with a crook ENGLAND with a charred stick. Then he prepared black pigment for
in the edge of the panel, GERMANY the painting. “My intention had been to use manganese
the perfect natural shape BELGIUM dioxide, as the Pech Merle painter did,” says Lorblanchet,
for a horse’s head. But LUX. referring to one of the minerals ground up for paint by
the impression of nat- the early artists. “But I was advised that manganese is
uralism quickly fades somewhat toxic, so I used wood charcoal instead.” (Char-
as the eye falls on the FRANCE SWITZ. coal was used as pigment by Paleolithic painters in other
painting’s dark dots. Atlantic
Ocean
caves, so Lorblanchet felt he could justify his concession
ITALY
There are more than 200 to safety.) To turn the charcoal into paint, Lorblanchet
© Cengage Learning
Quercy
of them, deliberately Region ground it with a limestone block, put the powder in his
distributed within and Mediterranean
mouth, and diluted it to the right consistency with saliva
SPAIN
below the bodies and Sea and water. For red pigment he used ochre from the local
arcing around the right- iron-rich clay.
hand horse’s head and He started with the dark mane of the right-hand
mane. More cryptic still are a smattering of red dots and horse. “I spat a series of dots and fused them together to
half-circles and the floating outline of a fish. The sur- represent tufts of hair,” he says, unselfconsciously repro-
realism is completed by six disembodied human hands ducing the spitting action as he talks. “Then I painted
stenciled above and below the animals. the horse’s back by blowing the pigment below my hand
Lorblanchet began thinking about recreating the held so”—he holds his hand flat against the rock with
horses after a research trip to Australia over a decade ago. his thumb tucked in to form a straight line—“and used it
Not only is Australia a treasure trove of rock art, but its like a stencil to produce a sharp upper edge and a diffused
the upper hind leg, by spitting into

the gap between parallel hands.
The belly demanded more inge-
nuity; he spat paint into a V-shape
formed by his two splayed hands,
rubbed it into a curved swath to shape
the belly’s outline, then finger-painted
short protruding lines to suggest the
animals’ shaggy hair. Neatly outlined
dots, he found, could not be made by
blowing a thin jet of charcoal onto the
wall. He had to spit pigment through
a hole made in an animal skin.
“I spent seven hours a day
for a week,” he says. “Puff . . .
puff . . . puff. . . . It was ex-
BPK, Berlin/Wolfgang Ruppert/Art Resource, NY

hausting, particularly because
there was carbon monoxide in the
cave. But you experience something
special, painting like that. You feel
you are breathing the image onto the
rock—projecting your spirit from the
deepest part of your body onto the
rock surface.”
Was that what the Paleolithic
An upper Paleolithic artist painted this spotted horse in the French cave of Pech Merle. Note painter felt when creating this im-
the same hand motif as is seen at El Castillo. age? “Yes, I know it doesn’t sound
very scientific,” Lorblanchet says of
his highly personal style of investigation, “but the intel-
lower edge. You get an illusion of the animal’s rounded lectual games of the structuralists haven’t got us very far,
flank this way.” have they? Studying rock art shouldn’t be an intellectual
He experimented as he went. “You see the angular game. It is about understanding humanity. That’s why I
rump?” he says, pointing to the original painting. “I believe the experimental approach is valid in this case.”
reproduced that by holding my hand perpendicular to
the rock, with my palm slightly bent, and I spat along Excerpted from Lewin, R. (1993). Paleolithic paint job. Discover
the edge formed by my hand and the rock.” He found he 14 (7), 64–70. Copyright ©1993 The Walt Disney Co. Reprinted
could produce sharp lines, such as those in the tail and in with permission of Discover Magazine.
Theories to account for the early European cave art of- In cave art generally, though, the animals painted are
ten depend on conjectural and subjective interpretations. not those most frequently hunted. Furthermore, cave art
Some have argued that it is art for art’s sake, but if that is rarely includes depictions of animals being hunted, killed,
so, why were animals often painted over one another, and copulating, birthing, or with exaggerated sexual parts, as
why were they placed in inaccessible places? The latter is shown in the Venus figurines (Conard, 2009).
might suggest that they served ceremonial purposes and Another suggestion is that initiation rites, such as
that the caves were religious sanctuaries. those marking the transition to adulthood, took place in
One suggestion is that the animals were drawn to en- the painted galleries. In support of this idea, footprints,
sure success in the hunt; another is that their depiction most of which are small, have been found in the clay
was seen as a way to promote fertility and increase the floors of several caves, and in one they even circle a mod-
size of the herds on which humans depended. In Altamira eled clay bison. As well, it appears that the small hands
Cave in northern Spain, for example, the art shows a per- of ancient children created some of the finger “flutings,”
vasive concern for the sexual reproduction of the bison. unpigmented grooves made into the soft surface of the
cave walls (Sharpe & Van Gelder, 2006). The presence of exaggerations of the female form visible in the Venus figu-
children in the caves suggests that elders were transmit- rines derive from the ancient artist looking down over her
ting knowledge to the new generation through painted own pregnant body. Paleolithic archaeologist Margaret
animals and the countless “signs” and abstract designs Conkey opened the door to such interpretations through
that accompany much Upper Paleolithic art. Some have her work combining gender theory and feminist theory
interpreted these markings as tallies of animals killed or with the science of archaeology.
as a reckoning of time according to a lunar calendar. With a particular interest in the Upper Paleolithic
The abstract designs, including those such as the spots art of Europe, Conkey has spent decades challenging the
on the Pech Merle horses, suggest yet another possibility. traditional notion that Paleolithic art was made by male
For the most part, these are just like the entoptic designs artists as an expression of spiritual beliefs related to hunt-
that are so consistently present in the rock art of southern ing activities. She emphasizes that many reconstructions
Africa and western Australia. Furthermore, the rock art of of behavior in the past rely upon contemporary gender
southern Africa shows the same painting of new images norms to fill in blanks left in the archaeological record.
over older ones, as well as the same sort of fixation on Conkey, believing that today’s stereotypes may be distort-
large, powerful animals instead of the ones most often ing our view of the past, seeks clues about the role of gen-
eaten. Thus, the cave art of Europe may well represent der in the archaeological research she conducts (Gero &
the same depictions of trance experiences, painted after Conkey, 1991).
the fact. Consistent with this interpretation, the isolation In this regard, note that current scientists may de-
of the caves and the shimmering light on the cave walls scribe Venus figurines largely in sexual terms rather than
themselves are conducive to the sort of sensory distortion in terms of fertility and birth. For example, in a commen-
that can induce trance. tary that accompanied the description of the figurine
from Hohle Fels Cave, British archaeologist Paul Mellars
states: “The figure is explicitly—and blatantly—that of
Ornamental Art a woman, with an exaggeration of sexual characteristics
(large, projecting breasts, a greatly enlarged and explicit
Artistic expression, whatever its purpose may have been,
vulva, and bloated belly and thighs) that by twenty-first-
was not confined to rock surfaces and portable objects.
century standards could be seen as bordering on the
Upper Paleolithic peoples also ornamented their bodies
pornographic” (Mellars, 2009, p. 176). Mellars’s reaction
with necklaces, rings, bracelets, and anklets made of per-
to the Venus figurine reflects present-day attitudes to-
forated animal teeth, shells, and beads of bone, stone, and
ward the nude female form rather than the intent of an
ivory. Clothing, too, was adorned with beads. Quite a lot
ancient artist.
of art was probably also executed in more delicate materi-
Human biology provides us with some clues. Breasts
als such as wood, bark, and animal skins, which have not
and belly enlarge during pregnancy; the tissues around
been preserved. Thus, the rarity of Upper Paleolithic art in
the vulva enlarge and stretch dramatically during the
some parts of the inhabited world may be because some
birth process. Breasts swell further with milk after a birth.
materials did not survive in the archaeological record, not
These physiological changes were likely as awe inspiring
because they never existed.
to Paleolithic peoples as were hunting experiences, and
Mellars’s interpretation of the figurine as “pornographic”
derives from the gender norms of his particular culture.
Gender and Art Contemporary peoples with a different worldview would
As shown in Figure 8.13, the Upper Paleolithic also in- not react to the art in these terms.
cludes numerous portrayals of voluptuous women with
body parts often described as exaggerated. Many appear
to be pregnant, and some are shown in birthing postures.
These so-called Venus figures have been found at sites
Other Aspects of Upper
from southwestern France to Siberia. Made of stone,
ivory, antler, or baked clay, they differ little in style from
Paleolithic Culture
place to place, testifying to the sharing of ideas over vast Upper Paleolithic peoples lived not only in caves and rock
distances. Although some have interpreted the Venuses shelters but also in structures built out in the open. In
as objects associated with a fertility cult, others suggest Ukraine, for example, remains of sizable settlements have
that they may have been exchanged to cement alliances been found in which huts were built on frameworks of
between groups. intricately stacked mammoth bones (Figure 8.17). Where
Art historian LeRoy McDermott has suggested that the the ground was frozen, cobblestones were heated and
Venus figurines are “ordinary women’s views of their own placed in the earth to sink in, thereby providing sturdy,
bodies” and the earliest examples of self-representation dry floors. Instead of shallow depressions or flat surfaces
(McDermott, 1996). He suggests that the distortions and that radiated little heat, their hearths were stone-lined pits
The Spread of Upper Paleolithic Peoples 217
© Goran Burenhult
Figure 8.17 Upper Paleolithic Mammoth Bone Dwelling
Pictured is a reconstructed dwelling made from interlocked and lashed mammoth bones. These
dwellings are typically round in form with a central hearth or several scattered hearths. Pits with
bones and butchering areas and flint-knapping areas often surround the dwellings. They tend to
be strategically built along old river terraces near migration pathways that grazing animals would
take between steppes and rivers. Although most of these dwellings date to between 14,000 and
20,000 years ago, one from the Moldova site dates back to 44,000 years ago and is associated
with typical Neandertal tools. Others argue that the Moldova site represents the remains of a
hunting blind.
that conserved heat for extended periods and made for

more efficient cooking.
The Spread of Upper
For the outdoors, Upper Paleolithic peoples had the
same sort of tailored clothing worn in historic times by
Paleolithic Peoples
Arctic and sub-Arctic peoples. Further, they engaged in Upper Paleolithic peoples expanded into regions previ-
long-distance trade, as indicated, for example, by the ously uninhabited by their archaic forebears. Colonization
presence of seashells and amber from the Baltic Sea in of southern Siberia dates back about 280,000 years. Upper
northern Europe at sites several hundred kilometers Paleolithic peoples reached the northeastern part of that
from the sources of these materials. Although Middle region about 10,000 years later. Although reaching this
Paleolithic peoples also made use of rare and distant region did not involve crossing large bodies of water,
materials, these practices became far more regular in the inhabiting Greater Australia and the Americas did require
Upper Paleolithic. such voyages.
Anthropologist Joseph Birdsell (1977) has suggested

several routes of island hopping and seafaring to make the
crossing between these landmasses. Each of these routes
SOUT
SOUTHE
HEAS
HEAST
T Pacific involves crossing open water without land visible on the
Ocean
ASIA
SIA horizon. The earliest known site in New Guinea dates to
(SUNDA)
(SUNDA) 40,000 years ago. Sites in Australia are sometimes dated
to even earlier, but these dates are especially contentious
Weber’s Line because they involve the critical question of the relation-
Lydekker’s Line ship between anatomical modernity and the presence of
SUMATRA BORNEO
SUMATRA
NEW human-like culture.
GUINEA
JAVA Early dates for habitation of the Sahul indicate that
Wallace’s Line GREATER
GREATER archaic Homo rather than anatomically modern forms
BALI Flores AUSTRALIA
RALIA possessed the cultural capacity for oceanic navigation.
(SAHUL) Evidence from a recent genetic analysis of a hair sample
taken from an Australian Aborigine over a century ago
indicates direct dispersal from Africa for some people (Ras-
mussen et al., 2011). Once in Australia, these populations
used ochre to create sophisticated rock art, as we discussed
© Cengage Learning earlier. One painting in the Arnhem Land plateau depicts
Indian
Ocean a species of giant bird thought to have gone extinct
around 40,000 years ago.
Interestingly, considerable physical variation is seen in
Australian fossil specimens from this period. Some speci-
Figure 8.18 Sea Level and the Coastlines of Sunda and Sahul mens have the high forehead characteristic of anatomical
Habitation of Australia and New Guinea (joined together with modernity whereas others possess traits providing excel-
Tasmania as a single landmass called Sahul) was dependent lent evidence of continuity between living Aborigines and
upon travel across the open ocean even at times of maximum the earlier Homo erectus and archaic Homo sapiens fossils
glaciation when sea levels were low. This figure shows the
from Indonesia. Willandra Lakes—a region of southeast-
coastlines of Sahul and Sunda (Southeast Asia plus the islands
ern Australia, far from where the earliest archaeological
of Java, Sumatra, Borneo, and Bali) now and in the past. As sea
evidence of human habitation of the continent was
levels rose with melting glaciers, sites of early human habitation
found—is particularly rich with fossils. The variation pres-
were submerged. Wallace’s Trench, a particularly deep part of
ent in these fossils illustrates the problems inherent with
the ocean, always separated Sunda and Sahul.
making a one-to-one correspondence between the skull of
a certain shape and cultural capabilities.
The Sahul Other evidence for sophisticated ritual activity in
early Australia is provided by the burial of a man at least
Between 50,000 and 60,000 years ago, people managed
40,000 years ago from Lake Mungo in the Willandra
to reach Australia, New Guinea, and Tasmania, then
Lakes region. His body was positioned with his fingers in-
connected to one another in a single landmass called the
tertwined around one another in the region of his penis,
Sahul. To do this, they had to use some kind of water-
and red ochre had been scattered over the body. It may
craft because the Sahul was separated from the islands of
be that this pigment had more than symbolic value; for
Java, Sumatra, Borneo, and Bali, which are geologically
example, its iron salts have antiseptic and deodorizing
a part of the Asian landmass. At times of maximum
properties, and there are recorded instances in which
glaciation and low sea levels, these islands were joined
red ochre is associated with prolonging life and is used
to one another in a single landmass called Sunda, but
medicinally to treat particular conditions or infections.
a deep ocean trench—called the Wallace Trench, after
One historically known Aborigine society is reported to
Alfred Russel Wallace who discovered natural selection
have used ochre to heal wounds, scars, and burns and
at the same time as Charles Darwin and who conducted
to use it for those in pain, covering the body with the
fieldwork in the area—always separated Sunda and Sahul
substance and placing it in the sun to promote sweating.
(Figure 8.18).
Recently, the Australian National University returned the
40,000-year-old remains to the Mutthi Mutthi Aborigines
(Pearlman, 2015). The Mutthi Mutthi, who have ancient
Sahul The greater Australian landmass including Australia, New Guinea, ties to the lands where these remains were discovered,
and Tasmania. At times of maximum glaciation and low sea levels, these
had objected to their removal, which had been done
areas were continuous.
Sunda The combined landmass of the contemporary islands of Java,
without their consent. See this chapter’s Globalscape to
Sumatra, Borneo, and Bali that was continuous with mainland Southeast learn about the importance of Willandra Lakes to global
Asia at times of low sea levels corresponding to maximum glaciation. and local heritage today.
GLOBALSCAPE
Arctic
Ocean
Paris, France ASIA

UNESCO
NORTH Headquarters
EUROPE
AMERICA
Atlantic
Ocean
Pacific
Ocean
AFRICA
Pacific
Ocean
SOUTH
AMERICA Indian
Ocean
AUSTRALIA
© Cengage Learning
World Heritage Sites
World Heritage danger spots
ANTARCTICA
Michael Amendolia/In Pictures/Corbis News/Corbis

AP Images/Thibault Camus, File
Whose Lakes Are These? fossilized footprints dated to between 19,000 and 23,000 years
Paleoanthropologists regularly travel to early fossil sites and to ago were made by people of all ages who lived in the region when
museums where original fossil specimens are housed. Increas- the Willandra Lakes were still full of water. How can a place of local
ingly, these same destinations are popular with tourists. Making and global significance be appropriately preserved and honored?
sites accessible to everyone while protecting the sites requires Since 1972, UNESCO’s World Heritage List has been an im-
considerable skill and knowledge. But most importantly, long be- portant part of maintaining places like Willandra Lakes, which
fore the advent of paleoanthropology or paleotourism, these sites was itself inscribed as a World Heritage Site in 1981. Individual
were and are the homelands of living people. states apply to UNESCO for site designation, and if approved they
Aboriginal people have lived along the shores of the Willandra receive financial and political support for maintaining the site.
Lakes region of Australia for at least 50,000 years. They have When designated sites are threatened by natural disaster, war,
passed down their stories and cultural traditions even as the pollution, or poorly managed tourism, they are placed on a dan-
lakes dried up and a spectacular crescent-shaped, wind-formed ger list, indicated with a red dot on the map above, forcing local
dune (called a lunette) remained. The Mungo lunette has particular governments to institute measures to protect the sites in order to
cultural significance to three Aboriginal tribal groups. Several major continue receiving UNESCO support.
fossil finds from the region include cremated remains as well as an Each year approximately 30 new World Heritage Sites are des-
ochred burial, both dated to at least 40,000 years ago. Nearly 460 ignated. In 2015 the list included 1,031 locations: 197 natural
219
preserves, 802 cultural sites, and 32 mixed sites. Fossil and archae- are embedded with the lore that governs this whole land. The
ological sites are well represented on the World Heritage List. The air, the land, the environment, the universe, the stars.a
Willandra Lakes site is recognized for both natural and cultural value.
Not only are Aunty Beryl’s stories and the land around Willandra
Although important to the world community, Willandra Lakes
Lakes critical for the Ngiyaampaa and other Aboriginal groups, but
has particular meaning to the Aborigines. Aunty Beryl Carmichael,
their survival ultimately contributes to all of us.
an elder of the Ngiyaampaa people, explains that this land is
The following lists the sites considered endangered at the
integrated with her culture:
June 2015 meeting of the World Heritage Committee with the
Because when the old people would tell the stories, they’d date they were first designated endangered. Committee members
just refer to them as “marrathal warkan,” which means long, included representatives from countries throughout the globe
long time ago, when time first began for our people, as including Algeria, Colombia, Croatia, Finland, Germany, India,
people on this land after creation. Jamaica, Japan, Kazakhstan, Lebanon, Malaysia, Peru, Philippines,
We have various sites around our country, we call them the Poland, Portugal, Qatar, South Korea, Senegal, Serbia, Turkey, and
birthing places of all our stories. And of course, the stories Vietnam.
Afghanistan Honduras Ancient City of Damascus (2013)

Cultural Landscape and Archaeological Río Plátano Biosphere Reserve (2011) Ancient Villages of Northern Syria (2013)
Remains of the Bamiyan Valley (2003) Indonesia Crac des Chevaliers and Qal’at Salah El-Din
Minaret and Archaeological Remains of Jam Tropical Rainforest Heritage of Sumatra (2011) (2013)
(2002) Iraq Site of Palmyra (2013)
Belize Ashur (Qal’at Sherqat) (2003) Tanzania, United Republic of
Belize Barrier Reef Reserve System (2009) Hatra (2015) Ruins of Kilwa Kisiwani and Ruins of Songo
Bolivia Samarra Archaeological City (2007) Mnara (2004)
City of Potosí (2014) Jerusalem (site proposed by Jordan) Uganda
Central African Republic Old City of Jerusalem and Its Walls (1982) Tombs of Buganda Kings at Kasubi (2010)
Manovo-Gounda St. Floris National Park Madagascar United Kingdom
(1997) Rainforests of the Atsinanana (2010) Liverpool–Maritime Mercantile City (2012)
Chile Mali United States of America
Humberstone and Santa Laura Saltpeter Timbuktu (2012) Everglades National Park (2010)
Works (2005) Tomb of Askia (2012)
Venezuela
Colombia Niger Coro and Its Port (2005)
Los Katíos National Park (2009) Air and Ténéré Natural Reserves (1992)
Yemen
Côte d’Ivoire Palestine Historic Town of Zabid (2000)
Comoé National Park (2003) Birthplace of Jesus: Church of the Nativity Old City of Sana’a (2015)
Mount Nimba Strict Nature Reserve (1992) and the Pilgrimage Route, Bethlehem (2012) Old Walled City of Shibam (2015)
Palestine: Land of Olives and Vines – Cultural
Democratic Republic of the Congo
Landscape of Southern Jerusalem, Battir
Garamba National Park (1996) Global Twister
(2014)
Kahuzi-Biega National Park (1997) The listing of endangered sites brings
Panama
Okapi Wildlife Reserve (1997) global pressure on a state to find ways to
Fortifications on the Caribbean Side of Pan-
Salonga National Park (1999) protect the natural and cultural heritage
ama: Portobelo-San Lorenzo (2012)
Virunga National Park (1994) contained within its boundaries. Given the
Peru recent destruction of some designated
Egypt
Chan Chan Archaeological Zone (1986) World Heritage Sites, how can we enhance
Abu Mena (2001)
Senegal this global social pressure?
Ethiopia
Niokolo-Koba National Park (2007)
Simien National Park (1996) a
“Why the stories are told: Told by Aunty Beryl
Serbia
Georgia Medieval Monuments in Kosovo (2006) Carmichael.” (2015). http://tom33.global2
Bagrati Cathedral and Gelati Monastery .vic.edu.au/literacy/ (retrieved November 22,
Solomon Islands
(2010) 2015); see also “Aunty Beryl talks about the
East Rennell (2013)
Historical Monuments of Mtskheta (2009) Dreaming.” (2015). The making of modern
Syrian Arab Republic Australia. http://www.abc.net.au/tv
Guinea
Ancient City of Aleppo (2013) /makingaustralia/educationextras/episode-four
Mount Nimba Strict Nature Reserve (1992)
Ancient City of Bosra (2013) /clip-three.htm (retrieved November 21, 2015)
220
The Spread of Upper Paleolithic Peoples 221
As in many parts of the world, paleoanthropologists

conducting research on human evolution in Australia
are essentially constructing a view of history that con-
flicts with the beliefs of Aborigines. The story of human
evolution is utterly dependent on Western conceptions Arctic Ocean
S
(Ice)
of time, relationships established through genetics, and
I B
a definition of what it means to be human. All of these
GE
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theories are at odds with Aboriginal beliefs about human
ID
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origins. Still, while conducting their research on human r
BR
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evolution, paleoanthropologists working in Australia have Gla
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advocated and supported the Aboriginal culture. A
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The Americas
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re
(P
IN
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E
B er
Although scientists concur that American Indian ancestry ci
la
can be traced ultimately back to Asian origins, just when G
people arrived in the Americas has been a matter of lively
debate. This debate draws upon geographical, cultural,
and biological evidence.
The conventional wisdom has long been that the first Be
© Cengage Learning
r
people migrated into North America over dry land that Se ing
a
0 600 km
connected Siberia to Alaska. This land bridge was a conse-
quence of the buildup of great continental glaciers. As the 0 300 miles
ice masses grew, there was a worldwide lowering of sea lev-
els, causing an emergence of land in places like the Bering
Figure 8.19 Land Bridge to the Americas
Strait where seas today are shallow. Thus, Alaska became,
The Arctic conditions and glaciers in northeastern Asia and
in effect, an eastward extension of Siberia (Figure 8.19).
northwestern North America provided both opportunities and
Climatic patterns of the Ice Age kept this land bridge,
challenges for ancient peoples spreading to the Americas. On
known as Beringia or the Bering Land Bridge, relatively
the one hand the Arctic climate provided a land bridge (Beringia)
ice free and covered instead with lichens and mosses that between the continents, but on the other hand the harsh
could support herds of grazing animals. It is possible that environment posed considerable difficulties to humans. Ancient
Upper Paleolithic peoples could have come to the Amer- peoples may have also come to the Americas by sea. Once in
icas simply by following herd animals. The latest genetic North America, glaciers spanning a good portion of the continent
evidence indicates movement took place back and forth determined the areas open to habitation.
across Beringia.
According to geologists, conditions were right for
ancient humans and herd animals to traverse Beringia
between 11,000 and 25,000 years ago. Though this land Man) that bear a physical resemblance to the aboriginal
bridge was also open between 40,000 and 75,000 years Ainu people of northern Japan and their forebears. Un-
ago, there is no evidence that conclusively confirms hu- fortunately, because sea levels were lower than they are
man migration at these earlier dates. As with the Sahul, today, coastal sites used by early voyagers would now be
early dates open the possibility of spread to the Americas under water.
by archaic Homo. Securely dated objects from Monte Verde, a site in
Although ancient Siberians did indeed spread east- south-central Chile, place people in southern South
ward, it is now clear that massive glaciers blocked their America by 14,500 years ago, if not earlier. Assuming the
way until 13,000 years ago at the earliest (Marshall, 2001). first populations spread from Siberia to Alaska, linguist
By then, people were already living farther south in the Johanna Nichols suggests that the first people to arrive
Americas. Thus, the question of how people first came in North America did so by 20,000 years ago. She bases
to this hemisphere has been reopened. One possibility this estimate on the time it took various other languages
is that, like the first Australians, the first Americans may to spread from their homelands—including Eskimo
have come by boat or rafts, perhaps traveling between languages in the Arctic and Athabaskan languages from
islands or ice-free pockets of coastline, from as far away interior western Canada to New Mexico and Arizona
as the Japanese islands and down North America’s north- (e.g. Navajo). Nichols’s conclusion is that it would have
western coast. Hints of such voyages are provided by a taken at least 7,000 years for people to reach south-central
handful of North American skeletons (such as Kennewick Chile (Nichols, 2008).
A genetic study using mitochondrial and nuclear DNA did in Africa and Eurasia. This does not mean, however,
indicates that the American Indian Upper Paleolithic that the first Americans were all big game hunters. Other
peoples separated from Asian peoples prior to 40,000 years Paleoindians, including those who inhabited Monte
ago and occupied Beringia for about 20,000 years with Verde in Chile, far distant from Beringia, provide evi-
little population growth (Kitchen, Miyamoto, & Mulligan, dence of a very different way of life. These people for-
2008). Population size expanded again as these peoples aged for plants and seafood and consumed a variety of
crossed Beringia between 15,000 and 17,000 years ago but smaller mammals. In each place, subsistence practices
then took different paths. One group traveled down the Pa- synchronized with the environment and other aspects of
cific Coast and the other down the center of the continent. the local culture.
Although the dates generated in this study are as early as
others have suggested, these findings support the notion
that distinct language groups made separate migrations.
Another study suggests back and forth exchanges be- Major Paleolithic Trends
tween Siberia and North America (Tamm et al., 2007). Yet
As we look at the larger picture, since the time the genus
a third study suggests three waves of migration across Ber-
Homo appeared, evolving humans came to rely increas-
ingia (Reich et al., 2012). The most recent genetic studies
ingly on cultural, as opposed to biological, adaptation. To
contradict one another. One proposes a single migration
handle environmental challenges, evolving humans de-
no earlier than 23,000 years ago, after which this popula-
veloped appropriate tools, clothes, shelter, use of fire, and
tion split into distinct North and South American groups
so forth. This was true whether human populations lived
(Raghavan et al., 2015). The other research suggests at
in regions that were hot or cold, wet or dry, forested or
least two sets of America-founding populations and em-
grassy. Though culture is ultimately based on what might
phasizes the close relationship between some Amazonians
loosely be called brainpower or, more formally, cognitive
and Australasians to a common ancestral group in Asia
capacity, it is not genetic. Cultural innovations may be
(Skoglund et al., 2015).
taught and can easily be transferred among individuals
As is the case with all investigations of the distant past,
and groups.
the narrative of how the Americas were peopled is under
Scientists have recently documented key differences
construction. Genetic data must be cross-checked with
in the proteins involved in brain metabolism in humans
morphological data, linguistic data, and with the archae-
compared to other species that may account for some of
ological evidence. Each new discovery in the field or in
this brainpower. Unfortunately, these metabolic changes
the lab contributes to this chronicle. Careful verifications
are also associated with schizophrenia, indicating that
among various kinds of data allow for the eventual refine-
there may have been some downsides to the process. This
ment of the account.
study suggests that the cultural practice of cooking freed
Although the earliest technologies in the Americas
the body to devote more energy to brain metabolism.
remain poorly known, they gave rise in North America,
Although cooking was certainly an innovation of ancient
about 12,000 years ago, to the distinctive fluted spear
Homo, the varied low-fat diet and high exercise of our
points of Paleoindian hunters of big game, such as
ancestors were in general healthier than the dietary pat-
mammoths, mastodons, caribou, and now extinct forms
terns prevailing in many parts of the world today. See this
of bison. Fluted points are finely made, with large channel
chapter’s Biocultural Connection for a discussion of how
flakes removed from one or both surfaces. This thinned
a return to the diets and lifestyles of our forebears may
section was inserted into the notched end of a spear shaft
improve human health.
for a sturdy haft. Fluted points are found from the Atlantic
Certain trends stand out from the information anthro-
seaboard to the Pacific Coast and from Alaska down into
pologists have gathered about the Old Stone Age in most
Panama. The efficiency of the hunters who made and
parts of the world. One was toward increasingly more so-
used these points may have hastened the extinction of
phisticated, varied, and specialized toolkits. Tools became
the mammoth and other large Pleistocene mammals. By
progressively lighter and smaller, resulting in the conser-
driving large numbers of animals over cliffs, they killed
vation of raw materials and a better ratio between length
many more than they could possibly use, thus wasting
of cutting edge and weight of stone. Tools also became
huge amounts of meat.
specialized according to region and function. Instead of
The bow and arrow was also widely used in the
crude all-purpose tools, more effective particularized de-
Americas, though it appeared there much later than it
vices were made to deal with the differing conditions of
savannah, forest, and shore.
As humans came to rely increasingly on culture as
Paleoindian The people who were the earliest inhabitants of the
a means to meet the challenges of existence, they were
Americas.
able to inhabit new environments. With more efficient
cognitive capacity A broad concept including intelligence, educability,
concept formation, self-awareness, self-evaluation, attention span, tool technology, population size could increase, allowing
sensitivity in discrimination, and creativity. humans to spill over into more diverse environments.
Major Paleolithic Trends 223
Paleolithic Prescriptions for Diseases of Today

Throughout most of our evolutionary his- The prevalence of these “diseases of without village life, as the fermentation
tory, humans led more physically active civilization” has increased rapidly over the process requires time and watertight con-
lives and ate a more varied low-fat diet past century. Anthropologists Melvin Kon- tainers. However, the high-starch diets and
than we do now. Our ancestors did not ner and Marjorie Shostak and physician sedentary lifestyle of village life contribute
drink alcohol or smoke. They spent their Boyd Eaton have suggested that our Paleo- to diabetes and heart disease.
days scavenging or hunting for animal pro- lithic ancestors left us with a prescription Our evolutionary history offers clues
tein while gathering vegetable foods, with for a cure. They propose that as “stone- about the diet and lifestyle to which our
some insects thrown in for good measure. agers in a fast lane,” people’s health bodies evolved. By returning to our ancient
They stayed fit through traveling great will improve by returning to the lifestyle lifeways, we can make the diseases of
distances each day over the savannah to which their bodies are adapted.b Such civilization a thing of the past.
and beyond. Paleolithic prescriptions are an example of
Though we hail increased life expec- evolutionary medicine—a branch of med- Biocultural Question
tancy as one of modern civilization’s ical anthropology that uses evolutionary Can you imagine what sort of Paleolithic
greatest accomplishments, this phenome- principles to contribute to human health. prescriptions our evolutionary history
non—brought about in part by the discov- Evolutionary medicine bases its pre- would contribute for modern behaviors,
ery of antibiotics during the middle of the scriptions on the idea that rate of cultural such as childrearing practices, sleeping,
twentieth century—is quite recent. Anthro- change exceeds the rate of biological and work patterns? Are there any ways
pologists Mark Nathan Cohen and George change. Our food-forager physiology was that your culture or personal lifestyle is
Armelagos suggest that the downward shaped over millions of years, whereas well aligned with past lifeways?
trajectory for human health began when the cultural changes leading to contem-
a
we left behind our Paleolithic lifeways and porary lifestyles have occurred rapidly. For Cohen, M. N., & Armelagos, G. J. (Eds.).
began farming instead of hunting and example, tobacco was domesticated in the (1984). Paleopathology at the origins of
gathering, and then settled into permanent Americas only a few thousand years ago agriculture. Orlando: Academic Press.
villages some 10,000 years ago.a The and was widely used as both a narcotic b
Eaton, S. B., Konner, M., & Shostak, M.
chronic diseases that linger—such as di- and an insecticide. Alcoholic beverages— (1988). Stone-agers in the fast lane: Chronic
abetes, heart disease, substance abuse, which depend on the domestication of a degenerative diseases in evolutionary
and high blood pressure—have their roots variety of plant species such as hops, bar
bar- perspective. American Journal of Medicine
in this shift. ley, and corn—also could not have arisen 84 (4), 739–749.
Improved cultural abilities may also have created a feed- As human populations grew and spread, cultural differ-
back loop with biological change. Tools and practices that ences between regions also became more marked. Although
allowed a decreased size and weight of face and teeth en- some indications of cultural contact and intercommunica-
couraged development of larger and more complex brains, tion are evident in the development of long-distance trade
and ultimately a reduction in body size and robustness. networks, tool assemblages developed in response to the
This dependence on intelligence rather than bulk is the specific challenges and resources of specific environments.
linchpin of humans’ increased reliance on cultural rather As Paleolithic peoples eventually spread over all the
than physical adaptation. The development of conceptual continents of the world, including Australia and the
thought can be seen in symbolic artifacts and signs of Americas, changes in climate and environment called for
ritual activity throughout the world. new kinds of adaptations. In forest environments, people
Through Paleolithic times, at least in the colder needed tools for working wood; on the open savannah
parts of the world, hunting became more important, and plains, humans began to use the bow and arrow to
and people became more proficient at it. Humans’ intel- hunt the game they could not stalk closely; the people
ligence enabled them to develop composite tools as well in settlements that grew up around lakes and along rivers
as the social organization and cooperation so important and coasts developed harpoons and hooks; in the sub-
for survival and population growth. As discussed in the Arctic regions, they needed tools to work the heavy skins
next chapter, this trend was reversed during the Me- of seals and caribou. Because culture is first and foremost a
solithic, when hunting lost its preeminence, and the mechanism by which humans adapt, throughout the globe
gathering of wild plants and seafood became increas- regional differentiations allowed Upper Paleolithic humans
ingly important. to face the challenges of their distinct environments.
What evidence supports the recent Spear-throwing, the bow and arrow, and net hunting
originated in this period. Hunting became a less
African origins hypothesis for modern dangerous and more effective manner of acquiring
human origins? What are its assumptions? food.
✓ Evidence to support the recent African origins hypothesis ✓ Pressure flaking gave toolmakers greater control over
originally came from the study of mitochondrial DNA of the shape of the tool while the blade technique yielded
modern humans, which was extrapolated to the past greater efficiency.
based on an assumed rate of constant change.
✓ In Europe Mousterian toolkits gave way to the earliest
✓ The earliest anatomically modern fossils have been Upper Paleolithic industries—the Châtelperronian and
found in Africa dating to 200,000 years ago, relatively Aurignacian traditions—shared by Neandertals and
near in time to the estimation of when “Eve” should anatomically modern humans. Cultural distinctions
have existed. between the two groups in Europe do not clearly
✓ Issues with the recent African origins hypothesis indicate either as superior.
include the movement of people into Africa, other
geographical sources of mtDNA, and variable rates How did the role of art in human societies
of molecular change. evolve over this period?
✓ The recent African origins hypothesis supposes a strong ✓ Starting 40,000 years ago, figurative art proliferated,
connection between modern anatomy and cultural including carved figurines, flutes, and cave painting
capacity that is inconsistent with findings on that most frequently depicted large mammals and
Neandertal culture. abstract patterns seen perhaps in trance states.
✓ Evidence of paint manufacture goes back to

What evidence supports the multiregional 100,000 years ago when pigments were used as
hypothesis for human origins? What are part of burial rituals and likely as body decoration.
its assumptions? Figurative art that was not preserved in the
archaeological record was also likely to have
✓ Modern humans retain certain anatomical been created.
characteristics of the Homo erectus fossils from the same
region. This supports the idea that archaic humans all ✓ Art began to be used in rituals and decorations,
over the world simultaneously evolved into Homo reflecting visions seen in altered states of consciousness
sapiens, and that gene flow kept humans connected as known as entoptic phenomena.
a single species.
✓ Interpretation of the artistic legacy of the Paleolithic
✓ Distinguishing between various archaic and remains subject to the biases of current social norms,
anatomically modern fossils poses a great challenge as in the case of the Venus figurines.
because many specimens and modern humans exhibit
a mix of features. How did humans spread throughout
✓ The anatomical variety of both archaic and modern the globe during the Upper Paleolithic
humans and evidence of high levels of gene flow period?
throughout human history support the multiregional
✓ Spreading throughout the entire globe, Upper
hypothesis.
Paleolithic people built dwellings and tailored warm
✓ Recent cultural innovations have no correspondence clothing that permitted habitation in harsh climates.
to changes in human appearance.
✓ Humans arrived in Australia around 50,000 years ago
✓ Comparison of genomes of ancient peoples such as the by crossing wide bodies of open water. Original
Neandertals and the Denisovans with living human migration to North America may also have occurred by
groups demonstrates genetic continuity. sea, with continued exchange happening while the
Bering Land Bridge existed.
What were the major technological ✓ Given their vast geographic distribution, disparate
developments of the Upper Paleolithic era? societies developed distinct art, technology, lifestyle,
✓ Throughout the globe, blade tools became widespread and anatomy.
along with an explosion of expressive arts.
225
1. What does it mean to be modern, biologically or 3. Why do you think that most of the studies of
culturally? How should we define human? Can creative prehistoric art have tended to focus on Europe? Do
artwork, like that pictured in this chapter’s Challenge you think this focus reflects ethnocentrism or bias
Issue, be considered indicative of distinctly human about the definition of art in Western cultures?
biology? 4. Do you think that gender has played a role in
2. How do you feel about the possibility of having anthropological interpretations of the behavior of our
Neandertals as part of your personal ancestry? ancestors and the way that paleoanthropologists and
How might you relate the Neandertal debates archaeologists conduct their research? Do you believe
to stereotyping or racism in contemporary that feminism has a role to play in the interpretation
society? of the past?
Putting Paleolithic Prescriptions into Practice
In the late 2000s, the so-called caveman diet facts, the controversy brings up the interesting
or Paleo diet became popular in some Western anthropological question: What exactly did ancient
societies. Marketed as a life-extending, fat- humans eat? Create your own “caveman diet”
burning panacea, it is a commercialized by researching the edible plants and animals
component of evolutionary medicine as described native to the region where you live. Given your
in this chapter’s Biocultural Connection. knowledge of Upper Paleolithic technology,
The diet’s adherents argue that cultural change what game would humans have been capable of
has outpaced biological evolution with respect hunting or trapping? How could the different foods
to diet, and they seek to commune with our have been prepared? Then compare your results
Paleolithic ancestors and perhaps avoid some of to the mainstream diet of your community. Which
the health consequences that plague us today. items have persisted and which are new? If you’re
Detractors cite the underestimation of human feeling ambitious, you can gather classmates for a
adaptability and uncertainties about the precise Paleolithic dinner party!
nature of ancient diets. Whatever the nutritional
Laurent Giraudou/Sygma/Corbis
CHALLENGE ISSUE
With the start of the Neolithic some 10,000 years ago—when some humans shifted to
farming and domesticating animals as they settled into village life—competition for critical
resources intensified. Today, that competition takes place on a global scale and places
untenable pressures on the world’s natural resources. Consider quinoa, a staple for Andean
people of South America from the ancient Incas to modern-day villagers for 7,000 years. In
the 1990s, this highly nutritious crop became popular worldwide, and consumer demand
soared. But the impact on local quinoa farmers has been complicated: High demand
raised the price, bringing local farmers a larger profit but making quinoa too expensive
for their own consumption. In response, the Bolivian government now subsidizes quinoa
for students and pregnant women. Quinoa’s new popularity has also taken a toll on the
land, as producers have turned to modern farming methods to meet the high demand. In
such a resource competition, global demand often supersedes the needs of local inhabi-
tants, but ultimately, for all of us to win, we need strategies to ensure a planet in balance.
The Neolithic
Revolution: The
Domestication of
9
Plants and Animals
Throughout the Paleolithic, people depended exclusively on wild sources of food In this chapter you
for their survival. They hunted and trapped wild animals, fished and gathered will learn to
shellfish, eggs, berries, nuts, roots, and other plant foods. They relied on their ● Identify the Mesolithic
wits, tools, and muscles to acquire what nature provided. When favorite foods roots of farming and
became scarce, they adjusted by trying new potential foods or incorporating less pastoralism.
desirable ones into their diets. ● Describe the
Over time, some peoples began to produce foods, tending specific plants mechanisms of and
evidence for plant and
and animals instead of using them in the form nature had provided. For some
animal domestication.
groups, tending rice, wheat, sheep, pigs, or beans led to a more sedentary exis-
● Compare theories about
tence. Settlement, in turn, allowed individuals to devote their energies to tasks
the reasons for this
other than the quest for food. Over the course of thousands of years, daily life shift in lifeways.
changed. With good reason, the Neolithic era (literally, the New Stone Age) has
● Identify the
been called revolutionary in human history. various centers of
domestication globally.
● Examine the effects
The Mesolithic Roots of Farming of food production on
populations.
and Pastoralism
● Summarize the health
As seen in the previous chapter, by the Upper Paleolithic, a period during which consequences of the
glaciers covered much of the northern hemisphere, humans had spread through- Neolithic revolution.
out the globe. By 12,000 years ago these glaciers had receded, changing human ● Compare the cultural
habitats globally. Sea levels rose, flooding land that had been dry during periods changes of the
Neolithic to hunter-
of glaciation, such as the Bering Strait, parts of the North Sea (recall Figure 8.19),
gatherer lifeways and to
and an extensive land area that had Neolithic The New Stone Age; a prehistoric
period beginning about 10,000 years ago
hierarchical notions of
joined the eastern islands of Indonesia in which peoples possessed stone-based progress.
technologies and depended on domesticated
to mainland Asia (recall Figure 8.18). plants and/or animals for subsistence.
227
228 CHAPTER 9 The Neolithic Revolution: The Domestication of Plants and Animals
In some northern regions, warmer climates allowed for- A somewhat more settled
ests to replace the barren tundra. In the process, some herd lifestyle characterized the
animals—upon which northern Paleolithic peoples had Mesolithic. People subsisting
depended for much of their food, clothing, and shelter— on wild game, seafood,
disappeared from many areas. Some, like the caribou and plants in the milder
and musk ox, moved to colder climates; others, like the forested environments of
mammoths, died out completely. Without these large wild the north did not need Mediterranean SYRIA
herds, cooperative hunts became less productive. Diets to follow migratory herds Sea
shifted to abundant plant foods as well as fish and other over large geographic ar- Wadi en-Natuf
foods in and around lakes, bays, and rivers. In Europe, eas. In the warmer parts
PALESTINE
Asia, and Africa, anthropologists call this transitional of the world, where wild
period between the Upper Paleolithic and the Neolithic plant foods were more JORDAN
the Mesolithic, or Middle Stone Age. In the Americas, readily available, collec- ISRAEL

comparable cultures are referred to as Archaic cultures. tion already had comple-
New technologies accompanied the changed post- mented hunting in the EGYPT
glacial environment. Toolmakers started manufacturing Upper Paleolithic. Thus,

ground-stone tools, shaped and sharpened by grinding the in areas like Southwest
tool against sandstone, often using sand as an additional Asia, the Mesolithic was
abrasive. Once shaped and sharpened, these stones were less of a changed way of life than was true in Europe. Here,
set into wooden or antler handles to make effective axes the important Natufian culture flourished.
and adzes (cutting tools with a sharp blade set at right The Natufians lived between 10,200 and 12,500 years
angles to a handle). Though these tools take longer to ago along the eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea in
make than those of chipped stone, they break less often caves, rock shelters, and small villages with stone- and
with heavy-duty usage. Mesolithic peoples used these tools mud-walled houses. They are named after Wadi en-Natuf,
to clear trees or create dugout canoes and skin-covered a ravine near Jerusalem, in Palestine’s West Bank, where
boats. Archaeological evidence shows that Mesolithic for- the remains of this culture were first found. Natufians bur-
aging took place on the open water—coastal areas, rivers, ied their dead in communal cemeteries, usually in shallow
and lakes—as well as on land. pits without any other objects or decorations. One of their
The microlith—a small, hard, sharp blade—tradition villages, Jericho in the Jordan River Valley, was settled
flourished in the Mesolithic. Microlithic (“small stone”) between 10,000 and 11,000 years ago and contained a
tools existed in central Africa by about 40,000 years small shrine. Basin-shaped depressions in the rocks found
ago, but they did not become common elsewhere until outside homes and plastered pits beneath the floors of the
the Mesolithic. Ancient toolmakers could mass produce houses indicate the Natufians stored plant foods. Natu-
microliths from sections of blades and then attach them fians also used sickles—small stone blades set in straight
to an arrow or another tool shaft by using melted resin handles of wood or bone. The sickles were originally used
(from pine trees) as a binder. to harvest sedge for baskets but later were used to cut grain.
Microliths provided Mesolithic people with an impor-
tant advantage: The small size of the microlith enabled them
to devise a wider array of composite tools made out of stone
and wood or bone. For sickles, harpoons, arrows, knives, and The Neolithic Revolution
daggers, they fit microliths into slots in wood, bone, or ant-
Polished stone tool industries give the Neolithic, or New
ler handles. In turn, these forms led to more sophisticated
Stone Age, its name (Figure 9.1). However, it was the
tools and weapons, such as bows to propel arrows.
transition from a foraging economy based on hunting,
gathering, and fishing to one based on food production
Mesolithic The Middle Stone Age of Europe, Asia, and Africa beginning that made this period revolutionary. Food foragers and
about 12,000 years ago. village-dwellers alike used these Neolithic tools. This
Archaic cultures The term used to refer to Mesolithic cultures in the switch to food production, known as the Neolithic
Americas.
revolution (or Neolithic transition), spread over many
microlith A small blade of flint or similar stone, which when hafted
(sometimes several of them) into a wooden handle would make a tool
centuries—even millennia—and grew directly from the
that was widespread in the Mesolithic. preceding Mesolithic. Although this transition has been
Natufian culture A Mesolithic culture from the lands that are now particularly well studied in Southwest Asia, archaeolog-
Israel, Palestine, Lebanon, and western Syria, between about 10,200 ical evidence for food production also exists from other
and 12,500 years ago.
parts of the world, such as East Asia, Mesoamerica, and
Neolithic revolution The domestication of plants and animals by
the Andes at similar or somewhat younger dates. Human
peoples with stone-based technologies beginning about 10,000
years ago and leading to radical transformations in cultural systems; groups throughout the globe independently, but more
sometimes referred to as the Neolithic transition. or less simultaneously, invented food production.
The Neolithic Revolution 229
device. For example, during Neolithic

times, ancient peoples applied the
knowledge about fired clay
to make pottery contain-
ers and cooking vessels. RUSSIA
The earliest pottery vessels,

radiocarbon dated to be- MONGOLIA
tween 15,430 and 18,300
years ago, come from CHINA Hunan
Yuchanyan Cave, located
© Cengage Learning
Province
Yuchanyan Cave
in southwestern China’s NE P
AL
Hunan Province. INDIA MYANMAR Pacific
Ocean
What Is
Domestication?
Domestication takes place as humans modify, inten-
tionally or unintentionally, the genetic makeup of a pop-
© Erlich Lessing/Art Resource, NY

ulation of wild plants or animals, sometimes to the extent
that members of the population cannot survive or cannot
reproduce without human assistance. Domestication re-
sembles the interdependence between different species
frequently seen in the natural world, where one species
depends on another (that feeds upon it) for its protection
Figure 9.1 Tools of the Neolithic and reproductive success. For example, certain ants native
The Neolithic gets its name from the polished stone tools that to the American tropics grow fungi in their nests, and
appeared during this period. Archaeologists have also recovered these fungi provide the ants with most of their nutrition.
hafted sickles, mortars, and pestles as well as grain storage pits Like human farmers, the ants add manure to stimulate
at some of the earliest Natufian settlements. The polished stone fungal growth and eliminate competing weeds, both
axes and hammerheads pictured here would have been hafted to mechanically and through use of antibiotic herbicides.
handles made of wood. The handle would pass through the hole The fungi are protected and ensured reproductive success
created in the tool or fitted up to the side of the polished stone while providing the ants with a steady food supply.
and then secured with sinew and various glues. In plant–human interactions, domestication ensures
the plants’ reproductive success while providing humans
with food. Selective breeding eliminates thorns, toxins, and
bad-tasting chemical compounds, which in the wild had
Early Neolithic food production included both
served to ensure a plant species’ survival, at the same time
horticulture, the cultivation of crops in food gardens
producing larger, tastier edible parts attractive to humans.
carried out with simple hand tools such as digging sticks
U.S. environmentalist Michael Pollan suggests that domes-
and stone- or bone-bladed hoes, and pastoralism, breed-
ticated plant species successfully exploit human desires so
ing and managing migratory herds of domesticated grazing
animals, such as goats, sheep, cattle, llamas, and camels.
Innovation—any new idea, method, or device that horticulture The cultivation of crops in food gardens, carried out with
gains widespread acceptance in society—provides the ulti- simple hand tools such as digging sticks and hoes.
mate source of all cultural change. Primary innovation pastoralism The breeding and managing of migratory herds of
refers to the creation, invention, or discovery by chance of domesticated grazing animals, such as goats, sheep, cattle, llamas,
and camels.
a completely new idea, method, or device. For example,
innovation Any new idea, method, or device that gains widespread
take the discovery that clay permanently hardens when
acceptance in society.
exposed to high temperatures. Presumably, accidental
primary innovation The creation, invention, or chance discovery of a
firing of clay took place around numerous ancient camp- completely new idea, method, or device.
fires. This chance occurrence became a primary innovation secondary innovation The deliberate application or modification of an
when someone perceived its potential use. This perception existing idea, method, or device.
allowed our ancestors to begin to make figurines of fired domestication An evolutionary process whereby humans modify,
clay some 35,000 years ago. intentionally or unintentionally, the genetic makeup of a population
of wild plants or animals, sometimes to the extent that members of
A secondary innovation involves a deliberate ap- the population cannot survive or cannot reproduce without human
plication or modification of an existing idea, method, or assistance.
that they are able to outcompete other plant

species; he has even proposed that agriculture
is something the grasses did to people as a way
to conquer trees (Pollan, 2001).
Evidence of Early Plant

Domestication
Paleobotanists can often tell the fossil of a
wild plant species from a domesticated one by
studying the shape and size of various plant
structures. Domesticated plants differ from
their wild ancestors in ways favored by hu-
mans. These features include increased size,
at least of edible parts (Figure 9.2); reduction
or loss of natural means of seed dispersal;
reduction or loss of protective devices such
as husks or distasteful chemical compounds;
loss of delayed seed germination (important
to wild plants for survival in times of drought
or other temporarily adverse conditions); and
development of simultaneous ripening of the
seed or fruit.
For example, wild cereals have very frag-
ile stems, whereas domesticated ones have
tough stems. Under natural conditions,
plants with fragile stems scatter their seeds
readily, whereas those with tough stems do
not. At harvest time, the grain stalks with soft
© Cengage Learning
stems would shatter at the touch of a sickle,
short handled tools with semicircular blades,
scattering the seeds to the wind. Inevitably,
though unintentionally, most of the seeds A B C
that people were able to harvest would have
Figure 9.2 Domestication of Maize
come from the tough plants. Early domes-
Increased size of edible parts is a common feature of domestication. The
ticators probably also tended to select seeds
large ear of corn or maize (C) that we know today is a far cry from the tiny ears
from plants having few husks or none at all— (about an inch long) characteristic of 5,500-year-old maize (B). Maize may have
eventually breeding them out—because husk- arisen when a simple gene mutation transformed male tassel spikes of the wild
ing prior to pounding the grains into meal or grass called teosinte (A) into the small, earliest versions of the female maize
flour required extra labor. ear. Teosinte, a wild grass from highland Mexico, is far less productive than
maize and does not taste good. Like most plants that were domesticated, it
was not a favored food for foraging peoples. Domestication transformed it into
Evidence of Early something highly desirable.
Animal Domestication
Domestication produced changes in the skeletal structure in the age and sex ratios of goats at a 10,000-year-old site
of some animals. For example, the horns of wild goats in the Zagros Mountains of Iran compared to those of wild
and sheep differ from those of their domesticated coun- herds. A sharp rise in the number of young male goats
terparts. Some domesticated sheep have no horns at all. killed indicates that people were slaughtering the young
Similarly, the overall size of an animal or portions of it can males for food and leather and were saving the females
change with domestication as seen in the smaller canine for breeding. Although such herd management does not
teeth of domesticated pigs compared to the tusks found prove that the goats were fully domesticated, it indicates
in wild boar. a step in that direction (Zeder & Hesse, 2000). Similarly,
The age and sex ratios of butchered animals at an archaeological sites in the Andean highlands, dating to
archaeological site can indicate the presence of animal do- around 6,300 years ago, contain evidence that llamas were
mestication. For example, archaeologists found differences penned up, indicating the beginning of domestication.
Why Humans Became Neolithic favors those cultures that develop concepts of
land ownership.
Food Producers Given the relative ease and balance of foraging, we
may well ask why any human group abandoned food
Although it might seem that a sudden flash of insight foraging in favor of food production. Several theories
about the human ability to control plants and animals exist. The desiccation or oasis theory, first championed
underlies the rise of domestication, the evidence points by Australian archaeologist V. Gordon Childe in the
us in different directions. Contemporary foragers, for mid-20th century, suggests environmental causes. Glacial
example, choose to forgo food production, even though cover over Europe and Asia caused a shift in rain patterns
they know full well the role of seeds in plant growth from Europe to North Africa and Southwest Asia so that
and that plants grow better under certain conditions when the glaciers retreated northward, so did the rain. As
than others. In fact, U.S. environmental historian Jared a result, North Africa and Southwest Asia became drier,
Diamond aptly describes contemporary food foragers and people were forced to congregate at oases for water.
as “walking encyclopedias of natural history with indi- Relative food scarcity in such an environment drove
vidual names for as many as a thousand or more plant people to collect the wild grasses and seeds growing around
and animal species, and with detailed knowledge of the oases, congregating in a part of Southwest Asia and
those species’ biological characteristics, distribution, Northeast Africa known as the Fertile Crescent (Figure 9.3).
and potential uses” (Diamond, 1997, p. 143). Food for- Eventually, they began to cultivate the grasses to provide
agers frequently apply such expertise to actively manage enough food for the community. According to this theory,
the resources on which they depend. For example, in- animal domestication began because the oases attracted
digenous peoples living in northern Australia deliber- hungry animals, such as wild goats, sheep, and cattle,
ately alter the runoff from creeks
to flood extensive tracts of land,
Black Sea
converting them into fields of
wild grain. Indigenous Australians
Ha er
choose to continue to forage while

Riv
lys
also managing the land. Cayonu Hallan

Chemi Lake Van
Food foragers may avoid food Lake Urmia
Caspian
production simply because of the U RUS MOUNTAINS Sea
Hacilar TA
hard work it involves. In fact, avail- Çatalhöyük
Abu Hureyra
Hure Zawi Chemi
able ethnographic data indicate
FERTILE Shanidar
that farmers, by and large, work Mureybit CRESCENT ZAGROS
far longer hours compared to most MOUNTAINS
UNT
UNTAINS
Ti g
food foragers. Also, food produc- AREA OF
Eu Jarmo ris
CYPRUS NATUFIAN
NA ph
tion does not necessarily provide a
M
Riv
ra
es
CUL
CULTURE te
er
op
more secure means of subsistence Mediterranean sR

iv
ot
Sea er
am
n
compared to food foraging. Low

J o rd a
River
ia
Jericho
ho SYRIAN
species diversity makes highly pro-
Dead DESERT
ductive seed crops unstable from Sea
an ecological perspective. Without LOWER SINAI
constant human attention, their EGYPT
Persian
productivity suffers. Gulf
ARABIA
Noting that food foragers have
more time for play and relaxation
Ni
le
than food producers, U.S. anthro-

Ri
ve
pologist Marshall Sahlins has la- UPPER

r
Red
EGYPT Sea ARABIAN
beled hunter-gatherers the original
© Cengage Learning
DESERT
“affluent society” (Sahlins, 1972). Fertile regions
in the ancient
Nevertheless, as food-producing Middle East
peoples (including postindustrial
societies) have deprived hunter-
gatherers of more and more of the Figure 9.3 The Fertile Crescent
land base necessary for their way This area of Southwest Asia and North Africa shows the Fertile Crescent, the site of the
of life, this lifeway has become beginning of domestication. Though originally defined not to include the Nile River Valley,
more difficult. The competition many scholars today consider this region part of the Fertile Crescent. Domestication took place
for resources ushered in during the in all the river valleys and coastal areas (indicated in green) that were adjacent to deserts.
which came to graze on the stubble of the grain fields and to the settlement where people processed and stored
to drink. Finding that these animals were often too thin to them. The periodic burning of vegetation carried out to
kill for food, people began to fatten them up. attract the deer and gazelle herds may have also affected
the development of new genetic variation, because heat
augments mutation rates. Also, fire removes individuals
The Fertile Crescent from a population, which changes the genetic structure of
Archaeological evidence indicates that the earliest plant a population drastically and quickly.
domestication took place gradually in the Fertile Crescent, Inevitably, some seeds from nondispersing variants
the long arc-shaped sweep of river valleys and coastal were carried back to settlements and germinated, growing
plains extending from the Upper Nile (Sudan) to the on dump heaps and other disturbed sites (latrines, areas
Lower Tigris (Iraq). People living at a site (Abu Hureyra) cleared of trees, or burned-over terrain). Certain variants
east of Aleppo, Syria, domesticated rye (a cereal) as early known as colonizers do particularly well in disturbed hab-
as 13,000 years ago, although wild plants and animals itats, making them ideal candidates for domestication.
continued to be their major food sources (Hillman et al., Sedentism itself disturbs habitats as resources closer to
2001). Over the next several millennia they became full- settlements become depleted over time. Thus, variants of
fledged farmers, cultivating rye and wheat. By 10,300 plants particularly susceptible to human manipulation
years ago, crop cultivation spread to others in the region. had more opportunities to flourish where people were liv-
The Natufians, whose culture we touched on earlier ing. Under such circumstances, humans began to actively
in this chapter, provide an excellent case study for the promote the growth of these plants, even by deliberately
processes by which culture and the environment in- sowing them. Ultimately, people realized they could play
teract. These Southwest Asian people lived at a time of a more active role in the process by purposefully breed-
dramatically changing climates. With the end of the last ing the strains they preferred. With this, domestication
glaciation, temperatures not only became significantly shifted from an unintentional to an intentional process.
warmer but markedly seasonal as well. Between 6,000 and The development of animal domestication in South-
12,000 years ago, the region experienced the most ex- west Asia seems to have proceeded along somewhat
treme seasonality in its history, with dry summers signifi- similar lines in the hilly country of southeastern Turkey,
cantly longer and hotter than today. As a consequence, northern Iraq, and the Zagros Mountains of Iran. This re-
many shallow lakes dried up, leaving just three in the gion of rich environmental diversity contained large herds
Jordan River Valley. of wild sheep and goats. From the floodplains of the valley
At the same time, the region’s plant cover changed of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, for example, travel to
dramatically. Among plants, annuals, including wild the north or east takes one into high country through
cereal grains and legumes (such as peas, lentils, and three other ecological zones: first steppe; then oak and
chickpeas), adapt well to environmental instability and pistachio woodlands; and finally high plateau country
seasonal dryness. Because they complete their life cycle in with grass, scrub, or desert vegetation. Valleys that run at
a single year, annuals can evolve very quickly under un- right angles to the mountain ranges afford relatively easy
stable conditions. Moreover, they store their reproductive access across these zones. Today, a number of peoples in
abilities for the next wet season in abundant seeds, which the region still graze their herds of sheep and goats on the
can remain dormant for prolonged periods. low steppe in the winter and move to high pastures on the
The Natufians, who lived where these conditions were plateaus in the summer.
especially severe, adapted by modifying their subsistence Food foragers inhabited these regions prior to the do-
practices in two ways: First, they probably burned the mestication of plants and animals. Each ecological zone
landscape regularly to promote browsing by red deer and contained distinct plant species, and because of the varia-
grazing by gazelles, the main focus of their hunting activ- tion in altitude, plant foods matured at different times in
ities. Second, they placed greater emphasis on the collec- different zones. These ancient peoples hunted a variety of
tion and storage of wild seeds from the annual plants that animal species for meat and hides. The bones of hoofed
they used for food through the dry season. The impor- animals—deer, gazelles, wild goats, and wild sheep—
tance of stored foods, coupled with the scarcity of reliable dominate the human refuse piles from these periods. Most
water sources, promoted more sedentary living patterns, of these hoofed animals naturally move back and forth
reflected in the substantial villages of late Natufian times. from low winter pastures to high summer pastures. People
The Natufians’ sickles for harvesting grain and the grind- followed the animals in their seasonal migrations, eating
ing stones they possessed for processing a variety of wild and storing other wild foods as they passed through dif-
foods eased their shift to a reliance on seed. ferent zones: palm dates in the lowlands; acorns, almonds,
The use of sickles to harvest grain turned out to have and pistachios higher up; apples and pears higher still;
important if unexpected consequences. In the course of wild grains maturing at different times in different areas;
harvesting, the easily dispersed seeds fell at the harvest and woodland animals in the forested region between
site, whereas those that clung to the stems came back summer and winter grazing lands.
Figure 9.4 The Domestication

Wild hairy sheep Early woolly domestic sheep of Sheep
Hair follicle Hair follicle Domestication of sheep resulted
Wool follicle in evolutionary changes that
Wool follicle
created more wool. Inset A shows
a section of the skin of wild sheep,
A Early domestic B as seen through a microscope,
hairy sheep with the arrangement of hair and
Both hairy and woolly wool follicles. Inset B shows how
sheep being raised this arrangement changed with
domestication so that the sheep
produced more wool.
© Cengage Learning
Rolling Uplands Anatolian Plateau
Mesopotamia
12,000 11,000 10,000 9,000 8,000 7,000 6,000 5,000

Years ago
Y
The archaeological record indicates that, at first, the The notion that dogs might have played a more active
people of the Southwest Asia highlands hunted animals of role in creating their own evolutionary relationship with
all ages and sexes. But, beginning about 11,000 years ago, humans underscores the fact that domestication took
the percentage of immature sheep consumed increased to place as a series of interactions between species. Unaware
about 50 percent of the total. At the same time, people of the long-term and revolutionary cultural consequences
ate fewer of the female animals. (Feasting on male lambs of their actions, the animal domesticators and domesti-
increases yields by sparing the females for breeding.) This cates alike sought only to maximize their available food
marks the beginning of human management of sheep. sources. But as the domestication process continued,
The human management of flocks shielded sheep humans throughout the globe realized that the productiv-
from the effects of natural selection, allowing the vari- ity of the domestic species increased relative to the wild
ants preferred by humans to have increased reproductive species. Thus, these species became increasingly more im-
success. Variants attractive to humans did not arise out portant to subsistence, resulting in further domestication
of need but randomly, as mutations do. But then humans and further increases in productivity.
selectively bred the varieties they favored. In such a way,
those features characteristic of domestic sheep—such
as greater fat and meat production, excess wool, and
so on—began to develop (Figure 9.4). By 9,000 years
Other Centers of Domestication
ago, the shape and size of the bones of domestic sheep In addition to Southwest Asia, the domestication of plants
had become distinguishable from those of wild sheep. and sometimes animals took place simultaneously in the
At about the same time and by similar means, humans Indus Valley of South Asia, parts of the Americas (Mexico,
domesticated pigs in southeastern Turkey and the lower Central America, the Andean highlands, the tropical
Jordan River Valley. forests of South America, and eastern North America),
Some researchers link animal domestication to the northern China, and Africa (Figure 9.5). In China, domes-
development of fixed territories and settlements. They tication of rice was under way along the middle Yangtze
suggest that resource ownership promotes postponing the River by about 11,000 years ago. It took another 4,000
short-term gain of killing prey for the long-term gain of years, however, for domestic rice to dominate wild rice
continued access to animals in the future (Alvard & Kuznar, and become the dietary staple.
2001). Eventually, ancient peoples introduced animal Similarly, decorations on pottery dated to between
species domesticated in one area to regions outside their 5,000 and 8,800 years ago document rice as the earliest
natural habitat. However, not all scientists believe domes- domesticated species of Southeast Asia. Other domesti-
tication occurred in this way, with humans directing the cates, particularly root crops such as yams and taro, dom-
process. Evolutionary anthropologist Brian Hare, featured inate this region. Farming of root crops, or vegeculture,
in this chapter’s Biocultural Connection, turns the theory
around, arguing instead that animals (specifically, dogs)
vegeculture The cultivation of domesticated root crops such as yams,
took advantage of new survival opportunities created by manioc, and taro together in a single field, generally by planting cuttings
human settlements in the villages of the Neolithic. instead of seeds.
From Haviland/Prins/Walrath/McBride, Anthropology, 13E. © 2011 Cengage Learning
Wheat, barley, lentil,
sheep, pig, goat
Turkey Sunflower,
squash
Rice, hemp,
silkworm, fowl, pig
Maize, bean,
squash, cot
cotton,
cacao, turkey
Coffee, Rice,
millet, banana,
Potato, tomato, sorghum, taro, yam,
peanut, gourd, kola nut, sugarcane
manioc, bean, oil palm
llama
Figure 9.5 Early Plant and Animal Domestication

Domestication of plants and animals took place in widely scattered areas more or less simultaneously. The figure indicates
some of the domesticates typical to each area such as wheat and sheep in Southwest Asia; sorghum and millet in Central
Africa; rice and pigs in China; taro and bananas in Southeast Asia; maize and cacao in Mesoamerica; potatoes and llamas
in South America; and squash and sunflowers in North America. Although the domesticated plants and animals appeared
independently in distinct regions, humans today use all of them throughout the globe.
typically involves growing many different species together

in a single field. Because this approximates the complexity PERCENTAGE
of the natural vegetation, vegeculture tends to be more Wild
plant Years
stable than seed crop cultivation. Propagation or breeding CULTIGENS Hunting Horticulture use ago
of new plants usually occurs through vegetative means— 3,000
planting cuttings—rather than planting seeds. Squash Cotton 29% 31%
Chili Maize 3,500
In the Americas, the domestication of plants began Amaranth Beans
about as early as it did in these other regions. Evidence Avocado Gourds
Sapote 4,000
for one species of domestic squash appears as early as
10,000 years ago in the coastal forests of Ecuador, the 4,500
Squash Maize
same time that another species independently appeared Chili Beans
Amaranth Gourds 25% 50%
in an arid region of highland Mexico. The ecological 5,000
Avocado Sapote
diversity of the highland valleys of Mexico, like the
hill country of Southwest Asia, provided an excellent 5,500
Squash Maize
environment for domestication (Figure 9.6). Movement Chili Beans
Amaranth Gourds 6,000
of people through a variety of ecological zones as they Avocado Sapote 34% 52%
changed altitude brought plant and animal species into 6,500
new habitats, providing opportunities for “colonizing”
species and humans alike. 7,000
Domestication in the Andean highlands of Peru, an- Squash
Chili
other environmentally diverse region, emphasized root Amaranth 7,500
Avocado 54% 40%
crops, the most familiar being thousands of varieties of
8,000
© Cengage Learning
potatoes. Local farmers also domesticated plants for pur-

poses other than eating, such as bottle gourds (Figure 9.7) 8,500
and cotton. For livestock, South Americans domesticated
guinea pigs, llamas, alpacas, and ducks. Common domes-
ticates in the Mexican highlands included dogs, turkeys, Figure 9.6 Patterns of Neolithic Domestication in Mesoamerica
and bees. American Indians living north of Mexico devel- Subsistence trends in Mexico’s Tehuacan Valley show that here,
oped some of their own indigenous domesticates, includ- as elsewhere, dependence on horticulture came about gradually,
ing local varieties of squash and sunflowers. over a prolonged period of time.
Figure 9.7 Domesticates

for More than Food
Domesticated plants include
a variety of species with
various practical uses. Here
two Datooga women from
the Ngorongoro Highlands of
Tanzania carry a large bottle
gourd, a perfect vessel for
carrying and storing liquids.
The Datooga use bottle gourds
to ferment and transport their
local honey beer, a drink similar
to mead. The inner chambers
of bottle gourds also make
them the perfect structure for a
variety of musical instruments.
Do any domesticated plants
play a utilitarian role in your
daily life?
John Warburton-Lee Photography/Alamy
Ultimately, American Indians domesticated over 300 Although plant domestication took place indepen-
food crops, including two of the four most important dently across the globe, at the same time people every-
ones in the world today: potatoes and maize (the other where developed the same categories of foods: starchy
two are wheat and rice). In fact, America’s indigenous grains (or root crops) accompanied by one or more le-
peoples first cultivated 60 percent of the crops grown in gumes. For example, people in Southwest Asia combined
modern times; they not only developed the largest array wheat and barley with peas, chickpeas, and lentils, and
of nutritious foods but also are the primary contributors people in Mexico combined maize with various kinds of
to the world’s varied cuisines. After all, where would Ital- beans. Together, the amino acids (building blocks of pro-
ian cuisine be without tomatoes? Thai cooking without teins) in these starch and legume combinations provide
peanuts? Northern European cooking without potatoes? It humans with sufficient protein. The starchy grains eaten
is no mistake that American Indians have been called the at every meal in the form of bread, some sort of food
world’s greatest farmers. wrapper (like a tortilla), or a gruel or thickening agent in a
The domestication of plant species brought about the stew along with one or more legumes form the core of the
development of horticultural societies. Using neither irri- diet. Each culture combines these rather bland sources of
gation nor plows, small communities of food-gardeners carbohydrates and proteins with flavor-giving substances
worked together with simple hand tools. Horticulturists that help the food go down.
typically cultivate a variety of crops in small gardens they In Mexico, for example, the chili pepper serves as the
have cleared by hand. Indians in the Amazon rainforest flavor enhancer par excellence (Figure 9.8). In other cuisines,
used sophisticated farming methods that left behind rich bits of meat or fat, spices, dairy products, or mushrooms add
dark soil (Mann, 2002; Petersen, Neves, & Heckenberger, the flavor. U.S. anthropologist Sidney Mintz (1985), who spe-
2001). Reviving these ancient soil-enrichment techniques cializes in food, refers to this as the core-fringe-legume pattern
could contribute to better global management of rainfor- (CFLP), noting its stability until the recent worldwide spread
ests and climate today. of processed sugars and high-fat foods.
Dogs Get Right to the Point

Some dog breeds have a receptive vocabu-
lary; that is, they can understand hundreds
of words. How can they do this? In turn, do
their soulful eyes, head tipped to the side,
or wagging tail really speak of unconditional
love? What if they could speak themselves?
Would they say something different from
what their bodies seem to tell us?
Poet Billy Collins reveals in the poem “The
Revenant” what one cranky dog, just put to
sleep by his owner, came back to tell him:
I never liked you—not one bit.
When I licked your face, I thought of bit-

ing off your nose.a
Likewise, evolutionary anthropologist Brian
© StockShot/Alamy
Hare suggests that we view dog behavior, cog
cog-
nition, and communication through an anthro-
pocentric lens.b He warns that these biases
are in play when we speak of Canis lupus
familiaris, a subspecies of wolf, as human- Dogs and humans are unique among mammals in their ability to interpret and act upon the
kind’s “best friend.” meaning of pointing.
Hare came to this topic while researching
chimpanzee cognition. Chimps, like the other
great apes, can master human language at However, they struggle to comprehend the of his own pet dogs, which, like all dogs,
the level of a 2- to 3-year-old, and they can gesture of pointing. grasped this gesture immediately. Hare set
follow one another’s gaze and figure out what Instead of relegating pointing to another about researching how and why dogs and
might be in another chimp’s line of sight. area of human uniqueness, Hare thought humans, seemingly the lone species among
c. 1541–42 (pen & ink on paper), Spanish School (16th century)/Bodleian Library, Oxford, UK/
Page from the Codex Mendoza, showing discipline and chores assigned to children, Mexico,
Bridgeman Images
Figure 9.8 The Many Uses of Chili Peppers

Mexicans have used chili peppers for millennia. Chili peppers enhance the flavors of food and aid in
digestion by helping with the breakdown of cellulose in diets heavy in plant foods. Chili peppers have
other uses as well: This illustration from a 16th-century Aztec manuscript shows parents disciplining their
children with smoke from chili peppers. Chili smoke was also used as a chemical weapon in warfare.
Food Production and Population Size 237
mammals, understand the meaning of point- in the spitting up of prechewed food by or when one person “points out” a path to
ing. He conducted pointing experiments using wolves for their pack mates upon their return another. But most importantly, joint attention
a “shell game” scenario, with dogs, chimps, to the den. Although human owners do not lies at the heart of social awareness: Without
wolves, and humans of all ages. Even pup- spit up food for their dogs, they reward their it, we cannot function in groups. Interestingly,
pies, like babies, understand pointing, which dog’s “love” through edible treats. Natural people with autism, who characteristically
indicates that this ability is encoded in their selection often produces such win–win sce- struggle with social cues and responses, also
genome and not a learned behavior. And like narios among species—it’s just that when hu- have a deficiency with pointing.
babies, they rely on social cues to interpret mans are involved, we call it domestication! But not dogs. In the end they know just
the meaning of a pointing finger. This reconstruction of the history of the how to control us. The revenant dog from Billy
The notion of a domesticated species, canine–human partnership provides an inter inter- Collins’s poem gets the last laugh when he
such as the dog, of course implies that one esting context to those who have had to clean tells his owner about heaven:
species has effectively altered the genetic up after their dog has upset the household
. . . that everyone here can read and write,
makeup of another. To avoid anthropocen- trash bin. As the sequel to such an escapade,
trism, Hare has used a dog’s-eye view to when dog owners scold their dogs, dogs may the dogs in poetry, the cats and the oth-
think about domestication. Instead of seeing show what we interpret as shame: head down, ers in prose.c
humans as the leaders in the process, he pro- tail between the legs, body turned aside or
poses that dogs domesticated themselves as walking away. Hare’s experiments show that Biocultural Question
humans began to live in discrete settlements dogs will perform this behavior when scolded
Can you think of other examples of how
during the Neolithic. Ancestral dogs, like even when they haven’t broken any rule. Their
we may impose human norms of behavior
wolves today, were probably partly scavengers sensitivity to social judgment is so attuned
onto other species? How is this the same
and so came to orient to human habitations that they can be in effect coerced into express-
or different from imposing notions spe-
because of edible discarded material left by ing what humans interpret as guilt when they
people. He suggests that those wolves that are actually innocent. Evolutionary processes cific to one culture onto another?
were the least timid about humans had a have favored dogs that could best manipulate a
Collins, B. (2005). The revenant. In The
selective advantage in the “human cohab- humans.
trouble with poetry. New York: Random
itation” niche and eventually evolved into Pointing has particular significance to a
House. Reprinted by permission of the Chris
domesticated dogs. phenomenon in human psychology termed
Calhoun Literary Agency.
Social acceptance of dogs by humans, joint attention, which means that two individ-
b
and vice versa, has led to many interesting uals share awareness that both are visually Hare, B., et al. (2002). The domestication
and human-like behavioral adaptations in fixing on a common visual target. The con- of social cognition in dogs. Science 298
dogs. A dog “kissing” its owner’s face may nection of joint attention exists when a dog (5598). 1634–1636.
seem like love but really has its antecedents explores an area to which a human points c
Collins, 2005.
Food Production and a half (Figure 9.9). A complex interplay between

human biology and culture lies at the heart of this dif-
and Population Size ference. Some researchers suggest that the availability
of soft foods for infants brought about by farming pro-
Human population size has grown steadily since the Neo- moted population growth. In humans, frequent breast-
lithic. The exact relationship between population growth feeding has a dampening effect on mothers’ ovulation,
and food production resembles the old chicken and egg inhibiting pregnancy in mothers who breast-feed exclu-
question: Does population growth create the pressures sively. Because breast-feeding frequency declines when
that result in innovations, such as food production, or is soft foods are introduced, fertility tends to increase.
population growth a consequence of food production? As However, many other pathways can also lead to fertility
already noted, domestication inevitably leads to higher changes. For example, farming cultures tend to value numer-
yields, and higher yields make it possible to feed more ous children as assets to help out with the many household
people, although at the cost of more work. chores. Further, higher fertility rates among farmers might
Across human populations, increased dependence on derive from higher mortality rates due to infectious diseases
farming and increased fertility seem to go hand in hand: brought about by the sedentary lifestyles and narrow diets
Farming populations tend to have higher rates of fertility characteristic of the Neolithic. High infant mortality, in turn,
compared to hunter-gatherers. Hunter-gatherer mothers could raise the cultural value placed on fertility.
have their children about four to five years apart while In the past, biases contributed to oversimplified an-
some contemporary farming populations not practicing thropological explanations of fertility differences among
any form of birth control have another baby every year peoples. Early anthropologists viewed the hunter-gatherer
Dennis MacDonald/PhotoEdit
Gerald Cubitt
Figure 9.9 Diet and Fertility
The higher fertility of the Amish, a religious farming culture in North America, compared to
that of the Ju/’hoansi hunter-gatherers from the Kalahari Desert was originally attributed to
nutritional stress among the hunter-gatherers. We now know that childrearing beliefs and
practices account for these differences. The Ju/’hoansi fertility pattern derives from the belief
that a crying baby should be breast-fed, an action that biologically suppresses fertility. In
farming populations, families view children as assets to help work the farm, and infant feeding
practices reinforce high fertility rates. Children are weaned at young ages and transitioned to
soft foods, a practice that promotes the next pregnancy. All human activity includes a complex
interplay between human biology and culture.
lifestyle as inferior and interpreted the differences in fer- fussing, day or night. On a biological level, the Ju/’hoansi
tility to be the consequence of nutritional stress among pattern of breast-feeding in short, very frequent bouts sup-
the hunter-gatherers. This theory was based in part on the presses ovulation, or the release of a new egg into the womb
observation that humans and many other mammals require for fertilization (Konner & Worthman, 1980). Biology and
a certain percentage of body fat to reproduce culture interact in all aspects of the human experience.
successfully (Frisch, 2002).
However, detailed studies among
the !Kung or Ju/’hoansi (pronounced
“zhutwasi”) of the Kalahari Desert in
The Spread of Food
southern Africa disproved
this nutritional theory. DEMOCRATIC
Production
REPUBLIC
The low fertility among OF CONGO TANZANIA Paradoxically, although domestication increases producti-
the Ju/’hoansi ultimately ANGOLA
M
vity, it also increases instability. As humans increasingly
AL
derives from cultural ZAMBIA AW
E
focus on varieties with the highest yields, other varieties be-
KALAHARI I IQU
beliefs about the right Z A MB come less valued and ultimately ignored. As a result, farmers
DESERT ZIMBABWE
MO
way to handle a baby: Ju/’hoansi depend on a rather narrow choice of resources, compared
NA
BOTSWANA
The Ju/’hoansi mother to the wide range utilized by food foragers. Today, modern
MI
Indian
BIA
Ocean
© Cengage Learning
responds rapidly to her agriculturists rely on a mere dozen species for about 80 per-
baby, breast-feeding SOUTH
SWAZILAND cent of the world’s annual tonnage of all crops.
Atlantic AFRICA LESOTHO
whenever the infant Ocean This dependence on fewer varieties means that when
shows any signs of a crop fails, for whatever reason, farmers have less to fall
human migration. From Southwest Asia, for instance,

farming expanded to the north and west, eventually
spreading through all of Europe, as well as westward into
North Africa and eastward to India. Domesticated variants
George Munday/Design Pics/Perspectives/Getty Images

also spread westward from China and Southeast Asia.
Those who brought crops to new locations brought other
things as well, including languages, beliefs, and new alle-
les for human gene pools. For instance, the descendants
of some Irish people displaced by the famine, now living
in many parts of the globe, have been shown to have a
genetic propensity toward high levels of iron (hemochro-
matosis). Although the condition generally causes severe
health problems, it may actually have improved people’s
chances of survival during that time of starvation, result-
Figure 9.10 The Great Hunger ing in a high concentration of survivors who possessed the
During Ireland’s Great Hunger (An Gorta Mór), starving Irish gene (Duffy, 2013). Besides genetic variation, diffusion,
flocked to the ports such as Dublin from all over the country the spread of ideas, customs, or practices from one culture
with the hope of escaping certain death by gaining ship passage to another, leads to further innovations as cultures meet.
to North America. Today, at the Custom House Quay in Dublin’s Diffusion occurred with the migration of Bantu-
Docklands where one of the first ships set sail in 1846, Dublin speaking people from the Niger River basin in West Africa
sculptor Rowan Gillespie’s Famine commemorates the personal to the southeast. Migration brought diffusion of crops, in-
and national grief associated with this tragic time. Because cluding pearl millet, watermelon, black-eyed peas, African
political and economic discrimination were at the root of the yams, oil palms, and kola nuts (the source of modern
starvation, displacement, and death (1 million people died) that cola drinks). These plants were first domesticated in West
selectively impacted poor Irish and not their English landlords, Africa but began spreading eastward by 5,000 years ago.
some have referred to this famine as genocide. Between 2,000 and 3,000 years ago, Bantu speakers with
their crops reached the continent’s east coast and a few
centuries later reached its southern tip.
back on compared to food foragers. Furthermore, the com-
mon farming practice of planting crops together in one lo-
cality increases the likelihood of failure because proximity
promotes the spread of disease among neighboring plants. The Culture
Moreover, by relying on seeds from the most productive
plants of a species to establish next year’s crop, farmers fa- of Neolithic Settlements
vor genetic uniformity over diversity. In turn, some virus,
Excavations of Neolithic settlements have revealed much
bacterium, or fungus could wipe out vast fields of geneti-
about the daily activities of their former inhabitants.
cally identical organisms all at once as in the terrible Irish
Archaeologists can reconstruct the business of making
potato famine of 1845–1850 (Figure 9.10).
a living from structures, artifacts, and even food debris
At that time in Ireland, the majority of the population
found at these sites. Jericho, an early farming community
was impoverished and dependent on potatoes for survival.
located near the Jordan River in the West Bank of Palestine
Common people paid rent on small plots of land to land-
provides an excellent case in point.
lords, who in turn rented large swaths of land from rich
London landholders. Because British laws ensured that
wheat and other crops earned a higher price than potatoes, Jericho: An Early Farming
Irish farmers were forced to sell these crops to make their
rents, leaving potatoes as the main food staple for the Irish.
Community
When the potato blight hit, relief from the British govern- Excavations at the Neolithic settlement that later grew to
ment was slow and inadequate. A million Irish died of star- become the city of Jericho have revealed the remains of a
vation and disease, and another 2 million abandoned their sizable farming community inhabited as early as 10,350
homes to migrate to the United States and elsewhere. The years ago. Here, in the Jordan River Valley, crops could be
population of Ireland dropped from 8 million to 5 million grown almost continuously due to the rich soils of an Ice
as a result of the famine. The disaster that is now known Age lake that had dried up some 3,000 years earlier. In ad-
as the Great Hunger (An Gorta Mór) developed from this dition, waterborne deposits originating in the highlands
interplay of economic and farming factors. to the west regularly renewed the fertility of the soil.
Farming’s inherent biological instability and vulnera-
bility to political maneuvering guaranteed that it would diffusion The spread of certain ideas, customs, or practices from one
spread from its origins to neighboring regions through culture to another.
To protect their settlement against floods and associ- farmers of Jericho and other villages in the vicinity. Marine
ated mudflows, as well as invaders, the people of Jericho shells, as well as obsidian and turquoise from nearby Sinai,
built massive walls of stone around the settlement. Within discovered inside the walls document regional trade.
these walls (1.8 meters or 6 feet wide and 3.6 meters
or 12 feet high) as well as behind a large rock-cut ditch
(8.2 meters or 27 feet wide by 2.7 meters or 9 feet deep) an Neolithic Material Culture
estimated 400 to 900 people lived in houses of mud brick
Life in Neolithic villages included various innovations
with plastered floors arranged around courtyards.
in toolmaking, pottery, housing, clothing, and even the
Jericho’s inhabitants also built a stone tower inside
digging of water wells. These aspects of material culture
one corner of the wall, near the spring (Figure 9.11).
illustrate the dramatic social changes that took place
Archaeologists estimate that it would have taken 100 people
during the Neolithic.
104 days to build this tower. The village also included storage
facilities as well as ceremonial structures, all made of mud
brick. A village cemetery reflects the sedentary life of these Toolmaking
early people. Common features in art, ritual, use of prestige Early harvesting tools consisted of razor-sharp flint blades
goods, and burial practices indicate close contact between the inserted into handles of wood or bone. Later toolmakers
added grinding and polishing the hardest stones to this
toolmaking technique. Sickles, forks, hoes, and simple
plows replaced basic digging sticks. Later, when domesti-
cated animals became available for use as draft animals,
these early farmers redesigned their plows. Villagers used
mortars and pestles to grind and crush grain. Along with
the development of diverse technologies, individuals
acquired specialized skills for creating a variety of crafts
including leatherwork, weavings, and pottery.
Pottery
In the Neolithic, people developed different forms of pot-
tery for transporting and storing food, water, and various
material possessions (Figure 9.12). Impervious to damage
by insects, rodents, and dampness, pottery vessels can
store small grains, seeds, and other materials. Moreover,
villagers could cook their food in pottery vessels over the
fire instead of cooking by dropping fire-heated stones
directly into the food. Neolithic peoples used pottery for
pipes, ladles, lamps, water containers, and other purposes;
some cultures even used large pottery vessels for disposal
of the dead. Significantly, pottery containers remain im-
portant for much of humanity today.
Widespread use of pottery made of clay and fired in
Nathan Benn/Ottochrome/Corbis
very hot ovens indicates a sedentary community. Pottery

abounds in all but a few of the earliest Neolithic settle-
ments. Its fragility and weight make it less practical for use
by nomads and hunters, who more typically use woven
bags, baskets, and containers made of animal hide. Never-
theless, some modern nomads make and use pottery, just
as some farmers today do not. In fact, food foragers in
Figure 9.11 The Tower of Jericho
East Asia were making pottery vessels more than 15,000
The Natufian settlement of Jericho, located near the Jordan
River in Palestine’s West Bank, demonstrates that these ancient
years ago, long before pottery appeared in the emerging
people had impressive social coordination, allowing them to build agricultural culture of Southwest Asia.
substantial structures. The defensive walls and the famous tower The manufacture of pottery requires skill and technolog-
that stretched upward over 9 meters (28 feet) referenced in the ical sophistication. Potters must know how to remove impu-
Bible and gospel songs provide an example of cultural continuity rities from clay, how to shape it into desired forms, and how
in this region and beyond. The tower may have been part of a to dry it in a way that does not cause cracking. Proper firing
calendric ritual as the tower is built such that the shadows of requires potters to know how to heat clay so that it hardens
mountains hit it first and then spread across the town at the and resists future disintegration from moisture without
sunset of the summer solstice (Barkai & Liran, 2008). cracking or even exploding as it heats and later cools down.
Figure 9.12 The First Vintners

Archaeologists have recovered
evidence of a winery dating
back 6,100 years in the Areni-1
cave complex in southern
Armenia. Indicators of wine
production include a large hard-
packed clay vat with elevated
edges in which the wine
fermented and jars in which
the wine was stored. Ancient
vintners used the old-fashioned
method of trampling grapes
with their feet. The same cave
complex has also yielded the
world’s oldest shoe!
Archaeologist Greg Areshian of UCLA

Neolithic peoples decorated their pottery. Some en- silkworms. Human invention contributed the spindle for
graved designs on the vessel before firing while others spinning and the loom for weaving.
shaped special rims, legs, bases, and other details sep-
arately and fastened them to the finished pot. Painted
and engraved decorations account for literally thousands Social Structure
of unique designs found among the pottery remains of Archaeologists can draw certain inferences concerning the
ancient cultures. organization of Neolithic societies. Although archaeolog-
ical sites contain indications of ceremonial and spiritual
Housing activity, village life seemed to lack central organization and
Food production and the new sedentary lifestyle brought hierarchy. Burials, for example, reveal an absence of social
about another technological development—house build- differentiation. Only rarely did early Neolithic peoples use
ing. Because most food foragers move around frequently, stone slabs to construct or cover graves or include elabo-
cave shelters, pits dug in the earth, and simple lean-tos rate objects with the dead. Evidently, very few persons had
made of hides, bark, and wooden poles serve the purpose attained the kind of exalted status that required an elab-
of keeping the weather out. In the Neolithic, however, orate funeral. The smallness of most villages and the ab-
dwellings became more complex in design and more di- sence of extravagant buildings suggest that the inhabitants
verse in type. Some were constructed of wood, while others knew one another very well and were even related, so most
included more elaborate shelters made of stone, sun-dried of their relationships were probably
brick, or branches plastered together with mud or clay. highly personal ones, with equal
Although permanent housing and food production emotional significance. Still, Neo-
tend to go hand in hand, some cultures created substan- lithic peoples sometimes
tial housing without producing their food. For example, organized themselves
on the northwestern coast of North America, people lived to carry out impressive
in sturdy houses made of heavy planks hewn from cedar communal works pre-
logs, yet their food consisted entirely of wild plants and served in the archaeolog- NORTHERN SCOTLAND
animals, especially salmon and sea mammals. IRELAND North
ical record, such as the Sea
site of Stonehenge in En-
Clothing gland (Figure 9.13).
IRELAND
Neolithic peoples were the first to wear clothing made Although there is ENGLAND
© Cengage Learning
of woven textiles. The raw materials and technology some evidence of special-
Atlantic
necessary for the production of such clothing came ized social roles, in general Ocean
from several sources: flax and cotton from farming; wool Neolithic social structure Stonehenge
FRANCE
from domesticated sheep, llamas, or goats; and silk from had minimal division of
Celtic Collection, Homer Sykes/Alamy

Figure 9.13 Druids at Stonehenge
Sometimes Neolithic peoples organized themselves to carry out large projects, such as
constructing Stonehenge, the famous ceremonial and astronomical center built in England
some 4,500 years ago. Used as a burial ground long before the massive stone circle
was erected, Stonehenge reflects the builders’ understanding of the forces of nature and
their impact upon food production. For instance, the openings of the stone circles aligns
precisely with the sunset of the winter solstice and the sunrise on the summer solstice.
This careful alignment indicates that Neolithic peoples were paying close attention to
the movement of the sun and to the seasonal growing cycle. Today, people such as the
Wiltshire Druids pictured here, still gather at Stonehenge for rituals associated with the
summer solstice.
labor. In such an egalitarian society, everyone has

about the same rank and shares equally in the basic re-
Neolithic Cultures
sources that support income, status, and power. Villages
seem to have consisted of several households, each pro-
in the Americas
viding for most of its own needs. Kinship groups probably In the Americas, the Neolithic revolution had its own
met the organizational needs of society beyond the house- shape and timing. For example, Neolithic farming villages
hold level. were common in Southwest Asia between 8,000 and 9,000
years ago. But in Mesoamerica, the region from cen-
tral Mexico to the northern regions of Central America,
as well as in the Andean highlands similar villages did
egalitarian society A society in which people have about the same rank
not appear until about 4,500 years ago. Pottery, which
and share equally in the basic resources that support income, status,
and power. developed in Southwest Asia shortly after plant and ani-
Mesoamerica The region extending from central Mexico to the northern mal domestication, also did not emerge in the Americas
regions of Central America. until about 4,500 years ago. Early Neolithic peoples in
The Neolithic and Human Biology 243
the Americas did not use the potter’s wheel. Instead, they
manufactured elaborate pottery by hand. Looms and the
hand spindle appeared in the Americas about 3,000 years
ago. All of these developments in Mesoamerica and the
Andean highlands occurred wholly independently from
similar processes in Eurasia and Africa, with different
crops, animals, and technologies.
Outside Mesoamerica and the Andean highlands, Diaphysis
hunting, fishing, and gathering wild plant foods remained
important to the economy of Neolithic peoples in the
Americas. They applied some impressive technological in-
novations as seen in this chapter’s Anthropology Applied
feature. Diverse cultures of the Americas followed their
own rich trajectories until European explorers brought Harris lines
disease and European domination.
© Cengage Learning
The Neolithic and Human
Growth plate
Epiphysis
Biology
Figure 9.14 Long Bone Growth
The shift to food production impacted human biology.
During childhood, our long bones grow from areas made of
Biological anthropologists studying human skeletons from
cartilage called growth plates, located between a bony area at
Neolithic burial grounds have found evidence for some- the joint known as an epiphysis and the long part of the bone,
what less mechanical stress on peoples’ bodies and teeth. a diaphysis. Harris lines (first described by Dr. Harris in 1927),
Although exceptions exist, the teeth of Neolithic peoples also called growth-arrest lines, form if growth is stopped due to
generally show less wear, their bones are less robust, and temporary stress and then resumes.
compared to the skeletons of Paleolithic and Mesolithic
peoples, they had less osteoarthritis
(the result of stressed joint surfaces).
On the other hand, other skeletal
features provide clear evidence for a
marked deterioration in health and
mortality. Skeletons from Neolithic
villages show evidence of severe and
chronic nutritional stress (Figure 9.14
and Figure 9.15) as well as pathol-
ogies related to infectious and defi-
ciency diseases.
Dental decay increased during the
Neolithic due to high-starch diets.
Scientists have documented dental
drilling of teeth in a 9,000-year-old
Neolithic site in Pakistan (Coppa
Alan H. Goodman/Hampshire College
et al., 2006). Dental decay similarly

increases in contemporary popula-
tions who switch from a varied hunter-
gatherer diet to a high-starch diet.
Domestication and a sedentary
lifestyle promote overpopulation rel-
ative to the resource base. As a result,
even minor environmental fluctua- Figure 9.15 Enamel Hypoplasia
tions can lead to widespread hunger These teeth have less that the normal amount of enamel, which is indicative of
and malnutrition. Evidence of stress arrested growth caused by famine or disease. These teeth are from an adult who lived
and disease increased proportionally in an ancient farming community in Arizona.
Pre-Columbian Fish Farming in the Amazon

by Clark L. Erickson
Two themes have long dominated the and moated earthwork enclo- migrating fish. While most fish weirs are
popular image of the Amazon: (1) the sures below. During the dry simple ephemeral structures, in Baures
Myth of the Pristine Environ- season of 1996, I surveyed permanent earthen weirs associated with
ment and (2) the Myth the area accompanied by small artificial ponds cover more than 500
of the Noble Savage. . . . a group of local hunters. square kilometers. Today receding floodwa-
Today we know that much One artificial feature, ters fill these ponds with fish for the dry
of what has been tra- BRAZIL
referred to as a zigzag season. I believe that before the arrival of
ditionally recognized as earthwork, particularly in- Europeans, Amazonians used the weirs to
Wilderness in the Ama- PERU trigued me. Low earthen store live fish until needed.
zon is the indirect result Lake
Baures walls zigzag across the The native peoples of Baures shaped
Titicaca
of massive depopulation La Paz savannahs between for
© Cengage Learning for- the environment into a productive land-
after the arrival of Euro- BOLIVIA est islands. . . . As we scape capable of providing sufficient
peans. The introduction mapped them, I noted protein to sustain large populations. . . .
Ocean
CHILE
PARAGUAY
of Old World diseases, that there were small Archaeology provides the only means of
ARGENTINA
slavery, missionization, funnel-like openings documenting this important lost knowl-
resettlement, and warfare where the earthworks edge. As politicians, conservationists, and
removed most of the native peoples from changed direction . . . and realized that aid agencies seek sustainable solutions
the land within 100 years. . . . these matched the description of fish weirs to both develop and conserve the Amazon,
Our work documents how native peoples of Amazonian peoples reported in the archaeologists can play a key role by provid-
of the Amazon (past and present) trans- ethnographic and historical literature. Fish ing time-tested models of land use.
formed, shaped, and in some cases, con- weirs—fences made of wood, brush, bas-
structed areas often misidentified as pristine ketry, or stones with small openings that Adapted from Erickson, C. L. (2001).
“wilderness.” Our approach, called historical extend across bodies of water with bas- Pre-Columbian farm fishing in the Amazon.
ecology or the archaeology of landscapes, kets or nets placed in the openings—trap Expedition 43 (3), 7–8.
assumes that all landscapes
have long complex histories.
High biodiversity today indi-
cates past human activities
such as opening up the forest,
burning, and gardening. Since
1990, we have studied the
vast networks of earthworks
in the Bolivian Amazon built
before the arrival of Europe-
ans, including causeways of
earth, artificial canals for ca-
noe traffic, raised fields for
growing crops in the savan-
nahs, and settlement mounds
of urban scale.
In 1995, the local gov gov-
ernor invited us to begin ar ar-
chaeological investigations
in Baures, a remote region
of seasonally flooded savan-
nahs, wetlands, and forest
© Dan Brinkmeier
islands in northeast Bolivia.

He loaned us his Cessna and
pilot for an initial aerial sur
sur-
vey. As the plane circled the
landscape, we saw a complex Working with archaeologist Clark Erickson, artist Dan Brinkmeier of the Field Museum of Natural History has
web of straight roads, canals, reconstructed the appearance of the ancient Baures fishing weirs.
The Neolithic and the Idea of Progress 245
with population density and the reliance on intensive ag-

riculture. Further, the crowded conditions in settlements
The Neolithic and the Idea
led to competition for resources with other villages, in-
creasing the mortality rate due to warfare.
of Progress
Neolithic peoples depended on crops selected for their Although the overall health of Neolithic peoples suffered
higher productivity and storability rather than for nu- as a consequence of this cultural shift, many view the
tritional balance. Moreover, as populations grew in size, transition from food foraging to food production as a
they became increasingly vulnerable to periodic failures of great step upward on a ladder of progress. In part, this
domesticated crops. Thus, Neolithic peoples experienced interpretation derives from one of the more widely held
worsened health and higher mortality compared to their beliefs of Western culture—that human lifeways have
Paleolithic forebears. Some have asserted that the switch progressed steadily over time. To be sure, farming allowed
from food foraging to food production was the worst people to live together in substantial sedentary communi-
mistake that humans ever made! It may be responsible for ties and to reorganize the workload in ways that permitted
some of the greatest health challenges that humans face craft specialization. However, this does not represent a
today (Cohen & Armelagos, 1984). universal concept of progress but a set of cultural beliefs
A sedentary, settled lifestyle brings problems such as about the nature of progress. Each culture defines progress
the accumulation of garbage and human waste. Small (if it does so at all) in its own terms.
groups of people, who move about from one campsite to Whatever the benefits of food production, Neolithic
another, leave their waste behind. Moreover, transmission humans paid a substantial price for the development
of airborne diseases increases where people are gathered of agriculture—intensive crop cultivation, employing
into villages. As we saw in Chapter 2, farming practices plows, fertilizers, and/or irrigation. As anthropologists
also created the ideal environment for the species of mos- Mark Cohen and George Armelagos put it, we see, “an
quito that spreads malaria. overall decline in the quality—and probably in the
The close association between humans and their do- length—of human life associated with the adoption of
mestic animals even facilitates the transmission of some agriculture” (Cohen & Armelagos, 1984, p. 594).
animal diseases to people. A host of life-threatening Rather than imposing ethnocentric notions of prog-
diseases—including smallpox, chicken pox, and in fact all ress on the archaeological record, anthropologists view
of the infectious diseases of childhood, overcome by med- the advent of food production as part of the diversifica-
ical science only in the latter half of the 20th century— tion of cultures, something that began in the Paleolithic.
came to humans through contact with domestic animals Although some societies continued to practice various
(Table 9.1). The concentration of domesticates in factory forms of hunting, gathering, and fishing, others became
farms continues to threaten human health at large, as is horticultural. The resource competition that began in the
evident from the 2009 swine flu pandemic (see this chap- Neolithic has pushed hunter-gatherers into increasingly
ter’s Globalscape) and the 2015 outbreak of avian flu in marginalized territories over time.
U.S. poultry farms. Some horticultural societies developed agriculture.
Technologically more complex than horticultural soci-
TABLE 9.1 eties, agriculturalists may use a wooden or metal plow
Diseases Acquired from Domesticated Animals pulled by one or more harnessed draft animals, such as
horses, oxen, or water buffalos, to produce food on larger
Animal with Most Closely
plots of land. Pastoralism arose in environments that
Disease Related Pathogen
were too dry, too grassy, too steep, too cold, or too hot
Measles Cattle (rinderpest) for effective horticulture or intensive agriculture. Pasto-
Tuberculosis Cattle ralists breed and manage migratory herds of domesticated
Smallpox Cattle (cowpox) or other
grazing and browsing animals, such as goats, sheep, cat-
livestock with related pox tle, llamas, or camels. For example, without plows, early
viruses Neolithic peoples could not farm the heavy grass cover
of the Russian steppe, but they could graze their animals
Influenza Pigs, ducks
there. Thus, a number of peoples living in the arid grass-
Pertussis (whooping cough) Pigs, dogs lands and deserts that stretch from northwestern Africa
Avian flu Fowl (chickens and turkeys) into Central Asia kept large herds of domestic animals,
relying on their neighbors for plant foods. Finally, some
Close contact with animals provides a situation in which
variants of animal pathogens may establish themselves in
societies went on to develop civilizations—the subject of
humans. Crowded factory farms and global agricultural trade the next chapter.
further complicate the situation, as was the case with the
2009 pandemic of the swine flu variant, H1N1, and the 2015
avian flu outbreak. agriculture Intensive crop cultivation, employing plows, fertilizers,
and/or irrigation.
GLOBALSCAPE
Arctic
Ocean
ASIA
NORTH EUROPE
AMERICA
Atlantic
Ocean
Pacific
Ocean
AFRICA
Pacific
Ocean
© Cengage Learning
SOUTH
AMERICA Indian
Ocean
AUSTRALIA
Cumulative deaths
1–10
11–50
51–100
101 and more
Garry Adams/Photolibrary/Getty Images

Country/territory/area
ry
ry/area
Ronaldo Schemidt/AFP/Getty Images
with confirmed cases
Factory Farming Fiasco? in California. Because pigs are shipped to several locations before
slaughter, there are many opportunities for viruses to pass between
In April 2009 protective masks and gloves were a common sight
species. The crowded conditions in factory farms also mean that if a
in Mexico City as the news of the swine flu pandemic appeared in
virus enters a farm, it quickly can infect many individuals.
the United States and Mexico. On June 11, 2009, the World Health
Farmers, health professionals, and government agencies are
Organization (WHO) made the pandemic official, and by July cases
naturally worried about viruses spreading from animals to humans.
had been reported in three-quarters of the states and territories mon-
Millions of animals are sometimes killed as a preventative measure. The
itored by the WHO. Scientists across the world examined the genetic
2015 avian flu outbreak precipitated the slaughter of over 6.5 million
makeup of the virus to determine its origins.
chickens and turkeys in the United States to prevent the spread of the
From the outset of the pandemic, many signs have pointed to a
disease. This kind of mass slaughter brings its own problems—the
pig farming operation in Veracruz, Mexico, called Granjas Caroll, which
loss of many healthy animals, the waste of resources that had been
is a subsidiary of Smithfield Foods, the world’s largest pork producer.
used in their care, and the problem of how, and where, to dispose of
However, U.S. genetic analyses led scientists to a different conclu-
the carcasses. Health risks of global food distribution have long been a
sion: “the virus may have originated in a U.S. pig that traveled to Asia
concern, and the swine and avian flu outbreaks elevate these concerns
as part of the hog trade. The virus may have infected a human there,
to a new level.
who then traveled back to North America, where the virus perfected
human-to-human spread, maybe even moving from the United States
to Mexico.”a Global Twister
While scientists examine the genetic evidence for swine flu, a look Do you think preemptive mass slaughter is a tenable long-term way
at factory farming shows how these practices facilitate the proliferation to address the problem of interspecies spread of disease? How else
of disease. For example, the pig population of North Carolina is about might this issue be addressed?
10 million, and most of these pigs are crowded onto farms of over
5,000 animals. These pigs travel across the country as part of farming
a
operations. A pig born in North Carolina may travel to the heartland of Cohen, J. (2009). Out of Mexico? Scientists ponder swine flu’s
the United States to fatten up before a final trip to the slaughterhouses origin. Science 324 (5928), 700–702.
246
247
What is the Mesolithic? Comparable villages developed independently in Mexico

and Peru by about 4,500 years ago.
✓ Between the Paleolithic and Neolithic, the Mesolithic
(Archaic in the Americas) was a time of warming after What is domestication, and how can we
the last glacial period; it included rising sea levels,
changes in vegetation, and the disappearance of herd
recognize it?
animals from many areas. ✓ A domesticated plant or animal is one that has become
genetically modified as an intended or unintended
✓ The Mesolithic was characterized by a shift from the
consequence of human manipulation.
hunting of big game to the hunting of smaller game
and gathering of a broad spectrum of plants and ✓ Analysis of plant remains at a site, examining the size
aquatic resources. and shape of various parts of the plant, usually
indicates whether its occupants were food producers.
✓ Because of an increased reliance on seafood and plants,
some people developed more sedentary lifeways. ✓ Domestication produces skeletal changes in some
animals. Age and sex imbalances in herd animals may
✓ Toolkits included microliths—small, hard, sharp blades
also indicate manipulation by human domesticators.
of flint or similar stone that could be mass produced
and hafted; larger blades were also used to produce ✓ Domesticated crops are more productive but also more
implements like sickles. vulnerable. Food production requires more labor
compared to hunting and gathering.
✓ Archaic cultures of the Americas are comparable to the
Old World Mesolithic.
How did the Neolithic revolution impact
What is the Neolithic revolution, and how social structure?
did it come about? ✓ Human population sizes have increased steadily since
the Neolithic. Scholars debate whether pressure from
✓ A shift to food production through the domestication
increasing population size led to innovations or
of plants and animals constitutes most of the change
whether innovations allowed population size to grow.
of this period. Settlement in permanent villages
accompanied food production, although some ✓ Periodic crop failures forced Neolithic peoples to move
Neolithic peoples who depended on domesticated into new regions, spreading farming from one region
animals did not become sedentary. The use of polished to another, as occurred with migrations from
stone tools by all peoples of this period gives the Southwest Asia into Europe.
Neolithic its name.
✓ Trade specializations came about due to the increased
✓ Hard stone was ground and polished for tools. Sickles, yields of food production. This included the extensive
forks, hoes, and plows replaced simple digging sticks. manufacture and use of pottery
pottery, the building of
Axes and adzes made of polished stone were far permanent houses, and the weaving of textiles.
stronger and less likely to chip compared to earlier
tools. ✓ Social organization was relatively egalitarian as seen in
the uniformity of housing and absence of socially
✓ Village life allowed for a reorganization of the workload, differentiated burials.
letting some individuals pursue specialized tasks.
✓ Neolithic peoples sometimes organized themselves to
✓ The change to food production took place create monumental structures related to their belief
independently and more or less simultaneously in systems.
various regions of the world: Southwest and Southeast
Asia, highland Mexico and Peru, South America’s What were the biological consequences
Amazon forest, eastern North America, China, and
Africa. Common food complexes were based on starchy
of the Neolithic revolution?
grains and/or roots that were consumed with protein- ✓ New diets, living arrangements, and farming practices
containing legumes plus flavor enhancers. led to increased incidence of disease and higher
mortality rates. Increased fertility, however, more than
✓ Southwest Asia contains the earliest known Neolithic
offset mortality.
sites consisting of small villages of mud huts with
individual storage pits and clay ovens along with ✓ Many infectious diseases originated in the Neolithic
evidence of food production and trade. because of close contact between humans and animal
domesticates.
✓ At ancient Jericho, remains of tools, houses, and
clothing indicate Neolithic people first occupied the ✓ Increased competition for resources began in the
oasis between 10,000 to 11,000 years ago. At its height, Neolithic. Hunter-gatherers have become increasingly
Neolithic Jericho had a population of 400 to 900 people. marginalized over time due to this competition.
1. The changed lifeways of the Neolithic included 3. Why are the changes of the Neolithic sometimes
the domestication of plants and animals as well as mistakenly associated with progress? Why have the
settlement into villages. This new way of life created social forms that originated in the Neolithic come to
a competition for resources. How is this competition dominate the earth?
manifest in the world today? Does it impact your life 4. Although the archaeological record indicates some
personally? differences in the timing of domestication of plants
2. Why do you think some people of the past remained and animals in different parts of the world, why is
food foragers instead of becoming food producers? it incorrect to say that one region is more advanced
To what degree was the process of domestication than another?
conscious and deliberate? Were humans always
directing this process?
Domestication Today
During the Neolithic age, humans began Do you have a pet? If it’s a cat, a dog, a sheep, or
the transition from hunting and foraging to even a goldfish, your pet is a member of a species
domesticating plants and animals, a trend that that has been domesticated, as opposed to a wild
continues to this day. In some languages— animal forced to live in captivity, as is the case with
including Norwegian, Spanish, and Mandarin— many exotic pets. For one day, make a note of every
the words for domesticating and taming are interaction you have with your pet. What does your
the same. However, many other languages, like pet depend on you to provide? What do you provide
English and Japanese, use two separate words for your pet in addition to meeting its basic needs?
with different meanings. “Domesticating” refers What does your pet provide for you?
to the human cultivation or breeding of species In addition, think about the following: What
to bring out desirable physical or behavioral challenges would a domesticated animal like a
traits, while “taming” refers to an individual cat or dog face if it had to live in the wild? What
animal that has become, contrary to its natural challenges would its wild relatives—say, a bobcat
inclination, tolerant of human interaction. or a wolf—face in captivity?
Tauseef Mustafa/Afp/Getty Images
CHALLENGE ISSUE
With the emergence of cities and states, human societies began to develop organized central
governments and concentrated power that made it possible to build monumental structures
and urban infrastructure. But cities and states also ushered in problems, many of which
we still face today, such as large-scale warfare. Today, this pernicious aspect of civilization
plagues Aleppo, Syria, one of the world’s oldest continuously inhabited cities. Fighting within
Aleppo’s walled Old City led to a massive fire that destroyed its ancient marketplace. Aleppo
residents viewed this market as the “soul” of their city. This loss compounds the profound
human suffering—with over 300,000 lives lost, over 6 million displaced within Syria, and over
4 million forced to flee the country altogether—as civil war obliterates heritage and cultural
identity. Syria’s cultural loss also includes the destruction of the minaret of the Umayyad
Mosque in Damascus, a Crusader castle, the Roman city of Palmyra, and countless artifacts
and artworks that have been stolen. Securing our collective future and preserving our heritage
require that we ensure that war is not an inevitable consequence of today’s social organization.
The Emergence
of Cities and States 10
A walk down a busy street in a city like New York or Tokyo shows us many In this chapter you
facets of life in contemporary urban society. People going to and from offices will learn to
and stores fill crowded sidewalks. Heavy traffic of cars, buses, bicycles, and ● Define civilization, cities,
trucks periodically comes to a standstill. A brief two-block stretch may contain and states, and identify
a grocery store; shops selling clothing, cell phones, or electronics; a restaurant; their global origins.
a newsstand; a gasoline station; and a movie theater. Other neighborhoods may ● Identify the elements
feature a museum, a police station, a school, a hospital, or a place of worship. of archaeological
exploration of ancient
Each of these services or places of business depends on others from outside
civilizations through a
this two-block radius. A butcher shop, for instance, depends on slaughterhouses case study of the Maya
and ranches. A clothing store could not exist without designers; farmers who city of Tikal.
produce cotton, silk, and wool; and workers who manufacture synthetic fibers. ● Examine the four major
Restaurants rely on refrigerated trucking and vegetable and dairy farmers. Hospi- cultural changes that
mark the transition from
tals need insurance companies, pharmaceutical companies, and medical equip-
the Neolithic period to
ment industries to function. All depend on the public utilities—the telephone, life in urban centers.
gas, water, and electric companies, not to mention the Internet. Interdepen-
● Compare theories
dence defines modern cities. for the development
Interdependence in a big city makes a variety of products readily available. of states.
But interdependence also creates vulnerability. If labor strikes, bad weather, or ● Identify the problems
acts of violence cause one service to stop functioning, other services can dete- that accompany the
riorate. At the same time, cities are resilient. When one service breaks down, development of cities
and states.
others take over its functions. For instance, as wars damage basic infrastructure,
people develop alternative systems to cope with everything from basic tasks such
as procuring food and water to communication within global political systems
(Figure 10.1). People coping with the aftermath of natural disasters such as
Hurricane Katrina in the southern United States in 2005, the massive tsunamis
that hit Japan in 2011 and the Philippines in 2013, or the devastating earth-
quake that struck Nepal in 2015 must also find such alternatives.
251
252 CHAPTER 10 The Emergence of Cities and States
Qais Usyan/AFP/Getty Images

Figure 10.1 Urban Growth amid Destruction
Decades of violence have severely compromised the infrastructure of Afghanistan, yet the size
of Kabul, the fifth fastest-growing city in the world, has swelled to over 4 million people. Streets
consist of rubble, and building facades stand as empty shells. Here children go to a public
spigot to get their family’s daily water supply.
With the Internet and globalization, the interdepen- civilization connotes refinement and progress and may
dence of goods and services transcends far beyond city imply ethnocentric judgment. Anthropologists, however,
limits. Social media such as Facebook and Twitter allow avoid these culture-bound notions. In anthropology,
instantaneous communication about geopolitical events civilization refers to a society in which large numbers
and can mobilize global support. Harrowing images from of people live in cities, are socially stratified, and are
crises and conflicts such as the Syrian civil war, downed governed by a ruling elite working through centrally
airplanes, or the West African Ebola outbreak zip through organized political systems called states.
cyberspace to connect us but also cause some to recoil. Neolithic villages grew into the world’s first cities be-
However, this intricate interconnected fabric of life did not tween 4,500 and 6,000 years ago, first in Mesopotamia
always exist, and the concentrated availability of diverse (modern-day Iraq and Syria), then in Egypt’s Nile Valley and
goods developed only very recently in human history. the Indus Valley, today’s India and Pakistan (Figure 10.2).
In China, around the ancient city of Hsia, civilization was
under way by 5,000 years ago. Independent of these devel-
Defining Civilization opments in Eurasia and Africa, the first American Indian
cities appeared in Peru around 4,000 years ago and in Meso-
The word civilization comes from the Latin civis, meaning america about 3,000 years ago.
“an inhabitant of a city,” and civitas, “the urban commu- What characterized these first cities? Why are they
nity in which one dwells.” In everyday usage, the word called the birthplaces of civilization? The most obvious
feature of cities—and of civilization—is their large size and
population. But cities are more than overgrown villages.
civilization In anthropology, a society in which large numbers of people
live in cities, are socially stratified, and are governed by a ruling elite Consider the case of Çatalhöyük, a compact 9,500-year-
working through centrally organized political systems called states. old settlement in south-central Turkey that, though well
Defining Civilization 253
Mesopotamia
Nile Hsia
Valley
Indus
Mesoamerica Valley
Peru
Great
Zimbabwe
© Cengage Learning
Figure 10.2 Map of Early Civilizations
The major early civilizations sprang from Neolithic villages in various parts of the world. Those
of the Americas developed wholly independently of those in Africa and Eurasia. Chinese
civilization seems to have developed independently of Southwest Asia, including the Nile and
Indus civilizations. Although the Bantu city of Great Zimbabwe dates to later than all of these, it
likewise was a major civilization that arose independently.
populated, was not a true city (Balter, located in today’s India and Pakistan. Mohenjo-Daro,
1998, 1999, 2001a; Hodder, 2006; an urban center with a population of at least 20,000 at
Kunzig, 1999). The tightly its peak some 4,500 years ago, was built on an artificial
packed houses for its mound, safe from floodwaters. City streets were laid out
more than 5,000 inhab- in a grid pattern with sophisticated drainage systems for
itants left no room for UKRAINE individual homes, indicating further centralized planning.
streets. People traversed MOLDOVA RUSSIA
Ancient peoples incorporated
the tops of neighbor- their worldview into the cities
ing houses and dropped ROMANIA they built. For example, the
Black Sea
through a hole in the great Mesoamerican city
BULGARIA
roof to get into their own Teotihuacan, founded
home. Although house TURKEY 2,200 years ago near pre- AFGHANISTAN CHINA
walls were covered with Çatalhöyük sent-day Mexico City,
BHUTAN
© Cengage Learning
PAKISTAN
paintings and bas-reliefs, translated the solar calen- NEPA
SYRIA L
the houses were struc- dar into a unified spatial
CYPRUS
turally similar to one an- pattern. Ancient city plan- Mohenjo- INDIA
Mediterranean Sea
other. People grew some ners oriented the Street of Daro
BANGLADESH
crops, wove fabric from the Dead—a grand north-
© Cengage Learning
hemp, and tended livestock but also collected significant south axis originating at Arabian Bay of
Sea Bengal
amounts of food from wild plants and animals, never inten- the Pyramid of the Moon
SRI
sifying their agricultural practices. Çatalhöyük contains no and bordered by the Pyr- LANKA
evidence of public architecture and only minimal evidence amid of the Sun and the
of a division of labor or a centralized authority. royal palace compound—to an astronomical marker, east of
Archaeological evidence from early urban hubs, by true north. They even channeled the Rio San Juan to con-
contrast, demonstrates organized planning by a central au- form to the city’s grid (Figure 10.3). Thousands of apartment
thority, technological intensification, and social stratifica- compounds and a grid of narrow streets surrounded this
tion. For example, flood control and protection were vital core, maintaining the east-of-north orientation throughout
components of the great ancient cities of the Indus Valley, the city. Archaeologists estimate that over 100,000 people
Tikal: A Case Study

The ancient city of Tikal, situated in Guatemala in Central
Pyramid of
the Sun America about 300 kilometers (186 miles) north of Gua-
Pyramid of the Moon Street of the Dead temala City, was one of the largest lowland Maya centers
in existence. The Maya settled here 3,000 years ago, on
a broad limestone terrace in a rainforest. By correlating
the Maya calendar precisely with our own, archaeologists
know that the civilization at Tikal flourished until 1,100
Based on Millon, 1973, Figure 13a. © Cengage Learning

years ago.
an
n Ju At its height, Tikal covered
Sa about 120 square kilometers
Rio Lorenzo
Rio San
(46 square miles). The Great
Ciudadela = Royal Palace Plaza, a large paved area
Pyramid of the surrounded by about 300
Feathered Serpent major structures and thou-
Maximum boundary sands of houses, stood at
of Teotihuacan Tikal’s center (Figure 10.4). MEXICO
0 1 2 km
Tikal
Starting from a small, dis-
BELIZE
persed population, Tikal
Figure 10.3 Ancient City Planning grew to at least 45,000 GUATEMALA
© Cengage Learning
The founders of Teotihuacan imposed an audacious plan on people. By 1,550 years ago, Guatemala
City HONDURAS
several square kilometers of landscape in central Mexico. At its population density had
the center is the Street of the Dead, originating at the Pyramid reached 600 to 700 people EL SALVADOR
NICARAGUA
of the Moon (near top) and running past the Pyramid of the per square kilometer, three
Sun, and, south of Rio San Juan, the palace compound. Note times that of the surrounding region. Archaeologists explored
the gridded layout of surrounding apartment compounds and Tikal under the joint auspices of the University of Pennsyl-
the channeled Rio San Juan. Teotihuacan’s principal avenue, vania Museum and the Guatemalan government from 1956
the Street of the Dead (left), was unequaled in scale until the through the 1960s. At the time, it was the most ambitious
construction of such modern-day avenues as the Champs- archaeological project undertaken in the western hemisphere.
Élysées in Paris. Archaeologists estimate that 100,000 people At first, archaeologists investigated only the major
lived in this city in various neighborhoods according to their temple and palace structures near the Great Plaza, Tikal’s
social position. This major avenue was home to the elite.
epicenter. They later turned their attention to the hun-
dreds of dwellings that surrounded larger buildings. Imag-
inhabited Teotihuacan until its sudden collapse, possibly in ine trying to get a realistic view of life in a major city such
the 7th century. as Chicago or Beijing by looking only at their monumen-
Teotihuacan contains clear evidence of both social and tal public buildings. Similarly, archaeologists realized that
economic diversity. Variation in size and quality of apart- accurately reconstructing daily life at Tikal required ex-
ment rooms indicates at least six levels of society. Those ploring the full range of ruins. Through excavating small
at the top of the social scale lived on or near the Street of structures, archaeologists could estimate Tikal’s popula-
the Dead. The Pyramid of the Sun, built along this avenue tion size and density, reconstruct everyday life and social
above a cave, was seen as a portal to the underworld and organization, and test the conventional assumption that
as the home of deities associated with death. Teotihua- the subsistence practices of the Maya could not sustain
can artisans worked on exotic goods and raw materials large population concentrations (Haviland, 2002, 2014).
imported from distant regions, and at least two neigh-
borhoods housed people with foreign affiliations: one for
those from Oaxaca, the other (the “merchant’s quarter”)
Surveying and Excavating the Site
for those from the Gulf and Maya lowlands. Farmers, Mapping crews surveyed 6 square kilometers (2.3 square
whose labor in fields (some of them irrigated) supplied the miles) of forested land surrounding the Great Plaza to
food to fellow city-dwellers, also resided in the city. guide the small-structure excavation process. The dense
Far more than expanded villages, Mohenjo-Daro and rainforest canopy prevented the use of aerial photogra-
Teotihuacan, like other early cities throughout the globe, phy for this mapping. Trees obscured all but the highest
exemplify a new way of life. The following case study pro- temples, and many of the small ruins remained practically
vides a glimpse into another of the world’s ancient cities invisible even on the ground (Figure 10.5). Four years of
and reveals how archaeologists went about studying this mapping revealed that ancient Tikal extended far beyond
city—from the first exploratory surveys, to excavations, to the original area surveyed. Continued surveying fully de-
theories proposed about its development. fined the city’s boundaries and overall size.
Tikal: A Case Study 255
0
20
y
wa
0
20
se
seway
au
250 Complex O Complex R Complex Q
yC
sla
Maler Cau
ud
Ma
Temple IV 5
North Acropolis 22
Tozze Group F
r Cau
sewa
y
Complex N Temple
T
II Temple
Great Plaza I
Bat Temple
Palace 35 III
0
5
23
71
Central Acropolis
200
280
Temple V
Plaza of the
Lost World M
Plaza of the
en
Group G de
Seven Temples zC
au
se
wa
y
735
William A. Haviland
Temple
25
0
of the
Inscriptions
Figure 10.4 Layout of Tikal

Tikal spreads far beyond the Great Plaza and the monumental buildings that have been
excavated and are mapped here. Archaeologists used surveying techniques, test pits, and other
strategies to define the city’s boundaries and to understand the full spectrum of lifeways that
took place there. The red outline in the center of the map delineates the royal court, royal burial
ground, and central marketplace. In addition to what is pictured here, Tikal extends several
kilometers outward in every direction.
Evidence from the Excavation barkcloth “paper,” scribes, masons, astronomers, and other
occupational specialists also left traces of their work.
Archaeologists reconstructed daily life in Tikal as well as Tikal’s scale required some form of bureaucratic organiza-
the relationship between Tikal and other regions from the tion. Maya glyphs (Figure 10.6) record that the government
evidence they recovered. For example, granite, quartzite, was headed by a hereditary ruling dynasty with sufficient
hematite, pyrite, jade, slate, and obsidian imported either power to organize massive public works, including a system
as raw materials or finished products demonstrated trade of defensive ditches and embankments on the northern and
in nonperishable items. Marine materials came from Ca- southern edges of the city. The longest of these ran for a
ribbean and Pacific coastal areas. In turn, Tikal residents distance of perhaps 19 to 28 kilometers (6 to 17 miles). The
exported chert (a flint-like stone used to manufacture Maya built numerous temples and public buildings.
tools) both in its raw form and as finished objects. Tikal’s Maya astrological experts tracked the dynasties and their
location between two river systems may have facilitated conquests using a nonrepeating “long count” calendar sys-
an overland trade route. There was also trade in perishable tem that tallied the number of days that had passed since a
goods such as textiles, feathers, salt, and cacao. mythical creation date corresponding to August 11, 3114 BCE.
Archaeologists found specialized woodworking, pot- According to Maya mythology, we live in the fourth world,
tery, obsidian, and shell workshops at Tikal. Skillful the first three creations having been failed attempts by the
carvings on stone monuments suggest the presence of gods. Doomsday predictions surrounded the end of the most
occupational specialists, as did the fine artwork glazed into recent long count on December 21, 2012. That same year,
ceramic vessels. Textile workers, dental workers, makers of archaeologists uncovered a series of glyphs at a site near Tikal
© Zai Aragon/Shutterstock.com
Figure 10.5 Site Survey at Tikal
At many archaeological sites, archaeologists use aerial photography to survey and map out the basic
structures before excavation. The dense tree cover at Tikal, where only the tips of the highest temples
pierce the forest canopy, prevented this method, and archaeologists instead turned to ground survey
techniques. Those familiar with the original Star Wars movie will be interested to know that the aerial
views of the rebel camp (the Massassi Outpost on the fourth moon of Yavin) were filmed at Tikal.
indicating that the astronomically accurate Maya calendars

extend far into the future (Saturno et al., 2012).
Religion at Tikal may have contributed to coping with
agricultural uncertainty. During the long dry months,
residents depended on rainwater collected in reservoirs
during the rainy season. The ancient Maya may have per-
ceived Tikal, with a high elevation relative to surrounding
terrain, as a “power place,” especially suited for making
contact with supernatural forces and beings who brought
the rain (Figure 10.7).
Maya priests could have influenced deities in times of
drought and honored them in times of plenty. Priests—
experts on the Maya calendar—also determined the most
favorable time to plant crops. People resided in or near
the city so that they could receive blessings and guidance
from the priestly class. In turn, artisans, craftspeople, and
other occupational specialists served the needs of elite
priests and the ruling dynasty.
As population increased, new methods of food produc-
© Anita de Laguna Haviland
tion sustained Tikal’s residents. Fruit trees and other crops

were grown around Maya houses in soils enriched by hu-
man waste. The Maya also constructed raised fields in areas
that flooded during the rainy season that, with careful
maintenance and fertilization, could be cultivated inten-
sively, year after year. Converting low areas into reservoirs
Figure 10.6 Stone Documents
Carved monuments like this were commissioned by Tikal’s rulers and constructing channels to carry runoff from plazas and
to commemorate important events in their regions. Archaeologists other architecture into these reservoirs, the Tikal Maya
have deciphered the written language of glyphs chiseled into the maximized the collection of water for the dry season.
stone. This monument portrays the reign of a king who ruled After sustaining population growth for several hun-
around 785 C.E. Only a specialist could have accomplished such dred years, the pressure for food and land reached a
skilled stone carvings. The glyphs also provide indirect evidence critical point and growth stopped. At the same time,
of writing specialists or scribes who may have kept records on warfare with other cities took its toll on Tikal. Abandoned
perishable materials such as barkcloth paper. (For a translation of houses, nutritional problems visible in skeletons recov-
the inscription on the monument’s left side, see Figure 10.13.) ered from burials, and construction of defensive ditches
JOHAN ORDONEZ/Getty Images

Figure 10.7 Modern Maya at Tikal
Archaeologists have proposed that Tikal emerged as an important religious center due to its
relative altitude in the region. This higher altitude may have created the perception of power
and access to supernatural forces. Today, Tikal remains an important religious center for local
Maya, who gather in front of the acropolis for a traditional ceremony.
and embankments are evidence of warfare. Following this and ideology. Four basic changes mark the transition
violent outbreak, the strong central authority directed from Neolithic village life to life in the first urban centers:
activities as before, for another 250 years or so. agricultural innovation, diversification of labor, central
As the case study, the excavations at Tikal demonstrate government, and social stratification.
the splendor, the social organization, the belief systems,
and the trading and agricultural practices of the ancient
Maya civilization. New discoveries continue to enrich Agricultural Innovation
what we know about the Maya and other Mesoamerican New farming methods distinguished early civilizations
civilizations (Figure 10.8). from Neolithic villages. The ancient Sumerians, for exam-
ple, built an extensive system of dikes, canals, and reser-
voirs to irrigate their farmlands and manage larger herds
Cities and Cultural Change of animals. Irrigation improved crop yield and allowed
farmers, freed from seasonal rain cycles, to harvest more
A person who grew up in a rural North American village crops in one year. Increased crop yields, in turn, contrib-
today and moved to Philadelphia, Montreal, or Los An- uted to higher population densities.
geles would experience a very different way of life. The
same would be true for a Neolithic village-dweller who
moved into a Mesopotamian city 5,500 years ago. Because
Diversification of Labor
cultures are dynamic, integrated systems of adaptation Diversified labor also characterized early civilizations.
that respond to external and internal factors, a shift to life In Neolithic villages without irrigation or plow farming,
in urban centers also includes changes in social structure every family member participated in raising crops. Higher
DAVE YODER/National Geographic Creative

Figure 10.8 Uncovering Hidden History
In the jungles of Honduras lie the remains of a society, dating from 800 to 1400 CE. Although
this society seems to have had Maya influence—including paved roads, large buildings, and
ball courts—archaeologists have found little evidence of Maya-like social hierarchy. Instead,
these remains may have been associated with communities lacking strong institutionalized
power. In studying these settlements, some of which are largely untouched, scientists employ
both technologically advanced and more traditional methods. Aerial lidar (light and radar)
mapping technology allows scientists to discern geographic features despite the jungle cover,
including where humans have shaped the land. Traditional methods include documenting
caches of artifacts discovered in the jungle, as U.S. archaeologist Chris Begley does here, as
well as speaking with the contemporary indigenous Pech people about their ancestors.
crop yields and increased population permitted a sizable Specialization allowed experts to invent new ways of
number of people to pursue nonagricultural activities on making and doing things. In Eurasia and Africa, civiliza-
a full-time basis. tion ushered in the Bronze Age, a period marked by the
Ancient public records document various specialized production of tools, ornaments, and weapons made of
workers. For example, an early Mesopotamian document this metal alloy. Copper and tin (the metals from which
from the old Babylonian city of Lagash (modern-day Tell bronze is made) were smelted, or separated from their
al-Hiba, Iraq) lists the artisans and tradespeople paid from ores, then purified and cast to make plows, swords, axes,
crop surpluses stored in the temple granaries. These lists shields, spears, and other objects (Figure 10.9). Later,
included coppersmiths, silversmiths, sculptors, merchants, such tools were made from smelted iron. In wars, slings,
potters, tanners, engravers, butchers, carpenters, spinners, stone knives, and spears could not stand up against metal
barbers, cabinetmakers, bakers, clerks, and brewers. spears, arrowheads, swords, helmets, and armor.
The indigenous civilizations of the Americas used
metals such as copper, silver, and gold for ceremonial and
Bronze Age In the Old World, the period marked by the production of
tools and ornaments of bronze; began about 5,000 years ago in China, ornamental objects, relying on stone for many of their
the Mediterranean, and South Asia and about 500 years earlier in everyday tools. The ready availability of obsidian (a glass
Southwest Asia. formed by volcanic activity), its extreme sharpness (many
cedar, wine, and funerary oils; and to Central Africa for

ivory, ebony, ostrich feathers, leopard skins, cattle, and
the captives they enslaved.
Chinese and Persian artifacts unearthed in Great
Zimbabwe (Figure 10.10) in southern Africa indicate that
these trading networks extended throughout the Old World
by the 11th century. This city of 12,000 to 20,000 inhabi-
tants served as the center of a Bantu state. Increased contact
with foreign peoples through trade spread innovations and
bodies of knowledge such as geometry and astronomy.
Great Zimbabwe flourished more recently than many of
the earliest cities mentioned in this chapter. Still it deserves
special mention as it documents the presence of city-states
in sub-Saharan Africa that predate European colonization.
Central Government
A governing elite emerged in early civilizations. The size
and complexity of cities required a strong central author-
ity to ensure that different interest groups, such as farm-
ers or craft specialists, provided their respective services
without infringing on one another. Governments of the
past protected cities from their enemies by constructing
Stuart Hay, ANU
fortifications and raising an army. They levied taxes and

appointed tax collectors so that construction workers, the
army, and other public expenses could be paid. They saw
to it that merchants, carpenters, or farmers who made
Figure 10.9 3D Printing and the Conical Spear-Butt of Navan
legal claims received justice and assured ordinary people
In the early 20th century, a small, conical Bronze Age artifact was
unearthed in Ireland. Archaeologists at the time classified the that any harm done to one person by another would be
object as part of the butt of a spear. A century later, Australian justly handled. They arranged for storage of surplus food
archaeologist Billy Ó Foghlú had a different idea. He used modern for times of scarcity and supervised public works such as
3D printing technology to create a mold and then cast a bronze extensive irrigation systems and fortifications.
replica of the artifact. He suspected it was not part of a weapon
but rather a piece of a musical instrument. When Ó Foghlú Evidence of Centralized Authority
employed the spear-butt instead as the mouthpiece for a 2-meter Evidence of centralized authority in ancient civilizations
replica horn, the sound came alive, and the artifact’s true purpose comes from law codes, temple records, monuments,
became clear. Here Ó Foghlú is playing a modern horn, a skill that and royal chronicles. The city structures themselves can
informed his experimental archaeology. show definitive signs of city planning as with the pre-
cise astronomical layout of the Mesoamerican city of
times sharper than the finest steel), and the ease with Teotihuacan described earlier. Monumental buildings,
which toolmakers can work it made it perfectly suited to temples, palaces, and large sculptures characterize ancient
their needs. Obsidian tools provide some of the sharpest civilizations. For example, the Great Pyramid for the tomb
cutting edges ever made (recall Chapter 7’s Anthropology of Khufu, an Egyptian pharaoh, is 236 meters (755 feet)
Applied, “Stone Tools for Modern Surgeons”). long and 147 meters (481 feet) high; it contains about
Extensive trade systems developed so that people could 2.3 million stone blocks, each with an average weight of
procure the raw materials they needed. Boats provided 2.5 tons. The Greek historian Herodotus who visited Egypt
faster and less costly access to trade centers, compared long after the Great Pyramid was completed, reported that
to overland transport. A one-way trip from the ancient it took 100,000 men twenty years to build this tomb. Such
Egyptian cities along the Nile River to various Mediterra- gigantic structures could be built only because a powerful
nean ports took far less time by rowboat compared to the central authority was able to harness the considerable la-
overland route. With a sailboat, it was even faster. bor force, engineering skills, and raw materials necessary
Egyptian kings, or pharaohs, sent expeditions in var- for their construction.
ious directions for prized resources: to Nubia (northern Writing or some form of recorded information indi-
Sudan) for gold; to the Sinai Peninsula for copper; to cates the existence of centralized authority. With writ-
Arabia for spices and perfumes; to Asia for lapis lazuli (a ing, governors could disseminate information and store,
blue semiprecious stone) and other jewels; to Lebanon for systematize, and deploy written records for political,
© Robert Holmes/Corbis
Figure 10.10 Great Zimbabwe
The elliptical granite walls, held together without any mortar at Great Zimbabwe in southern
Zimbabwe, Africa, attest to the skill of the people who built these structures. When European
explorers, unwilling to accept the notion of civilization in sub-Saharan Africa, discovered
these magnificent ruins, they wrongly attributed them to white non-Africans. This false notion
persisted until archaeologists demonstrated that these structures were part of a city with
12,000 to 20,000 inhabitants that served as the center of a medieval Bantu state.
religious, and economic purposes. Of course, the develop- By 5,000 years ago, a new writing technique emerged
ment of writing went hand in hand with the development in the Mesopotamian city of Uruk in today’s Iraq. Writers
of specialized laborers: scribes responsible for physically used a reed stylus to make wedge-shaped markings on a
creating the centralized authorities’ records. tablet of damp clay. Originally, each marking stood for a
Scholars attribute the development of writing in Meso- word. Because most words in this language were monosyl-
potamia to recordkeeping of state affairs. Writing allowed labic, over time the markings came to stand for syllables,
early governments to track accounts of their food surplus, and cuneiform writing developed (Figure 10.11).
tribute records, and other business receipts. Some of the Writing was independently invented in different parts
earliest documents appear to be just such records—lists of the world (Figure 10.12). Traditionally, the earliest
of vegetables and animals bought and sold, tax lists, and writing was linked to Mesopotamia. However, in 2003,
storehouse inventories. archaeologists working in the Henan Province of central
Before 5,500 years ago, records consisted of “tokens,” China discovered signs carved into 8,600-year-old tortoise
ceramic pieces shaped to indicate different commercial shells; these markings resemble later-written characters
objects. A cone shape could represent a measure of grain, and predate the Mesopotamian evidence by about 2,000
or a cylinder could be an animal. Over time, tokens came years (Li et al., 2003).
to represent different animals, as well as processed foods In the Americas, writing systems came into use
(such as oil, trussed ducks, or bread) and manufactured among various Mesoamerican peoples, but the Maya had
or imported goods (such as textiles and metal) (Lawler, a particularly sophisticated one designed to track the
2001). Ultimately, clay tablets with impressed marks rep- elaborate celebrations of the accomplishments of their
resenting objects replaced these tokens. rulers (Figure 10.13). Maya royalty glorified themselves
reign. From Babylon, the capital of his empire, he issued a set

Fish of laws now known as the Code of Hammurabi, notable for
its thorough detail and standardization. In 1901, a French
archaeological team first discovered this code, entirely in-
Ox
scribed in stone with cuneiform writing. It prescribed the
correct form for legal procedures and determined penalties
for perjury and false accusation. It contained laws applying to
property rights, loans and debts, family rights, and even dam-
© Cengage Learning
Bird
ages paid for malpractice by a physician. It defined fixed rates
to be charged in various trades and branches of commerce,
Object . Pictogram . (Sideways) . Cuneiform and it instituted mechanisms to protect vulnerable people—
the poor, women, children, and slaves—from injustice.
Figure 10.11 Cuneiform Officials ordered that the
Cuneiform writing developed from representational drawings of code be publicly displayed
objects. Over time the drawings became simplified and more
on huge stone slabs so
abstract, as well as being wedge-shaped so that they could be
that all members of so-
cut into a clay tablet with a stylus.
ciety knew their rights
and responsibilities. Dis-
tinct social classes were
by recording their dynastic genealogies, important con- TURKEY ARMENIA
clearly reflected in the
quests, and marriages; by using grandiose titles to refer to Lake Van
law (“rule of law” does
themselves; and by associating their actions with impor-
not necessarily mean
tant astronomical events. Like the recordkeeping of an- SYRIA IRAQ
M
“equality before the IRAN
ES
cient Mesopotamia, this writing system helped maintain
OP
law”). For example, if
OT
political power.
AM
an aristocrat put out the
IA
Babylon
eye of a fellow aristo- JORDAN
© Cengage Learning
The Earliest Governments crat, the law required Uruk
Ur
A king and his advisors typically headed the earliest city that his own eye be put SAUDI ARABIA Persian
Gulf
governments, although a few ancient queens also ruled. out in turn, hence the KUWAIT
Among these, Hammurabi, the Babylonian king who lived saying “an eye for an
in Mesopotamia between 3,700 and 3,950 years ago, stands eye.” However, if the
out as truly remarkable for the efficient government organi- aristocrat put out the eye of a slave, he simply owed the
zation and highly developed legal system characterizing his slave’s owner half of the slave’s value.
© Cengage Learning
Figure 10.12 Birthplaces of Writing

The transience of spoken words contrasts with the relative permanence of written records.
Throughout human history, writing has been independently invented at least five times.
Although some civilizations flourished under a single

The day 13 Ahau ruler with extraordinary governing abilities, other civiliza-
Eighteenth day of the month,
Cumku, tions prospered with a widespread governing bureaucracy
that was efficient at every level. The government of the
Inca empire is one such example. The Inca civilization
End of the seventeenth katun.
The completion of its period. of Peru and its surrounding territories reached its peak
500 years ago, just before the arrival of the Spanish
invaders. Known for the monumental structures at Machu
Picchu, built high in the Andes Mountains at an altitude
(par of the ruler’s name?)
(part
Chitam of almost 2,500 meters (8,000 feet), this empire stretched
4,000 kilometers (2,500 miles) from north to south and 800
kilometers (500 miles) from east to west. Its population,
In the dynastic line, lord
lo of Tikal, numbering in the millions, consisted of many different
From
From YYax Moch Xoc
(an early Tikal king)
ethnic groups. An emperor, regarded as the divine son of
the Sun God, headed the government. Below him came
the royal family, the aristocracy, imperial administrators,
The ninth plus twenty,
twenty and lower nobility. Below them were the masses of artisans,
In the count of the rulers
craftspeople, and farmers. Governmental agriculture and
tax officials closely supervised farming activities such as
planting, irrigation, and harvesting. Teams of professional
(successor to ?) relay runners could carry messages up to 400 kilometers
His lord
lor father,
(250 miles) in a single day over a network of roads and
bridges that remains impressive even today.
Despite the complexity of their civ-
Yax Kin Caan Chac
Yax
(a probable
pr title) ilization, the Inca had no known
form of conventional writing. In-
stead, they used an in-
In the dynastic line, lord
lo of Tikal, genious coding system
COLOMBIA
In his fourth
four katun (period of of colored strings with
20 tuns, or 360 day years) ECUADOR
knots known as quipu or PERU
khipu (the Quechua word
BRAZIL
The leader (batab)
( for “knot”) to keep pub- Machu
Sixteen days plus one period Picchu BOLIVIA
of twenty days, lic records and historical
Cuzco La Paz
chronicles. A smallpox Lake Titicaca
epidemic brought to the
CHILE
Plus two tuns (back to),
© Cengage Learning
Americas by Europeans
The day 11 Kan,
devastated the Incas as
ARGENTINA
well as other indigenous Pacific
Ocean
Twelfth
Twelfth day of the month
American peoples.
of the parrot,
parr Kayab,
He took the throne,
thr
Social Stratification
© Cengage Learning
At the place of leadership, The fourth cultural change characteristic of civilization is

He who scatters blessings. social stratification, or the emergence of social classes,
a series of ranked social categories according to charac-
teristics such as wealth, occupation, or kin-group. With
Figure 10.13 Maya Writing
The translation of the text on the monument in Figure 10.6
social stratification, symbols of special status and privilege
gives some indication of the importance of dynastic genealogy appeared, ranking people according to the kind of work
to Maya rulers. The “scattering” mentioned may refer to they did or the family into which they were born. Social
bloodletting as part of the ceremonies associated with the end proximity to the head of government conferred high sta-
of one twenty-year period, or katun, and the beginning of the tus. Although specialists—metalworkers, tanners, traders,
next. Archaeologists cracked the meaning of these glyphs over or the like—generally outranked farmers, the people who
the course of many decades of intense study. The base 20 engaged in these kinds of economic activities were either
numerical system of bars and dots was the first breakthrough members of the lower classes or outcasts. Merchants of the
followed by the realization that the symbols represented past could sometimes buy their way into a higher class.
syllables instead of an alphabet. With time, the possession of wealth and the influence it
The Making of States 263
© Tavid Rankin Bingham

Figure 10.14 Terra Cotta Warriors
Grave goods frequently indicate the status of deceased individuals in stratified societies. For
example, China’s first emperor Qin Shi Huang was buried in 210-209 BCE with 7,000 life-sized
terra cotta figures of warriors complete with chariots and horses. In fact, an entire necropolis
or “dead city” was built for the emperor, which, according to some historians, required
700,000 workers to complete.
could buy became their own prerequisite for high status, presence of certain diseases can be determined from skel-
as seen in some contemporary cultures. etal remains. In stratified societies of the past, the domi-
How do archaeologists know that different social nant groups usually lived longer, ate better, and enjoyed
classes existed in ancient civilizations? As described ear- an easier life than lower-ranking members of society, just
lier, laws and other written documents, as well as archae- as they do today.
ological features including dwelling size and location, can
reflect social stratification. Burial customs also provide
evidence. Graves excavated at early Neolithic sites consist
mostly of simple pits dug in the ground. They contained
few, if any, grave goods—utensils, figurines, and per-
The Making of States
sonal possessions, symbolically placed in the grave for the From Africa to China to the South American Andes,
deceased person’s use in the afterlife (Figure 10.14). ancient civilizations created magnificent palaces high
The graves excavated in civilizations vary widely in size, above the ground, sculptures beautifully rendered using
mode of burial, and the number and variety of grave goods. techniques that continue into the present, and vast,
This reflects a stratified society, divided into social classes.
The graves of important people contain not only various
artifacts made from precious materials, but sometimes, as social stratification The emergence of social classes—a series of
in some early Egyptian burials, the remains of servants evi- ranked social categories according to characteristics such as wealth,
occupation, or kin group.
dently killed to serve their master in the afterlife.
grave goods Items such as utensils, figurines, and personal
Skeletons provide other evidence of stratification. Age possessions, symbolically placed in the grave for the deceased person’s
at death, nutritional stress during childhood, as well as use in the afterlife.
awe-inspiring engineering projects. To some, these im- emergence of centralized governments, characteristic of
pressive accomplishments indicate the superiority of civilizations, has allowed some peoples to dominate oth-
civilization compared to other cultural forms, particularly ers and for civilizations to flourish. Throughout millennia,
when civilizations have come to dominate alternative civilization, domination, trade, and warfare have gone
social systems. But domination reflects aggression, size, hand in hand, as this chapter’s Original Study on Ani, the
and power—not cultural superiority. In other words, the ancient Armenian city, illustrates.
ORIGI
NAL Ani: Identities and Conflicts in
S T U DY and Around a Silk Road City BY GREGORY ARESHIAN
Kaleidoscopic events in Middle East until the middle of the 14th century CE. Today
the conflict-torn Middle East it is located in Turkey, on the closed border with Armenia.
regularly appear on the radar Ani became the capital in 961 CE when Armenia acted
screen of more than a bil- as an important buffer zone between the world of Chris-
lion people around the tendom in the west and the world of Islam in the east
globe. Confused by the Black Sea and south. The Byzantine empire, then at the zenith of its
GEORGIA
avalanche of news, casual international power, backed the Bagratuni dynasty during
observers may open a map Ani
ARMENIA
the city’s first period of sociocultural development, which
© Cengage Learning
TURKEY
of that region, which will IRAN lasted from 961 to 1064 CE. During that time, Ani was de-
show borders of twenty signed and developed as a royal city, a major urban center
SYRIA IRAQ
countries. Britain, France, Mediterranean Sea in contrast to the predominantly rural environment of
and the Soviet Russia drew castles, farming villages, and small towns where the Arme-
these artificial borders after World War I, between 1918 and nian landed nobility resided; the city was also a contrast
1923, according to their imperialistic interests. These bor- to the monasteries of the Armenian Apostolic Church
ders—imposed without consideration for local geography (part of Eastern Christianity and distinct from the Cathol-
and the existing political, religious, and ethnic boundaries icism of western Europe and the Eastern Greek Orthodoxy
throughout the region, which is currently home to more of the Byzantine empire). The cityscape of Ani was highly
than 450 million people—created a multitude of conflicts innovative and organically connected to its landscape.
that have persisted into the present. Ani is located at the center of a large plateau within the
The religious, ethnic, and cultural divisions that fuel Caucasus Mountains. The city’s core occupies a triangular
today’s conflicts began thousands of years ago. Over the promontory formed by two merging canyons. Only in the
centuries, political elites and peoples of the region strug- strug north is the promontory easily accessible from the plateau.
gled for power and domination, but they also negotiated There, a double line of walls, still standing to the height of
solutions to their problems and forged alliances. Substan- 15 meters (49 feet) and made impregnable by thirty enor-
tial periods of sociopolitical stability created conditions mous towers of the inner line of defense, runs from the
for local and regional growth and prosperity. edge of one canyon to another. The design of the cityscape
Historic memories preserved in religious, ethnic, and
nationalistic narratives sometimes serve to justify and
intensify today’s conflicts. Archaeological sites along with Black Sea Caucasus Mts.
major events of the past occupy prominent places in
those stories. Multidisciplinary studies of such locations, Kizilirmak R.
based on comprehensive and holistic anthropological Lake Caspian
ANATOLIA Ani Sevan
approaches, tell us not only about essential activities of Lake Lake Aras R. Sea
Tuz Van
past societies but also reveal the symbolic impact of major
archaeological sites on current perceptions. The role of ar- Taurus Mts. Lake
© Cengage Learning
Urmia
Oezel
chaeologists is to disentangle fact and fiction in these sites. Owzan R.
The history of the majestic ruins of the city of Ani, the MESOPOTAMIA ASSYRIA PERSIA
capital of Armenia in the 10th and 11th centuries CE under Mediterranean Sea Euphrates R. Tigris R.
the Bagratuni royal dynasty, provides an excellent case in

point. The city continued to prosper through all the politi-
Cilicia (Little Armenia) Lesser Armenia
cal ups and downs of the domination by the Turko-Persian
Greater Armenia Bagratuni Kingdom
empire of the Great Seljuqs and the Mongol empire in the
The Making of States 265
because of the strength of its fortifications. When seized,

Kars Gate its population suffered massacres, enslavement, and de-
Lion
Gate portation. But in the second period of Seljuq, Georgian,
City Chequerboard
Wal
ls Gate and Mongol domination, the city became a major hub of
Palace
international commerce in the Silk Road network connect-
ay
ing Eurasia from the Pacific to central Europe, stimulating
Roadw
the transcontinental exchange of goods, ideas, technolo-
gies, religions, and knowledge. Ani’s importance for trade
Caravanserais forestalled major destruction of the city by conquerors,
who expected to benefit from its economic capacity.
Ani’s prosperity peaked a third time when the city re-
Caravanserais ceived a privileged status in the Mongol Ilkhanid empire.
The Silk Road transcontinental system collapsed during
the second half of the 14th to early 15th century and
was replaced by the maritime global trade network of
Palace the Portuguese, Dutch, Spanish, and later British. With
Citadel the demise of the Silk Road, Ani was abandoned, and its
population emigrated to Crimea, Constantinople (modern
iv e r
Istanbul), and central Europe.

nR
a During the next few centuries, western European, Rus-

ur i
Akh Church
sian, and Armenian travelers visited and marveled at the
Tower splendid ruins of Ani. In 1892, a diverse team of scholars
Mosque from major academic institutions of the Russian empire—
historians, archaeologists, architects, and philologists—
began large-scale excavations and studies of Ani, which,
© Cengage Learning
at that time, was completely within the borders of the

Fortress
empire. With some interruptions, the fieldwork contin-
ued until 1917. After the collapse of the Ottoman empire,
the short-lived Republic of Armenia included Ani. When
the Republic of Armenia was divided between the newly
projected the superior power of the capital and struck any- formed Republic of Turkey and the Soviet empire in 1921,
one who was approaching Ani with its urban image. approximately 85 percent of the archaeological site of Ani
Besides its defenses in the north, most of Ani’s mon- was left on the Turkish side of the border.
umental buildings (cathedrals and palaces) were aligned For nearly the century that has elapsed since the estab-
along the edges of canyons, unlike other medieval cities lishment of the current border, the fate of Ani has been
of Europe and the Middle East where major buildings heartbreaking. After the formation of the Republic of
were concentrated in the centers of cities, riverbanks, or Turkey during the 1920s—a state that did not recognize
coastlines. The walls of monumental buildings at Ani (in- the ethnic diversity of its population and the historical-
cluding the fortifications) were built of smoothly dressed cultural heritage of minorities—the archaeological site
blocks of tuff stone of orange, rose, bisque, chestnut, light of Ani was subjected to complete neglect and even de-
and dark gray, black, and other colors, creating an amaz- struction. Some of its outstanding components, such
ing palette-like tapestry throughout the whole city. Even as the Khtskonq Monastery and the Tignis Castle, were
fortification walls were decorated with masonry of differ- blown up with explosives. In the absence of supervision
ent colors depicting Armenian Christian crosses and car- and protection, parts of the fortification walls and sev-
pet-like designs. Sculptured dragons and bulls conveyed eral monumental buildings were gradually demolished
the identity of the city as a stronghold of Christianity and by inhabitants of surrounding villages who used the
commerce. Multiple cathedrals and churches, each with a beautifully dressed stones of medieval structures for their
unique architectural design, gave Ani the name “the city current construction needs. Rare visitors to Ani would
of one thousand and one churches” in medieval Arme- read plaques installed by Turkey’s Ministry of Culture,
nian and European histories, or “the city of five hundred explaining the meaning of specific buildings and pre-
churches” in Arabic histories. senting the history of the site without mentioning the
The second major period in the history of Ani spanned Armenian heritage.
from 1064 to the middle of the 14th century CE. In 1064, Some positive changes have begun in the last two
the army of the empire of Great Seljuqs captured Ani, decades, especially since 2002, when a new government
which started a period of political volatility in the region. of Turkey came to power. The looting of the site was
Ani was besieged multiple times, often unsuccessfully stopped and conservation work has begun in different
is a forgotten archaeological trea-

sure, rarely visited by tourists and
even scholars.
To Armenians, Ani represents
the ultimate achievement of their
culture and national heritage. But,
short of taking a trip through
Turkey, to visit Ani today citizens
of the Republic of Armenia can
only gaze at this medieval mar-
vel through the barbed wire at
the still-closed border between the
two countries.
One can hope that the move-
ment of the Turkish society to-
Michele Burgess/Alamy
ward multiculturalism continues
and that the mutual mistrust be-
tween the Armenians and Turks
abates. Ani may then become
open, along with the Armenian–
The Church of the Redeemer, like so many of the buildings in Ani, an ancient capital of Armenia, Turkish border, and welcomed
have been deliberately destroyed and looted. again as an essential part of Ar-
menian cultural heritage. In that
bright future, Ani will become the
parts of the ancient city. Some of that work—such as shared cultural treasure of Turkey, Armenia, and human-
on the Grand Cathedral of the Virgin Mary and on the kind around the globe.
Cathedral of the Savior—is satisfactory; in other cases it
caused more damage than conservation. Yet, Ani today Written expressly for this text.
As this study shows, the legacy of past empires consists governing body, elite social class, and civilization. Others
of far more than archaeological ruins. Archaeological re- suggest that in regions of ecological diversity, procuring
mains and their state of preservation reflect the tarnished scarce resources requires trade networks controlled by a
history of relationships among empires that no longer central authority. In Mexico, for example, trade networks
exist. Accurately reconstructing and understanding the distributed chili peppers grown in the highlands, cotton
past through the excavation and preservation of ancient and beans from intermediate elevations, and salt from the
remains ultimately contributes to improved relations coasts to people throughout the region.
among living peoples. Environmental barriers such as mountains, deserts, seas,
or even other human populations might also be factors in
state formation (Carneiro, 1970). As these hemmed in pop-
Ecological Theories ulations grow, without space into which to expand, they
begin to compete for increasingly scarce resources. Inter-
In ecological theories, environmental factors drive the nally, this may lead to social stratification, in which an elite
development of states. Among these, the hydraulic class controls important resources to which lower classes
theory, or irrigation theory, holds that civilizations de- have limited access. Externally, this leads to warfare and
veloped when Neolithic peoples realized the best farming even conquest, which, to be successful, requires elaborate
occurred in the fertile soils of river valleys, provided they organization under a centralized authority (Figure 10.15).
could control the periodic flooding. The centralized effort See this chapter’s Globalscape for an example of warfare’s
to control the irrigation process blossomed into the first current impact on archaeology.
Each of these ecological theories has limitations.
Across the globe and through time, anthropologists find
cultures that do not fit these models. For example, North
hydraulic theory In archaeology, the theory that explains civilization’s American Indians possessed trade networks that extended
emergence as the result of the construction of elaborate irrigation
from Labrador in northeastern Canada to the Gulf of
systems, the functioning of which required full-time managers whose
control blossomed into the first governing body and elite social class; Mexico and the Yellowstone region of the Rocky Moun-
also known as irrigation theory.
theory tains and even to the Pacific—all without centralized
Civilization and Its Discontents 267
AP Images/Nabil al-Jurani
Figure 10.15 Policing Ancient Cities
To build a monument such as the Great Ziggurat of Ur, a temple in the ancient Mesopotamian
city located in present-day Iraq, a centralized authority needed to be able to mobilize the
laborers to build the structures and to amass defensive armies. In the present, centralized
authorities such as the U.S. government and its military turn to archaeologists in times of war
to protect cultural resources. The Archaeological Institute of America initiated an innovative
program to educate U.S. Marines before their deployment. At U.S. Marine Corp Camp
Lejeune in North Carolina, a mandatory class for both officers and enlisted men and women
heading to Iraq included topics such as Mesopotamia’s role in the development of writing,
schools, libraries, law codes, calendars, and astronomy. Archaeologists taught soldiers basic
archaeological techniques including effective strategies to protect sites against looters. Similar
courses appropriate to each region are planned to accompany future U.S. military deployments.
control. And in many of the cultures that do not fit the followers depended. In this case, certain individuals could
theories of ecological determinism, neighboring cultures monopolize power and emerge as divine kings, using their
learned to coexist rather than pursuing warfare to the power to subjugate any rivals. In the case of the Maya, the
point of complete conquest. combination of existing cultural and ecological factors
opened the way for the emergence of political dynasties.
Action Theory Thus, explanations of civilization’s emergence tend to in-

volve multiple causes, rather than just one.
Environmental theories often fail to recognize the capacity
of ambitious, charismatic leaders to shape the course of hu-
man history. Action theory, on the other hand, acknowl-
edges the relationship of society to the environment, but it
Civilization and Its
also recognizes that forceful leaders strive to advance their
positions through self-serving actions (Marcus & Flannery,
Discontents
1996). In so doing, they may create change. Many people view civilization as a great step up on the
In the case of Maya history, for example, local leaders, so-called ladder of progress. But whatever its benefits, civ-
who once relied on personal charisma for the economic and ilization certainly produced new problems. Among them
political support needed to sustain them in their positions, is the challenge of waste disposal and its consequences.
may have seized upon religion to solidify their power.
Through religion they developed an ideology that endowed
them and their descendants with supernatural ancestry action theory The theory that self-serving actions by forceful leaders
and gave them privileged access to the gods on which their play a role in civilization’s emergence.
GLOBALSCAPE
UNITED
KINGDOM ASIA

London
NORTH EUROPE
AMERICA SYRIA Mosul
Palmyra
IRAQ
Martin Godwin for the Guardian
Frederick Pleitgen/CNN
Illicit Antiquities? artifacts may actually be the lucky ones. War has always been per
per-
In an antiquities shop in London, one might find a 3,000-year-old ilous for archeological and historical treasures. The Parthenon of
coin or a cylinder seal from ancient Mesopotamia, the land that Athens owes its ruinous condition to fighting between the Venetians
is present-day Syria and Iraq. How did it get to London? Archaeol- and the Ottomans in the 17th century. Along with killing multitudes,
ogists have turned to another kind of digging to find the answer. Allied fire bombings reduced the historic city of Dresden, Germany,
Sometimes by posing as collectors in London or by serving as to rubble during World War II. Tens of thousands of artifacts were
preservation experts to museum staff in this war-torn region, they looted from the National Museum in Baghdad after the U.S. inva-
are uncovering a network of profitable smuggling that ultimately sion of Iraq in 2003, 15,000 of which have never been recovered.
benefits the Islamic State (ISIS or ISIL). British archaeologist In an August 2015 interview in the New York Times, Syria’s
Mark Altaweel, pictured here with the collection at the University director general of antiquities, Maamoun Abdulkarim, said he was
College London’s Institute of Archaeology, has done both. the “saddest director general in the world.” He noted that Syria’s
With the intent of creating a fundamentalist Islamic state antiquities and ancient sites are not the property of any political
throughout the Middle East, ISIS has quickly taken over large group, but for all Syrians, adding, “It’s for you also—for American
swaths of land from Syria’s Mediterranean coast to eastern Iraq. people, for European people, for Japanese people. It’s all your her
her-
This territory contains innumerable ancient sites (Iraq alone claims itage.”c What remains to be seen is whether the world will be able
over 10,000) and artifacts, which are now threatened. Between to protect this precious heritage from those who would do it harm.
them, Iraq and Syria are home to ten UNESCO World Heritage
Global Twister
Cultural Sites, including Palmyra. In 2015, ISIS’s intentional deto-
nation of the 1st-century Temple of Baalshamin in Palmyra forever If artifacts from ancient civilizations from throughout the world
deprived Syrians and the world of one of the best-preserved represent our shared global heritage, how can such treasures be
temples, at one of our most important archaeological sites. Syrian kept safe from destruction, looting, and retribution?
archaeologists had rescued hundreds of Roman busts before ISIS
took control of the city—destroying parts of the site, looting, and a
Al-Azm, A., Al-Kuntar, S., & Daniels, B. I. (2014, September 2).
beheading the director of antiquities at Palmyra, Khaled al-Asaad. ISIS’ antiquities sideline. New York Times. http://www.nytimes
Earlier in 2015, ISIS released a video of its members using sledge- .com/2014/09/03/opinion/isis-antiquities-sideline.html?_r=0
hammers to destroy ancient Assyrian statues from a museum in (retrieved November 3, 2015)
Mosul, Iraq. Looting adds yet another layer of destruction: ISIS b
Shabi, R. (2015, July 3). Looted in Syria—and sold in London: The
permits locals to loot and then levies a khums tax on the money British antiques shops dealing in artefacts smuggled by Isis. The
gained through the illegal sale of these artifacts.a Guardian. http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/jul/03/antiquities
Some sources indicate that illegal trafficking in antiquities -looted-by-isis-end-up-in-london-shops (retrieved November 3, 2015)
brings in tens of millions of dollars to ISIS’s coffers, with artifacts c
Barnard, A. (2015, August 24). ISIS speeds up destruction
being smuggled into Lebanon, Turkey, and Jordan before being sold of antiquities in Syria. New York Times. http://www.nytimes
to international buyers. Some of these looted artifacts have been .com/2015/08/25/world/isis-accelerates-destruction-of-antiquities-
found on sale in London antique shops.b These illegally exported in-syria.html?_r=0 (retrieved November 3, 2015)
In fact, waste disposal probably
began to be a difficulty in settled
farming communities even be-
fore civilizations emerged. As
villages grew into cities, the
crowded conditions and the
buildup of garbage and sewage
created optimal environments
for infectious diseases such as
plague, typhoid, and cholera. As
Hans Lippert/imagebroker/Alamy
a result, early cities were disease-
ridden places with relatively
high death rates.
Genetic adaptation to urban
disease has influenced the course
of history globally. Among
northern Europeans, for exam- Figure 10.16 Favelas
ple, the mutation of a gene on Over 10 million Brazilians live in favelas—impoverished, crowded urban neighborhoods
chromosome 7 makes carriers where multigenerational homes are stacked practically on top of one another. Under these
resistant to cholera, typhoid, and conditions, particularly when sanitation and ventilation are poor, diseases like TB, leprosy,
other bacterial diarrheas, all of and dengue fever can thrive.
which spread easily in urban
environments. Because of the
mortality caused by these diseases, selection favored
spread of this allele among northern Europeans. But, as (the sickle-cell allele) and bacterial diarrheas (the cystic
with sickle-cell anemia, protection comes at a price: cystic fibrosis gene), TB triggered a genetic response in the form
fibrosis, a usually fatal disease present in people who are of the Tay-Sachs allele, which protects heterozygous indi-
homozygous for the altered gene. viduals from TB.
Other acute infectious diseases accompanied the rise Unfortunately, homozygotes for the Tay-Sachs allele
of towns and cities. In a small population, diseases such as develop a lethal, degenerative condition that remains
chicken pox, influenza, measles, mumps, pertussis, polio, common among Ashkenazi Jews. Without the selective
rubella, and smallpox will kill or immunize so high a pro- pressure of TB, the frequency of the Tay-Sachs allele would
portion of the population that the virus cannot continue never have increased. Similarly, without the strict social
to propagate. The continued existence of such diseases rules confining poor Jews to the ghettos (compounded by
depends upon the presence of a large population, as is social and religious rules about marriage), the frequency of
found in cities. the Tay-Sachs allele would never have increased.
City environments also promote tuberculosis (TB). The Today, not only are poor individuals more likely to be-
bacterium that causes TB cannot survive in the presence come infected with TB, they are also less likely to be able
of sunlight and fresh air. Before people began working to afford the medicines to treat this disease. For people in
and living in dark, crowded urban centers, if an infected poor countries and for disadvantaged people in wealthier
individual coughed and released the TB bacterium into countries, tuberculosis, like AIDS, can be an incurable,
the air, sunlight would prevent the spread of infection. fatal, infectious disease. Global health specialists have
TB, like many other sicknesses, can be called a disease of stated that both TB and HIV thrive on poverty (Bates
civilization. et al., 2004). The poor of the world have borne a higher
disease burden since the development of stratified societies
characteristic of cities and states.
Social Stratification and Disease
Civilization affects disease in another powerful way. So-
cial stratification impacts who gets sick as much as any
bacterium, past and present. For example, Ashkenazi Jews
Colonialism and Disease
of eastern Europe were forced into urban ghettos over When Europeans with immunity to so-called Old World
several centuries, becoming especially vulnerable to the diseases came to the Americas for the first time, they
TB thriving in crowded, dark, confined neighborhoods brought these devastating diseases with them. Millions
(Figure 10.16). As with the genetic response to malaria of Native Americans—who had never been exposed to
269
Perilous Pigs: The Introduction of Swine-Borne

Disease to the Americas BY CH
CHARLES C. M
MANN
On May 30, 1539, Hernando de Soto

landed his private army near Tampa Bay,
in Florida. . . . Half warrior, half venture
capitalist, Soto had grown very rich very
young by becoming a market leader in the
nascent trade for Indian slaves. The prof
prof-
its had helped to fund Pizarro’s seizure of
the Incan empire, which had made Soto
wealthier still. Looking quite literally for
new worlds to conquer, he persuaded the
Spanish Crown to let him loose in North
America. . . . He came to Florida with 200
horses, 600 soldiers, and 300 pigs.
From today’s perspective, it is difficult
to imagine the ethical system that would
AP Photo/Eric Gay
justify Soto’s actions. For four years his
force, looking for gold, wandered through
what is now Florida, Georgia, North and
South Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama,
Mississippi, Arkansas, and Texas, De Soto’s pigs brought disease to America with devastating consequences for the millions
wrecking almost everything it touched. The of Native Americans who died from swine-borne sickness. Today the descendants of these
inhabitants often fought back vigorously, pigs still leave destruction in their wake, through habitat destruction and destabilization of the
but they had never before encountered an ecosystem. Without any natural predators, their population has grown out of control. Aerial
army with horses and guns. . . . Soto’s men hunting, from the perch of a helicopter, has become a means to keep their numbers in check.
managed to rape, torture, enslave, and
kill countless Indians. But the worst thing
the Spaniards did, some researchers say, Spaniards approached a cluster of small After Soto left, no Europeans visited
was entirely without malice—bring the cities, each protected by earthen walls, this part of the Mississippi Valley for
pigs. . . . sizeable moats, and deadeye archers. In more than a century. Early in 1682 whites
According to Charles Hudson, an anthro- his usual fashion, Soto brazenly marched in, appeared again, this time Frenchmen in
pologist at the University of Georgia, ...the stole food, and marched out. canoes. . . Area[s] where Soto had found
influenza, smallpox, typhus, and measles—died as a re-

sult. The microbes causing these diseases and the human
Anthropology and Cities
populations upon which they depend developed in tan-
dem over thousands of years of urban life in Eurasia, and
of the Future
before that in village life with a variety of domesticated Only recently have public health measures reduced the
animal species. Thus, anyone who survived had acquired risk of living in cities. Had it not been for a constant influx
immunity in the process. (See this chapter’s Biocultural of rural peoples, cities might not have persisted. Europe’s
Connection for more on the death and disease Europeans urban population, for example, did not become self-sus-
brought with them when they colonized the Americas.) taining until early in the 20th century.
Very few diseases traveled back to Europe from the Ameri- Besides health problems, many early cities faced social
cas. Instead, these colonizers brought back the riches that problems strikingly similar to those found in contempo-
they had pillaged. rary cities all over the world. Dense population and the
Anthropology and Cities of the Future 271
cities cheek by jowl . . . [were] deserted Unlike Europeans, Indians did not live in How could a few pigs truly wreak
[without an] Indian village for 200 miles. close quarters with animals—they domes- this much destruction? . . . One reason is
About fifty settlements existed in this ticated only the dog, the llama, the alpaca, that Indians were fresh territory for many
strip of the Mississippi when Soto showed the guinea pig, and, here and there, the plagues, not just one. Smallpox, typhoid,
up, according to Ann Ramenofsky, an turkey and the Muscovy duck. . . . [W]hat bubonic plague, influenza, mumps, mea-
anthropologist at the University of New scientists call zoonotic disease was little sles, whooping cough—all rained down
Mexico. . . . Soto “had a privileged glimpse” known in the Americas. Swine alone can on the Americas in the century after
of an Indian world, Hudson says. “The disseminate anthrax, brucellosis, lepto- Columbus. . . .
window opened and slammed shut. When spirosis, taeniasis, trichinosis, and tuber
tuber- To Elizabeth Fenn, the smallpox histo-
the French came in and the record opened culosis. Pigs breed exuberantly and can rian, the squabble over numbers obscures
up again, it was a transformed reality. transmit diseases to deer and turkeys. a central fact. Whether 1 million or
A civilization crumbled. The question is, Only a few of Soto’s pigs would have had 10 million or 100 million died,. . . the pall
how did this happen?” to wander off to infect the forest. of sorrow that engulfed the hemisphere
The question is even more complex Indeed, the calamity wrought by Soto ap- was immeasurable. Languages, prayers,
than it may seem. Disaster of this mag- parently extended across the whole South- hopes, habits, and dreams—entire ways
nitude suggests epidemic disease. In the east. The Coosa city-states, in western of life hissed away like steam. . . . In the
view of Ramenofsky and Patricia Galloway, Georgia, and the Caddoan-speaking civiliza- long run, Fenn says, the consequential
an anthropologist at the University of tion, centered on the Texas–Arkansas border, finding is not that many people died but
Texas, the source of the contagion was disintegrated soon after Soto appeared. that many people once lived. The Americas
very likely not Soto’s army but its ambu- The Caddo had had a taste for monumental were filled with a stunningly diverse assort-
latory meat locker: his 300 pigs. Soto’s architecture: public plazas, ceremonial plat
plat- ment of peoples who had knocked about
force itself was too small to be an effec- forms, mausoleums. After Soto’s army left, the continents for millennia. “You have to
tive biological weapon. Sicknesses like notes Timothy K. Perttula, an archaeologi- wonder,” Fenn says. “What were all those
measles and smallpox would have burned cal consultant in Austin, Texas, the Caddo people up to in all that time?”
through his 600 soldiers long before they stopped building community centers and be-
reached the Mississippi. But the same gan digging community cemeteries....[After] Biocultural Question
would not have held true for the pigs, Soto’s.. . visit, Perttula believes, the Cad- Does the history of the decimation of
which multiplied rapidly and were able to doan population fell from about 200,000 American Indians through infectious dis-
transmit their diseases to wildlife in the to about 8,500—a drop of nearly 96 per per- ease have any parallels in the contem-
surrounding forest. When human beings cent.... “That’s one reason whites think of porary globalized world? Do infectious
and domesticated animals live close to- Indians as nomadic hunters,” says Russell diseases impact all peoples equally?
gether, they trade microbes with abandon. Thornton, an anthropologist at the University
Over time mutation spawns new diseases: of California at Los Angeles. “Everything Adapted from Mann, C. C. (2005). 1491:
Avian influenza becomes human influ- else—all the heavily populated urbanized New revelations of the Americas before
enza, bovine rinderpest becomes measles. societies—was wiped out.” Columbus. New York: Knopf.
inequalities of class systems and oppressive centralized often led to boundary disputes and quarrels between states
governments created internal stress. The poor saw that or between so-called tribal peoples and a state. When war
the wealthy had all the things they themselves lacked. It broke out, people crowded into walled cities for protection.
was not just a question of luxury items; the poor did not Many of the problems associated with the first civi-
have enough food or space in which to live with comfort, lizations such as waste disposal, pollution-related health
dignity, and health (Figure 10.17). problems, crowding, social inequities, and warfare con-
Abundant archaeological evidence also documents war- tinue to challenge humanity today. Through the study of
fare in early civilizations. Cities were fortified. Ancient docu- past civilizations and through comparison of contempo-
ments list battles, raids, and wars between groups. Cylinder rary societies, we now stand a chance of understanding
seals, paintings, and sculptures depict battle scenes, victo- these problems. Such understanding represents a central
rious kings, and captured prisoners of war. Increasing pop- part of anthropologists’ mission and can contribute to the
ulation and the accompanying scarcity of fertile farmland ability of our species to transcend human-made problems.
AP Images/Khalil Hamra
Figure 10.17 “City of the Dead”
One of Cairo’s poorest neighborhoods, the “City of the Dead” is actually a cemetery. Thousands
of poor Egyptian families use centuries-old mausoleums, built for some of Cairo’s wealthy
inhabitants, as makeshift homes. For the poor, a gravestone might serve as a table or a bed.
Children play among the graves. Because the land on which these families live is officially a
cemetery, this neighborhood lacks basic services such as running water and a sewer system.
When did the first cities and states What characteristics distinguished the
develop, and how did this occur? four cultural changes leading to the
✓ The world’s first cities grew out of Neolithic villages development of urban centers?
between 4,500 and 6,000 years ago—first in ✓ Agricultural innovation involved the development of
Mesopotamia, then in Egypt and the Indus Valley. new farming methods such as irrigation that increased
In China, the process was under way by 5,000 years crop yields. Agricultural innovations brought about
ago. Somewhat later, and completely independently, other changes such as increased population size.
similar changes took place in Mesoamerica and the
central Andes. ✓ Diversification of labor intensified as a result of
population growth in cities. Some people could
✓ Four basic cultural changes mark the transition from provide sufficient food for everyone so that others
Neolithic village life to life in civilized urban centers: could devote themselves to specialization as artisans
agricultural innovation, diversification of labor, and craftspeople. Specialization led to the development
emergence of centralized government, and social of new technologies and the beginnings of extensive
stratification. trade systems.
273
✓ The emergence of a central government provided an forceful, dynamic leaders. Action theories argue that
authority to deal with the complex problems associated leaders’ efforts to promote their own interests may play
with cities and permitted elites to mobilize workers to a role in social change.
erect monumental structures. With the invention of
writing, governments began keeping records and What problems beset early cities?
boasting of their own power and glory.
✓ Poor sanitation in early cities, coupled with large
✓ Symbols of status and privilege appeared with the numbers of people living in close proximity, created
emergence of social classes, as individuals were ranked environments in which infectious diseases were
according to wealth they accumulated or controlled. rampant.
Burial customs, grave goods, dwelling size, and records
in documents and art provide evidence of social ✓ Early urban centers also faced social problems
stratification. strikingly similar to those persisting in the world
today. Dense populations, class systems, and strong
centralized governments created internal stress.
Why did cities and states develop?
✓ Warfare was common; cities were fortified, and armies
✓ Ecological theories emphasize the interrelation of the
served to protect and expand the state.
actions of ancient peoples with their environment.
According to these theories, civilizations developed as ✓ European city-dwellers had already adapted to urban
centralized governments began to control irrigation diseases that decimated both urban and rural Native
systems, trade networks, and scarce resources. American populations when the Europeans invaded
the Americas.
✓ These theories omit the importance of the beliefs and
values of cultures of the past as well as the actions of
1. Since the origins of cities and states, humans have 3. With today’s global communication and economic
engaged in large-scale elaborate warfare, both between networks, will it be possible to shift away from social
states and within them. War also leads to social systems involving centralized governments, or is a
upheaval, as in the case of the millions of Syrians who global, centralized authority inevitable?
have been displaced by ongoing civil war. How do you 4. With many archaeological discoveries, there is a value
think today’s societies should address this issue? placed on “firsts,” such as the earliest writing, the first
2. What are some of the ways that differences in social city, or the earliest government. Given the history
stratification are expressed where you live? Does your of the independent emergence of cities and states
community have any traditions surrounding death that throughout the world, do you think that scholars
serve to restate the social differentiation of individuals? should place more value on these events just because
Are there local traditions that serve to redistribute the they are older?
wealth so that it is shared more evenly?
Mapping Class
Archaeological exploration involves making Make a hand-drawn map of your community

detailed maps of each site. Mapmakers note or use an existing satellite map. Compare the
the position, scale, density, and construction roadways, position, scale, and density of the
materials of buildings, roadways, monuments, buildings, and the construction materials used.
and other substructures such as natural Consider which neighborhoods have the best
resources. Through these details, archaeologists access to stores, transportation, public buildings,
can infer the presence of social stratification in and open spaces or parks. How do your findings
communities. relate to class structures in your community?
Anadolu Agency/Getty Images
CHALLENGE ISSUE
In June 2015, a gunman opened fire on those attending a prayer service at Emanuel African
Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, South Carolina. Nine people, all black, died in
what the white shooter later revealed was his attempt to incite a race war. The historic church
had been associated with civil rights activism for a century. The 21-year-old gunman’s online
presence showed his preoccupation with white supremacy, neo-Nazism, and apartheid. Prior
to this tragedy, a series of highly publicized incidents of police brutality against blacks in the
United States spurred the Black Lives Matter movement and sparked a national discussion
about race and injustice. Racism and hatred are fueled by false beliefs that precise bio-
logical features divide our species into discrete types. Obvious physical differences among
humans exist, but biological evidence demonstrates unequivocally that separate races, or
subspecies, do not. In fact, far more genetic diversity exists within a single so-called racial
category than between any two. However, racism and its vocabulary continually surface
throughout the world, whether in wage disparities, media commentary, or security profiling.
Although distinct biological races do not exist, the social and political reality of race impacts,
if not determines, the human experience in some societies, including the United States.
Modern Human
Diversity—Race
and Racism
11
From male to female, short to tall, light to dark, we can categorize biological In this chapter you
variation in a number of ways, but in the end we are all members of the same will learn to
species. Minute variations of our DNA give each of us a unique genetic finger- ● Examine the history of
print, yet this variation remains within the bounds of being genetically human. human classification.
Any visible differences among modern humans exist within the framework of ● Describe how the
biological features shared throughout the species, and as a species, humans vary. biological concept of
Although we use the terms black, white, and race in this chapter, their reality is race cannot be applied
to humans.
purely cultural.
Human genetic variation generally follows a continuous pattern of distribu-

● Recognize the
conflation of biological
tion across the globe. Biologically, some of this variation derives from interaction
race into cultural race
with the environment through the evolutionary process of natural selection. in theories that attempt
Random genetic drift accounts for the remainder. But the significance we give to link race to behavior
our biological variation is anything but random because cultures determine the
and intelligence.
way we perceive variation—in fact, whether we perceive it at all. In cultures ● Recognize some
where skin color bears no relationship to social status, people pay little attention
biological consequences
of racism.
to this physical characteristic. But people in countries such as the United States,
Brazil, and South Africa notice skin color immediately because it remains a sig-
● Discuss physical
anthropological
nificant social and political category. The study of biological diversity, therefore,
approaches to the study
requires an awareness of the cultural dimensions that shape the questions asked of human biological
about diversity as well as an understanding of the history of this knowledge use. variation.
When European scholars first began their systematic study of human vari- ● Describe the role of
ation in the 18th and 19th centuries, they used small biological differences adaptation in human
variation in skin color.
among human groups to divide them hierarchically so as to identify “better
types” of humans. Today, this hierarchical approach has been appropriately

● Examine the interaction
between biological and
abandoned. Before exploring how we study contemporary biological variation
cultural components of
today, let’s examine the effects of social ideas about race and racial hierarchy on how humans adapt.
the interpretation of biological variation, past and present.
275
276 CHAPTER 11 Modern Human Diversity—Race and Racism
The History of Human

Classification
Some early European scholars tried to systematically clas-
sify Homo sapiens into subspecies, or races, based on geo-
graphic location and phenotypic features such as skin color,
body size, head shape, and hair texture. The 18th-century
Swedish naturalist Carolus Linnaeus (see Chapter 2)
divided humans into subspecies based on geographic
location and classified all Europeans as white, Africans as
black, American Indians as red, and Asians as yellow.
The German physician Johann Blumenbach (1752–
1840) introduced a significant and pernicious change
in the hierarchy of human types. Considering the skull
of a woman from the Caucasus Mountains (located be-
tween the Black and Caspian Seas of southeastern Europe
and southwestern Asia) to be the most beautiful in his
collection, Blumenbach saw it as a reflection of nature’s
Missouri Historical Society

ideal form: the circle. Surely, he reasoned, this “perfect”
specimen resembled God’s original creation. Moreover, he
thought that the living inhabitants of the Caucasus region
were the most beautiful in the world. Based on these cri-
teria, he concluded that this high mountain range, which
included lands mentioned in the Bible, was the place of Figure 11.1 Ota Benga
human origins. The placement of Ota Benga on display in the Bronx Zoo
illustrates the depths of racism in the early 20th century. Here
Blumenbach also concluded that all light-skinned
is Ota Benga posing for the camera when he was part of the
peoples in Europe and adjacent parts of western Asia and
African Exhibit at the St. Louis World’s Fair. Ota’s sharpened
northern Africa belonged to the same “variety.” On this
teeth (a cultural practice among his people) were seen as
basis, he dropped the label “European” and replaced it
evidence of his supposedly cannibal nature.
with “Caucasian.” Although he continued to distinguish
American Indians as a separate variety, he regrouped dark-
skinned Africans as “Ethiopian” and split those Asians
not considered Caucasian into two separate groups: “Mon- time, Ota was 150 centimeters (4 feet 11 inches) tall and
golian” (referring to most inhabitants of Asia, including weighed 47 kilograms (103 pounds). Throngs of visitors
China and Japan) and “Malay” (indigenous Australians, came to see displays of indigenous peoples from around
Pacific Islanders, and others). the globe, in their traditional dress, in replica villages, do-
Convinced that Caucasians were closest to the original ing their customary activities. The fair was a success for the
ideal humans supposedly created in God’s image, Blumen- organizers, and all the Twa Pygmies survived to be shipped
bach ranked them as superior. The other “varieties,” he ar- back to their homeland. Verner returned to Congo, and
gued, were the result of “degeneration”; by moving away with Ota’s help collected artifacts that he intended to sell to
from their place of origin and adapting to different envi- the American Museum of Natural History in New York City.
ronments and climates, they had degenerated physically In the summer of 1906, Ota came back to the United
and morally into what many Europeans came to think of States with Verner, who soon went bankrupt and lost his
as inferior races. Political leaders have used this notion of entire collection. Left stranded, Ota was placed in the care of
superior and inferior races to justify brutalities ranging the museum and then taken to the Bronx Zoo and exhibited
from repression to slavery to mass murder to genocide. in the monkey house, with an orangutan as company. After
The tragic story of Ota Benga, a Twa Pygmy man who intensive protest, zoo officials released Ota from his cage
in the early 1900s was caged in a New York zoo with an and during the day let him roam free in the park, where
orangutan, painfully illustrates the disastrous impact of visitors often harassed him. Ota (usually referred to as a
racial dogma (Figure 11.1). Captured in a raid in Congo, “boy”) was then turned over to an orphanage for African
Ota Benga came into the possession of North American American children. In 1916, upon hearing that he would
businessman Samuel Verner, who was looking for exotic never return to his homeland, he took a revolver and shot
“savages” for exhibition in the United States. In 1904, Ota himself through the heart (Bradford & Blume, 1992).
and other Twa were shipped across the Atlantic and exhib- The racist display at the Bronx Zoo a century ago
ited at the St. Louis World’s Fair. About 23 years old at the was by no means unique. Ota Benga’s tragic life was the
Race as a Biological Concept 277
manifestation of a powerful ideology in which one small

part of humanity sought to justify its claims of biologi-
cal and cultural superiority. This ideology had particular
resonance in North America, where people of European
descent colonized lands originally inhabited by Native
Americans and then went on to exploit African slaves and
(later) Asians imported as a source of cheap labor.
According to U.S. anthropologist Audrey Smedley, the
earliest settlers who came over from England had already
refined this ideology of dehumanization and the practice
of slavery in their dealings with the Irish (Smedley, 2007).
They even imported Irish slaves and indentured servants
and also enslaved American Indians.
Although the Emancipation Proclamation ended slav-
ery in 1863 in the United States, dismantling its pseudosci-
entific bases is taking much longer. Racism is often fueled
© Cengage Learning
by folk beliefs about biological differences with destructive
consequences, as we saw at the beginning of this chapter.
In the early 20th century, when scholars began to challenge
the concept of racial hierarchies, German American anthro-
pologist Franz Boas (1858–1942) was among the strongest Figure 11.2 An Alternative Grouping
critics. An immigrant to the United States, founder of Fingerprint patterns of loops, whorls, and arches are genetically
North America’s four-field anthropology, and president of determined. Grouping people on this basis would place the
the American Association for the Advancement of Science, Bushmen of southern Africa as “arches” (upper left). Most
Boas criticized false claims of racial superiority in an impor- Europeans, sub-Saharan Africans, and East Asians would be
tant speech titled “Race Problems in America,” published in grouped together as “loops” (upper right). Australian Aborigines
the prestigious journal Science in 1909. and the people of Mongolia would be together as “whorls”
Ashley Montagu (1905–1999), a British student of (lower left). As with other attempts to divide humans into
Boas and one of the best-known anthropologists of his discrete categories, fingerprint-based racialization is complicated
time, devoted much of his career to combating scientific by tremendous variation within each group as well as blending
racism. His book, Man’s Most Dangerous Myth: The Fallacy between them, exemplified by the double loop whorl (lower right).
of Race, published in 1942, took the lead in debunking
the concept of clearly bounded races as a “social myth.”
race. For example, if one researcher emphasizes skin color
The book has since gone through many editions, the last
while another emphasizes fingerprint differences, they will
in 2008. Montagu’s once controversial ideas have now
not classify people in the same way (Figure 11.2).
become mainstream, and his text remains one of the most
Second, no single race has exclusive possession of any
comprehensive treatments of the subject. The anthropo-
particular variant of any gene or genes. In human terms,
logical perspective on race is especially relevant to social
the frequency of a trait like the type O blood group, for
justice movements calling for societal change or paradigm
example, may be high in one population and low in
shifts, such as the 1960s civil rights era or recent Black
another, but it is present in both. In other words, popu-
Lives Matter activism in the United States.
lations are genetically “open,” meaning that genes flow
between them. The only reproductive barriers that exist
for humans are the cultural rules some societies impose
Race as a Biological regarding appropriate mates. As President Obama’s family
illustrates (a Luo father from western Kenya and a white
Concept mother born in Kansas, who, incidentally, was an anthro-
pologist), these social barriers change over time.
To understand why the racial approach to human variation A third problem is that the vast majority of genetic vari-
has been so unproductive, and even injurious, we must ation exists within a so-called racial group. In the 1970s,
first understand race in strictly biological terms. Biologists right on the heels of the civil rights movement, U.S. evo-
define race as a subspecies, or a population of a species lutionary biologist Richard Lewontin demonstrated that a
differing geographically, morphologically, or genetically
from other populations of the same species. As simple
race In biology, the taxonomic category of a subspecies that is not
and straightforward as such a definition may seem, three
applicable to humans because the division of humans into discrete types
factors complicate its use. First, it is arbitrary; no scientific does not represent the true nature of human biological variation. In
criteria exist on how many differences it takes to make a some societies, race is an important cultural category.
mere 7 percent of human genetic variation exists among ra-

cial groups (1972). As the science writer James Shreeve puts
Conflating Biology into the
it, “most of what separates me genetically from a typical
African or Eskimo also separates me from another average
Cultural Category of Race
American of European ancestry” (Shreeve, 1994, p. 60). Although biologically separate human races do not exist,
Despite this finding, people in the United States remain race remains a significant cultural category. Human groups
fascinated by the role of genetics in racial difference. From frequently insert a false notion of biological difference
the search for race-specific genes and treatments to boom- into the cultural category of race to make it appear more
ing genealogy businesses, the scientific facts of hundreds of factual and objective. In various ways, cultures define
thousands of years of gene flow makes separating our species religious, linguistic, and ethnic groups as races, thereby
into races based on a few visible characteristics impossible. confusing linguistic and cultural traits with physical traits.
In July 2012, a genealogy business, Ancestry.com, re- For example, people in many Latin American coun-
leased a report indicating that President Obama’s mother, tries classify one another into groups as Indian, mestizo
like so many white Americans, was descended from an (mixed), and Ladino (Spanish-speaking mixed). But de-
African slave ancestor (Ancestry.com, 2012). This news spite the biological connotations of these terms, the cri-
made a splash, particularly because the ancestor was a man teria used for assigning individuals to these categories are
named John Punch, one of the first African slaves to be determined by whether they wear shoes, sandals, or go
documented in this country (Thompson, 2012). The hype barefoot; speak Spanish or an indigenous language; live in
and folk appeal of such genealogical analyses belie the a thatched hut or a European-style house; and so forth. By
ultimate biological truth: We are all related (Figure 11.3). speaking Spanish, wearing Western-style clothes, and liv-
This chapter’s Globalscape explores the complexity of our ing in a house in a non-Indian neighborhood, indigenous
relatedness in the context of international adoption. people shed their tribal identity and acquire a national
identity as citizens of the country.
Similarly, the ever-changing racial categories used by
the U.S. Census Bureau both reflect and reinforce the
conflation of the biological and the cultural. The 2010 list
includes large catchall political categories such as white
and black but asks for specific tribal affiliations of American
Indians or Alaskan Natives, a designation that comes much
closer to a population in the biological sense. The Census
Bureau asks people to identify Hispanic ethnicity, inde-
pendent of the category of race, but considers Arabs and
Christians of Middle Eastern ancestry as white (Caucasian)
despite the political import of Arab and Muslim identity.
NetPhotos/Alamy
To accommodate these ambiguities, the Census Bureau lets

people check off multiple categories.
That the purported race of individuals can vary over
the course of their lifetime speaks to the fact that cultural
Figure 11.3 The Science and Business of Family Trees forces are what designate membership in a particular ra-
Have you ever wondered if you were descended from Genghis cial category (Hahn, 1992). Consider, for example, Rachel
Khan, Helen of Troy, or Ramses II? Today, the business of Dolezal, a civil rights activist and former official for the
“recreational ancestry” allows people to trace their mitochondrial
National Association for the Advancement of Colored
DNA (mtDNA) back thousands of years. What exactly do these
People. In 2015 she gained national attention when her
ancestry traces discover? Because mtDNA is only passed from
white parents stated she was “passing” as a black woman.
mother to child, you have one “match” from each generation
Dolezal’s detractors accused her of cultural appropriation,
(your mother, your mother’s mother, and so on). As you trace your
while her supporters argued that she identified as black,
mtDNA through the roots of your family tree, the percentage of
regardless of biology. The controversy sparked a national
your ancestors who do not factor into the analysis increases.
Going back through many generations, your mtDNA trace connects conversation about racial identity.
you to just a single person out of hundreds, thousands, or millions The U.S. Census Bureau gathers health statistics by
who led directly to your existence. Biologically, this connection racial categories for the purposes of correcting health
means very little. In fact, mathematically, we are all both inbred disparities among social groups. Unfortunately, the false
and related. But, as evidenced by the success of the ancestry biological concept of race gets inferred in these analyses.
business, the folk concept of kinship remains a psychologically As a result, the increased risk of dying from a heart attack
significant part of human existence in many societies. Can you for African Americans compared to whites is falsely attrib-
see any folk beliefs reflected in this advertisement for one of the uted to biological differences rather than to healthcare dis-
several large recreational ancestry companies? parities or other social factors. In 2005, amid controversy,
GLOBALSCAPE
Arctic
Ocean
ASIA
NORTH EUROPE
AMERICA
AMERIC A
Atlantic
Ocean
SOUTH Pacific
Wisconsin
KOREA Ocean
AFRICA

Pacific
Ocean
SOUTH Indian
AMERICA
AMERIC Ocean
AUSTRALIA
Michael Reynolds/Epa/Landov
Jeanne Modderman
Finding Home? from South Korea return to live and work there. In 2010, one
Since the 1960s, over 200,000 South Korean children have been repatriated adoptee named Leanne (who also calls herself
adopted by foreign parents, most of them in the United States. Girl #4708)—along with other adoptees, unwed mothers, and
The vast majority of these children were born to unwed women, friends—created an art installation of thousands and thousands
who face social, professional, and financial hardship because of price tags, some with photos, representing the 200,000 Ko-
of their culture’s opposition to single motherhood. In America, rean children given up for adoption.b Today, a large number of
adoptive parents were often seen, and saw themselves, as the adoptees, including Laura Klunder, have returned to their birth
babies’ rescuers, starting with Bertha and Harry Holt, who, in country. Hundreds now live in the vibrant, modern city of Seoul,
1955, adopted eight children orphaned by the Korean War. They where they are slowly assimilating into their birth culture.
went on to found Holt International Children’s Services.
The South Korean government eased the international adop- Global Twister
tion process as much as possible. However, many adoptive par par- Some adoptee organizations are against international adoptions.
ents were unable to understand the social challenges, including Why do you think they feel this way? How does international adop-
racism, that their children faced growing up in the United States. tion affect adoptees, their birth families, their adoptive families,
In a 2015 interview, Laura Klunder, born in South Korea and and their governments? What are the challenges? The benefits?
adopted by a family in Wisconsin, told the New York Times that
her parents, although loving, had difficulty dealing with the racism
she encountered regularly at school. She said, “My parents told a
Jones, M. (2015, January 14). Why a generation of adoptees is
me they didn’t see color. They couldn’t engage on that level.”a In returning to South Korea. New York Times Magazine. http://www
addition, although many adoptees face similar difficulties, they .nytimes.com/2015/01/18/magazine/why-a-generation-of-adoptees
are predominantly culturally American and face different chal- -is-returning-to-south-korea.html?_r=3 (retrieved November 5, 2015)
lenges trying to connect with the culture of their native land. b
Girl #4708. (2010, June 15). A collection of one. Hello Korea!
Nevertheless, since the late 1990s, the Global Overseas Adoptee repatriation adventure. https://gyopo.wordpress.com/2010
Adoptees’ Link (GOA’L), has been helping international adoptees /06/16/a-collection-of-one/ (retrieved November 5, 2015)
279
the U.S. Food and Drug Administration approved the first “scientific” justification for the exclusion of whole cate-
drug marked toward a single racial group. The drug, now gories of people from certain roles or positions in society.
called BiDil, was said to treat congestive heart failure in Before the civil rights era brought equal legal rights to all
self-identified African Americans, the only patients to U.S. citizens, some states using the “one drop rule,” also
have participated in most of its studies. Although effective known as hypodescent, would assign individuals with
treatment for an underserved population is beneficial, the mixed ethnicity or socioeconomic class to the subordinate
idea of race-specific divisions in the human genome is sci- group in the hierarchy. Similarly, the historical casta system
entifically unsound. In addition, this kind of commercial in Mexico used intermarriage between various groups to
marketing does nothing to address the social and political position people within the hierarchical order (Figure 11.4).
roots that determine the vast majority of health disparities. Because of the colonial association of lighter skin with
Against a backdrop of prejudice, the conflation of the greater power and higher social status, people whose his-
biological with the cultural has historically provided a tory includes domination by lighter-skinned Europeans
Figure 11.4 Castas

In colonial Mexico, sixteen different
castas were designated, giving
specific labels to individuals
who were various combinations
of Spanish, Indian, and African
ancestry. These paintings of castas
are traditionally arranged from light
to dark as a series and reflect an
effort to impose hierarchy despite
the fluid social system in place. In
the United States, descriptors such
as quadroon, octoroon, sambo, and
mulatto attempted to quantify the
amount of mixture among races,
and the hierarchy was more rigid;
the “one drop rule” would ascribe
individuals to a subordinate position
within the hierarchy if they had even
one drop of blood from a “lower”
ranking group.
Schalkwijik/Art Resource, NY
The Social Significance of Race: Racism 281
have sometimes valued this phe-

notype. In Haiti, for example, the
“color question” has been the dom-
inant force in social and political
life. Skin texture, facial features,
hair color, and socioeconomic class
collectively play a role in the rank-
ing. According to Haitian anthro-
pologist Michel-Rolph Trouillot, “a
rich black becomes a mulatto, a poor
mulatto becomes black” (Trouillot,
1996, p. 160).
The Nazis in Germany elevated
a racialized worldview to state pol-
icy, with particularly evil conse-
quences. Adolf Hitler’s agenda was
reinforced in part by the American
AP Images/Mark Lennihan
eugenics movement of the early

20th century, with a 1916 book
by Madison Grant, The Passing of
the Great Race, as his bible. The
Nuremberg race laws of 1935 cod-
ified the superiority of the Aryan
Figure 11.5 Victims of Genocide
race and the inferiority of the
In April 2015, activists marched in New York City to demand that the U.S. government
Gypsies and Jews as “alien races.” acknowledge the systematic extermination of 1.5 million Armenians, a hundred years
The Nazi doctrine justified, on sup- ago, by the government of the Ottoman empire—today’s Turkey—as genocide. More
posed biological grounds, political than events of the distant past, this genocide, like those committed against Native
repression and extermination. In Americans and Africans brought to the Americas as slaves, continues to be stuck in
all, 11 million people (Jews, Gypsies, genocide’s final stage: denial. In the country that you call home, can you see legacies
homosexuals, and other so-called of genocide that have never been corrected? Can you imagine any circumstances under
inferior people, as well as political which you believe it is appropriate for a government to choose to ignore genocide in any
opponents of the Nazi regime) were of its phases?
deliberately put to death or died
from starvation, disease, and expo-
sure in labor camps.
Tragically, human history contains many atrocities
on the scale of the Nazi Holocaust (from the Greek word
The Social Significance
for “wholly burnt” or “sacrificed by fire”). Genocide,
a systematic program of extermination of one group by
of Race: Racism
another, has a long history that predates World War II Scientific facts, unfortunately, have been slow to change
and continues today. From the massacre of 1.5 million what people think about race. Racism, a doctrine of
Armenians during World War I to the massacre of nearly a superiority by which one group justifies the dehumaniza-
million Tutsis by Hutus in Rwanda in 1994, an estimated tion and degradation of others based on their distinctive
83 million people have died from genocides in the 20th physical characteristics, persists as a major political prob-
century (M. White, 2003). Today, millions of people are lem. Indeed, politicians have often exploited this concept
still at risk, including the Rohingya Muslims of Myanmar as a means of mobilizing support, demonizing opponents,
(discussed in Chapter 1) and Christians and Yazidis of and eliminating rivals. Racial conflicts result from social
Syria and Iraq, whom the international group Genocide stereotypes, not scientific facts. In this chapter’s Original
Watch designated as “emergencies” in 2015. All genocides Study, U.S. anthropologist Faye V. Harrison discusses rac-
contain eight recognizable stages: classification, sym- ism in the fabric of American society.
bolization, dehumanization, organization, polarization,
preparation, extermination, and denial (Stanton, 1998). genocide The physical extermination of one people by another, either as
a deliberate act or as the accidental outcome of activities carried out by
This structural understanding provides a framework to
one people with little regard for their impact on others.
prevent genocide at each of these stages; although the ac-
racism A doctrine of superiority by which one group justifies the
tual killing may subside, genocide continues until denial dehumanization and degradation of others based on their distinctive
ends (Figure 11.5). physical characteristics.
ORIGI
NAL Reflections on the AAA Die-In as a
S T U DY Symbolic Space of Social Death BY FAYE V. HARRISON
extent to which black lives are devalued and
infra-humanized in this society. It is for this
reason that protesters all across the country
and even our allies in other national settings
are carrying signs asserting that “Black Lives
Matter!” and exhorting “Don’t Shoot!”
These poignant declarations resonate with
Marco Hill Photography

those being made in public protests against
the undeclared war on black youth in Brazil,
where the pacification of poor neighbor-
hoods, to make way for the World Cup
At the American Anthropology Association annual meeting in Washington, DC, anthropologists
and Olympics, is intensifying the already
participate in a “die-in” to show their solidarity with the Black Lives Matter movement. existent racially marked violence of police
and privately commissioned militias—death
squads—that participate in the ethnic/social
Like hundreds of others, I participated in the December cleansing of urban and rural space. . . .
5th [2014] die-in at the American Anthropological As- Our declarations of “Black Lives Matter” also resonate
sociation meeting in Washington, DC. Under the lead- with the human rights protests all across Mexico, where
ership of the Association of Black Anthropologists and 43 students, many if not all from poor indigenous back-
galvanized through the ABA’s alliance-building with other grounds, disappeared from a teachers college in Iguala,
kindred-thinking AAA sections, the main lobby of the Guerrero, in September [2014]. They were abducted by
Marriott Hotel was converted into a symbolic space of police and handed over to a drug gang that murdered them,
social death for four and a half minutes. Darren Wilson if rumors and initial forensic evidence are accurate. . . .
and his fellow Ferguson, Missouri, police officers left the On November 25, 2014, the International Union of An-
lifeless body of teenager Michael Brown in the middle of thropological and Ethnological Sciences (IUAES), of which
the street for four and half hours before it was covered up I am currently president, published a brief statement in
and taken away. Four and a half hours of exposure to the solidarity with Mexican and Latin American protesters,
elements; four and a half hours of utter disrespect for the who include anthropologists, on the opinion page of the
loss of the young man’s life and disrespect for the family newspaper La Jornada. Like Ferguson, Mo., this is a tragic
and community that would grieve the killing of yet anan case of youth from oppressed communities being targeted
other son on blood-stained ground. A blood-stained land- by repressive social control practices. . . . As an anthropol-
scape of social and real-life death links Fruitvale Station in ogist, a concerned citizen, and a mother, my mapping of
Oakland, California, to Ferguson, Missouri, and countless human rights violations zooms in on my own backyard as
other sites across the nation and the world, where the well as in more distant zones of power disparities.
lives of blacks and other people of color are being targeted The four and a half minutes we all lay in complete
for harassment, arrest, incarceration, and, in the worst silence on the lobby floor were quite intense. I filled
case scenario, elimination and disposal. . . . my mind with meditative thoughts of Michael Brown,
A tragic pattern prevails across the land; it represents Trayvon Martin, and their parents, who channeled their
an escalation of extrajudicial executions targeting black profound grief and sorrow into internationally visible
and other dark(ened) bodies, . . . They are guilty of driving, activism. I also saw the faces of my own three sons, now
walking, talking back, and, in the case of Jordan Davis men. I remembered when I delivered the eldest during
in Jacksonville, Florida, even of listening to loud music an unexpectedly difficult and protracted labor. Anxieties
while Black. The widely shared presumption is that these mounted within me about the challenges I would face
targeted individuals were dangerous threats to law and of raising a Black male child in a racist society in which
order and to personal security, particularly white people’s a threatening otherness would be attributed to him. I
safety and undisturbed peace. The controlling image or suspected that much of the discrimination he was likely
stereotype of the violently aggressive thug has been in- to face would be much more subtle than what his father
discriminately projected upon black bodies, particularly and grandfathers had known. But what I feared most and
those performing black masculinities. The refusal of grand couldn’t get out of mind was the specter of brutal police
juries to indict and, in the case of trials, of juries to con- force and the potential hate crimes to which he might be
vict the rightful perpetrators of this violence reflects the subjected. I wondered whether, as a parent and a member
The Social Significance of Race: Racism 283
of a wider family and community, I would be sufficiently postracial pretensions and conceit that have denied griev-
able to protect him and to guide him into full adulthood. ances against racism the legitimacy as well as the political
I meditated and prayed that I would be able to meet the and policy attention they rightfully deserve.
challenges and demands of Black motherhood. The four and a half minutes were over. After getting up
As I labored with all my might to give birth to my baby from the floor, I interacted with the two women who were
boy, my man child who would be born into an unfulfilled nearest to me. One remarked on how intense those few
promise land, . . . contrary to the expectations born of civil minutes of silence had been for her. I agreed, as I wiped
rights era optimism. Years later I would come to know that away tears streaming from my eyes. After exchanging our
so much of the research anthropologists have done on feelings and reactions, we gave each other a big group hug
the neoliberal landscapes of the past three decades have and expressed sincere thanks and appreciation for having
illuminated the troubling effects of structural racism’s experienced the die-in with colleagues whose knowledge,
persistence and remaking in its entanglements with other sensibilities, and politics we respected. That night at the
dimensions of social inequality and conflict—class, gen- gen AAA Business meeting, . . . a motion from the Section As-
der, sexuality, and generation or age. However, the current sembly was passed without any opposition. The motion
conjuncture, articulated now as the Age of Ferguson, has called for the association’s making a public statement on
severely challenged the optimism that many antiracist Ferguson and Staten Island, appointing a task force to de-
liberals and leftists have long embodied about the extent termine what anthropologists can do to address racialized
to which our society has changed for the better and is ca- ca policing, and urging the U.S. Department of Justice to
pable of changing at a positively discernible pace. investigate extrajudicial violence and killing. Many of us
The depth, intensity, and pervasiveness of anti-blackness left the AAA meeting feeling that anthropologists can and
in the fabric of U.S. society compel us to rethink our mod-
mod will find meaningful ways to play a part in the struggle, as
els of and for social transformation. Those who subscribe it will continue to unfold in the years to come. La lucha
to more pessimistic perspectives . . . urge us to relinquish continúa. A luta continua. The struggle continues.
our political naïveté in favor of more critically realistic
views of what is, what is possible, and what should be done Adapted from Harrison, F. V. (2014, December 14). Reflections
about them. Whether optimist, pessimist, or somewhere in on the AAA die-in as a symbolic space of social death. Savage
between, perhaps we can agree that the “Black Lives Mat- Minds: Notes and Queries in Anthropology. http://savageminds
ter,” “Don’t Shoot,” and “I Can’t Breathe” demonstrations .org/2014/12/12/reflections-on-the-aaa-die-in-as-a-symbolic
proliferating across the country clearly belie the widespread -space-of-social-death/ (retrieved November 6, 2015)
Race and Behavior For example, in 2010, the U.S. Congress passed the Fair
Sentencing Act, legislation aimed at redressing many years
To date, no inborn behavioral characteristic can be attrib- of harsh penalties associated with crack cocaine use; crack
uted to any single group of people (which nonscientists is primarily associated with African Americans, as com-
might call a race) that cannot be explained in terms of pared to the more expensive and equally potent powdered
cultural practices. If the Chinese happen to exhibit ex- form of cocaine more often associated with white drug
ceptional visual-spatial skills, it is probably because learn- users. Before this legislation, white drug users would have
ing to read Chinese characters requires a visual-spatial to possess 100 times the amount of powdered cocaine
mastery that Western alphabets do not (Chan & Vernon, to receive the same sentence as their African American
1988). All such behavioral differences or characteristics crack-using counterparts (NACDL, 2010).
can be explained in terms of culture.
In the same vein, high crime rates, alcoholism, and
drug use among certain groups can be explained with ref- Race and Intelligence
erence to culture rather than biology. Individuals alienated
and demoralized by poverty, injustice, and unequal oppor- Scholars and others who believe in the false notion of
tunity tend to abandon the dominant culture’s traditional distinct human biological races have asked whether some
paths to success because these paths are blocked. In a racial- races are inherently more intelligent than others. To
ized society, poverty and all its ill consequences affect some address this issue requires, first, clarification of the term
groups of people, like African Americans in the United intelligence. Deciding what abilities or talents actually
States, much more severely than others (Figure 11.6).
Slowly, some of this systemic racism, a form of
structural violence Physical and/or psychological harm (including
structural violence—physical and/or psychological
repression, environmental destruction, poverty, hunger, illness, and
harm caused by impersonal, exploitative, and unjust so- premature death) caused by impersonal, exploitative, and unjust social,
cial, political, and economic systems—has been rectified. political, and economic systems.
races. In the United States, systematic

comparisons of intelligence between
whites and blacks began in the early
20th century and were frequently
combined with data gathered by
physical anthropologists about skull
shape and size. These kinds of studies
continue into the present accompa-
nied by discussions of immutable ge-
netic origins for the difference in IQ
scores between Americans of African,
Asian, and European descent. An un-
derstanding of heredity and genetics
undermines any such theory.
As Mendel discovered with his
pea plants back in the late 19th
century, genes are inherited indepen-
AP Images/Jose Luis Magana

dently of one another. Whatever the
alleles that may be associated with in-
telligence, they bear no relationship
to the ones for skin pigmentation
or to any other aspect of human varia-
tion. Further, the expression of genes
Figure 11.6 The Legacy of Slavery
In recent years, incidents like the death of Freddie Gray at the hands of the Baltimore
always occurs in an environment,
Police Department have illustrated the need for continued discussion of race relations in and among humans, culture shapes
the United States. Any such discussion must include the history of slavery and of legal all aspects of the environment.
segregation in the South, as well as other forms of structural violence (such as real Undoubtedly, social environment
estate practices, employment practices, prison policies, and educational systems) that contributes substantially to intelli-
favor the white race at the expense of minorities. These social, political, and historical gence. This should not surprise us,
facts have far greater influence on U.S. race relations than minute genetic differences. as environmental factors influence
other genetically determined traits.
Height in humans, for example, has
make up what we call intelligence remains contentious, a genetic basis, but it also depends upon both nutrition
even though some psychologists insist that it is a single and health status (severe illness in childhood arrests
quantifiable thing measured by IQ tests. Many more psy- growth, and renewed growth never makes up for this loss).
chologists consider intelligence to be the product of the Scientists have not yet teased apart the exact relative con-
interaction of different sorts of cognitive abilities: verbal, tributions of genetic and environmental factors on intelli-
mathematical/logical, spatial, linguistic, musical, bodily/ gence, height, or any other continuous trait. Although the
kinesthetic, social, and personal (Jacoby & Glauberman, burgeoning field of epigenetics has begun to unravel these
1995). Each of these kinds of intelligence seems unre- interactions, the work is meaningful only in the context
lated to the others in that individuals possess unique of individuals and discrete populations, not in the bio-
combinations of strengths in each of these areas. Just as logically false category of race (Marks, 2008b; Rose, 2009).
humans inherit height, blood type, skin color, and so Research on the importance of the environment in the
forth independently, it seems likely that to the degree that expression of intelligence further exposes the problems
intelligence is heritable, each of these kinds of intelligence with generalizations about IQ and race. For example, IQ
would be inherited independently. scores of groups of people throughout the world have risen
Furthermore, scholars have shown the limits of IQ by 3 points per decade since World War II (Flynn, 2012). In
tests as a fully valid measure of inborn intelligence. An addition, the relationship between class and IQ has been
IQ test measures performance (something that one does) amply established (Deary, 2001), as has the association be-
rather than genetic disposition (something that individu- tween race and class in racialized societies like the United
als are born with). Performance reflects past experiences States (American Psychological Association, 2015). All these
(embedded in culture and the environment) and present observations lead to three conclusions. First, there is a bias
motivational state, as well as innate ability. in IQ testing based on social class. Second, the assertion
Despite these limits, since their invention a century that IQ is biologically fixed and immutable is clearly false.
ago, some researchers have used IQ tests to try to prove that Third, ranking human beings with respect to their intel-
significant differences in intelligence exist among human ligence scores in terms of racial difference is doubly false.
Eskimos Sámi
Icelanders
Aleuts
Chippewa
Chipp ewa
Indians English
Whites Russians
Blackfoot (Michigan)
(Michigan)
Indians Basques Chinese
Blacks Swiss
Japanese
(New York)
Y Bengalis
Navajo
Indians Thai
Nilotes
Ghanans
Maya Pemon Solomon
Indians Indians Papuas Islanders
Makiritare
Makirit Nigerians
Indians
Xav
avante Cape Y
York
ork
Indians Aborigines
Bushmen
Australian
© Cengage Learning
Mapuche A Aborigines
Indians World distribution of the A, B, O
gene frequency (selected studies)
B O
Figure 11.7 Blood Types

Frequencies of the three alleles for the A, B, and O blood groups for selected samples around
the world illustrate the polytypic nature of Homo sapiens. The frequency of the alleles differs
among “populations.” Which of the groups here best represent populations (a group of
individuals within which breeding takes place) in the biological sense?
Over the past 2.5 million years, all populations of the environments. For characteristics controlled by a single
genus Homo have adapted primarily through culture— gene, different versions of that gene, known as alleles (see
actively inventing solutions to the problems of existence Chapter 2), also mediate variation. Such traits are called
rather than relying only on biological adaptation. With this polymorphic (meaning “many shapes”). Our blood
in mind, we would expect a comparable degree of intelli- types—determined by the alleles for types A, B, and O
gence in all present-day human populations. The only way blood—are an example of polymorphism and may appear
individual human beings will develop their innate abilities in any of four distinct phenotypic forms (A, B, O, and AB).
and skills to the fullest is by making sure that everyone has When polymorphisms are distributed into geographi-
access to the necessary resources and opportunities to do so. cally dispersed populations, biologists describe this feature
as polytypic (“many types”); that is, uneven distribution
of genetic variability among populations. For example,
Studying Human consider the polytypic distribution of the polymorphism

for blood type (four distinct phenotypic groups: A, B, O,
Biological Diversity or AB). Some Native American populations possess the
highest frequency of the O allele, especially some popu-
How then can we study human biological variation? What lations indigenous to South America. Certain European
are the scientifically appropriate ways to divide humans populations have the highest frequencies of the allele for
into groups? Considering the problems, confusion, and type A blood (although the highest frequency is found
horrendous consequences, anthropologists have abandoned among the Blackfoot Indians of the northern Plains in
the race concept as being of no utility in understanding hu- North America). Some Asian populations have the high-
man biological variation. Instead, they study clines, which est frequencies of the B allele (Figure 11.7). Even though
are the gradual changes in the distribution and significance single traits may be grouped within specific populations,
of a single, specific, genetically based characteristic or con-
tinuous trait in a population. When expressed across an
polymorphic A term to describe species with alternative forms (alleles)
environmental gradient, clines reflect adaptation. of particular genes.
The physical characteristics of both populations and polytypic A term to describe the expression of genetic variants in
individuals derive from the interaction between genes and different frequencies in different populations of a species.
Beauty, Bigotry, and the Epicanthic Fold of the Beholder

Appearance matters. In the United into this new culture promising the AmerAmer- Double eyelid surgery, a procedure
States—a society that once used skin ican dream. Cosmetic procedures offered that removes the epicanthic fold common
color to determine social status and still a way to adapt to the stressor of discrimi- in people with East Asian ancestry, is at
emphasizes the superiority of specific nation. As a result, the United States, with the center of the debate. The procedure
physical traits—the desire to acquire its history of racism and discrimination, to give the eyes a rounder look occurs
these characteristics through plastic sur- inherited a significant market for dealing among East Asians almost exclusively. It
gery comes as no surprise. in certain phenotypic traits. In this sense, is the third most common cosmetic proce-
Plastic surgery began in the United plastic surgery continues the work of the dure—after breast augmentation and nose
States during World War I, as medical eugenics movement by eliminating unde- reshaping.
doctors developed procedures to recon- sirable phenotypes. In South Korea, plastic surgery is com-
struct disfigured soldiers. Soon doctors Of course, plastic surgeons maintain that mon, socially acceptable, and encouraged.
found other applications for these new individual pursuit of beauty and a natural In Seoul’s Improvement Quarter, between
techniques. Physical traits associated with desire to look one’s best motivate their prac- 400 and 500 clinics and hospitals offer
ethnic groups lower on the social hierarchy tice and insist that it has nothing to do with nips and tucks from nose jobs to jaw ta-
provided new work for the fledgling medi- race. Yet, roughly 30 percent of all cosmetic pering within a single square mile. Here,
cal specialty. Rhinoplasty, or the nose job, procedures occur in minority populations—a double eyelid surgery is the most common
was originally a surgical procedure used to relatively high proportion. Many of these pro- procedure; former president Roh Moo-
treat the “deformity” referred to in scien- cedures, especially ones that alter features hyun underwent the procedure in 2005
tific literature as “Jewish nose.” Doctors strongly identified with a particular ethnic while in office. The procedure was first
considered this a medical condition that group, have been criticized as a means of popularized after the Korean War, when the
affected the well-being of patients and de- “occidentalizing” ethnic populations. United States offered free reconstructive
manded intervention. The modern plastic In response to the controversy, plastic surgery to war victims. Double eyelid sur
sur-
surgery literature still refers to various as- surgeons published Ethnic Considerations gery quickly caught on with Koreans who
pects of human variation as “deformities” in Facial Aesthetic Surgerya with the goal of wanted to look more “Western,” including
that cause psychological and physical outlining a “universal standard of beauty” prostitutes hoping to attract American
impairment to patients. while making considerations for each eth- soldiers.b
For immigrant groups, including Eu- nic group. This difficult task quickly unrav- A doctor writing in 1954 in the Amer-
ropean Jews who endured significant eled as the authors’ so-called universal ican Journal of Ophthalmology described
psychological scarring as a result of dis- aesthetics were revealed to be simply a Chinese American patient who reported
crimination and racism, cosmetic surgery Western standards recast in a politically that people consistently mocked the
provided one means of gaining acceptance correct form. shape of his eyes and told him that
when a greater number of traits are considered, no specific have some relationship to climate, any feature might also
human “types” exist. Instead, evolutionary forces work be present in a population due to genetic drift.
independently on each of these traits. Further, in a racialized society like the United States,
Anthropologists have not been immune to making phenotypic characteristics are imbued with cultural mean-
false assumptions about physical appearance and bio- ing. Indeed, the epicanthic fold is such a defining feature
logical traits. Some early U.S. biological anthropologists of identity that many Asian Americans, as well as Asians
proposed that a flat facial profile, extensive fatty deposits themselves, choose to undergo cosmetic surgery to attain
around the cheeks, and an epicanthic fold (a fold of the phenotype of the dominant culture, as described in
skin at the corner of the eye) were adaptations to a cold this chapter’s Biocultural Connection. In contrast to the
climate; however, these anthropologists had grouped to- shape of facial features, skin color—the trait so often used
gether too many traits. These features—although common to separate people into groups—provides an excellent ex-
in populations native to the cold regions of East and Cen- ample of the role of natural selection in human variation.
tral Asia as well as Arctic North America—do not appear in
all cold-adapted populations. Although head shape might
Culture and Biological Diversity
epicanthic fold A fold of skin at the inner corner of the eye; common in Cultural adaptation is vital for the human species, but cul-
Asian populations. tural forces also impose their own selective pressures. For
because he looked illustrates both their superficiality and the

sleepy, his business fundamental flaws in the concept of discrete
must be sleepy too. biological races. Ethnic plastic surgery—
After double eyelid at best a harmless pursuit to look good
surgery, he related and more likely the insidious indication of
that he was treated racism’s grip on society—shows us that
more respectfully the cost of beauty, or at least an idea of it,
and that his busi- can be high indeed.
ness became more
successful.c This ac- Biocultural Question
count illustrates how Where would you draw the line for deter-
years of persecution mining when plastic surgery is medically
become internalized, required and when it is an elective proce-
only to morph into an dure? Are there any aspects of your own
expression of aes- appearance about which you have inter-
thetic preference. nalized a negative perception due to the
Regardless of social value of this characteristic?
its cultural conse-
quences, cosmetic
surger y—whether a
Matory, W. E., Jr. (Ed.). (1998). Ethnic
chosen for its aes- considerations in facial aesthetic surgery.
thetic properties or Philadelphia: Lippincott-Raven.
for the perceived b
Marx, P. (2015, March 23). About face.
social advantages New Yorker. http://www.newyorker.com
Nir Elias/Reuters/Landov
of fitting in with a /magazine/2015/03/23/about-face

specific culture— (retrieved November 5, 2015)
demonstrates the c
Kaw, E. (1993). Medicalization of racial
high value still at- features: Asian American women and
tached to certain cosmetic surgery. Medical Anthropology
A plastic surgeon explains to a patient how double eyelid surgery phenotypic traits. Yet Quarterly 7 (1), 74–89.
could remove the epicanthic fold (top), giving her eyes a rounder and the very ability to ma-
more Western look. nipulate these traits
example, take the reproductive fitness of individuals with For years, scientists attributed a tendency toward diabe-
diabetes—a disease with a known genetic predisposition. tes among Native Americans to their thrifty genotype,
Ready medication in North America and Europe makes which is a genotype that may permit efficient storage of fat
people with diabetes as biologically fit as anyone else. to draw on in times of food shortage. Researchers believe
However, without access to the needed medication, a sit- the thrifty genotype characterized all humans until about
uation all too common globally, diabetes results in death. 6,000 years ago (Allen & Cheer, 1996). In times of scarcity,
In fact, one’s financial status, place of birth, religion, and individuals with the thrifty genotype conserve glucose (a
so on affect one’s access to medication; however uninten- simple sugar) for use in the brain and red blood cells (as
tional it may be, culture determines biological fitness. opposed to other tissues such as muscle), as well as nitro-
Culture can also contribute directly to the devel- gen (vital for growth and health). Regular access to glucose
opment of disease. For example, type 2 diabetes, very particularly through the lactose in milk led to selection
common among overweight individuals who get little for the nonthrifty genotype as protection against Type
exercise—a combination that describes 61 percent of people 2 diabetes.
from the United States today—disproportionately affects
the poor. Further, people in other places who have adopted
thrifty genotype A human genotype that may permit the efficient
the Western high-sugar diet and low activity pattern have storage of fat to draw on in times of food shortage and conservation of
seen their incidence of diabetes and obesity skyrocket. glucose and nitrogen.
(85 percent of adults globally) suffer

from gas pains and diarrhea when
they consume milk or milk products.
Only populations with a long tradi-
tion of dairying (as seen in northern
and eastern Europe, eastern Africa,
Central Asia, and the Middle East)
tend to retain lactase into adulthood.
With fresh milk contributing signifi-
cantly to their diets, selection in the
past favored those individuals with
the allele that confers the ability to
assimilate lactose, selecting out those
without this allele.
The synchronicity between ge-
netic and cultural adaptations
David Ryan/Alamy Stock Photo

goes awry when underlying bio-
logical variation is ignored. For
example, because North Amer-
ican and European societies
associate milk with health, powdered
milk used to be a staple of economic
Figure 11.8 Diabetes among Native Americans aid to other countries. But for pop-
Forced reservation life has had deadly consequences for Native Americans. For ulations who do not retain lactase
example, this ethnocide, or the loss and destruction of traditional cultural practices, into adulthood, milk consumption
created skyrocketing rates of obesity and diabetes as the high carbohydrate and low causes diarrhea, abdominal cramp-
activity pattern of mainstream U.S. culture replaced traditional American Indian lifeways. ing, and even bone degeneration.
Here we see young women of the Salt River Maricopa-Pima tribes preserving their In fact, the humanitarian aid ship-
traditional dances at the Cupa Days Festival on the Pala Indian Reservation. Restoring ment of powdered milk to 2 million
cultural traditions, such as consuming “slow release” foods like prickly pears and people left homeless in the wake
walking in the desert, can contribute substantially to improved heath. of an earthquake in Chile in 1960
caused widespread sickness. Since
Recently, U.S. conservation biologist Gary Nabhan
this tragedy, relief workers have learned to account for the
and U.S. anthropologist Laurie Monti have enriched the
relativity of “healthy” cultural practices.
discussion of diabetes among American Indians by focus-
ing on diet and activity instead of a genetic difference
(Figure 11.8). They show that native “slow release” foods
such as the prickly pear lower the glucose levels of Native Beans, Enzymes,
Americans prone to diabetes (Nabhan, 2004). The research and Adaptation to Malaria
has chronicled the ability of these foods to sustain people
In Chapter 2 we explored one biological adaptation to
during long treks into the desert. These “treatments,”
the deadly malarial parasite through the sickle-cell allele.
unlike biomedical shots and pills, predate the appearance
Here we examine cultural adaptations to malaria through
of the disease and also empower and preserve native
the local cuisine. Dietary and biological adaptations to
cultures. Each culture developed as a complete adaptive
malaria converge with the interaction between the fava
system so it stands to reason that biological variation and
bean and an enzyme in certain red blood cells.
cultural variation would be linked.
The broad, flat fava bean (Vicia faba) is a dietary staple
And what of cultures with traditions of dairying? This
in malaria-endemic areas along the Mediterranean coast
cultural practice acted as an agent of biological selection for
(Figure 11.9). An enzyme (G6PD or 6-phosphate dehydro-
lactose tolerance: the ability to digest lactose, the primary
genase) serves to chemically transform one sugar, glucose-6
constituent of fresh milk. This ability depends on the capac- phosphate, to another sugar—in the process releasing an
ity to make a particular enzyme, lactase. Most mammals energy-rich molecule. The malaria parasite lives in red
as well as most human populations do not continue to pro- blood cells off of energy produced via G6PD. Individuals
duce lactase into adulthood. Adults with lactose intolerance with a mutation in the G6PD gene, so-called G6PD defi-
lactose A sugar that is the primary constituent of fresh milk. ciency, produce energy by an alternate pathway not involv-
lactase An enzyme in the small intestine that enables humans to ing this enzyme that the parasite cannot use. Furthermore,
assimilate lactose (milk sugar). G6PD-deficient red blood cells seem to turn over more
has prompted a rich folklore around this simple

food, including the ancient Greek belief that fava
beans contain the souls of the dead.
Unfortunately, apprehension about fava beans has
sometimes generalized to fear about many excellent
sources of protein such as peanuts, lentils, chickpeas,
soybeans, and nuts. Language accounts for this un-
necessary deprivation. The Arabic name for fava beans
is foul (pronounced “fool”), soybeans are called foul-al-
Soya, and peanuts are foul-al-Soudani; in other words,
the plants are linked linguistically even though they
are unrelated biologically (Babiker et al., 1996).
Skin Color: A Case Study

in Adaptation
Many people equate race with skin color. Before
modern methods of transportation—from the ear-
liest sailing ships to today’s jets—variation in skin
color across the globe followed a discrete pattern
(Figure 11.10 and Figure 11.11). Several factors
impact variation in skin color: the transparency
or thickness of the skin; a copper-colored pigment
called carotene; reflected color from the blood vessels
(responsible for the rosy color of lightly pigmented
people); and the amount of melanin (from melas,
a Greek word meaning “black”)—a dark pigment
in the skin’s outer layer. People with dark skin have
Charles O. Cecil/Alamy
more melanin-producing cells than those with light

skin, but everyone (except those with albinism) has
a measure of melanin. Exposure to sunlight increases
melanin production, causing skin color to deepen.
Melanin protects skin against damaging ultraviolet
Figure 11.9 Fava Beans at Market
(UV) solar radiation, conferring less susceptibility to
Fava beans, a dietary staple in the countries around the Mediterranean
skin cancers and sunburn on dark-skinned peoples
Sea, also provide some protection against malaria. However, in individuals
compared to those with less melanin. Dark skin also
with G6PD deficiency, the protective aspects of fava beans turn deadly.
helps to prevent the destruction of certain vitamins
This dual role has led to a rich folklore surrounding fava beans.
under intense exposure to sunlight. Because the high-
est concentrations of dark-skinned people tend to be
quickly, thus allowing less time for the parasite to grow and found in the tropical regions of the world, natural selection
multiply. Although a different form of G6PD deficiency is has seemed to favor heavily pigmented skin as a protection
also found in some sub-Saharan African populations, the against exposure where ultraviolet radiation is most constant.
form found in Mediterranean populations is at odds with The inheritance of skin color involves several genes
an adaptation embedded in the cuisine of the region. (rather than variants of a single gene), each with several
Enzymes naturally occurring in fava beans also con- alleles, thus creating a continuous range of expression
tain substances that interfere with the development of the for this trait. In addition, the geographic distribution of
malarial parasite. In cultures around the Mediterranean skin color tends to be continuous. In northern latitudes,
Sea where malaria is common, fava beans are incorpo- light skin has an adaptive advantage related to the skin’s
rated into the diet through foods eaten at the height of important biological function as the manufacturer of
the malaria season. However, if an individual with G6PD vitamin D through a chemical reaction dependent upon
deficiency eats fava beans, the substances toxic to the sunlight. Vitamin D maintains the balance of calcium in
parasite become toxic to humans. With G6PD deficiency, the body essential for healthy bones and balance in the
fava bean consumption leads to hemolytic crisis (Latin nervous system. In northern climates with little sunshine,
for “breaking of red blood cells”) and a series of chemical
reactions that release free radicals and hydrogen peroxide melanin A dark pigment produced in the outer layer of the skin that
into the bloodstream. This condition, known as favism, protects against damaging ultraviolet solar radiation.
© Cengage Learning
Lightest Medium Darkest
Medium Light Medium Dark
Figure 11.10 Global Distribution of Skin Pigmentation

This map illustrates the distribution of dark and light human skin pigmentation before 1492.
The earliest members of the genus Homo, who inhabited the tropics, likely had dark skin, which
protected them from UV radiation. In the tropics and at high altitudes, darker skin has selective
advantages. As humans spread to regions with less UV exposure, some pigmentation was lost.
Figure 11.11 Distribution of T Type B

Blood in Europe Percentage
The east-west gradient in the frequency frequency
of type B blood in Europe contrasts 0–5
with the north-south gradient in skin 5–10
color shown in Figure 11.10. Just as 10–15
the clines for skin color and blood type 15–20
must be considered independently, so 20–25
too must whatever genes are involved 25–30
in the complex of abilities known as
intelligence.
© Cengage Learning
ago supports the notion that these ancestors were capable

of more complex cultural activities than australopithecines,
including the manufacture of stone tools. Closer to the pres-
ent, the same assumptions do not hold. At some point in
our evolutionary history, we became a single, unified global
© Cengage Learning
species. Bearing this in mind, let’s frame the modern human
origins debate in terms of the content of this chapter.
The modern human origins controversy hinges on the
question of whether cultural abilities and intelligence can
Figure 11.12 When Skin Color Counts be inferred from details of skull and skeletal shape and
Bone diseases such as osteomalacia and rickets caused by size. Supporters of the multiregional hypothesis argue that
vitamin D deficiency can deform the birth canal of the pelvis
they cannot. These theorists suggest that using a series
to the degree that it can interfere with successful childbirth.
of biological features to represent a type of human being
Because sunshine is vital to the body’s production of vitamin D,
(Neandertals) with certain cultural capacities (inferior) is
this disease was very common in the past among the poor in
like making assumptions about the cultural capabilities of
northern industrial cities because they had limited exposure to
living humans based on their appearance. In living people,
sunlight. Dietary supplements have reduced the impact of bone
diseases, although these diseases continue to be a problem in
such assumptions are considered stereotypes or racism
cultures that require women and girls to dress so that they are (Figure 11.13). On the other side of the debate, by arguing
completely veiled from the sun. that ancient groups like Neandertals represent a distinct
light skin allows enough sunlight

to penetrate the skin and stimulate
the formation of vitamin D. Dark
pigmentation interferes with this
process in environments with lim-
ited sunlight.
Cultural practices can contribute to
avoiding the severe consequences of
vitamin D deficiency (Figure 11.12).
In the middle of the 20th century, par-
ents in northern Europe and northern
North America fed their children a
daily spoonful of cod liver oil, rich
in vitamin D, during the dark winter
months. Today, pasteurized milk is
fortified with vitamin D.
Race and Human

David Hancock/Alamy
Evolution
Throughout this chapter we have
Figure 11.13 Unique Variations and Yet the Same
explored the fallacy of the biological
Aboriginal Australians challenge us to think long and hard about race and human
category of race when applied to
origins. Their relatively dark pigmented skin reflects their tropical origins yet aspects
the human species. Generalizations
of their skull shape lie outside the definition of “anatomical modernity” used by some
cannot be made about types of hu-
paleoanthropologists. In Australia, those populations that spread south of the tropics
mans because no discrete types of (where, as in northern latitudes, ultraviolet radiation is less intense) underwent some
humans exist. By contrast, the paleo- reduction of pigmentation. But for all that, their skin color is still far darker than that
anthropological analysis of the fossil of Europeans or East Asians (recall Figure 11.10). Most of today’s Southeast Asian
record explored in previous chapters population spread there from southern China following the invention of farming. This
includes defining specific types of an- expansion of lighter-skinned populations effectively “swamped” the original populations
cestors based on biological and cul- of this region, except in a few out-of-the-way places like the Andaman Islands, in the
tural capacities that go hand in hand. Bay of Bengal between India and Thailand. The bottom line is that we are all human,
The increased brain size of Homo and population variation does not fit into perfectly discrete types even in recent human
habilis noted around 2.5 million years evolutionary history.
species, supporters of the recent African origins hypothesis early morning. Without much hair to cover their bodies,
(Eve hypothesis or out of Africa hypothesis) bypass the selection would have favored dark skin in our earliest hu-
potential prejudice inherent in these assumptions. Both man ancestors. Thus, all humans have a black ancestry, no
theories embrace African human origins, and in doing so matter how white some of them may appear to be today.
they confront the issue of skin color—the physical feature One should not conclude that its relative newness
with extreme political significance today. makes lightly pigmented skin better or more highly
Given what we know about the adaptive significance evolved than heavily pigmented skin. Lightly pigmented
of human skin color, and the fact that, until about 800,000 peoples possess the enzyme tyrosinase, which converts the
years ago, members of the genus Homo were almost exclu- amino acid tyrosine into the compound that forms mela-
sively creatures of the tropics, lightly pigmented skins are nin, in sufficient quantity to make them very black. But
likely a recent development in human history. Conversely, they also possess genes that inactivate or inhibit it. Darker
and consistent with humanity’s African origins, darkly pig- skin better suits the conditions of life in the tropics or at
mented skins likely are quite ancient. Human skin, more high altitudes, although with cultural adaptations like
liberally endowed with sweat glands and lacking heavy protective clothing, hats, and more recently invented sun-
body hair compared to other primates, effectively elimi- screen lotions, lightly pigmented people can survive there.
nates excess body heat in a hot climate. This would have Conversely, the availability of supplementary sources of
been especially advantageous to our ancestors on the sa- vitamin D allows more heavily pigmented people to do
vannah, who could have avoided confrontations with large quite well far away from the tropics. In both cases, culture
carnivorous animals by carrying out most of their activities has rendered skin color differences largely irrelevant from
in the heat of the day. For the most part, tropical predators a purely biological perspective. With time and effort, skin
rest during this period, hunting primarily from dusk until color may eventually lose its social significance as well.
Does the biological concept of race apply ✓ Behavioral characteristics attributed to race can be
explained in terms of experience as well as a
to human variation? hierarchical social order affecting the opportunities
✓ Humans are a single, highly variable species inhabiting and challenges faced by different groups of people,
the entire globe. Though biological processes are rather than biology.
responsible for human variation, the biological concept
of race or subspecies cannot be applied to human What are the flaws with studies that
diversity. No discrete racial types exist.
attempt to link race and intelligence?
✓ Scientists of the past placed humans into discrete races
✓ These studies imply a biological basis and do not take
and then ordered them hierarchically. This work was
into account that biological race does not exist.
discredited beginning in the early 20th century.
✓ The inherited components of intelligence cannot be
✓ Individual traits appear in continuous gradations
separated from those that are culturally acquired.
(clines) from one population to another without sharp
breaks. Traits are inherited independently, and ✓ There is still no consensus on what intelligence is, but
populations are genetically open. it is generally agreed that intelligence is made up of
several different talents and abilities, each of which
✓ The vast majority of human variation exists within single
would be separately inherited.
populations rather than across different populations.
✓ The cultural and environmental specificity of IQ
How does the race concept function testing makes it invalid for broad comparisons.
within societies?
✓ In many countries such as the United States, Haiti, Brazil, Why does human skin color vary across
and South Africa, the sociopolitical category of race the globe?
significantly impacts social identity and opportunity.
✓ Skin color, which is subject to tremendous variation, is
✓ Racial conflicts result from social stereotypes and not a function of several factors: transparency or thickness
scientific facts. of the skin, distribution of blood vessels, and amount
of carotene and melanin in the skin.
✓ Racists of the past and present frequently invoke a false
notion of biological difference to support unjust social ✓ Exposure to sunlight increases the amount of melanin,
practices. darkening the skin.
293
✓ The cline of global variation in skin color derives from ✓ Peoples with a dairying tradition possess the ability to
a balance between selective pressures: synthesis of digest milk sugars (lactose) into adulthood.
vitamin D through the skin and protection from solar
✓ Foods and activity patterns comprise a complete
ultraviolet radiation.
adaptive system.
✓ Today cultural factors lessen the impact of selective
✓ Western-style lifeways, which are characterized by diets
pressures on skin color. Its social significance remains
high in sugar and low levels of activity, make the
strong in some cultures.
incidence of obesity and diabetes particularly high in
✓ All humans have African ancestry no matter how white populations with dietary traditions of “slow release”
they might appear today. foods and high activity.
✓ Cultural and biological adaptations at times work at

How have human cultures shaped cross-purposes as seen with the example of G6PD
human biology? deficiency and fava beans as adaptations to malaria.
✓ Cultural practices shape human environments, which
in turn can act on gene pools.
1. As a species, humans are extremely diverse, yet our species of animal, plant, or microorganism for which
biological diversity cannot be partitioned into discrete the subspecies concept makes sense?
types, subspecies, or races. Nonetheless, race functions 3. Globally, health statistics are gathered by country. In
as a social and political category in some societies. How addition, some countries such as the United States
did so-called biological race and very real sociopolitical gather health statistics by so-called racial categories.
race play out in the 2015 Charleston, South Carolina, How are these two endeavors different and similar?
mass shooting? What are the beliefs about biological Should health statistics be gathered by group? How does
diversity and race in your community today? structural violence impact the distribution of sickness
2. Although we can see and scientifically explain and health? Provide examples from your community.
population differences in skin color, why is it invalid 4. How do you define the concept of intelligence? Do
to use the biological concept of subspecies or race you think scientists will ever be able to discover the
when referring to humans? Can you imagine another genetic basis of intelligence?
Digging for Bias in Standardized Tests
When intelligence testing was invented in the early Scholastic Aptitude Test, or SAT, a test that has
20th century, racism was so deeply embedded become the standard for college entrance. Given
in U.S. society that these tests were immediately what you have learned about language, experience,
used to make false claims of biological differences. structural violence, and intelligence testing, explore
Princeton psychologist Carl Brigham (1923, 1930), whether culturally neutral intelligence testing
one of the original inventors and champions of has become reality. Find a sample IQ test, SAT, or
these tests, began his career as a eugenicist, similar “standardized” test and see if you find any
making claims about the lower intelligence of incidences of culture-bound bias in the questions.
blacks and Europeans of Mediterranean origins. Think about how members of diverse cultures
Though he later renounced that work, Brigham still might answer each question differently. How might
believed in the cultural neutrality of intelligence the general practice of testing serve to maintain a
testing. Between 1923 and 1926, he invented the racialized, resource-based status quo?
Jay Directo/AFP/Getty Images
CHALLENGE ISSUE
Human population growth requires increased resources—for food, clothing, and shelter. And
what happens to the waste associated with all this consumption? Humans, especially those
from industrialized societies, produce a staggering amount of garbage. When not disposed of
properly, this trash can be destructive and even dangerous. A recent UN study found that world
urban centers produce 8 to 10 billion tons of waste annually and that much of it ends up in
the ocean (UN Environment Programme, 2015). The Great Pacific garbage patch, also called
the Pacific trash vortex, is a vast floating dump where tides have pushed refuse together in
the northern Pacific Ocean; it occupies as much space as the state of Texas or the country
of Turkey. Marine debris on this scale threatens the stability of global food webs—preventing
organisms like photosynthetic algae and plankton from creating nutrients and providing foun-
dational food sources for all marine life. Continuing population growth intensifies the global
trash problem. Our ability to meet the challenges of ever-increasing consumption and waste
production will determine the earth’s long-term health and ultimately our very existence.
Human Adaptation
to a Changing World 12
Past, present, and future, the interaction of biology and culture has made hu-
hu In this chapter you
mans the richly varied species that we are today. Together, biology and culture will learn to
shape every aspect of the human condition from sickness to health and from ● Recognize old and new
birth to death. Indeed, a joke among anthropologists is that if you do not know pressures to human
the answer to an exam question about biology and culture, the answer is either survival across the
globe.
“both” or “malaria” because answering “malaria” is just like answering “both.”
Recall that farming practices (culture) of the past created the perfect environ-
● Describe human
biological adaptations
ment for the malarial parasite. The genetic response (biology) to this environmen-
to high altitude, cold,
tal change was increased frequency of the sickle-cell allele. Today, contemporary and heat.
global inequalities (culture) contribute to malaria’s death toll (biology) in poorer
● Identify patterns of
subtropical countries. If malaria were a problem plaguing North America or Europe, human growth and how
would most citizens of these countries still be without adequate treatment or cure? the process allows
Similarly, African Americans have learned to distrust public health initia-
humans to adapt.
tives for genetic counseling to reduce the frequency of sickle-cell anemia in the ● Explain the challenges
United States (Tapper, 1999; Washington, 2006). This lack of trust derives from
that we have created for
ourselves and how their
a legacy of institutionalized racism, manifested as mistreatment in the name of
effects fall upon distinct
“science” in examples such as the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, carried out by the U.S. yet interconnected
Public Health Service in Macon County, Alabama, from 1932 to 1972. Scientists communities.
withheld syphilis medication from a group of poor African American men with- ● Describe modern
out their knowledge, so that they could learn more about the biology of syphilis humans’ variety of
coping methods and
in the “Negro” (Figure 12.1).
treatments for health
Today, this could not happen. Any kind of biological research on human sub- issues.
jects without informed consent is illegal in the United States and in many other
● Define disease versus
countries. Nevertheless, cultural forces continue to translate to poorer health illness and discuss
outcomes for blacks compared to whites in countries like the United States. When cultural attitudes about
examining a seemingly biological phenomenon like disease, we must determine
both.
the cultural factors involved as well—from how the phenomenon is represented ● Investigate the multiple
in different social groups (reflected in the Tuskegee case by the false notion that
causes of health
problems from a
syphilis would differ based on skin color) to how biological research is conducted.
medical anthropological
perspective.
295
National Archives
Figure 12.1 The Tuskegee Experiments
The Tuskegee Syphilis Study denied appropriate medical treatment to African American men in
order to study the supposed differences in the biology of the disease in the “Negro.” This human
experimentation was not only false from a biological perspective but represented an egregious
ethical breach in research conduct. Public outcry about this experiment led to regulations that
protect all human subjects in biomedical research. Today, laws in the United States and in many
other countries require informed consent of study participants for all research on human subjects.
The integration of biology and culture is the hallmark of

anthropology. Throughout this book, we have empha-
Human Adaptation to
sized biocultural connections in examples ranging from
infant feeding and sleeping practices to the relationship
Natural Environmental
between poverty and tuberculosis to medical procedures
such as organ transplantation. In this chapter, we take a
Stressors
deeper look at this connection and examine some of the Studies of human adaptation traditionally focus on humans’
theoretical approaches biological and medical anthropol- capacity to adapt or adjust to their environment through
ogists use to examine the interaction of biology and cul- biological and cultural mechanisms. Darwin’s theory of
ture. Humans have adapted to the natural environment natural selection accounts for a genetic adaptation—a
with refined biological mechanisms, but these mecha- discrete genetic change built into the allele frequency of a
nisms can fall short in a globalizing world. Before looking population, such as the various adaptations to malaria that
at the challenges we face from changes in environments we have examined. Genetic adaptation also provides the
today, we will explore the biological mechanisms people mechanism for understanding that adaptations, evident in
have used over millennia to adapt to three environmental population variation of continuous phenotypic traits (such
extremes: high altitude, cold, and heat. as skin color or body build), depend upon multiple interact-
ing genes. Even without knowing the precise genetic bases
to these adaptations, scientists can study them through
comparative measurement of the associated phenotypic
genetic adaptation A discrete genetic change built into the allele variation. Differential reproductive success always accounts
frequency of a population or the microevolutionary change brought about
for differences in allele frequency.
by natural selection.
developmental adaptation A permanent phenotypic variation derived
Beyond genetics, humans possess two additional bio-
from interaction between genes and the environment during the period logical mechanisms that drive adaptation. The first of these,
of growth and development. developmental adaptation, also produces permanent
Human Adaptation to Natural Environmental Stressors 297
phenotypic variation through en-

vironmental shaping of individual
gene expression (Figure 12.2). Hu-
mans’ extended period of growth and
development allows the environment
to exert its effects on individuals for
a prolonged time period. The spe-
cific permanent phenotypic changes
brought about through environmen-
tal interaction are not directly passed
on to future generations. Even after
most physical growth ceases, our ge-
nomes interact with the environ-
ment, producing discrete biological
changes. Jodi Cobb/National Geographic Stock
Epigenetics, the study of
changes in gene function due to
how cells read the genetic code, can
also impact phenotype. Without any
change in DNA sequence, epigenetics
accounts for how the environment or
the life cycle might shape the expres-
sion of specific genes. Factors ranging Figure 12.2 Twins
from naturally demanding physical Diana Bozza and her identical twin Deborah Faraday share 100 percent genetic identity.
conditions to human-made stressors, Yet only Deborah suffered from early onset Alzheimer’s disease. Pictured here is Diana
such as a traumatic experience, can comforting Deborah several years ago at an assisted living facility in Front Royal,
turn specific genes off and on. Some- Virginia. Diagnosed in 2004, Deborah was completely disabled while Diana has no
times these changes are heritable, symptoms of Alzheimer’s. Deborah passed away from the disease in 2013. Though
allowing epigenetics to shape future identical twins share 100 percent of their genetic material, their phenotypes can be
generations, as demonstrated in re- distinct because of interactions between these genes and the environment over the
cent studies on the intergenerational course of each individual’s distinct life.
transmission of the trauma of war
and genocide (Yehuda & Bierer, 2008; Yehuda et al., 2015). Boas also demonstrated differences in the growth of
The anthropological focus on growth and devel- immigrant children in the United States compared to their
opment has a long history dating back to the work of parents. This work was the earliest documentation of the
Franz Boas, the founder of American four-field anthro- variable effects of different environments on the growth
pology. Boas is credited with discovering the features of process. Presumably, immigrant children resemble their
the human growth curve (Figure 12.3), demonstrating parents genetically; therefore, size differences between im-
that human growth rate varies in typical patterns until migrant children and their parents could be attributed to
adulthood, when physical growth ceases. Humans expe- the environment alone. This kind of difference, known as a
rience a period of very rapid growth after birth through secular trend, allows anthropologists to make inferences
infancy, followed by a gradually slowing rate of growth about environmental effects on growth and development.
during childhood. At adolescence, the rate increases again The human body’s various systems have their own
during the adolescent growth spurt. Growth in height or trajectory of growth and development shaped by both
stature results from the addition of new cells throughout environmental and genetic factors (Figure 12.5). For
the body, but particularly in the bones, where there are example, age at menarche (first menstruation) varies
specific growth plates (Figure 12.4). tremendously across the globe. Over the past sixty years,
In addition to describing the long-term human growth a downward secular trend in age at menarche has become
pattern, anthropologists have demonstrated that within
periods of growth, there are series of alternating bursts
and relative quiet. When challenged by malnutrition, epigenetics The study of changes in organisms that are caused by
physical growth slows, favoring survival over height in modification of gene function and expression rather than by modification
of the DNA sequence.
adulthood. This adaptive mechanism may have negative
secular trend A physical difference among related people from distinct
consequences for subsequent generations as individuals generations that allows anthropologists to make inferences about
who were malnourished as children often show reduced environmental effects on growth and development.
reproductive success as adults. menarche The first occurrence of menstruation in the human female.
298 CHAPTER 12 Human Adaptation to a Changing World
70 14
Boys 13
60 12
Weight gain (kilograms per year)

11
Girls
50 10
9
Kilograms
40 8 Girls Boys
7
30 6
5
20 4
3
10 2
1
© Cengage Learning
0 0
Birth
h 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 10 11
11 12
12 13
13 14
14 15
15 16
16 17
17 18 Birth
h 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 10 11
11 12
12 13
13 14
14 15
15 16
16 17
17 18
Age in years Age in years
Figure 12.3 Human Growth Curves

Franz Boas defined the features of the human growth curve. The graph on the left depicts
distance, or the amount of growth attained over time, and the graph on the right shows the
velocity, or rate of growth over time. These charts are widely used throughout the globe to
determine the health status of children.
100
Percent of growth since birth
Growth plate Brain Dentition

(physis) 80
Proximal femoral
epiphysis
60
Body
40
Diaphysis 20
© Cengage Learning
Reproductive
0
0 5 10 15 20
Age (years)
© Cengage Learning
Growth plate Figure 12.5 Development Trajectories

(physis) Distal femoral The various systems of the human body each follow their own
epiphysis trajectory of growth. Brain growth is most rapid in the first five
years of life but continues at a slower pace into young adulthood.
Figure 12.4 Long Bone Growth Children’s immune systems also undergo rapid development early
Each long bone has specific regions (in red) of cartilage where in life. Humans acquire most of their permanent dentition by the
growth occurs; these are called growth plates. This allows the time their reproductive systems start to mature at adolescence;
harder bony tissue of the diaphysis to support the body and for their 12-year molars have emerged, and only the wisdom teeth
the epiphyses to function within the joint while an individual is have not yet erupted. The pace of growth for the reproductive
developing. This thighbone, or femur, has four distinct areas of system and the body both increase rapidly at adolescence.
growth. In an x-ray of a child who is still growing, the cartilage
does not appear white like bone. Each bone has a particular evident in North America. Whether this secular trend is
sequence of maturation that is regulated by hormones. Growth attributable to healthy or problematic stimuli (such as
stops when the epiphyses fuse with the rest of the bone, a childhood obesity or hormones in the environment) has
process regulated by estrogens in both males and females. In yet to be determined. Genetic differences from population
males, the clavicle or collarbone is one of the last bones to to population account for some variation, and environ-
fuse. In females, the pubic bone of the pelvis is one of the last mental effects account for the remainder. The Bundi of
bones to fuse. New Guinea have the oldest average age (18) at menarche.
Friedrich Stark/Alamy
Figure 12.6 Nutrition and Fertility
The theory that human females require a minimum percentage of body fat in order to attain
menarche accounts for some of the global variation in the age at which this occurs. Around the
world, many women stay incredibly lean through a combination of hard labor and limited food
availability, a condition that limits their fertility. Further, sufficient body fat maintains menstrual
cycles throughout adulthood. Thus, female bodies regulate their potential pregnancies in times
of limited food because successful pregnancy and breast-feeding require extra nutrition. In
postindustrial societies, loss of periods, or amenorrhea, is common among athletes and among
women with anorexia nervosa, a disorder in which individuals starve themselves.
By comparison, U.S. girls reach menarche on average at For example, let’s look at androgen hormone levels and
12.4 years (Worthman, 1999). women in high-powered careers. These women tend to
An important theory accounting for sexual maturity ties have a more cylindrical shape, which could be because
age at menarche to the percentage of body fat possessed by their bodies produce relatively more androgen than
growing individuals as a regulator of hormonal production hourglass-shaped women, which may also account for
(Frisch, 2002). Most female bodies require a minimum ratio lower fertility. Higher androgen levels may also represent
of 17 percent body fat to lean mass for menarche to occur a biological response to specific work environments that
(Figure 12.6). This body fat helps with the conversion of an- ultimately impede fertility for women in high-powered
drogens (the male hormones) to the female hormonal coun- careers (Cashdan, 2008). Similarly, diminishing estrogen
terpart, estrogens. Highly active lean women, whether from level after menopause (the cessation of menstrual cycles)
athletics or some kind of labor, may experience a delayed causes female body fat distribution patterns to shift to a
menarche or a secondary loss of menstruation. Starvation more male pattern.
and extreme obesity can both have the same effect.
Hormones impact fertility into adulthood, but teas-
ing apart the role of biology and culture is complex. menopause The cessation of menstruation cycles.
Peter T. Ellison (b. 1951)
The work of biological anthropologist Peter Ellison focuses on Ellison pioneered techniques for hormonal analysis from
reproductive biology and human health across cultures. In the saliva, which he has used to monitor individuals’ response to
1970s, Ellison first read Darwin’s Origin of Species as a college various environmental stressors. This noninvasive technique
student at St. John’s College in Annapolis, Maryland. He found has allowed Ellison to conduct hormonal studies throughout
Darwin’s text transformative and went to the University of Vermont the world and to correlate hormonal levels with social events.
to study biology; later he earned a doctorate in biological anthro- The research utilized long-term field sites in Congo, Poland,
pology from Harvard, where he now runs a comprehensive pro- Japan, Nepal, and Paraguay, making it a truly global study.
gram in reproductive ecology. Ellison documented hormonal variations around biological
events, such as egg implanta-
tion and breast-feeding, as well
as cultural factors such as farm
work or foraging.
Dr. Ellison is especially inter-
ested in the ways in which be-
havior and social stimuli affect
reproductive physiology. In West-
ern societies, he has explored
hormonal levels of males and
females in response to stim-
uli, such as winning a cham-
pionship or taking a stressful
© Kris Snibbe/Staff Photo Harvard News Office

exam. He has also studied the
relationship between cancer
development and exercise and
stress. In his book On Fertile
Ground, Ellison illustrates how
evolutionary forces have shaped
human reproductive physiology
into a system capable of pre-
cise responses to environmental
Peter Ellison (left) and colleague Peter Gray discuss how male testosterone levels differ between stimuli.
married and single men and among men of different cultures.
Human hormonal systems are highly sensitive to vari- adaptations, these various biological mechanisms make
ous environmental stimuli. U.S. biological anthropologist humans the only primate species able to inhabit the entire
Peter Ellison works extensively on the connections between globe. Over the course of our evolutionary history, most
hormones and the environment—a subspecialty defined as environmental stressors were climatic and geographic.
reproductive ecology (see the Anthropologist of Note). Today, humans face a series of new environmental
Although genetic and developmental adaptations stressors of their own making.
become permanent parts of an adult’s phenotype,
physiological adaptation comes and goes in response
to a specific environmental stimulus. Along with cultural Adaptation to High Altitude
High altitude differs from other natural environmental
physiological adaptation A short-term physiological change in response stressors because it is the least amenable to cultural ad-
to a specific environmental stimulus. An immediate short-term aptation. Humans can heat the cold and cool the heat,
response is not very efficient and is gradually replaced by a longer-term
response; see acclimatization. but the reduced availability of oxygen at high altitude
hypoxia The reduced availability of oxygen in the atmosphere causing poses more of a challenge. At a cellular level, high alti-
diminished oxygen at the cellular level. tude results in reduced oxygen availability, or hypoxia
(from the Greek hypo, for “low” or “under” and the word
oxygen). Before the inventions of oxygen masks and pres-
surized cabins in airplanes, there was no way to culturally
modify the conditions of high altitude. When people
speak of the air being “thinner” at high altitude, they are
referring to the concentration (partial pressure) of oxygen
available to the lungs and the circulatory system. At high
altitudes, the partial pressure of oxygen is sufficiently re-
duced so that most lowlanders experience severe oxygen
deprivation (Figure 12.7).
Populations that have lived at high altitudes for gen-
erations, such as the Quechua Indians of the highlands
of Peru and the Sherpa of the Himalayas, possess a re-
markable ability to tolerate oxygen deprivation. Some of
these abilities are encoded in the genetic makeup of these
populations, allowing them to live and work at altitudes
as high as 20,000 feet above sea level. In addition, de-
velopmental and physiological adaptations to the lower
partial pressure of oxygen in the environment have ren-
dered their body tissues resistant to oxygen deprivation
(Figure 12.8).
Jim Rogash/Getty Images Sport/Getty Images

10,000 ft
Figure 12.8 Born to Run

East African runners, like Caroline Rotich from Kenya, have
won most major marathons over the past several decades.
Adaptation to the hot, dry, yet mountainous region leads to a
long, lean build (a product of the heat adaptation) and increased
oxygen-carrying capacity. Although runners worldwide tend to be
long and lean, many athletes now train at high altitudes so that
Sea level when race day comes, their red blood cell count and hemoglobin
levels allow them to carry more oxygen.
© Cengage Learning
Typical lowlanders can make both short- and long-term

Figure 12.7 Atmospheric Pressure physiological adjustments to high altitude. In general,
The amount of atmosphere above us determines the amount of short-term changes help an individual avoid immediate
pressure being exerted on oxygen molecules in the air. At sea crisis but are not efficient and are difficult to sustain. Long-
level, the pressure of the atmosphere packs oxygen molecules term responses take over as the individual’s physiological
more tightly together compared to the density of oxygen responses attain equilibrium with the environment. This
molecules at higher altitudes. This in turn impacts the ease process is known as acclimatization. Most lowlanders
at which oxygen can enter the lungs when we breathe. At high
altitudes where it is more difficult for oxygen to enter the lungs
naturally, mountain climbers will sometimes carry bottled oxygen acclimatization A long-term physiological adjustment made in order to
for extra assistance. attain equilibrium with a specific environmental stimulus.
stepping off an airplane in Cuzco, Peru, for example, will Bergmann’s Rule
experience increased respiratory rate, cardiac output, blood Surface area 5 24 Surface area 5 96
pressure, and expanded arteries—all responses that cannot (2 3 2)(6 sides) (4 3 4)(6 sides)
be maintained indefinitely. Instead, lowlanders acclimatize Volume 5 8 4 times larger
as their bodies begin to produce more red blood cells and (2 3 2 3 2) surface area
hemoglobin to carry more oxygen. Because of differences Volume 5 64
4
© Cengage Learning
in genetic makeup, individuals’ physiological responses (4 3 4 3 4)
begin at varying altitudes. 2 8 times larger
Developmental adaptations are seen in individuals 4 volume
2
2 4
who grow up and develop at high altitude. Among the
highland Quechua, for example, both the chest cav- Figure 12.9 Bergmann’s Rule
ity and the right ventricle of the heart (which pushes Bergmann’s rule refers to the observation that as overall
blood to the lungs) are enlarged compared to lowland body size increases, the amount of surface area increases
Quechua. This may have genetic underpinnings in that less rapidly than the amount of volume. This accounts for
all Quechua experience a long period of growth and the tendency for mammals living in cold climates to be more
development compared to the average person in the massive than members of the same species living in warmer
United States. climates. This allows for the conservation of heat in cold
Growth and development begin with reproduction, climates and its dissipation in warm climates.
and high altitude has a considerable impact on this
process. For populations that have not adapted to high
altitude, successful reproduction requires some cultural
interventions. For example, take the case of fertility Allen’s Rule
among Spanish colonialists in the city of Potosi high
Surface area 5 112
in the Andes Mountains of Bolivia in South America. 1.75 times greater
Founded as a silver mining town in 1545, during the first surface area
fifty-four years of this city’s existence, no Spanish child
was born who survived childhood. Indigenous popula- Surface area 5 96 Volume 5 64
tions did not have this problem. In response, Spanish Volume 5 64 Same volume
women began the cultural practice of retreating to lower
altitude for their pregnancy and the first year of their
8
child’s life (Piantadosi, 2003).
Cold stress is also a problem at high altitudes. A
© Cengage Learning
stocky body and short limbs help individuals conserve 4
heat, in contrast to long, lanky bodies. We dissipate heat
through the surface of our bodies. A stocky build has a
lower surface area to volume ratio compared to longer 4 4
4 2
builds. Small body size also results in a higher surface
(434 of each side) 3 6 sides 5 96 [(234) 3 2 sides] 1
area to volume. These phenomena have been formalized [(238) 3 2 sides] 1
into two rules named after the naturalists who made [(438) 3 2 sides] 5 112
such observations in mammals. Bergmann’s rule re-
fers to the tendency for the bodies of mammals living Figure 12.10 Allen’s Rule
Allen’s rule refers to the observation that in two bodies
in cold climates to be more massive than members of
that have the same volume, the one that is long and lean
the same species living in warm climates (Figure 12.9).
rather than short and squat will have a greater surface area.
Allen’s rule refers to the tendency of mammals living
This accounts for the tendency for mammals living in cold
in cold climates to have shorter appendages (arms and
climates to have shorter appendages (arms and legs)
legs) than members of the same species living in warm
than the same species living in warmer climates. Heat
climates (Figure 12.10).
can be dissipated through long limbs or conserved through
short ones.
Bergmann’s rule The tendency for the bodies of mammals living in cold
climates to be shorter and rounder than members of the same species Adaptation to Cold
living in warm climates.
Cold stress can exist without high altitude, as it does in
Allen’s rule The tendency for the bodies of mammals living in cold
climates to have shorter appendages (arms and legs) than members of the Arctic. In addition to the patterns of body and limb
the same species living in warm climates. shape and size, other cold responses are evident in Arctic
Figure 12.11 Whale Hunting

Arctic populations acclimatize to frigid
conditions through a variety of biological
and cultural adaptations. Often biology
and culture interact. The high-energy,
readily available whale blubber diet,
integral to Inuit cultural systems, also
stimulates the body to burn this energy
at a high metabolic rate. A high metabolic
rate, in turn, helps the body stay warm in
very cold climates.
Andrew Stewart/AGE Fotostock
populations. In extreme cold, the body needs to balance hunter the dexterity required for tying knots or position-
heat between its core and the limbs, which need enough ing arrows.
heat to prevent frostbite. Humans balance this through a Arctic peoples such as the Inuit also deal with cold
cyclic expansion and contraction of the blood vessels of through a high metabolic rate: the rate at which the
their limbs called the hunting response. Blood vessels body burns energy. A protein- and fat-rich diet (seal and
oscillate between closing down to prevent heat loss and whale blubber are common foods; see Figure 12.11) may
opening up to warm the hands and feet. With initial expo-
sure to extreme cold, blood vessels immediately constrict
hunting response A cyclic expansion and contraction of the blood
and alternate between open (warm) and shut (cold) so the vessels of the limbs that balances releasing enough heat to prevent
temperature of the skin varies dramatically. Gradually, the frostbite with maintaining heat in the body core.
oscillations become smaller and more rapid, allowing a metabolic rate The rate at which bodies burn energy (food) to function.
Figure 12.12 Cross-Section of Human Skin

Skin—a sensitive, functional, and highly diffuse
organ of the human body—responds exquisitely
to the environment. As described in Chapter
11, vitamin D is synthesized here as UVB rays
penetrate the outer layer of skin. The potentially
more harmful UVA rays can penetrate deeper
into the skin and do not drive vitamin D
production. In addition, skin regulates our
adaptive response to heat through sweating. UVA UVB
Blood vessels carry heat to the surface of
the body. Water released through the sweat
glands onto the surface of the skin through
pores will evaporate and dissipate this body
Sweat pore
heat. Individuals who spend their growth and
development in hotter climates possess more Sweat gland duct
sweat glands as a developmental adaptation Muscle
to heat. In addition, body build impacts heat Hair follicle
dissipation. More skin or surface area allows Sweat gland
an individual to dissipate heat more easily
because of the increased number of sweat
© Cengage Learning
glands distributed on the skin. Artery Vein
Blood
vessels
help heighten metabolic rate, but genetic factors are likely

also a factor.
Human-Made Stressors
Shivering generates heat and provides a short-term
physiological response to cold, but it cannot be main-
of a Changing World
tained for long periods of time. Instead, an individual’s Traditionally, humans have modified natural stressors
acclimatization to the cold involves adjustments to like heat and cold through cultural means such as hous-
diet, activity pattern, metabolic rate, and the circulatory ing, diet, and clothing. But in today’s globalizing world,
system. the impact of culture is much more complex. Today, cul-
tural processes can add new stressors such as pollution,
global warming, and exhaustion of natural resources.
Adaptation to Heat Indeed, as noted in Chapter 5, scholars added Anthro-
pocene to the geological epochs to reflect the profound
Sweating is the human body’s primary physiological human modification of the earth since the industrial
mechanism for coping with extreme heat. The water re- revolution.
leased from sweat glands during sweating cools the body, Biological adaptation to these human-made stressors
but it must be replaced by drinking more, because expo- cannot keep pace with the rapid rate at which humans
sure to heat can be fatal without water (Figure 12.12). are changing the earth, as it takes many generations for
Bergmann’s and Allen’s rules also apply to heat adapta- beneficial alleles and phenotypes to become established in
tion, because sweat glands, spread over a greater surface a population’s genome. Until human cultures cooperate
area on tall, thin bodies, facilitate water evaporation and to collectively address these global challenges, unnatural
heat loss. The more surface area a body has, the more stressors will inevitably lead to sickness and suffering. An
surface area for the sweat glands. Long, slender bodies integrated, holistic anthropological perspective has much
dissipate heat best. In hot and humid environments like to contribute to alleviating if not eliminating these hu-
rainforests, water evaporation poses a challenge. Here, man-made stressors.
human populations have adapted to minimize heat pro-
duction through a diminished overall size while keeping
a slender, lean build.
The Development
of Medical Anthropology
Anthropocene A geological epoch defined by massive environmental Medical anthropology, a specialization that cuts across
changes brought on by humans since the industrial revolution. all four fields of anthropology, contributes significantly
David Edwards/National Geographic Image Collection/Alamy

The Star-Ledger/Amanda Brown/The Image Works
Figure 12.13 Healing Symbols and Actions

Shamans and biomedical doctors both rely upon symbols to heal their patients. The
physician’s white coat is a powerful symbol of medical knowledge and authority that
communicates to patients just as clearly as does the feather headdress of a Tuva shaman
from the mountains of southern Siberia. Tuva healing practices include direct contact with
the individual who is sick as well as actions such as climbing to a mountaintop to burn
cedar, shown here. Can you imagine the symbolic purpose of climbing to great heights?
What do you think is the biomedical equivalent of the mountaintop? Here a pediatrician
hugs her patient after giving him a shot. Imagine the trust involved in letting someone stab
you with a sharp object and inject a foreign material into your body. How does the doctor
have the authority to do this? Interestingly, medical schools in the United States frequently
incorporate a “white coat” ceremony into medical education, conferring the power of the
white coat onto new doctors.
to understandings of sickness and health in the 21st suffering—especially in a globalized world where germs,
century. Medical anthropologists study the medical cures, and pollution travel widely and rapidly.
system—a patterned sets of ideas and practices relating Medical anthropology recognizes poverty as one major
to illness. Medical systems are cultural, similar to any determinant of sickness. Anthropologists throughout the
other social institution. Medical anthropologists exam- globe have demonstrated this connection and worked to
ine healing traditions and practices cross-culturally and improve health through social justice. This perspective
the qualities all medical systems have in common. For now has support from the World Bank, a global financial
example, the terms used by French cultural anthropol- lending institution for developing countries, with Korean
ogist Claude Lévi-Strauss to describe the healing pow- American medical anthropologist and physician Jim Yong
ers of shamans (the name for indigenous healers from Kim as its president. Kim, the cofounder (with U.S. phy-
Siberia and now applied to traditional healers in many sician-anthropologist Paul Farmer) of Partners In Health,
cultures) also refer to medical practices in Europe and has spent his career improving human health through the
North America. In both situations, the healer has access eradication of poverty.
to a world of restricted knowledge (spiritual or scientific)
from which average community members are excluded
(Figure 12.13). Science, Illness, and Disease
Medical anthropologists use scientific models drawn
From the latest vaccine to cutting-edge cancer treatments,
from biological anthropology, such as evolutionary theory
scientific research is often at the frontline of curing or
and ecology, to understand and improve human health.
eradicating sickness. But medical anthropology reveals
They also focus on the connections between human
health and political and economic forces, both globally
and locally. A broad anthropological understanding of medical system A patterned set of ideas and practices relating to
the origins of sickness is vital for alleviating human illness.
that medicine consists of far more than science. The ear- In cultures with scientific medical systems, a key
liest research on cross-cultural medicine was carried out component of the social process of illness involves
by physician-anthropologists—individuals trained as both delineating human suffering by its biology. Occasion-
medical doctors and as anthropologists who participated ally, the labeling of an illness as a disease occurs even
in the international public health movement emerging though the biology is poorly understood. For example,
early in the 20th century. While delivering the medical consider the contrasting ways alcoholism is viewed
care that had developed in Europe and North America, in the United States. Society tends to not sympathize
these physician-anthropologists also studied the health with a person labeled a drunk, a partier, a barfly, or a
beliefs and practices of the cultures they were sent to help; boozer. By contrast, a person struggling with the disease
they returned with these accounts translated into Western of alcoholism receives cultural help from physicians,
biomedical terms. support from groups such as Alcoholics Anonymous,
Initially, Western biomedical approaches were con- and perhaps even health insurance financing of med-
sidered culture-free depictions of human biology and ical treatments. The biology of alcoholism as a disease
were therefore used as an interpretive framework for is still poorly understood, but by calling it a disease,
examining the medical beliefs and practices of other it becomes a socially sanctioned and recognized ill-
cultures. Implicit in this work was the notion that sup- ness within the U.S. medical system. See this chapter’s
posedly objective Western approaches were superior. Globalscape for an innovative method of reducing
However, cultural anthropologists’ fieldwork has shown stigma and improving health through a focus on social
that medical categories, like other aspects of a people’s aspects of sickness.
unique worldview, reflect the value system of their Schistosomiasis, a type of infection that comes from a
particular culture. For example, the Subanun people of parasitic flatworm called a blood fluke, provides an excel-
Mindanao, the southernmost large island of the Philip- lent example of disease existing without illness. Scientists
pines, give fungal infections of the skin different names have fully documented this parasite’s life cycle, which
depending on whether the infection is openly visible or alternates between water snails and human as hosts. The
hidden under clothes. adult worms can live for years inside human intestines or
In the 1970s the place of biological and cultural urinary tracts and then spread to freshwater snails through
knowledge in medical anthropology was dramatically human waste. Inside the snails, the parasite develops and
reorganized. The admission of the People’s Republic of then releases thousands of tiny creatures into freshwater.
China to the United Nations in 1971 played a significant If humans swim, wade, or otherwise interact with this
role in this theoretical shift. Improved diplomatic rela- infested water, the parasite can bore its way through the
tions and cultural exchange between mainland China and skin, traveling back to the intestine or bladder where the
Western powers revealed a professional medical system in life cycle continues.
the East that rivaled Western biomedicine scientifically The idea of parasites boring through the skin and
and technically. For example, the practice of open-heart living permanently inside the bladder or intestine may
surgery in China, using only acupuncture needles as an be revolting. But to people living where schistosomiasis
anesthetic, challenged anthropological assumptions of is endemic—the public health term for a disease that
Western biomedical superiority. Scholars began proposing is widespread in the population—this disease state is
that biomedicine is a cultural system worthy of anthro- normal, and they typically seek no treatment. In other
pological study, just like the medical systems in other words, schistosomiasis is not considered an illness. Indi-
cultures. viduals may know about expensive effective biomedical
To effectively compare medical systems and health treatments, but with a high likelihood of reinfection and
cross-culturally, medical anthropologists draw a the- low accessibility to drugs, they tend not to seek treat-
oretical distinction between the terms disease and ill- ment. Over time, evolutionary forces generally lead to a
ness. Disease refers to a specific physical or biological tolerance between parasite and host that allows infected
abnormality. Illness refers to the meanings and elabo- individuals to live normal lives.
rations given to particular physical states. Disease and Cultural perspectives are sometimes at odds with inter-
illness do not necessarily overlap. Illness could exist national public health goals, which are mostly based on
without a disease, or a disease may occur in the absence Western biomedical understandings of disease. Medical
of illness. anthropologists working on global public health issues are
careful to not impose personal interpretations and mean-
ings as they work to improve the health of others. In the
disease A specific physical or biological abnormality.
Original Study, U.S. biological anthropologist Katherine
illness The meanings and elaborations given to a particular physical
state. Dettwyler explains how her work on childhood growth
endemic The public health term for a disease that is widespread in and health in Mali challenged her to rethink Down
a population. syndrome.
GLOBALSCAPE
Arctic
Ocean
ASIA
NORTH EUROPE
AMERICA
Shelburne, Vermont
Atlantic
Ocean
Mexico City, Mexico AFRICA Pacific
Pacific Ocean
Ocean
SOUTH Angwan Lauran Wali ETHIOPIA
AMERICA
NIGERIA
Indian
Ocea
Ocean
AUSTRALIA
© Population Media Center, www.populationmedia.org

© Population Media Center, www.populationmedia.org
ANTARCTICA
From Soap Opera to Clinic? The Population Media Center is bringing Sabido’s methodology to the
world, through work with local radio and television broadcasters, appro-
In Angwan Lauran Wali, Nigeria, Hajara Nasiru listened to a radio soap
priate government ministries, and nongovernmental organizations. Their
opera, Gugar Goge (“Tell It to Me Straight”), and learned something
goal is to design and implement a comprehensive media strategy geared
that changed her life.a Created in Nigeria using a methodology devel-
at family and reproductive health issues. This process takes place collab-
oped originally in Mexico, the radio drama tells the story of 12-year-old
oratively, with local constituents identifying and addressing various health
Kande, who is forced to marry a man more than twice her age. She
issues. These health issues get broad attention when transformed into a
soon becomes pregnant, and after a prolonged labor, her baby dies.
professionally produced radio drama such as Gugar Goge.
Kande develops an obstetric fistula (a hole between either the rectum
In addition to individual success stories like Hajara’s, the success
and vagina or the bladder and vagina) leading to incontinence, infec-
of these efforts can be measured quantitatively at the countrywide
tion, and nerve damage. Her husband abandons her, but a neighbor
level. For example, radio programs broadcast in Ethiopia in two dif dif-
brings her to the hospital in the nearby city of Zaria. After the fistula
ferent languages between 2002 and 2004 changed the country’s
is repaired, Kande is able to return to her father’s home in full health.
reproductive health behavior. The percentage of married women using
Like Kande, Hajara married young (at 15), and by the age of 25 she
contraception increased from 23 percent to 79 percent, and the birth
had experienced eight labors, lost five children, and developed a fistula
rates decreased. Reducing fertility is a vital step a society must make
with her last labor. After living with debilitating discomfort for nine weeks,
to achieve better overall health. In exit interviews at family planning
she invited her husband to also listen to the soap opera. Gugar Goge gave
clinics, one-fourth of the 14,000 people surveyed cited the radio
Hajara and her husband the information they needed. The show informed
drama as their reason for coming.
them that the fistula could be repaired and that Hajara need not suffer.
This radio drama is one of many created by local branches of the
Population Media Center (PMC), a U.S.-based international nongovern- Global Twister
mental organization, headquartered in Shelburne, Vermont, which uses Would the Sabido method work in your community? Is it already at work?
“entertainment-education for social change.” Mexican television producer What health issues would you like to see embedded in soap operas?
Miguel Sabido, pictured above, developed PMC’s methodology and created
telenovelas that prompted dramatic social change across Mexico during the a
Population Media Center. (2015). PMC in Nigeria. PopulationMediaCenter.
1970s. One of Sabido’s programs resulted in an eightfold increase in adult org. https://www.populationmedia.org/location/nigeria/ (retrieved
education, and another led to a 50 percent increase in contraceptive use. November 10, 2015)
307
ORIGI
NAL Dancing Skeletons: Life and Death
S T U DY in West Africa BY KATHERINE DETTWYLER
I stood in the doorway, gasping for air, prop prop- “You can’t afford not to,” I cried in exasperation, turn-
ping my arms against the door frame on either side to ing to Moussa. “He doesn’t understand,” I said to Moussa.
hold me up. I sucked in great breaths of cool, clean air and “Please explain to him that the boy is certain to die of
rested my gaze on the distant hills, trying to compose my- gangrene poisoning if he doesn’t get to a doctor right
self. Ominous black thunderclouds were massed on the away. It may be too late already, but I don’t think so. He
horizon and moved rapidly toward the schoolhouse. . . . may just lose his leg.” Moussa’s eyes widened with alarm.
The morning had begun pleasantly enough, with villag- Even he hadn’t realized how serious the boy’s wounds
ers waiting patiently under the huge mango tree in the cen- were. As the father took in what Moussa was saying, his
ter of the village. But before long, the approaching storm face crumpled. . . . Father and son were last seen leaving
made it clear that we would have to move inside. The only Merediela, the boy perched precariously on the back of a
building large enough to hold the crowd was the one-room worn-out donkey hastily borrowed from a neighbor, while
schoolhouse, located on the outskirts of the village. . . . the father trotted alongside, shoulders drooping, urging
Inside the schoolhouse, chaos the donkey to greater speed. . . .
reigned. It was 20 degrees hotter, Lunch back at the animatrice’s compound provided an-
ten times as noisy, and as dark as other opportunity for learning about infant feeding beliefs in
gloom. What little light rural Mali, through criticism of my own child feeding prac-
there was from outside tices. This time it was a chicken that had given its life for our
Atlantic
entered through the open Ocean culinary benefit. As we ate, without even thinking, I reached
doorway and two small into the center pile of chicken meat and pulled pieces of
windows. The entire LIBYA meat off the bone. Then I placed them over in Miranda’s sec-
ALGERIA
population of the village tion of the communal food bowl and encouraged her to eat.
crowded onto the rows of MAURITANIA
“Why are you giving her chicken?” Bakary asked.
benches, or stood three Sikasso
MALI NIGER “I want to make sure she gets enough to eat,” I replied.
SENEGAL
deep around the periph- Bamako
Dogo
BURKINA
“She didn’t eat very much porridge for breakfast because
© Cengage Learning
ery of the room. Babies GUINEA FASO she doesn’t like millet.”
COTE NIGERIA
cried until their mothers D’IVOIRE
“But she’s just a child. She doesn’t need good food. You’ve
pulled them around front been working hard all morning, and she’s just been lying
where they could nurse, around. Besides, if she wanted to eat, she would,” he argued.
children chattered, and “It’s true that I’ve been working hard,” I admitted, “but
adults seized the opportunity to converse with friends and she’s still growing. Growing children need much more food,
neighbors. It was one big party, a day off from working in proportionately, than adults. And if I didn’t encourage her
the fields, with a cooling rain thrown in for good measure. to eat, she might not eat until we get back to Bamako.”
I had to shout the measurements out to Heather, to make Bakary shook his head. “In Dogo,” he explained, “peo-
myself heard over the cacophony of noise.... ple believe that good food is wasted on children. They
A middle-aged man dressed in a threadbare pair of Levis don’t appreciate its good taste or the way it makes you
shoved a crying child forward. I knelt down to encourage feel. Also, they haven’t worked hard to produce the food.
the little boy to step up onto the scales and saw that his leg They have their whole lives to work for good food for
was wrapped in dirty bandages. He hesitated before lifting themselves, when they get older. Old people deserve the
his foot and whimpered as he put his weight onto it. . . . best food because they’re going to die soon.” . . .
“What’s the matter with his leg?” I asked his father. . . . In rural southern Mali, “good food” (which included
“He hurt it in a bicycle accident,” he said. all the high protein/high calorie foods) was reserved for
I rolled my eyes at Heather. “Let me guess. He was elders and other adults. Children subsisted almost entirely
riding on the back fender, without wearing long pants, or on the carbohydrate staples, flavored with a little sauce.
shoes, and he got his leg tangled in the spokes.” Moussa My actions in giving Miranda my share of the chicken
translated this aside into Bambara, and the man acknowl- were viewed as bizarre and misguided. I was wasting good
edged that was exactly what had happened. . . . food on a mere child, and depriving myself. . . .
The festering wound encompassed the boy’s ankle and In N’tenkoni the next morning, we were given use of
part of his foot, deep enough to see bone at the bottom. the men’s sacred meeting hut for our measuring session.
His entire lower leg and foot were swollen and putrid; it A round hut about 20 feet in diameter, it had a huge cen-
was obvious that gangrene had a firm hold. . . . ter pole made from the trunk of a tree that held up the
“You have to take him to the hospital in Sikasso imme- thatched roof. Because it had two large doorways, it was
diately,” I explained. light and airy and would provide protection in the event
“But we can’t afford to,” he balked. of another thunderstorm. . . .
There was some initial confusion caused by the fact intensive care, many would not survive. Such surgery is
that people outside couldn’t really see what we were routine in American children’s hospitals, but nonexistent
doing, and everyone tried to crowd in at once. That was in rural Mali. For the child without any major physical de-
straightened out by the chief, however, and measuring fects, there are still the perils of rural Malian life to survive:
proceeded apace, men, women, children, men, women, malaria, measles, diarrhea, diphtheria, and polio. Some, like
children. One family at a time filed into the hut through Peter, have poor immune systems, making them even more
one door, had their measurements taken, and departed susceptible to childhood diseases. The odds against finding
through the other door. It was cool and pleasant inside a child with Down syndrome, surviving and healthy in a
the hut, in contrast to the hot sun and glare outside. Mi- rural Malian village, are overwhelming.
randa sat off to one side, reading a book, glancing up from Not surprisingly, the parents knew of no other children
time to time, but generally bored by the whole thing. like Abi. They asked if I knew of any medicine that could
“Mommy, look!” she exclaimed in mid-morning. “Isn’t cure her. “No,” I explained, “this condition can’t be cured.
that an angel?”
?” she asked, using our family’s code word for But she will learn to talk, just give her time. Talk to her a
a child with Down syndrome. Down syndrome children lot. Try to get her to repeat things you say. And give her
are often (though not always!) sweet, happy, and affec- lots of love and attention. It may take her longer to learn
tionate kids, and many families of children with Down some things, but keep trying. In my country, some people
syndrome consider them to be special gifts from God and say these children are special gifts from God.” There was
refer to them as angels. I turned and followed the direc- no way I could explain cells and chromosomes and non-
tion of Miranda’s gaze. A little girl had just entered the disjunction to them, even with Moussa’s help. And how, I
hut, part of a large family with many children. She had thought to myself, would that have helped them anyway?
a small round head, and all the facial characteristics of a They just accepted her as she was.
child with Down syndrome—Oriental-shaped eyes with We chatted for a few more minutes, and I measured the
epicanthic folds, a small flat nose, and small ears. There whole family, including Abi, who was, of course, short for
was no mistaking the diagnosis. Her name was Abi, and her age. I gave her one last hug and a balloon and sent her
she was about 4 years old, the same age as Peter. out the door after her siblings. . . .
I knelt in front of the little girl. “Hi there, sweetie,” I I walked out of the hut, . . . trying to get my emotions
said in English. “Can I have a hug?” I held out my arms, under control. Finally I gave in, hugged my knees close
and she willingly stepped forward and gave me a big hug. to my chest, and sobbed. I cried for Abi—what a coura-
I looked up at her mother. “Do you know that there’s geous heart she must have; just think what she might
something ‘different’ about this child?” I asked, choosing have achieved given all the modern infant stimulation
my words carefully. programs available in the West. I cried for Peter—another
“Well, she doesn’t talk,” said her mother, hesitantly, courageous heart; just think of what he might achieve
looking at her husband for confirmation. “That’s right,” given the chance to live in a culture that simply accepted
he said. “She’s never said a word.” him, rather than stereotyping and pigeonholing him, con-
“But she’s been healthy?” I asked. straining him because people didn’t think he was capable
“Yes,” the father replied. “She’s like the other kids, ex- of more. I cried for myself—not very courageous at all; my
cept she doesn’t talk. She’s always happy. She never cries. heart felt as though it would burst with longing for Peter,
We know she can hear because she does what we tell her my own sweet angel.
to. Why are you so interested in her?” There was clearly some truth to the old adage that
“Because I know what’s the matter with her. I have a son ignorance is bliss. Maybe pregnant women in Mali had
like this.” Excitedly, I pulled a picture of Peter out of my bag to worry about evil spirits lurking in the latrine at night,
and showed it to them. They couldn’t see any resemblance, but they didn’t spend their pregnancies worrying about
though. The difference in skin color swamped the similar- chromosomal abnormalities, the moral implications of
ities in facial features. But then, Malians think all white amniocentesis, or the heart-wrenching exercise of trying
people look alike. And it’s not true that all kids with Down to evaluate handicaps, deciding which ones made life not
syndrome look the same. They’re “different in the same worth living. Women in the United States might have
way,” but they look most like their parents and siblings. the freedom to choose not to give birth to children with
“Have you ever met any other children like this?” I handicaps, but women in Mali had freedom from worry-
inquired, bursting with curiosity about how rural Malian ing about it. Children in the United States had the free-
culture dealt with a condition as infrequent as Down syn- dom to attend special programs to help them overcome
drome. Children with Down syndrome are rare to begin their handicaps, but children in Mali had freedom from
with, occurring about once in every 700 births. In a com- the biggest handicap of all—other people’s prejudice.
munity where thirty or forty children are born each year at I had cried myself dry. I splashed my face with cool
the most, a child with Down syndrome might be born only water from the bucket inside the kitchen and returned to
once in twenty years. And many of them would not survive the task at hand.
long enough for anyone to be able to tell that they were
different. Physical defects along the midline of the body Adapted from Dettwyler, K. A. (1994). Dancing skeletons: Life
(heart, trachea, intestines) are common among kids with and death in West Africa (ch. 8). Long Grove, IL: Waveland
Down syndrome; without immediate surgery and neonatal Press, Inc. All rights reserved.
Although diseases are generally described in scientifi-

cally derived biological terms, the medical anthropologi-
Symptoms as Defense
cal framework admits that these notions are not universal. Mechanisms
Each culture’s medical system provides a map of how to Scientists have documented that the human body mounts
think about sickness and health and defines specific terms a series of physiological responses when faced with in-
and mechanisms for thinking about, preventing, and fection from a bacterium or virus. For example, a young
managing illness. individual learns to recognize an illness as a cold or flu by
observing responses of the body, like fever, runny nose,
sore throat, or vomiting.
Think of how you may have learned about sickness as
Evolutionary Medicine a young child. A caregiver or parent might have touched
your forehead or neck with the back of the hand to gauge
Evolutionary medicine—an approach to human sick- your temperature. Maybe you had a thermometer placed
ness and health combining principles of evolutionary the- under your arm, in your mouth, or in your ear to check
ory and human evolutionary history—draws from both you for fever. If any of these methods revealed a tempera-
scientific medicine and anthropology. Initially, it may ture defined as above normal, a medicine might have been
seem dominated by human biological mechanisms, but given to lower the fever.
evolutionary medicine emphasizes the biocultural integra- Evolutionary medicine proposes that many symptoms
tion characteristic of anthropology. Humans give cultural biomedicine treat are products of nature, developed over
meaning to biological processes, and cultural practices millennia. Some of these symptoms, such as fever, perhaps
impact human biology. should be tolerated rather than suppressed, so the body
It is difficult to prove conclusively that specific ideas can heal itself. An elevated temperature is part of the body’s
and theories from evolutionary medicine positively im- response to infectious particles, and reducing fever may
pact human health. Scientists work to amass a sufficient provide a favorable environment for bacteria or viruses. Ad-
body of knowledge that support their theories, and when ditionally, vomiting, coughing, and diarrhea may be adaptive
appropriate, test hypotheses experimentally. Frequently, because they remove harmful substances and organisms from
treatments derived from evolutionary medicine lead to the body. In other words, the cultural prescription to lower a
alterations in cultural practices and to a return to more fever or suppress a cough might actually prolong the disease.
natural states of human biology. As described in Chapter Similarly, nausea and vomiting during early pregnancy
8’s Biocultural Connection on Paleolithic prescriptions, may also represent an adaptive mechanism to avoid toxins
evolutionary medicine contributes to current attitudes during this most sensitive phase of fetal development.
about the diseases of civilization. Many plants, particularly from the broccoli and cabbage
U.S. biological anthropologist James McKenna’s families, naturally contain toxins developed through evo-
work provides an excellent example of evolutionary lution to prevent them from being eaten by animals. Eating
medicine. McKenna has suggested that human infants these plants during the first weeks of pregnancy can make
have evolved to sleep with adults who provide breath- the developing embryo vulnerable to mutation at the vital
ing cues to the sleeping infant, protecting the child period during which it is rapidly creating new cells and dif-
from sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) (McKenna, ferentiating into specific body parts. The pregnant woman’s
Ball, & Gettler, 2007). McKenna used cross-cultural data heightened sense of smell and susceptibility to nausea serve
of sleeping patterns and rates of SIDS to support his as natural defenses for her to avoid these foods.
claim.
A series of experiments documented differences be-
tween the brainwave patterns of pairs of mothers and Evolution and Infectious Disease
infants sleeping together versus pairs sleeping in separate Evolutionary medicine provides key insights on infectious
rooms. These results fit McKenna’s theory and challenge disease, especially in a globalizing world where people,
the cultural practice of solitary sleeping that predominates viruses, and bacteria move freely. In biomedicine, infec-
in North America. Evolutionary medicine suggests that tious disease is viewed as conflict between humans and
cultural practices in industrial and postindustrial societies microorganisms; patients and doctors “fight” infectious
promote a variety of other biomedically defined diseases, diseases, and microorganisms possess one very clear
ranging from psychological disorders to hepatitis (inflam- advantage (Figure 12.14): The very short life cycles of
mation of the liver). viruses, bacteria, fungi, and parasites give them an evolu-
tionary advantage over humans, because microorganisms’
random mutations can quickly pose new threats to hu-
evolutionary medicine An approach to human sickness and health
combining principles of evolutionary theory and human evolutionary man health. This notion is particularly important when it
history. comes to using antibiotics to fight infectious disease.
Evolutionary Medicine 311
Pathogen Evolutionary process provides a

long-term natural mechanism for
fighting infectious disease: Individ-
uals who survive the infection pos-
sess genes that provide them with
immunity. A group of sex workers
in Kenya who have avoided the HIV
infection despite constant exposure
Macrophage
represent an interesting example of
population-based resistance to dis-
ease (Fowke et al., 1996; Songok
et al., 2012). Such examples may
represent a process of hosts and
microbes adjusting to one another
Helper TT-cell
through evolution. In order to sur-
Killer TT-cell
B-cell vive, microbes cannot eliminate
Frontier, 1994.
all their hosts, and so over time a
Lymphokines
From A Positron Named Priscilla: Scientific Discovery at the Frontier

balance is struck as a population
becomes better able to resist and a
microbe becomes less virulent.
Luckily, treatments, just like
Infected cell diseases, can also flow freely across
Antibodies
the globe. For example, Brazil’s in-
ternationally recognized HIV/AIDS
program provides a model for pre-
vention, education, and treatment
Pathogen Infected cell that other nations can utilize. Brazil
destroyed and pathogen became the first country to guaran-
inside destroyed by
macrophage Macrophage killer T
T-cell
tee free antiretroviral access to all
its citizens in 1996, with policies
Figure 12.14 The Immune System that encouraged scientific innova-
Biomedical descriptions of the human immune system concentrate on “invading” pathogens, tion and reduced financial barriers to
“triggering” the immune response, and “killer T-cells” that destroy the pathogens, as shown treatment. At the same time, Brazil-
in this image introducing the fundamentals of the immune response. Medical anthropologist ian public health officials developed
Emily Martin (1994, 1999) has shown that scientific depictions of infectious disease draw counseling and prevention programs
upon violent imagery common to the culture of the United States. Biomedical treatments in collaboration with community
involve taking antibiotics to kill “invading” organisms adding additional weapons to the groups and religious organizations.
“natural” human defenses. An evolutionary perspective suggests that the quick life cycle of A candid public education campaign
microorganisms makes this “battle” a losing proposition for humans. on disease transmission—targeted at
the fastest-growing groups affected
by HIV, heterosexual women and young people—also con-
Antibiotics kill many bacteria, but resistant strains are be-
tributed to the program’s success.
coming more common. A resistant strain is a genetic vari-
In 2004, Brazil continued its innovations with the South
ant of a specific bacterium that is not killed by antibiotics. If
to South Initiative providing assistance to HIV and AIDS pro-
a resistant strain appears in an infected individual, antibiotic
grams in the African countries of Mozambique and Angola.
treatment removes all the nonresistant strains and in turn
These African countries have replicated the Brazilian approach
opens the door for the resistant strain to thrive. Without
of providing free antiretroviral agents and collaborating with
competition from the bacterium’s original form, this mutant
civil and religious groups to develop appropriate counseling,
can proliferate easily and spread to other individuals.
education, and prevention programs (D’Adesky, 2004).
Complex lengthy treatment regimes, often with multiple
Vaccines, a well-known method for fighting infectious
drugs, must be followed exactly to avoid the development of
disease, stimulate the body to mount its own immune re-
resistant strains. These treatments are prohibitively expensive
sponse to protect against later exposure to real infectious
in many parts of the world, and so diseases often spread from
country to country as infectious microbes do not observe
national boundaries. A truly global perspective is necessary resistant strain A genetic variant of a specific bacterium that is not
to effectively understand and control any infectious process. killed by antibiotics.
The Vaccine Debate Goes Viral

BY TAVID BINGHAM
In January 2016, founder and CEO of so- protecting his child’s health and, by exten- in the long term.a Others fear unwanted
cial media giant Facebook did something sion, the health of other children. side effects brought about by the body’s
that millions of Facebook users do every There is significant scientific evidence response to the vaccine.
day—he shared a picture of his child. But indicating the effectiveness of vaccines at The modern anti-vaccine movement
something about the picture’s content preparing the body to fight off invading vi- was fueled by one particular study pub-
and caption ignited a fierce debate over a ruses and bacteria, thereby preventing the lished in The Lancet, a respected British
biocultural practice with controversial dis- contraction and transmission of infectious medical journal, which claimed that the
parate opinions. The image showed Zuck- disease. But the anti-vaccine movement is vaccine for measles, mumps, and rubella
erberg and his young daughter Maxima propelled to some degree by the idea that (the MMR vaccine) was linked with autism.
seated in what appears to be a waiting vaccines can have adverse health effects This claim—though now retracted by the
room with the caption “Doctor’s visit— that outweigh the potential protection they journal and most of its authors—garnered
time for vaccines!” Within a few days might provide. Some believe that the ex- extensive media attention and gave anti-
of posting, the picture had drawn over posure that immunizations inflict on the vaccine advocates a piece of frightening
3.2 million likes and more than 88,000 body can weaken the immune system. scientific evidence to back up to their
comments—many condemning and berat- One national survey conducted in the cause.b MMR is an extremely common
ing Zuckerberg for exposing his child to United States found that one-quarter of vaccination in the United States, where
potentially harmful vaccines, while many parents feared that shots would diminish the first dosage is usually given between
others applauded and supported him for their children’s ability to fight off illnesses the ages of 12 and 15 months.
agents. Vaccinations have been responsible for major comfort. Chicken pox is fatal only in extremely rare cases.
global reduction of disease, as in the case of smallpox. See this chapter’s Biocultural Connection for more dis-
In addition, historical records show that people in Asia, cussion of the ways in which parents in the United States
Africa, Europe, and colonists in North America practiced a view vaccines.
form of vaccination for this deadly disease through what Infectious disease and our efforts to stop it always
were known as “pox parties.” In modern times, some par- occur in the context of the human-made environment.
ents have revived this tradition by deliberately exposing Since the Neolithic revolution, humans have increasingly
their children to chicken pox rather than vaccines. altered the environment, resulting in an increased variety
Despite medical reports to the contrary, some parents of infectious diseases. In this regard, evolutionary med-
believe that vaccinations lead to other health problems. icine shares much with political ecology—a discipline
The vaccine to eradicate smallpox—a disease that killed closely related to medical anthropology.
300 million people in the 20th century alone—is clearly
beneficial, but it is harder to convince parents of the need
for vaccines for less fatal childhood diseases. But opting
out can have grim consequences: The rates of pertussis
The Political Ecology
(whooping cough) have reached epidemic proportions
in some parts of the United States. The pertussis problem
of Disease
has become so severe that a booster for it is now routinely Ecological perspectives consider organisms in the context
added to tetanus shots. of their environment. Because human environments are
Vaccinations, like all medical procedures, change the shaped not only by local culture but by global political
social fabric. The vaccine for chicken pox in the United and economic systems, these features must all be consid-
States provides an interesting case in point. Before this ered in a comprehensive examination of human disease.
vaccination became standard care, most American chil- Simply describing disease in terms of biological processes
dren experienced chicken pox as a rite of childhood. ignores deeper reasons that some individuals are more
Parents watched their children become covered with ugly likely than others to become sick. A strictly biological
pox that eventually disappeared. The parents’ experience approach also leaves out individual, community, and
models a concept that intense sickness can be followed national differences in the resources available to cope
by full recovery, which, in and of itself, can provide some with disease and illness. Prion diseases provide excellent
The Political Ecology of Disease 313
The transmission of viral infections like Although there is plenty of misinfor

misinfor- of personal or religious beliefs? What are
measles in public places, such as schools, mation and sometimes provocative media the implications to public health of allowing
is often at the center of the vaccine debate. attention to controversial vaccines, it is individuals to opt out of vaccinations for con-
One particularly high-profile example came important to understand that all immuni- tagious diseases?
in January 2015, with an outbreak of more zations carry certain risks. The Centers for
than 70 cases of measles linked to Dis- Disease Control publishes periodic Vaccine
neyland visitors in southern California. This Information Statements (VISs) to inform a
Gellin B. G., Maibach E. W., & Marcuse
news led to public outrage from pro-vaccine the public about every type of vaccination, E. K. (2000, November). Do parents
advocates. Partly in reaction to the Disney
Disney- with specific VISs describing the recom- understand immunizations? A national
land outbreak, later that year California mended vaccines for children at each stage telephone survey. Pediatrics 106 (5),
Governor Jerry Brown signed controversial of development. These VISs also note the 1097–1102.
legislation requiring nearly all public school- risks associated with a given vaccine and b
Wakefield, A. J., et al. (1998). RETRACTED:
children to have certain immunizations. describe the specific circumstance in which Ileal-lymphoid-nodular hyperplasia, non-
At the time, California became one of just particular individuals should not receive specific colitis, and pervasive developmental
three states—Mississippi and West Virginia certain vaccines for medical reasons. disorder in children. Lancet 351 (9103),
being the others—with such a strict vac- 637–641.
Written expressly for this text, 2016.
cination law. The bill removed a previous c
CBS News/AP. (2015, June 30). California
exemption from vaccines for schoolchildren governor signs strict new vaccination law.
based on personal or religious beliefs, an Biocultural Question CBS News. http://www.cbsnews.com
exemption that about 13,000 families had How do you feel about individuals being /news/california-governor-signs-strict-new
used in the previous year.c able to refuse vaccinations on the basis -vaccination-law/ (retrieved February 3, 2016)
illustrations of the ways in which both local and global This type of disease was a major concern for the Fore
factors impact the social distribution of disease. (pronounced “foray”) people of Papua New Guinea dur-
ing the middle of the 20th century. The Fore gave the
name kuru to the prion disease that killed many women
Prion Diseases and children in their communities. Local and global cul-
In 1997 U.S. physician-scientist Stanley Prusiner won tural processes had affected both the transmission of kuru
the Nobel Prize in medicine for discovering an entirely and the measures taken to prevent its spread long before
new disease agent called a prion—a protein lacking any prion biology was understood. Kuru did not fit neatly
genetic material that behaves as an infectious particle. Pri- into any known biomedical categories. Notably, the dis-
ons can cause the reorganization and destruction of other ease seemed to be limited to families of
proteins, which may destroy brain tissue and the nervous related individuals, but kinship records
system, resulting in neurodegenerative disease. did not reveal a pattern of genetic
This discovery provided a biological mechanism for transmission.
understanding mad cow disease, a serious problem in U.S. physician D.
postindustrial societies, but more information is required Carleton Gajdusek led an
Pacific
to truly grasp how this disease spreads. Prions tainted international team of Ocean
the beef supply of several European and North American health workers to as-
countries through the cultural practice of grinding up sist the Fore with the
A
sheep carcasses and adding them to the commercial feed devastation. The medi- INDONESI PAPUA
NEW GUINEA
of beef cattle. Postindustrial farmers were aware that these cal team turned to the
sheep had a condition known as scrapie, but it had not yet notion of infectious
© Cengage Learning
been identified as infectious. Through the wide distribu- disease, even though Coral
tion of tainted feed, prion disease spread from sheep to kuru’s slow progres- Sea
AUSTRALIA
cows, and then to humans who consumed tainted beef. sion seemed to weigh
Today, some countries ban the importation of beef from
neighboring countries with documented prion disease.
Such bans have a tremendous negative impact on local prion An infectious protein lacking any genetic material but capable of
economies. causing the reorganization and destruction of other proteins.
against an infectious cause. Material derived from infected

individuals was injected into chimpanzees (recall Chapter
Medical Pluralism
4’s discussion of the ethics of this practice) to see whether As seen in the above example, the Fore medical system
they developed the disease. After 18 months, injected had its own explanations for the causes of kuru, primarily
chimpanzees succumbed to the classic symptoms of kuru, involving sorcery, that were compatible with biomedical
and their autopsied brains indicated the same pathologies explanations for the mechanisms of disease. Such blend-
seen in humans with kuru. At this point, the disease was ing of medical systems is common throughout the globe
defined as infectious (garnering Gajdusek a Nobel Prize), today. Medical pluralism refers to the practice of mul-
but because prions were not yet discovered, scientists de- tiple medical systems, each with its own techniques and
fined the infectious agent as an unidentified “slow virus.” beliefs, in a single society. Individuals generally can recon-
Scientists knew that kuru was infectious, but it was still cile conflicting medical systems and incorporate diverse
unclear why only some individuals were susceptible. The elements from a variety of systems to ease their suffering.
explanation requires a wider anthropological perspective, as Although Western biomedicine has contributed some
Australian American medical anthropologist Shirley Linden- spectacular treatments and cures for a variety of diseases,
baum explains in her book Kuru Sorcery (2013). Lindenbaum many of its practices and values are singularly associated
demonstrates that kuru is related to cultural practices regard- with the European and North American societies in which
ing death and the way global factors impacted local practices. they developed. The international public health move-
Culturally, Fore women are responsible for preparing the ment attempts to bring biomedical successes into practice
bodies of their loved ones for the afterlife, putting women in the rest of the world. But to do so successfully, local
at greater risk for exposure to kuru. Lindenbaum discovered cultural practices and beliefs must be taken into account.
that women and children were at risk due to a combination From kuru to organ transplantation, we see that contem-
of these local practices and global economic forces. In Fore porary sicknesses cannot be considered in isolation; the
society, men were responsible for raising pigs and slaughter- political and economic impact of diseases and their treat-
ing and distributing meat. The middle of the 20th century ment must be considered holistically.
was a challenging time of transition for the Fore people.
Colonial rule by Australia had changed the fabric of society,
threatening traditional subsistence patterns and resulting Globalization, Health,
in a shortage of protein from their traditional food source,
pigs. Fore men preferentially distributed the limited amount and Structural Violence
of pig meat available to other men.
For most diseases, wealth means health. In 1948, the newly
Fore women told Lindenbaum that due to starvation,
founded World Health Organization defined health as “a state
they were required to consume their own dead (endocanni-
of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not
balism). Fore women preferred eating those who had died in
merely the absence of disease or infirmity,” a definition that
a relatively “meaty” state from kuru compared to individu-
has never been amended (World Health Organization, 1948).
als wasted away from malnutrition. This practice was aban-
While the international public health community works to
doned as the Fore subsistence pattern recovered, and the
improve health throughout the globe, heavily armed states,
biological mechanisms of kuru transmission were revealed.
large corporations, and very wealthy elites work to rearrange
The story of kuru continues into the present with poten-
emerging world systems to their competitive advantage.
tial benefits for all of humanity. Scientists have discovered a
Power relationships that undermine the well-being of others
genetic adaptation to prion disease dispersed widely among
represent the structural violence discussed in Chapter 11.
the people of Papua New Guinea, presumably in response
Health disparity, or the difference in the health
to a long history of endocannibalism and prion epidemics
status between the wealthy elite and the poor in stratified
in the distant past (Asante et al., 2015; Lindenbaum, 2013).
societies, is nothing new. Globalization has expanded and
As well, researchers have identified a newly evolved variant
intensified structural violence, leading to enormous health
of the prion protein gene in one elderly Fore woman who,
disparities among individuals, communities, and even
many decades ago, had eaten her kin, that died from kuru.
states (Figure 12.15). Medical anthropologists examine how
Laboratory mice bred to express this gene have immunity
structural violence leads to unequal access to treatment, and
to kuru and other prion diseases, leading some to speculate
higher likelihood of disease through malnutrition, crowded
that this gene might even be protective against Alzheimer’s
conditions, and toxins.
and other dementias.
Population Size and Health

medical pluralism The practice of multiple medical systems, each with
its own techniques and beliefs, in a single society. Population size was extraordinarily small in early hu-
health disparity A difference in the health status between the wealthy man evolutionary history compared to what it is today.
elite and the poor in stratified societies. With human population size at over 7.3 billion and still
climbing, we are reaching the earth’s

carrying capacity (Figure 12.16). In-
dia and China alone have well over
1 billion inhabitants each, and pop-
ulation growth continues rapidly.
The scale of hunger, poverty, and
pollution, and the many problems
associated with these issues, will per-
sist and grow along with increasing
population.
Controversially, government-
sponsored programs to limit pop-
ulation growth have posed new
problems. For example, China’s
much-publicized “one child” pol-
Olivier Matthys/Corbis
icy, introduced in 1979 to control
its soaring growth, led to spikes
in sex-selective abortions, female
infanticide, and female infant mor-
tality due to abandonment and ne-
Figure 12.15 Illegal Trade in Organs
glect. The resulting imbalance in
The illegal trade in organs for transplantation spans the globe, with poor individuals and
China’s male and female popula-
states bearing the burden. Here in Sultanpur, Pakistan, 25-year-old Iqbal Zafar and three
tions is referred to as the “missing other villagers show the surgical scars that remain after having sold a kidney on the
girl gap.” One study reported that black market in order to pay off their debts. Until the Pakistani law that was passed in
China’s male-to-female ratio has 2010 curbing these practices, a poor donor would receive just a fraction of the $5,000
become so imbalanced that 111 to $6,000 that a rich individual paid to the Pakistani hospital that provided the transplant
million men would not be able to facilities. Many of the organ recipients had traveled to Pakistan as medical tourists in
find a wife. Millions of rural cou- order to obtain the kidneys. On the other hand, the impoverished donors often received
ples also circumvented regulations little to no postoperative care, a situation that could lead to grave health consequences.
9
8
7
Billions of people
David Malan/Photographer’s Choice/Getty Images

5
4
3
2
© Cengage Learning
3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0 500 1000 1500 2000
BCE CE
Year
Figure 12.16 World Population

Human population size grew at a relatively steady pace until the industrial revolution, when
a geometric pattern of growth began. Since that time, human population size has been doubling
at an alarming rate. The earth’s natural resources will not be able to accommodate the
ever-increasing human population if the rates of consumption seen in Western industrialized
nations, particularly in the United States, persist. Notice, as well, that human populations are
not distributed evenly across the globe; the highest concentrations (indicated by red tones)
are in urban centers and regions with fertile land. Climatic extremes and lack of natural
resources like water characterize the sparsely populated areas, such as the Sahara Desert
and Greenland.
Mohammed al-Sayaghi/Reuters /Landov

Sean Murphy/Stone/Getty Images
Figure 12.17 Extremes of Malnutrition

The scientific definition of malnutrition includes undernutrition as well as excess consumption
of foods, healthy or otherwise. Malnutrition leading to obesity is increasingly common among
poorer people in industrialized countries. Obesity and Type 2 diabetes, previously degenerative
diseases of adulthood only, now occur at alarming rates among children in the United States.
Starvation is more common in poor countries or in those enduring political and economic
upheaval, such as the child here from Yemen.
by not registering births—resulting in millions of young

people who do not officially exist (Bongaarts, 1998).
Environmental Impact and Health
Government regulations softened slightly in the 1990s, The disenfranchised experience a disproportionate share
when it became legal for rural couples to pay a fee of famine and must also contend with the lion’s share
and have a second child if their first was a girl, and in of contaminants and pollution (Figure 12.18). The in-
October 2015, the Chinese government announced an dustries of wealthier communities and states create the
end to the controversial policy (Buckley, 2015; Pei, 2015). majority of the pollutants affecting the earth today. They
Now families are allowed two children. often ship their waste elsewhere for processing by those
with limited resources who feel the direct biological im-
Poverty and Health pact from these pollutants.
Natural forces also contribute to the global inequi-
With an ever-expanding population, a shocking number of ties. For example, deforestation and human industrial
people worldwide face hunger on a regular basis, leading activity have increased emissions of greenhouse gases
to various health problems including premature death. and resulted in global warming. As the carbon emis-
Poor countries and poorer citizens of wealthier countries are sions from wealthy nations warm the climate globally,
disproportionately malnourished. About 1 billion people in the impact will be more severe for individuals in trop-
the world are undernourished. Some 7.6 million children ical areas, which tend to be more affected by poverty.
age 5 and under die every year due to hunger, and those Experts predict that global warming will allow tropical
who survive often suffer from physical and mental impair- diseases to expand their geographic range and increase
ment (World Health Organization, 2014). the incidence of respiratory diseases due to additional
In wealthy industrialized countries, obesity, a partic- smog caused by warmer temperatures. Solving the global
ular version of malnourishment, is increasingly common warming problem requires the development of new tools
(Figure 12.17). Obesity primarily affects poor people who to anticipate environmental consequences that play out
are not physically active and who cannot afford more over decades. Population control and conservative use of
expensive healthy foods. The high-sugar and fat content natural resources are necessary to meet this challenge.
of mass-marketed foods and “super-sized” portions un- Global warming is only one of a host of problems today
derlie this dramatic change. Obesity also greatly increases that will impact human gene pools. Considering the conse-
the risk of diabetes, heart disease, and stroke. High rates quences that seemingly benign innovations like dairying or
of obesity among American youth have led U.S. public farming (as discussed in Chapter 9) have on human biology,
health officials to project that the current generation of we may question many modern practices, such as increased
adults may be the first generation to outlive their children exposure to radiation through x-rays, nuclear accidents, pro-
due to a cause other than war. duction of radioactive waste, and ozone depletion.
Figure 12.18 Ship-Breakers

For wages of about a dollar a day,
workers at the ship-breaking yards
of Bangladesh risk their health if not
their lives as they toil in conditions of
extreme heat, humidity, and exposure
to a wide variety of toxins. Here, the
large rusty tankers that have transported
everything from crude oil to passengers
throughout the globe are broken apart
for recycling in an area that was pristine
beach just decades ago. Workers
dismember these ships by hand and are
often barefoot; they have very little in
the way of protective gear. Explosions
and other accidents kill on average one
worker a week. The long-term effects of
toxins from the ships set other disease
processes in motion. Some individuals
might possess genotypes that can better
process the toxins (comparable to the
90-year-old who has smoked two packs
of cigarettes a day for over seventy
years). And over time a population might
become better able to tolerate these
poisons through the process of biological
adaptation. But in this case, a cultural
solution—environmental regulation
of the ship-breaking process—would
protect these workers and our oceans
and beaches and is a requirement for
© Ian Berry/Magnum Photos
our collective human survival. As well,

our global health requires addressing
the social justice issues inherent in poor
countries taking on the health burden of
privileges enjoyed by the wealthy.
In addition to radiation exposure, humans also face the bodies of Arctic peoples who do not produce the toxins
increased exposure to other mutagenic agents, including but who eat primarily foods that they hunt and fish.
a wide variety of chemicals like pesticides (recall the Bio- Hormone-disrupting chemicals are another issue rais-
cultural Connection from Chapter 1). In the United States ing serious concerns because of their interference with the
alone, there have been tens of thousands of poisoning cases reproductive process. For example, in 1938 a synthetic
and thousands of cases of cancer related to the manufacture estrogen known as DES (diethylstilbestrol) was developed
and use of pesticides. Pesticides are linked to the deaths of and prescribed for various ailments ranging from acne
millions of birds (which would have been happily gobbling to prostate cancer. In 1971 researchers realized that DES
down bugs), fish, and honeybees (bees facilitate efficient causes vaginal cancer in young women. Subsequent stud-
pollination of many crops). In all, pesticides are responsible ies have shown that DES causes problems with the male
for billions of dollars of environmental and public health reproductive system and can produce deformities of the
damage in the United States each year. Even more so, they female reproductive tract of individuals exposed to DES in
disproportionately affect populations around the world utero. DES mimics the natural hormone, binding with ap-
who have not generated the pollutants in the first place. propriate receptors in and on cells, and thereby turns on
Take, for example, the flow of industrial and agricultural biological activity associated with the hormone (Colborn,
chemicals via air and water currents to Arctic regions. Icy Dumanoski, & Myers, 1996).
temperatures allow these toxins to enter the food chain. As DES is not the only chemical that disrupts hormones.
a result toxins generated in temperate climates end up in Scientists have identified at least fifty-one chemicals, many
of them in common use with comparable effects, and even interests. Today, cultural practices, probably as never be-
this could be the tip of the iceberg. Some of these chemicals fore, impact human gene pools. The long-term effects on
interfere with other parts of the endocrine system, such as the human species remain to be seen, but as with disease
thyroid and testosterone metabolism. Others are supposedly today, poor people and people of color bear a dispropor-
benign and inert substances such as plastics widely used in tionate burden for these practices.
laboratories and chemicals added to polystyrene and poly- Globalization also spreads the values of wealthy con-
vinyl chloride (PVCs) to make them more stable and less sumers from industrialized countries to the inhabitants
breakable. These plastics are widely used in plumbing, food of poorer and developing countries, influencing their
processing, and food packaging. expectations and dreams. Luxurious standards of living
Many detergents and personal care products, contra- require a disproportionate share of the earth’s limited
ceptive creams, giant jugs used to bottle drinking water, resources. Instead of globalizing a standard of living
and plastic linings in cans contain hormone-disrupting that the world’s natural resources cannot meet, it is time
chemicals. Plastics line about 85 percent of food cans in for all of humanity to use today’s global connections to
the United States. After years of using plastics in micro- learn how to live within the planet’s carrying capacity
wave ovens, the harmful health consequences of com- (Figure 12.19).
pounds released from plastic wrap and
plastic containers during microwaving
have come to light. Most concerning is
bisphenol-A (BPA)—a chemical widely
used in the manufacturing of water bot-
tles and other hard plastics. Research-
ers have documented BPA’s association
with higher rates of chronic diseases,
like heart disease and diabetes, and
disruptions to a variety of other repro-
ductive and metabolic processes. BPA is
most threatening to infants and fetuses.
Scientific confirmation of BPA’s dan-
gers has led governments to start taking
action; for example, the Canadian gov-
ernment has declared BPA to be a toxic
compound. However, eliminating this
compound’s use by the food industry
may be easier than attempting to remove
it from the environment. Billions of
pounds of BPA have been produced each
year, and in turn have been dumped into
landfills and bodies of water. As with
other cultural advances like the Neo-
lithic revolution and the development of
civilization, each invention creates new
challenges for humans.
The Future
of Homo sapiens
DB Images/Alamy
One major challenge we face in man-

aging the environmental and health
risks of new cultural practices is that Figure 12.19 Global Desires
serious consequences often do not Global media disseminate advertisements for luxury items and services smack into
appear until years or even decades the lives of people ill equipped to afford them. How does this disjunction between
later. Over time, cultural systems ab- life and the media disrupt individuals and communities? Are there limits to global
sorb these practices, which grow to communications for our common good? How can communication technology serve all
command huge influential financial humans equally?
The Future of Homo sapiens 319
Over the course of human evolutionary history, human Along with our collective stewardship of the earth,
ancestors spread from the African continent to inhabit the our future depends on recognition and respect for the
entire globe. From cities, to deserts, to mountaintops, to grassy world’s various ethnic groups. Our continued survival
plains, to rich tropical forests, human cultures in various depends on our ability to cultivate positive social
environments became distinct from one another. Human connections among all kinds of people and recognize
groups devised specific beliefs and practices to meet the the ways we impact one another in an increasingly
unique challenges of their surroundings. A secure future for globalized world. Together, we can use the adaptive
our species requires a dramatic change in worldview so that we faculty of culture, the hallmark of our species, to
see humanity as part of the world, rather than as master over it. ensure our continued survival.
What biological mechanisms allow humans ✓ Global medical systems all include a healer figure who
possesses specialized, restricted knowledge from which
to adapt to a variety of environments? others are excluded.
✓ Genetic adaptations such as shorter limbs and stocky
✓ Where multiple medical systems coexist (medical
build (in colder climates) and long, linear builds
pluralism), individuals freely use what works from the
(in hotter climates) developed in regions where
various systems.
continuous experience over generations allowed for
reproductive selection of such traits. ✓ Medical systems define whether a given physiological
state (a disease) will be defined as an illness. For
✓ Responses of individuals to their environments drive
example, in regions where schistosomiasis is endemic,
developmental adaptations over the growth stages of
it may not be considered an illness. Without access to
life. This process shapes gene expression in the way
costly medicine or clean water, people tolerate
that best suits individuals to their specific
moderate parasite loads.
environment.
✓ Developmental adaptations become permanent parts of What health hazards are attributable to
an individual’s phenotype but are not encoded directly the global political economy and
into the genome and therefore do not get passed on
directly to the next generation. Examples of such non-
population size?
hereditary traits include stunted growth due to ✓ Privileged states, corporations, and individuals maintain
malnutrition and increased number of sweat glands in systems that exercise structural violence upon the poor
hot environments. worldwide, resulting in unequal distribution of diseases.
✓ Physiological adaptation allows the body to temporarily ✓ Hunger and obesity both impact poor communities
adjust to environmental stressors, such as low partial and cause chronic health problems and early mortality.
pressure of oxygen at high altitude or extremes of
temperature. ✓ Wealthier communities create environmental
contaminants such as carcinogenic pesticides and
✓ Individuals first experience short-term physiological plastics or byproducts that tend to affect poor
responses that cannot be sustained indefinitely. populations disproportionately.
Acclimatization refers to reversible long-term
adaptations modifying ongoing bodily processes, such ✓ The effects of global warming, largely caused by
as metabolism rates or hemoglobin production. pollution from rich nations’ industries, will increase
the incidence of tropical disease.
✓ Human biological adaption cannot keep pace with
environmental changes impacting global environments ✓ With a rising global human population of over
today. 7 billion, we will soon reach the earth’s carrying
capacity. Wealthy nations use a disproportionate
amount of resources.
What are medical systems, and how do
they vary across cultures? How have humans responded to the
✓ Medical systems are a society’s patterned set of ideas and
widening array of health threats?
practices relating to illness. Medical anthropologists study ✓ Evolutionary medicine emphasizes the importance of
them cross-culturally, including Western biomedicine. the human body’s natural responses to disease and a
return to cultural practices more in sync with our ✓ Analysis of the political and economic causes of
evolutionary history to improve health. sickness has led to successful treatment and prevention
of diseases such as AIDS, kuru, and mad cow disease.
✓ Western scientific medicine has effectively introduced
pharmaceutical and procedural innovation to fight ✓ Recognition of the political and economic causes of
pathogens, but it often ignores deeper causes of sickness disease can lead to cooperation on global health issues
and the levels of resource availability in other communities. and contribute to mitigating suffering worldwide.
1. In what ways do you and your community contribute 3. What do you think of the notion of letting a fever run
to the growth of garbage vortexes that have developed its course instead of taking a medicine to lower it?
over vast areas of the earth’s oceans? What strategies How do prescriptions suggested by evolutionary
can the world implement to limit these oceanic medicine fit with your own medical beliefs and
wastelands? practices?
2. The anthropological distinction between illness and 4. Do you see examples of structural violence in your
disease provides a way to separate biological states community that make some individuals more
from cultural elaborations given to those biological vulnerable to disease than others? How is this violence
states. Can you think of some examples of illness manifested?
without disease and disease without illness?
Pick Through the Trash Story
Mismanagement of garbage is one of many management facility and ask for some information
pressing issues that humans need to address about how much trash is generated. How much
to ensure the earth’s health. Access to waste is recycled? Where does trash passing through
disposal may be greater in the developed world, this facility eventually end up? A landfill? An
but communities in these areas also produce far incinerator? What problems does the waste
more garbage per capita. Do some investigating management system confront? Write down what
in your town, community, or school to find out you find out and describe the strengths and
just how much trash is generated where you weaknesses of your local facility.
live. Visit the local dump or your school’s waste
Scott Olson/GettyImages
CHALLENGE ISSUE
Born naked and speechless, humans are naturally incapable of surviving without culture—a
socially learned adaptive system designed to help us meet the challenges of survival. Each
culture is distinct, expressing its unique qualities in numerous ways, including the way we
speak, what we eat, the clothes we wear, and with whom we live. Although culture goes
far beyond what meets the eye, it is inscribed everywhere we look. Here we see a family
of Kuchi (“migrant”) herders in northeast Afghanistan. Many Kuchi have recently settled
down, but about 1.5 million are still fully nomadic, with livelihoods dependent upon goats
and sheep. Using camels and donkeys to carry their belongings, this family follows age-old
migration routes across mountains and valleys. Because mobility is key to their adaptation
to an arid environment, nearly everything they own is portable. Kuchis come from different
ethnic groups. The cultural identity of each group is marked by language and by the par par-
ticular fabrics, forms, and colors of their belongings. They exchange their surplus animal
products—meat, hides, wool, hair, ghee (butter), and quroot (dried yogurt)—for wheat,
sugar, salt, metal and plastic goods, and other trade items. Ecological adaptation and
symbolic expression of group identity are among the many interrelated functions of culture.
Characteristics
of Culture 13
An introductory anthropology course presents what may seem like an endless In this chapter you
variety of human societies, each with its own distinctive way of life, manners, will learn to
beliefs, arts, and so on. Yet for all this diversity, these societies have one thing in ● Explain culture as
common: Each is a group of human beings cooperating to ensure their collective a dynamic form of
survival and well-being. adaptation.
Group living and cooperation are impossible unless individuals know how ● Distinguish culture from
others are likely to behave in any given situation. Thus some degree of pre- society and ethnicity.
dictable behavior is required of each person within the society. In humans, it ● Identify characteristics
is culture that sets the limits of behavior and guides it along predictable paths common to all cultures.
that are generally acceptable to those who fall within the culture. The culturally ● Describe the connection
specified ways in which we learn to act so that we conform to the social expec- between culture,
society, and individuals.
tations in our community did not develop randomly. Among the major forces
guiding how each culture has developed in its own distinctive way is the process
● Define and critique
ethnocentrism.
of adaptation.
Culture and Adaptation

From generation to generation, humans, like all animals, have continuously
faced the challenge of adapting to their environment, its conditions and its
resources, as well as to changes over time. The term adaptation refers to a grad-
ual process by which organisms adjust to the conditions of the locality in which
they live. As discussed in previous chapters, organisms have generally adapted
biologically as the frequency of advantageous anatomical and physiological fea-
tures increases in a population through the process of natural selection.
Humans have increasingly come to depend on cultural adaptation,
a complex of ideas, technologies, and activities that enables them to survive
and even thrive in their environment.

adaptation A series of beneficial
adjustments to a particular environment.
Biology has not provided people with
cultural adaptation A complex of ideas,
built-in fur coats to protect them in technologies, and activities that enables
people to survive and even thrive in their
cold climates, but it has given us the environment.
323
324 CHAPTER 13 Characteristics of Culture
ability to make our own coats, build fires, and construct This is not to say that everything human beings do
shelters to shield ourselves against the cold. We may not is because it is adaptive to a particular environment. For
be able to run as fast as a cheetah, but we are able to in- one thing, people do not just react to an environment as
vent and build vehicles that can carry us faster and farther given; rather, they react to it as they perceive it, and differ-
than any other creature. ent groups of people may perceive the same environment
Through culture and its many constructions, the in radically different ways. People also react to things
human species has secured not just its survival but its other than the environment: their own biological traits,
expansion as well—at great cost to other species and, their beliefs and attitudes, and the short- and long-term
increasingly, to the planet at large. And by manipulating consequences of their behavior for themselves and other
environments through cultural means, people have been people and life forms that share their habitats.
able to move into a vast range of geographic zones, from Although humans maintain cultures to deal with
the searing Sahara Desert in Africa to the rainiest place on problems, some cultural practices have proved to be mal-
earth in northeast India (Figure 13.1). adaptive, inadequate, or ill fitting, sometimes creating
Moss Chapple/ZUMA Press/Newscom
Figure 13.1 A Living Bridge

This bridge in Meghalaya, India, is made of the roots of living strangler fig trees (Ficus elastica).
Meghalaya (“Abode of the Clouds”) may be the wettest place on earth, receiving an average
rainfall of about 40 feet a year. Nearly all of the rain comes during the summer monsoon
season, turning rivers and streams into raging torrents. The tangled roots of strangler figs help
keep riverbanks from washing away, and the Khasi people living in this region train the roots
into living bridges. Shaping a bridge is an epic project that cannot be accomplished in a single
lifetime. From one generation to the next, individuals pass on the knowledge of how to guide
and connect the hanging roots so they grow into a strong bridge. Dozens of these bridges form
part of an essential and complex network of forest paths connecting the valleys of Meghalaya.
Some of them are many centuries old.
Culture and Adaptation 325
new problems such as toxic water and air caused by plastic and chemicals. Today, with about 4 billion people
certain industrial practices. A further complication is the living in cities, waste management is turning into a huge
relativity of any particular adaptation: What is adaptive in challenge in many parts of the world.
one setting may be seriously maladaptive in another. For Similarly, behavior that is adaptive in the short run
example, the hygiene practices of food-foraging peoples— may be maladaptive over a longer period of time. For in-
their habits of garbage and human waste disposal—are stance, the development of irrigation in ancient Mesopota-
appropriate to contexts of biodegradable materials, low mia (southern Iraq) made it possible for people to increase
population densities, and a degree of residential mobility. food production, but it also caused a gradual accumulation
But these same practices may become serious health haz- of salt in the soil, which contributed to the downfall of
ards in the context of large, fully sedentary populations that civilization about 4,000 years ago. A comparable sce-
lacking space to dump (in)disposable waste, including nario exists in Saudi Arabia today (Figure 13.2).
NASA
Figure 13.2 Growing Crops in the Arabian Desert

Landsat, a satellite constellation jointly managed by NASA Earth Observatory and the U.S.
Geological Survey, captured this image of an expanding patch of green farmland in the middle
of the vast Arabian Desert. The colors pink and yellow indicate dry, barren surfaces (mostly
desert). Located in the basin of Wadi as-Sirhan and close to Rub’ al Khali, the largest sand
desert in the world, this area is inhabited by the Dawasir tribe. Over the past twenty-five years,
this dry desert landscape has transformed into one of the richest agricultural districts in Saudi
Arabia. Farms here depend entirely on fossil water pumped from huge aquifers deep below
the desert surface. These underground lakes were formed during short, heavy rainfall periods
between 2,000 and 6,000 years ago. A nonrenewable source, people have accessed this
water by drilling wells through sedimentary rock, about 1,000 meters (3,300 feet) beneath the
surface. Hydrologists believe it will only be economical to pump it for about fifty years. By then,
the underground oil fields as well as aquifers may have been exhausted.
In many parts of the world today, the development Most animals eat and drink whenever the urge arises.
of prime farmland for purposes other than food produc- Humans, however, are enculturated to do most of their
tion increases dependency on food raised in less than eating and drinking at certain culturally prescribed times
optimal environments. Marginal farmlands can produce and feel hungry as those times approach. Eating times
high yields with costly technology. However, over time, vary from culture to culture, as does what is eaten and
these yields will not be sustainable due to loss of topsoil, how and where it is acquired, prepared, and consumed.
increasing salinity of soil, and silting of irrigation works, Also, humans rely on food for more than nutrition. When
not to mention the high cost of fresh water and fossil used to celebrate rituals and religious activities, food “es-
fuel. Among countless examples is the vast expansion of tablishes relationships of give and take, of cooperation, of
almond orchards in California during a time when the sharing, of an emotional bond that is universal” (Caroulis,
state is experiencing an extended extreme drought. Critics 1996, p. 16).
note that this crop, which consumes 10 percent of the Through enculturation every person learns socially
state’s entire water supply, is unsustainable and increases appropriate ways of satisfying the basic biologically de-
the threat of turning California’s Central Valley into a termined needs of all humans: food, sleep, shelter, com-
dust bowl. panionship, self-defense, and sexual gratification. It is
For any culture to be successful across generations, important to distinguish between the needs themselves,
it must foster collective human behavior that does not which are not learned, and the learned ways in which
destroy its natural environment. In response to this chal- they are satisfied—for each culture determines in its own
lenge, our species has developed a great variety of cultures, way how these needs will be met. For instance, Sinhalese
each with its own unique features befitting the particular children growing up in fishing families on the tropical is-
needs of societies located in different habitats in all cor- land country of Sri Lanka surely have different ideas about
ners of the globe. So, what do we mean by culture? what constitutes a great meal and a comfortable way to
sleep than do the offspring of semi-nomadic Kazakh herd-
ers living in the high steppe grasslands of Central Asia
(Figure 13.3).
The Concept and All mammals exhibit learned behavior to some degree.
Several species may even be said to have elementary cul-
Characteristics of Culture ture, in that local populations share patterns of behavior
that, as among humans, each generation learns from the
Anthropologists conceived the modern concept of culture one before and that differ from one population to an-
toward the end of the 19th century. Reaching deeper than other. It is important to note that not all learned behavior
observable behavior, culture is a society’s shared and is cultural. For instance, a pigeon may learn tricks, but this
socially transmitted ideas, values, and perceptions, which behavior is the result of conditioning by repeated train-
are used to make sense of experience and generate behaving, not the product of enculturation.
ior and are reflected in that behavior. Beyond our species, examples of socially learned
Through the comparative study of many human cul- behavior are particularly evident among other primates.
tures, past and present, anthropologists have gained an Chimpanzees, for example, will take a twig, strip it of all
understanding of the basic characteristics evident in all leaves, and smooth it down to fashion a “fishing” tool,
of them: Every culture is socially learned, shared, based which they use to extract termites from the insects’ dirt
on symbols, integrated, and dynamic. A careful study of mounds. Such toolmaking, which juveniles learn from
these characteristics helps us to see the importance and their elders, is unquestionably a rudimentary form of
the function of culture itself. cultural behavior once thought to be exclusively human.
Research shows that in both nature and in captivity,
primates in general and apes in particular “possess a
Culture Is Learned near-human intelligence, generally including the use
All culture is socially learned rather than biologically in- of sounds in representational ways, a rich awareness of
herited. One learns one’s own culture by growing up with the aims and objectives of others, the ability to engage
it, and the process whereby culture is passed on from one in tactical deception, and the faculty to use symbols in
generation to the next is called enculturation. communication with humans and each other” (Reynolds,
1994, p. 4).
Our increasing awareness of such traits in our primate
culture A society’s shared and socially transmitted ideas, values, and relatives has spawned movements to extend human rights
perceptions, which are used to make sense of experience and generate to apes—rights such as freedom from living in fear, re-
behavior and are reflected in that behavior.
spect for dignity, and not being subjected to incarceration
enculturation The process by which a society’s culture is passed on
from one generation to the next and individuals become members of (caging), exploitation (medical experimentation), or other
their society. mistreatment (Hays, 2015; O’Carroll, 2008).
David Edwards/National Geographic Creative

Figure 13.3 Learning Culture
Here we see a Kazakh father and son on a hunting expedition with a golden eagle in the Altai
Mountains of Mongolia, Central Asia. For centuries, Kazakhs have trained these birds of prey—
equipped with powerful talons and a wingspan of well over 2 meters (over 7 feet)—to partner
with them in hunting rabbit, fox, mountain goat, and even wolf, primarily for meat and hides.
Eagle hunting is a male tradition. Boys learn from their fathers and uncles how to capture,
raise, train, and handle an eagle from fledgling to maturity. This education includes learning
how to gallop with this huge raptor on their arm and when to release the mighty bird to
pursue the prey.
Culture Is Shared can be no culture without a society. Conversely, there are

no known human societies that do not exhibit culture.
As a shared set of ideas, values, perceptions, and stan- Without culture, human society quickly falls apart. This
dards of behavior, culture is the common denominator cannot be said for all animal species. Ants and bees, for
that makes the actions of individuals intelligible to other example, instinctively cooperate in a manner that clearly
members of their society. Culture enables individuals in indicates a remarkable degree of social organization, yet
a society to predict how fellow members are most likely this instinctual behavior is not a culture.
to behave in a given circumstance, and it informs them Although members of a society share a culture, it is
how to react accordingly. A society is an organized group important to realize that no two people share the exact
or groups of interdependent people who generally share same version of their culture. At the very least, there is
a common territory, language, and culture and who act some distinction between the roles of children and elders,
together for collective survival and well-being. The ways men and women. This stems from the fact that there are
in which these people depend upon one another can be obvious differences between human infants, adults, and
seen in features such as their economic, communication,
and defense systems. They are also bound together by a
general sense of common identity.
society An organized group or groups of interdependent people who
Because culture and society are such closely related generally share a common territory, language, and culture and who act
concepts, anthropologists study both. Obviously, there together for collective survival and well-being.
highly aged individuals, as well as between female and group exists within a society—functioning by its own
male reproductive anatomy and physiology. Every society distinctive set of ideas, values, and behavior patterns
gives cultural meaning to biological sex differences by while still sharing some common standards—we call it
explaining them in a particular way and specifying what a subculture.
their significance is in terms of social roles and expected Amish communities are one example of a subcul-
patterns of behavior. ture in North America. Specifically, they are an ethnic
Because each culture does this in its own way, there group—people who collectively and publicly identify
can be tremendous variation from one society to an- themselves as a distinct group based on various cultural
other. Anthropologists use the term gender to refer features such as shared ancestry and common origin,
to the cultural elaborations and meanings assigned to language, customs, and traditional beliefs. The Amish
the biological differentiation between the sexes. So, originated in western Europe during the Protestant revo-
although one’s sex is biologically determined, one’s gen- lutions about 500 years ago. Today, members of this group
der is culturally constructed within the context of one’s number more than 200,000 and live mainly in the United
particular society. States—in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, and Wis-
Apart from sexual differences directly related to repro- consin—as well as in Ontario, Canada.
duction, biologically based reasons for contrasting gender These rural pacifists base their lives on their traditional
roles have largely disappeared in modern industrialized Anabaptist beliefs, which hold that only adult baptism
and postindustrial societies. A major factor in this change is valid and that “true Christians” (as they define them)
is technology, which evens up the capabilities of men and should not hold government office, bear arms, or use
women in many tasks requiring muscular strength—such force. They prohibit marriage outside their faith, which
as moving heavy automobile engines in assembly lines calls for obedience to radical Christian teachings, includ-
equipped with hydraulic lifts. Nevertheless, all cultures ex- ing rejection of material wealth and social separation from
hibit at least some role differentiation related to biology— the “evils” of the “outside” world.
some far more so than others. Resisting government attempts to force their children
In addition to cultural variation associated with gen- to attend regular public schools, Amish communities in-
der, there is also variation related to age. In any society, sist that education take place near home and that teachers
children are not expected to behave as adults, and the be committed to Amish ideals. Among themselves, they
reverse is equally true. But then, who is a child and who usually speak a German dialect known as Pennsylvania
is an adult? Again, although age differences are natural, Dutch (from Deutsch, meaning “German”). They use
cultures give their own meaning and timetable to the formal German for religious purposes, although children
human life cycle. In North America, for example, indi- learn English in school. Valuing simplicity, hard work, and
viduals are generally not regarded as adults until the age a high degree of neighborly cooperation (Figure 13.4),
of 18. In many other cultures, adulthood begins earlier— they dress in distinctive plain garb and even today rely on
often around age 12, an age closer to the biological the horse for transportation as well as agricultural work.
changes of adolescence. In sum, the Amish share the same ethnicity. This term,
rooted in the Greek word ethnikos (“nation”) and related
to ethnos (“custom”), refers to the set of cultural ideas held
Subcultures: Groups Within by an ethnic group.
a Larger Society Because economic challenges make it impossible for
Besides age and gender differentiation, there may be most to subsist solely on farming, some Amish work out-
cultural variation between subgroups in complex so- side their communities. Many more market homemade
cieties that share an overarching culture. These may goods to tourists and other outsiders. Their economic sep-
be occupational groups in societies with an extensive aration from mainstream society has declined somewhat,
division of labor, or social classes in a stratified society, but their cultural separation has not (Kraybill, 2001). They
or ethnic groups in pluralistic societies. When such a remain a reclusive community, more distrustful than ever
of the dominant North American culture surrounding
them and mingling as little as possible with non-Amish
people.
gender The cultural elaborations and meanings assigned to the The Amish are but one example of the way a subcul-
biological differentiation between the sexes. ture may develop and be dealt with by the larger culture
subculture A distinctive set of ideas, values, and behavior patterns within which it functions. Different as they are, the Amish
by which a group within a complex society operates, while still sharing actually put into practice many values that other North
common standards with that larger society.
Americans often respect in the abstract: thrift, hard work,
ethnic group People who collectively and publicly identify themselves
as a distinct group based on shared cultural features such as common independence, a close family life. The degree of toler-
origin, language, customs, and traditional beliefs. ance accorded to them, in contrast to some other ethnic
ethnicity The term for the set of cultural ideas held by an ethnic group. groups, is also due in part to their European origin; they
J. Irwin/ClassicStock/Alamy
Figure 13.4 Amish Barn Raising
The Amish people have held onto their traditional agrarian way of life in the midst of
industrialized North American society. Their strong community spirit—reinforced by close
social ties between family and neighbors, common language, traditional customs, and
shared religious beliefs that set them apart from non-Amish people—is also expressed
in a traditional barn raising, a large collective construction project.
are defined as being of the same “white race” as those who sense, culture and subculture represent opposite ends of a
historically comprise dominant mainstream society. continuum, with no clear dividing line between them.
Amish subculture in North America developed gradu- The Anthropology Applied feature on the next page ex-
ally in response to how members of this strict Protestant amines the intersection of culture and subculture with an
sect have adapted to survive within the wider North example concerning Apache Indian housing.
American society while holding tightly to the conserva-
tive rural lifeways of their European ancestors. In contrast,
North American Indian subcultures are distinctive ways Pluralism
of life rooted in traditions of formerly independent so- Our discussion raises the issue of a multi-ethnic or
cieties. Native Americans endured invasion of their own pluralistic society in which two or more ethnic groups
territories and colonization by European settlers and were or nationalities are politically organized into one territo-
brought under the control of federal governments in the rial state but maintain their cultural differences. Pluralistic
United States, Canada, and Mexico. societies emerged after the first politically centralized
Although all American Indian groups have experi- states arose 5,000 years ago. With the rise of the state, it
enced enormous changes due to colonization, many have
retained traditions significantly different from those of
the dominant Euramerican culture surrounding them.
pluralistic society A complex society in which two or more ethnic
This makes it difficult to determine whether they perse- groups or nationalities are politically organized into one territorial state
vere as distinct cultures as opposed to subcultures. In this but maintain their cultural differences.
New Houses for Apache Indians

By George S. Esber
The United States, in common with other of the space needs for their own social open living space. At the same time, hosts
industrialized countries of the world, con- patterns of behavior. feel compelled to offer food to guests as
tains a number of more or less separate My task was to persuade the architects a prelude to further social interaction.
subcultures. Those who live by the stan- to hold back on their planning long enough Thus, cooking and dining areas cannot be
dards of one particular subculture have for me to gather, through participant ob- separated from living space. Nor is stan-
their closest relationships with one an- servation and a review of written records, dard middle-class Anglo kitchen equipment
other, receiving constant reassurance that the data from which Apache housing needs suitable because the need for handling
their perceptions of the world are the only could be abstracted. At the same time, I large quantities among extended families
correct ones and coming to take it for had to overcome Apache anxieties over an requires large pots and pans, which in turn
granted that the whole culture is as they outsider coming into their midst to learn calls for extra-large sinks and cupboards.
see it. As a consequence, members of about matters as personal as their daily Built with such ideas in mind, the new
one subculture frequently have trouble un- lives as they are acted out, in and around houses accommodated long-standing na-
derstanding the needs and aspirations of their homes. With these hurdles overcome, tive traditions.
other such groups. For this reason anthro- I was able to identify and successfully On a return visit to the Tonto Apache
pologists, with their special understanding communicate to the architects those fea- reservation in 2010, I found that the origi-
of cultural differences, are frequently em- tures of Apache life having importance for nal houses were fine, but many more units
ployed as go-betweens in situations requir
requir- home and community design. At the same had been squeezed in to accommodate
ing interaction between peoples of differing time, discussions of my findings with the growing needs on a restricted land base.
cultural traditions. Apaches enhanced their own awareness of A recent acquisition of new lands, which
As an example, while I was still a their unique needs. more than doubled the size of the tiny
graduate student in anthropology, one As a result of my work, the Apaches reservation, offers new possibilities. The
of my professors asked me to work with moved into houses that had been designed Tonto Apache opened a casino in 2007.
architects and the Tonto Apache Indians with their participation, for their specific Its success has resulted in significant
in Arizona to research housing needs needs. Among my findings was the re- changes—from impoverishment to being
for a new tribal community. Although alization that the Apaches preferred to one of the biggest employers in the area.
the architects knew about cross-cultural ease into social interactions rather than
differences in the use of space, they had to shake hands and begin interacting im- Adapted from Esber, G. S. (1987). Designing
no idea how to get relevant information mediately, as is more typical of the Anglo Apache houses with Apaches. In R. M. Wulff
from the Indian people. For their part, pattern. Apache etiquette requires that & S. J. Fiske (Eds.), Anthropological praxis:
the Apaches had no explicit awareness people be in full view of one another so Translating knowledge into action. Boulder,
of their needs, for these were based on each can assess the behavior of others CO: Westview. 2007 & 2010 updates by
unconscious patterns of behavior. For that from a distance prior to engaging in social Esber. Reprinted by permission of George
matter, few people are consciously aware interaction with them. This requires a large, S. Esber.
became possible to bring about the political unification of ethnic groups or nations. Similar state-formation processes
two or more formerly independent societies, each with its have taken place throughout the world, especially in Asia
own culture, thereby creating a more complex order that and Africa, often destabilizing inherently fragile political
transcends the theoretical one culture–one society linkage. conditions in these countries (Figure 13.5).
As mentioned in Chapter 1, anthropology makes an Pluralistic societies, which are common in the world
important distinction between state and nation. States are today, all face the same challenge: They are composed
politically organized territories that are internationally rec- of groups that, by virtue of their high degree of cultural
ognized, whereas nations are socially organized bodies of variation, are all essentially operating by different sets of
people who share ethnicity—a common origin, language, rules. Because social living requires predictable behavior,
and cultural heritage. For example, the Kurds constitute a it may be difficult for the members of any one subgroup
nation, but their homeland is divided among several states: to accurately interpret and follow the different standards
Iran, Iraq, Turkey, and Syria. The international boundaries by which the others operate.
among these states were drawn up after World War I Ethnocentrism—defined in Chapter 1 as the belief that
(1914–1918) with little regard for the region’s indigenous the cultural ways of one’s own culture are superior—is
ETHNOLINGUISTIC GROUPS IN CHINA

Sino-Tibetan Indo-European Altaic RUSSIA
Han T
Tajik T
Turkic
Tibeto-Burman Mongolian
Thai Austro-Asiatic T
Tungusic
Miao-Y
Miao-Yao Mon-Khmer Korean
Sparsely populated
KAZAKHSTAN MONGOLIA
NORTH
KOREA
KYRGYZSTAN
CHINA
TIBET
BHUTAN
NE
PAL
INDIA
© Cengage Learning
BANGLADESH Pacific
MYANMAR VIETNAM Ocean
LAOS
Figure 13.5 Ethnolinguistic Groups in China

China is the largest country in the world, with a population of more than 1 billion people. A
pluralistic society, it has fifty-five officially recognized nationalities. By far the largest nationality,
or ethnic group, is the Han, comprising about 90 percent of the population. However, there
are many ethnic minorities speaking radically different languages and having different cultural
traditions. For example, the Uyghur (pictured in Figure 13.6), numbering over 8 million, are a
Turkic-speaking people in Xinjiang Province in northwestern China. Unlike most Han, who are
Buddhists, most Uyghur are Sunni Muslims. Historically dominating the Chinese state, the Han
typically see themselves as the “real” Chinese and ignore the ethnic minorities or view them
with contempt. This ethnocentrism is also reflected in names historically used for these groups.
prevalent around the world and contributes to cross- Because often there is no inherent or necessary relation-
cultural misunderstanding and distrust among different ship between a thing and its representation, symbols are
subgroups within a pluralistic society. There are many cur- arbitrary, acquiring specific meanings when people agree
rent examples of troubled pluralistic societies, including on usage in their communications.
Afghanistan and Nigeria, where central governments face Symbols—ranging from national flags to wedding
major challenges in maintaining peace and lawful order. rings, money, and words—enter into every aspect of cul-
In countries where one ethnic group is substantially larger ture, from social life and religion to politics and econom-
than others, such as the Han in China, greater numbers ics. We are all familiar with the fervor and devotion that a
may be used to political and economic advantage at the religious symbol can elicit from a believer. An Islamic cres-
expense of minority groups (Figure 13.6). cent moon, Christian cross, or a Jewish Star of David—as
well as the sun among Inca, a mountain among Kikuyus,
or any other object of worship—may bring to mind years
Culture Is Based on Symbols
Nearly all human behavior involves symbols. A symbol
is a sound, gesture, mark, or other sign that is linked to symbol A sound, gesture, mark, or other sign that is arbitrarily linked to
something else and represents it in a meaningful way. something else and represents it in a meaningful way.
Ma Hongjie/TAO Images Limited/Alamy

Figure 13.6 The Uyghur Minority in China
The Uyghur, a Turkic-speaking Muslim ethnic minority in China, live in the country’s
northwestern province of Xinjiang. Politically dominated by China’s Han ethnic majority, who
comprise 90 percent of the population, Uyghurs are proud of their cultural identity and strive
to hold onto their distinctive traditional heritage—as is evident in this photo of a Uyghur family
group eating together on carpets woven with traditional Uyghur designs.
of struggle and persecution or may stand for a whole exchange, who they marry, how they raise their children,
philosophy or religion. and how they deal with misfortune, sickness, death, and
The most important symbolic aspect of culture is so on. Because these and all other aspects of a culture
language—using words to represent objects and ideas. must be reasonably well integrated in order to function
Through language humans are able to transmit culture properly, anthropologists seldom focus on one cultural
from one generation to the next. In particular, language feature in isolation. Instead, they view each in terms of
makes it possible to learn from cumulative, shared expe- its larger context and carefully examine its connections to
rience. Without it, one could not inform others about related features.
events, emotions, and other experiences. Language is so For purposes of comparison and analysis, anthropolo-
important that one of the four main subfields of anthro- gists conceptualize a culture as a structured system made
pology is dedicated to its study. up of distinctive parts that function together as an orga-
nized whole. Although they may sharply identify each
part as a clearly defined unit with its own characteristics
Culture Is Integrated and distinctive place within the larger system, anthropol-
The breadth and depth of every culture is remarkable. ogists recognize that social reality is complex and subject
It includes what people do for a living, the tools they to change, and that divisions among cultural units are
use, the ways they work together, how they transform seldom clear-cut. Broadly speaking, a society’s cultural
their environments and construct their dwellings, what features fall within three categories: social structure, in-
they eat and drink, how they worship, what they believe frastructure, and superstructure, as depicted in our “barrel
is right or wrong, what they celebrate, what gifts they model” (Figure 13.7).
Influencing and reinforcing one another—continually

adapting to changing demographic, technological, po-
litical, economic, and ideological factors—the intercon-
SUPERSTRUCTURE nected features in these three interdependent structures
Worldview: the perception
of the self, society, together form part of a cultural system.
and the world around us
Kapauku Culture as an Integrated System
SOCIAL STRUCTURE The integration of economic, social, and ideological as-
Social organization: pects of a culture can be illustrated by the Kapauku Papua,
the patterned social
arrangements of individuals
an indigenous mountain people of Western New Guinea.
within a society Dominated by males, Kapauku economy traditionally
relies on plant cultivation, along with
INFRASTRUCTURE pig breeding, hunting, and fishing.
Economic base:
Although plant cultivation provides WESTERN
the mode NEW GUINEA
of subsistence most of the people’s food,
© Cengage Learning
men achieve political
Pa c i f i c O c e a n
ENVIRONMENT power and positions of
Natural resources
r in a society’ss habitat
legal authority through WESTERN
NEW GUINEA
pig breeding.
KAPAUKU PAPUA
Figure 13.7 The Barrel Model of Culture Among the Kapauku, NEW
(INDONESIA) GUINEA
© Cengage Learning
Every culture is an integrated and dynamic system of adaptation living in an area now
that responds to a combination of internal factors (economic, claimed by Indonesia,
social, ideological) and external factors (environmental, climatic). pig breeding is a com- Coral
AUSTRALI A Sea
Within a cultural system, there are functional relationships among plex business. Raising a
the economic base (infrastructure), the social organization (social lot of pigs requires a lot
structure), and the ideology (superstructure). A change in one of food to feed them. The primary fodder is sweet pota-
leads to a change in the others.
toes, grown in garden plots. Gardening and tending to
the pigs are tasks that fall exclusively in the domain of
The Barrel Model of Culture women’s work. Thus, to raise many pigs a man needs
To ensure a community’s biological continuity, a culture numerous women in the household. As a result, multiple
must provide a social structure for reproduction and mu- wives are not only permitted but are highly desired in
tual support. Social structure concerns rule-governed Kapauku society. For each wife, however, a man must pay
relationships—with all their rights and obligations—that a bride-price, and this can be expensive. Furthermore,
hold members of a society together. Households, families, wives have to be compensated for their care of the pigs.
associations, and power relations, including politics, are Put simply, it takes pigs, by which wealth is measured,
all part of social structure. It establishes group cohesion to get wives, without whom pigs cannot be raised in
and enables people to consistently satisfy their basic the first place. This requires considerable entrepreneur-
needs, including food and shelter for themselves and their ship, an ability that produces leaders in Kapauku society
dependents, by means of work. (Figure 13.8).
There is a direct relationship between a group’s social The interrelatedness of these elements with various
structure and its economic foundation, which includes other features of Kapauku culture is even more compli-
subsistence practices and the tools and other material cated. For example, one condition that encourages men to
equipment used to make a living. Because subsistence marry several women is a surplus of adult females, some-
practices involve tapping into available resources to satisfy times caused by loss of males through warfare. Among
a society’s basic needs, this aspect of culture is known as the Kapauku, recurring warfare has long been viewed as a
infrastructure. It comprises strategies for the produc-
tion and distribution of goods and services considered
necessary for life. social structure The rule-governed relationships—with all their rights
and obligations—that hold members of a society together. This includes
Supported by this economic foundation, a society is households, families, associations, and power relations, including politics.
held together by a shared sense of identity and world- infrastructure The economic foundation of a society, including its
view. This superstructure is composed of a collection subsistence practices and the tools and other material equipment used
of ideas, beliefs, and values, including religion, by which to make a living.
members of a society make sense of reality. Worldview, superstructure A society’s shared sense of identity and worldview.
The collective body of ideas, beliefs, and values by which members
also known as ideology, comprises a people’s overarching
of a society make sense of the world—its shape, challenges, and
ideas about themselves and the world around them, and opportunities—and understand their place in it. This includes religion
it gives meaning and direction to their lives. and national ideology.
must be flexible enough to al-

low such adjustments in the
face of unstable or changing
circumstances.
All cultures are, of necessity,
dynamic, but some are far less
so than others. When a culture
is too rigid or static and fails
to provide its members with
the means required for long-
term survival under changing
conditions, it is not likely to
endure. On the other hand,
some cultures are so fluid and
open to change that they may
lose their distinctive character.
The Amish mentioned earlier
in this chapter typically resist
change as much as possible
but are constantly making bal-
© Jutka Rona
anced decisions to adjust when
absolutely necessary. North
Americans in general, however,
Figure 13.8 Kapauku Papua Village, Western New Guinea have created a culture in which
Kapauku economy relies on plant cultivation, hunting, fishing, and especially pig breeding. change has become a positive
Women are responsible for raising the pigs and their main fodder, sweet potatoes. Only men ideal, reflecting rapid and on-
with numerous wives manage to acquire many pigs needed for wealth and prestige. As a going transformations in their
result, multiple wives are not only permitted, but are highly desired in Kapauku society. society’s demography, technol-
ogy, economy, and so on.
necessary evil. By their rules of war, men may be killed but Every culture is dynamically constructed and, not
women may not. This system works to promote the im- unlike a thermostat regulating room temperature, able to
balanced sex ratio that fosters the practice of having more cope with recurrent strains and tensions, even dangerous
than one wife. Having multiple wives tends to work best disruptions and deadly conflicts. Sharing a culture, mem-
if all of them come to live in their husband’s village. With bers of a society are capable of dealing with crises, solving
this arrangement, the men of a village are typically blood their conflicts, and restoring order. Sometimes, however,
relatives of one another, which enhances their ability to the pressures are so great that the cultural features in the
cooperate in warfare. system are no longer adequate or acceptable, and the es-
Considering all these factors, it makes sense that tablished order is changed.
Kapauku typically trace ancestry through fathers, which,
coupled with near-constant warfare, tends to promote
male dominance. So it is not surprising to find that only
men hold positions of leadership in Kapauku, as they ap-
propriate the products of women’s labor to enhance their Functions of Culture
political stature. Such male dominance is by no means
Polish-born British anthropologist Bronislaw Mali-
characteristic of all human societies. Rather, as with the
nowski argued that people everywhere share certain
Kapauku, it arises only under particular sets of circum-
biological and psychological needs and that the ultimate
stances that, if changed, will alter the way in which men
function of all cultural institutions is to fulfill these
and women relate to each other.
needs (see Anthropologist of Note). Others have marked
out different criteria, but the idea is basically the same:
A culture cannot endure if it does not deal effectively
Culture Is Dynamic with basic challenges. It has to equip members of a so-
Cultures are dynamic systems that respond to motions ciety with strategies for the production and distribution
and actions within and around them. When one ele- of goods and services considered necessary for life. To
ment within the system shifts or changes, the entire ensure that the group endures, it must also offer a social
system strives to adjust, just as it does when an outside structure for reproduction and mutual support. Further,
force applies pressure. To function adequately, a culture it has to provide ways and means to pass on knowledge
Culture, Society, and the Individual 335
A N T H ROPOL OG I S T OF NO T E
Bronislaw Malinowski (1884–1942)
Bronislaw Malinowski, born in Poland, earned his doctorate in

anthropology at the London School of Economics and later, as
a professor there, played a vital role in making it an important
center of anthropology. Renowned as a pioneer in participant
observation, he stated that the ethnographer’s goal is “to grasp
the native’s point of view . . . to realize his vision of his world.”a
Writing about culture, Malinowski argued that people every every-
where share certain biological and psychological needs and that
the ultimate function of all cultural institutions is to fulfill those
needs. Everyone, for example, needs to feel secure in relation to
the physical universe. Therefore, when science and technology
are inadequate to explain certain natural phenomena—such as
eclipses or earthquakes—people develop religion and magic to ac-
Courtesy Phoebe Apperson Hearst Museum of Anthropology count for those phenomena and to establish a feeling of security.
The quantity and quality of data called for by Malinowski’s re-
search approach set new scientific standards for anthropological
fieldwork. He argued that it was necessary to settle into the com-
munity being studied for an extended period of time in order to
fully explain its culture. He demonstrated this approach with his
research in the Trobriand Islands of the southern Pacific Ocean
between 1915 and 1918. Never before had such intensive field-
work been done nor had such theoretical insights been gained
into the functioning of another culture.
a
Bronislaw Malinowski in the Trobriand Islands about 1916. Malinowski, B. (1961). Argonauts of the western Pacific (p. 25).
New York: Dutton.
and enculturate new members so they can contribute to In sum, for a culture to function properly, its var-
their community as well-functioning adults. Moreover, ious parts must be consistent with one another. But
it must facilitate social interaction and provide ways to consistency is not the same as harmony. In fact, there
avoid or resolve conflicts both within their group and is friction and potential for conflict within every
with outsiders. culture—among individuals, factions, and competing
Because a culture must support all aspects of life, institutions. Even on the most basic level of a society,
as indicated in our barrel model, it must also meet the individuals rarely experience the enculturation process
psychological and emotional needs of its members. This in exactly the same way, nor do they perceive their real-
last function is met, in part, simply by the measure of ity in precisely identical fashion. Moreover, forces both
predictability that each culture, as a shared design for inside and outside the society will change the cultural
thought and action, brings to everyday life. Of course, conditions.
it involves much more than that, including a worldview
that helps individuals understand their place in the
world and face major changes and challenges. For ex-
ample, every culture provides its members with certain
Culture, Society,
customary ideas and rituals that enable them to think
creatively about the meaning of life and death. Many
and the Individual
cultures even make it possible for people to imagine an Ultimately, a society is no more than a union of indi-
afterlife. Invited to suspend disbelief and engage in such viduals, all of whom have their own special needs and
imaginings, people find the means to deal with the grief interests. To survive, it must succeed in balancing the
of losing a loved one and to face their own demise with immediate self-interest of its individual members with the
certain expectations. needs and demands of the collective well-being of society
as a whole. To accomplish this, a society offers rewards for in numerous ways, including standards of beauty (see the
adherence to its culturally prescribed standards. In most Biocultural Connection).
cases, these rewards assume the form of social approval.
For example, in most state societies today, people who
hold a good job, take care of family, pay taxes, and do
volunteer work in the neighborhood may be spoken of as
“model citizens” in the community.
Culture and Change
To ensure the survival of the group, each person Cultures have always changed over time, but never as rap-
must learn to postpone certain immediate personal idly, radically, or massively as today. Change takes place
satisfactions. Yet the needs of the individual cannot be in response to events such as population growth, tech-
overlooked entirely or emotional stress and growing re- nological innovation, climatological shifts, intrusion of
sentment may erupt in the form of protest, disruption, foreigners, or modifications of ideas and behavior within
and even violence. a society.
Consider, for example, the matter of sexual expres- Not all change is cultural. As living creatures, we
sion, which, like anything that people do, is shaped by typically experience multiple changes in the course of a
culture. Sexuality is important in every society for it lifetime that are part of the human life cycle. The longest
helps to strengthen cooperative bonds among members, confirmed human lifespan on record is 121 years, but very
ensuring the perpetuation of the social group itself. Yet few individuals come close to reaching such advanced
sex can be disruptive to social living. Without clear rules age. The average life span is much lower, although it has
about who has sexual access to whom, competition for lengthened considerably in the past few decades. Cur-
sexual privileges can destroy the cooperative bonds on rently, the global average life expectancy is about 73 years
which human survival depends. In addition, uncontrolled for females and 68 for males. In many countries, the life
sexual activity can result in reproductive rates that cause expectancy is at least 20 years less, and in others it is at
a society’s population to outstrip its resources. Hence, as least 10 years more. For example, the overall average in
it shapes sexual behavior, every culture must balance the Angola is 51 years, compared to 84 years in Japan.
needs of society against individual sexual needs and de- Changes in culture may result from technological in-
sires so that frustration does not build up to the point of novation, foreign invasion, new trade goods, population
being disruptive in itself. growth, ecological shifts, and numerous other factors.
Cultures vary widely in the way they regulate sexual Although cultures must have some flexibility to remain
behavior. On one end of the spectrum, societies such adaptive, some changes cause unexpected and sometimes
as the Amish in North America or the Salafis in Saudi disastrous results. For example, consider the relationship
Arabia have taken an extremely restrictive approach, between culture and the droughts that periodically afflict
specifying no sex outside of marriage. On the other so many people living in African countries just south of
end are societies such as the Norwegians who generally the Sahara Desert. The lives of some 14 million nomadic
accept premarital sex and often choose to have children herders native to this region are centered on cattle and
outside marriage, or even more extreme, the Canela other grazing animals. For thousands of years, these no-
Indians in Brazil, whose social codes guarantee that, mads have migrated seasonally to provide their herds with
sooner or later, everyone in a given village has had sex pasture and water, utilizing vast areas of arid lands in ways
with just about everyone of the opposite sex. Yet, even that allowed them to survive severe droughts many times
as permissive as the latter situation may sound, there in the past. Today, however, government officials actively
are nonetheless strict rules as to how the system oper- discourage nomadism because it involves moving back
ates (Crocker & Crocker, 2004). and forth across relatively new and remote international
In all life issues, cultures must strike a balance between boundaries that are often impossible to guard, making it
the needs and desires of individuals and those of society as difficult to track the people and their animals for purposes
a whole. Although some societies require a greater degree of taxation and other government controls.
of cultural uniformity than others, every organized social Viewing the nomads as evading their authority, offi-
group imposes pressure on its members to conform to cer- cials have established policies to keep migratory herders
tain cultural models, or standards, of acceptable public be- from ranging through their traditional grazing territories
havior, speech, and so on. These standards are commonly and to convert them into sedentary villagers. Simultane-
accepted and adhered to, and each society has institu- ously, governments have aimed to press pastoralists into a
tions in place with a repertoire of cultural mechanisms market economy by giving them incentives to raise many
to promote or enforce conformity. In many traditional more animals than required for their own needs so that
societies, religious institutions play a major role in doing the surplus can be sold to augment the tax base. Com-
this, whereas in other places political forces may impose bined, these policies have led to overgrazing, erosion, and
conformity, such as in a communist state. In capitalist a lack of reserve pasture during recurring droughts. Thus,
societies, economic market pressures impose conformity droughts today are far more disastrous than in the past
Modifying the Human Body

Each healthy human individual, like any other perfume, nail polish, hats, and whatever else that American women choose to have breast
biological organism, is genetically pro- to beautify the human body. implants whereas in Africa women are sub-
grammed to develop to its full potential. For thousands of years, people across ject to indoctrination,”b given they undergo
This includes reaching a certain maximum the world have also engaged in modifying the circumcision as young girls. But is a wo-
height as a fully mature adult. What that human body itself—with tattoos, piercings, man’s decision to have breast implants,
height is, however, varies according to circumcision, footbinding, and even altering in fact, the result of indoctrination by the
population group. Dutch adult males, for skull shape. In addition, modern medical beauty-industrial complex?
example, average well over a foot taller technology has provided a vast new range of This multibillion-dollar industry, notes
than Mbuti men, who do not generally surgical procedures aimed at this goal. Nader, “segments the female body and
grow taller than 150 centimeters (5 feet). With medicine as big business, many manufactures commodities of and for the
Whether we actually become as tall as our surgeons have joined forces with the body.”c Among millions of women getting
genes would allow, however, is influenced beauty industry in what U.S. anthropol- “caught in the official beauty ideology”
by multiple factors, including nutrition and ogist Laura Nader calls “standardizing” are those in the United States who have
disease. bodies. Focusing on women’s bodies, she breast implantation. On average, they are
In many cultures, being tall is viewed pos- notes “images of the body appear natural 36 years old with two children. Designated
itively, especially for men. To make up for any within their specific cultural milieus.”a For as the beauty industry’s “insecure consum-
perceived flaw in height, there is not much example, breast implants are not seen as ers,” these women are “recast as patients”
men can do to appear taller beyond wearing odd within the cultural milieu of the United with an illness defined as hypertrophy
shoes with thick soles. But, in other areas, States, and female circumcision and in- (small breasts). Psychological health can
there are many alternatives to increase at at- fibulation (also known as female genital be restored by cosmetic surgery correcting
tractiveness and improve social status. Play
Play- mutilation or FGM) are not considered odd this so-called deformity in the female body.
ing on this desire, and fueling it, the fashion among people in several African countries. The doctors who perform these opera-
industry creates and markets ever-changing Many feminist writers “differentiate tions are often regarded as therapists and
styles of shoes, dresses, hairstyles, makeup, [FGM] from breast implantation by arguing artists as well as surgeons. One pioneering
breast implant surgeon “took as his ideal
female figure that of ancient Greek statues,
Selected Surgical and which he carefully measured, noticing the
Nonsurgical Cosmetic exact size and shape of the breasts, their
PROCEDURE NUMBER
Procedures in the United vertical and horizontal locations.”d In re-
Facial resurfacing 2,200,000
(chemical peel,
States, 2013 sponse to beauty marketing, the business
microdermabrasion, etc.) In 2013, the total number of of plastic surgery is booming, and breast
Brow lift 30,000 procedures—including the implantation is spreading across the globe.
Eyelid surgery 16,000
selected cosmetic procedures
Nose 148,000
reshaping pictured here—was about Biocultural Question
Injections (Botox, 5,900,000 11.5 million, comprised of Have you or anyone close to you made
hyaluronic acid, etc.) 2 million cosmetic surgeries body alterations? If so, were these
Facelift 130,000 and 9.5 million nonsurgical changes prompted by an “official beauty
Upper arm lift 20,000
procedures (chemical peels, ideology” or something else?
Breast 313,000
augmentation laser treatments, Botox
injections, and so on) at a total a
Nader, L. (1997). Controlling processes:
cost of about $12 billion. Ninety- Tracing the dynamics of power. Current
one percent of all procedures Anthropology 38 (5), 715.
Tummy tuck 160,000
were done on women, with b
Ibid., 716.
Buttock augmentation 11,500 breast augmentation the most c
Ibid. See also Coco, L. E. (1994).
popular. Although just 5 percent
Liposuction 364,000 Silicone breast implants in America: A
of the world’s population resides
choice of the “official breast”? In L. Nader
in the United States, the country
(Ed.), Essays on controlling processes
accounts for 15 percent of
(pp. 103–132). Kroeber Anthropological
breast procedures performed
Society Papers (no. 77). Berkeley:
worldwide. Since 2013, Brazil
has edged out the United States
University of California Press; and
for the greatest number of Claeson, B. (1994). The privatization
surgical cosmetic procedures of justice: An ethnography of control.
performed in one country. In L. Nader (Ed.), Essays on controlling
However, per capita, South processes (pp. 32–64). Kroeber
© Cengage Learning
Korea has the highest rate of Anthropological Society Papers (no. 77).
procedures, with the United Berkeley: University of California Press.
States ranked fourth. d
Nader, 1997, p. 716.
Mike Goldwater/Alamy
Figure 13.9 Consequences of Cultural Change
Climate and politics have conspired to create drastic cultural change among migratory herders,
such as this man in Niger. Here, as in other semi-arid regions of sub-Saharan Africa, severe
drought combined with restrictions on grazing lands have resulted in the death of many animals
and turned others into “bones on hoofs.” Such catastrophes have forced many herders in these
regions to give up their old lifeways entirely.
because when they occur, they jeopardize the nomads’ itself translates roughly into “true human beings.” In con-
very existence (Figure 13.9). trast, their name for outsiders commonly translates into
The market economy that led nomads to increase their various versions of “subhumans,” including “monkeys,”
herds beyond sustainability is a factor in a wide range of “dogs,” “weird-looking people,” “funny talkers,” and so
cultural changes. Many nomads, including thousands of forth. When it comes to ethnocentrism, it is easy to find
Kuchi herder families in Afghanistan (pictured at the start examples (Figure 13.10).
of the chapter), settle down as farmers or move to cities for Anthropologists have been actively engaged in reducing
cash-earning work opportunities. Across the globe, swift and ethnocentrism ever since they started to study and actually
often radical cultural change is driven by capitalism and its live among foreign peoples with radically different cultures,
demand for market growth. Many welcome these changes, thus learning by personal experience that these “others”
but others are disturbed by the loss of their traditional way of were no less human than anyone else. Resisting the com-
life and feel powerless to stop, let alone reverse, the process. mon urge to rank cultures as higher and lower (better and
worse), anthropologists have instead aimed to understand
individual cultures and the general concept of culture. To
Ethnocentrism, Cultural do so, they have examined each culture on its own terms,
discerning whether or not the culture satisfies the needs
Relativism, and Evaluation and expectations of the people themselves. If a people prac-
ticed human sacrifice or capital punishment, for example,
of Cultures anthropologists asked about the circumstances that made
the taking of human life acceptable according to that par-
People in almost all cultures tend to be ethnocentric and
ticular group’s values.
see their own way of life as the best of all possible worlds.
This brings us to the concept of cultural
This is reflected in the way individual societies refer to
relativism—the idea that one must suspend judgment
themselves. Typically, a society’s traditional name for
of other peoples’ practices in order to understand those
practices in their own cultural context. Only through such
cultural relativism The idea that one must suspend judgment of other an approach can one gain a meaningful view of the values
people’s practices in order to understand them in their own cultural terms. and beliefs that underlie the behaviors and institutions of
Ethnocentrism, Cultural Relativism, and Evaluation of Cultures 339
V IVSIUA
S UALL C O UNNTTEE
COU RR PO
POI N ITN T
David Kadlubowski/Corbis News/Corbis
AP Images/Sergey Ponmarev
Figure 13.10 Perpetrating Ethnocentrism
Many people consider their own nation to be superior to others, framing their pride by proclaiming to be a “master race,” “divine nation,”
or “chosen people” and viewing their homeland as sacred. Such nationalist ideology is associated with militant ethnocentrism and dislike,
fear, or even hatred of foreigners, immigrants, and ethnic minorities. For instance, most Russians now agree with the Nationalist slogan
“Russia for the Russians,” and almost half believe their nation has a natural right to dominate as an empire. Russian Nationalists (right) are
rightwing extremists, protesting the immigration of Tajiks, Turks, and other foreign laborers settling in Russia. Many thousands participate in
anti-immigrant marches in Moscow and other major cities. In their extremism, they are matched by the Minutemen Civil Defense Corps in the
United States. Active nationwide, these vigilantes view fellow whites as the only “true” Americans and are strongly anti-immigrant. The left
photo shows the Minutemen in Palominas, Arizona, erecting a U.S.–Mexico border fence on private ranchland.
other peoples and societies, as well as clearer insights into

the underlying beliefs and practices of one’s own society.
Cultural relativism is not only a guard against eth-
nocentrism, but it is an essential research tool. However,
employing it for research does not mean suspending judg-
ment forever, nor does it require that anthropologists de-
fend a people’s right to engage in any cultural practice,
no matter how destructive. All that is necessary is that
Austin Rishbrook/Splash News/Corbis

we avoid premature judgments until we have a full under-
standing of the culture in which we are interested. Only
then may anthropologists adopt a critical stance and in
an informed way consider the advantages and disadvan-
tages of particular beliefs and behaviors for a society and
its members.
A valid question to ask in evaluating a culture is: How
well does it satisfy the biological, social, and psychological
Figure 13.11 Signs of Cultural Dissatisfaction
needs of those whose behavior it guides? Specific indicators
High rates of crime and delinquency are signs that a culture is
to answer this question are found in the nutritional
not adequately satisfying a people’s needs and expectations.
status and general physical and mental health of its
This photo, taken inside the Men’s Central Jail in Los Angeles,
population; the average life expectancy; the group’s
California, can be seen as such evidence. The United States has
relationship to its resource base; the prevalence of the highest incarceration rate in the world—about 700 prisoners
poverty; the stability and tranquility of domestic life; per 100,000 inhabitants. From a global perspective, the United
and the incidence of violence, crime, and delinquency. States incarcerates nearly 25 percent of the world’s prisoners—
When traditional ways of coping no longer seem to more than 2.3 million people (“Jailhouse nation,” 2015). The
work and people feel helpless to shape their lives in incarceration rate in “the land of the free” has risen sevenfold
their own societies, symptoms of cultural breakdown since the 1970s and is now five times the rate of Great Britain,
become prominent (Figure 13.11). nine times that of Germany, and fourteen times that of Japan.
In short, a culture may be understood as a complex to success may come at the expense of his wife or wives
maintenance system constructed to ensure the continued because women carry the burden of tending the food gar-
well-being of a group of people. It may be deemed success- dens and herding the pigs—the basis of a man’s wealth
ful as long as it secures the survival of a society in a way and prestige. Only by looking at the overall situation can
that satisfies its members. a reasonably objective judgment be made as to how well
What complicates matters is that any society is made a culture is working.
up of groups with different interests, raising the possi- Our species today is challenged by rapid changes
bility that some people’s interests may be better served all across the globe, much of it triggered by powerful
than those of others. For this reason, anthropologists technology and dramatic population growth. In our
must always ask whose needs and whose survival are current age of globalization, we must widen our scope
best served by the culture in question. For example, in and develop a truly worldwide perspective that enables
a male-dominated culture such as that of the Kapauku, us to appreciate cultures as increasingly open and
discussed earlier in this chapter, a tribesman’s pathway interactive systems.
What is cultural adaptation? of social behavior through the process of enculturation.

Also, every culture is based on symbols—transmitted
✓ Cultural adaptation—a complex of ideas, activities, and through the communication of ideas, emotions, and
technologies that enables people to survive and even desires—especially language. And culture is integrated,
thrive in their environment—has enabled humans to so that all aspects function as an integrated whole
survive and expand into a wide variety of (albeit not without tension, friction, and even conflict).
environments. Finally, cultures are dynamic—constructed to adjust to
✓ Cultures have always changed over time, although recurrent pressures, crises, and change.
rarely as rapidly or massively as many are today. ✓ As illustrated in the barrel model, all aspects of a
Sometimes what is adaptive in one set of circumstances culture fall into one of three broad, interrelated
or over the short run is maladaptive over time. categories: infrastructure (the subsistence practices or
economic system), social structure (the rule-governed
What is culture, and what characteristics relationships between a society’s members), and
are common to all cultures? superstructure (the collectively shared ideology or
worldview).
✓ Culture is a society’s shared and socially transmitted
ideas, values, and perceptions, which are used to make ✓ Cultural change takes place in response to events such
sense of experience and generate behavior and are as population growth, technological innovation,
reflected in that behavior. environmental crisis, intrusion of outsiders, or
modification of values and behavior within a society.
✓ Although every culture involves a group’s shared Although cultures must change to adapt to new
values, ideas, and behavior, this does not mean that circumstances, sometimes the unforeseen consequences
everything within a culture is uniform. For instance, in of change are disastrous for a society.
all cultures people’s roles vary according to age and
gender. (Anthropologists use the term gender to refer to
the cultural elaborations and meanings assigned to the What are the connections between
biological differences between sexes.) And in some individuals, their culture, and their
societies there are other subcultural variations.
society?
✓ A subculture (for example, the Amish) shares certain
✓ As a union of individuals, a society must strike a
overarching assumptions of the larger culture
balance between the self-interest of its members and
collectively shared by members of a complex society,
with the needs and demands of the collective well-
while observing its own set of distinct rules.
being of the group. To accomplish this, a society
✓ Pluralistic societies are complex societies in which two rewards adherence to its culturally prescribed standards
or more ethnic groups or nationalities are politically in the form of social approval.
organized into one territorial state but maintain their
✓ However, individual needs cannot be entirely
cultural differences.
overlooked in a society. Doing so can foster stress and
✓ In addition to being shared, all cultures are learned, growing resentment, which may erupt in violence and
with individual members learning the accepted norms lead to cultural breakdown.
341
What are ethnocentrism and cultural ✓ The least biased measure of a culture’s success may be
based on answering this question: How well does a
relativism, and what is the measure of a
particular culture satisfy the physical and psychological
society’s success? needs of those whose behavior it guides? The following
✓ Ethnocentrism is the belief that one’s own culture is indicators provide answers: nutritional status and
superior to all others. To avoid making ethnocentric general physical and mental health of its population;
judgments, anthropologists adopt the approach of the average life expectancy; the group’s relationship to
cultural relativism, which requires suspending its resource base; the prevalence of poverty; the
judgment long enough to understand each culture in stability and tranquility of domestic life; and the
its own terms. incidence of violence, crime, and delinquency.
1. Considering how the forces of globalization threaten the knowledge and respect for one’s own cultural
lifeways of Kuchi nomads and other traditional cultures traditions. Do you know the origins of the
around the world, do you view the disappearance of worldview commonly held by most people in your
such cultures as unavoidable? Do you think tradition community? How do you think that developed over
and ethnic identity are worth holding on to? time, and what makes it so accepted or popular in
2. Many modern societies are complex and pluralistic. Are your group today?
you familiar with any subcultures or different ethnic 4. Today, more than 7.3 billion people inhabit the
groups in your own society? Could you make friends earth. That number is currently increasing by nearly
with or even marry someone from another subculture 80 million a year—the population size of Iran or
or ethnicity? What kind of cultural differences or Germany. With finite natural resources and hugely
problems would you be likely to encounter, and how escalating piles of waste, do you think technological
would you deal with ethnocentrism? inventions alone are sufficient to secure health and
3. An often overlooked first step for developing happiness for humanity on our ever-more crowded
an understanding of another culture is having planet?
Hometown Map
The barrel model offers a simple framework activities, political organization, family life, ethnic
to imagine what a culture looks like from an makeup, and social interactions. Conclude your
analytical point of view. Become a participant study with notes about your home area’s religious
observer in your own culture. Walking, driving, institutions. At the end of your tour, dig into
or riding through your home area, make notes anthropology by fitting the elements you have
about its geographic location, natural or urban described into the three layers of the barrel model
landscape, roads and railways, public spaces and and explaining how they may be interconnected
offices, business and private buildings, economic as a whole—your hometown.
© Harald E. L. Prins
CHALLENGE ISSUE
Anthropologists take on the challenge of studying and describing cultures and finding
scientific explanations for their differences and similarities. Why do people think, feel,
and act in certain ways—and find it wrong or impossible to do otherwise? Answers
must come from fact-based knowledge about cultural diversity—knowledge that is not
culture-bound and is widely recognized as significant. Over the years, anthropology has
generated such knowledge through various theories and research methods. In particular,
anthropologists obtain information through long-term, full-immersion fieldwork based on
participant observation. Here we see U.S. anthropologist Lucas Bessire (in the tan cap)
and a dozen Ayoreo Indians returning to their village after a successful hunting expedi-
tion that yielded thirty-five tortoises. Weighing in at about 30 kilograms (9 pounds) and
roasted in their shells over an open fire, tortoises are part of the Ayoreo’s traditional diet.
Bessire’s vehicle, known among the Ayoreo as the “giant armadillo,” has come in handy
for community emergencies and for research that includes documenting the Ayoreo Indian
community and its rapidly changing environment in the Gran Chaco of Paraguay. Non-Indian
farmers and agribusinesses are rapidly deforesting this dry woodland habitat, destroy destroy-
ing its wildlife and the indigenous cultures traditionally depending on this ecosystem.
Ethnographic
Research—Its
History, Methods,
14
and Theories
As briefly discussed in Chapter 1, cultural anthropology has two main scholarly In this chapter you
components: ethnography and ethnology. Ethnography is a detailed description of a will learn to
particular culture primarily based on firsthand observation and interaction. Ethnology ● Explain why fieldwork
is the study and analysis of different cultures from a comparative or historical point is essential to
of view, utilizing ethnographic accounts and developing anthropological theories that ethnography.
help explain why certain important differences or similarities occur among groups. ● Situate historical
Historically, anthropology focused on non-Western traditional peoples changes in research
questions and
whose languages were not written down—people whose communication was
applications within their
often direct and face-to-face and whose knowledge about the past was based economic, social, and
primarily on oral tradition. Even in societies where writing exists, little of inter- political contexts.
est to anthropologists is detailed in writing. Thus, anthropologists have made a ● Describe ethnographic
point of going to these places in person to observe and experience peoples and research—its
their cultures firsthand. This is called fieldwork.
challenges and
methods.
Today, anthropological fieldwork takes place not only in small-scale communi-
ties in remote corners of the world, but also in modern urban neighborhoods in in-
● Discuss the relationship
between methods and
dustrial or postindustrial societies. Anthropologists can be found doing fieldwork in
theory.
a wide range of places and within a host of diverse groups and institutions, includ-
● Contrast key theoretical
ing global corporations, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), mining towns,
perspectives in
tourist resorts, migrant labor communities, slums, prisons, and refugee camps. anthropology.
In our rapidly changing and increasingly interconnected world, where ● Recognize the ethical
longstanding cultural boundaries between societies are being erased, new social responsibilities of
networks and cultural constructs have emerged, made possible by long-distance anthropological
research.
mass transportation and communication technologies. To better describe, ex-
plain, and understand these complex but fascinating dynamics in a globalizing
world, anthropologists today are adjusting their theoretical frameworks and
research methods and approaches.
343
344 CHAPTER 14 Ethnographic Research—Its History, Methods, and Theories
Our research questions are often influenced by the envi-

ronmental, economic, political, military, or ideological
Salvage Ethnography
concerns of a particular period. What we observe and or Urgent Anthropology
consider significant is shaped or modified by a world- Within this disturbing and often violent historical context,
view, and our explanations or interpretations are framed thousands of traditional communities worldwide have
in theories that gain and lose currency depending on struggled to survive. In fact, many of these threatened
ideological and political-economical forces beyond our peoples have become physically extinct. Others survived
individual control. Taking this into consideration, this but were forced to surrender their territories and lifeways.
chapter presents a historical overview of anthropology, Anthropologists have seldom been able to prevent such
its research methods and theories—underscoring the tragic events, but many have tried to make a record of these
idea that ethnographic research does not happen in a cultural groups. This important practice of documenting
timeless vacuum. endangered cultures was initially called salvage ethnography
and later became known as urgent anthropology, and
it continues to this day (Figure 14.1).
By the late 1800s, many European and North American
History of Ethnographic museums were sponsoring anthropological expeditions to
collect cultural artifacts and other material remains (includ-
Research and Its Uses ing skulls and bones), as well as vocabularies, myths, and
other data. Anthropologists also began taking ethnographic
Anthropology emerged as a formal discipline during photographs, and by the 1890s some began shooting docu-
the heyday of colonialism (1870s–1930s), a system by mentary films or recording speech, songs, and music.
which a dominant society politically claims and controls The first generation of anthropologists often began
a foreign territory primarily for purposes of settling and their careers working for museums, but those coming
economic exploitation. Many European anthropologists later were academically trained in the emerging discipline
focused on the study of traditional peoples and cultures and became active in newly founded anthropology de-
in their colonies overseas. For instance, French anthropol- partments. In North America, most did their fieldwork on
ogists conducted most of their research in North and West tribal reservations where indigenous communities were
Africa and Southeast Asia; British anthropologists studied falling apart in the face of disease, poverty, and despair
in southern and eastern Africa; Dutch anthropologists re- brought on by pressures of forced cultural change. These
searched the region that has become Indonesia, Western anthropologists interviewed elders still able to recall the
New Guinea, and Suriname; and Belgian anthropologists ancestral way of life prior to the disruptions forced upon
traveled to Congo in Africa. Anthropologists in North them. The researchers also collected oral histories, tradi-
America focused primarily on their own countries’ indig- tions, myths, legends, and other information, as well as
enous communities—usually residing in remote Arctic old artifacts for research, preservation, and public display.
villages, or on tracts of land known as Indian reservations Anthropological theories have come and gone during
or First Nation Reserves. the past few hundred years or so, but the plight of indig-
At one time it was common practice to compare enous peoples struggling for cultural survival endures.
peoples still pursuing traditional lifeways—based on Researchers can and still do contribute to cultural preser-
hunting, fishing, gathering, or small-scale farming or vation efforts.
herding—with the prehistoric ancestors of Europeans
and to categorize the cultures of these traditional peoples
as “primitive.” Anthropologists have long abandoned Acculturation Studies
such ethnocentric terminology, but many others still
In the 1930s, anthropologists began researching culture
think and speak of these traditional cultures as “back-
contact, studying how traditional cultures change when
contact
ward” or “undeveloped.” This misconception helped
coming in contact with expanding capitalist societies. For
state societies, commercial enterprises, and other power-
several centuries, such contact primarily took place in the
ful outside groups justify expanding their activities and
context of colonialism.
invading the lands belonging to these peoples, often
In contrast to Africa and Asia, where the natives vastly
exerting overwhelming pressure on them to change their
outnumbered the colonists, European settlers in the Amer-
ancestral ways.
icas, Australia, and New Zealand expanded their territories,
decimating and overwhelming the indigenous inhabitants.
These settler societies became politically independent, turn-
colonialism System by which a dominant society politically claims
ing the colonies into new states. Several—such as Canada,
and controls a foreign territory primarily for purposes of settling and
economic exploitation. Brazil, and the United States—recognized that the indige-
urgent anthropology Ethnographic research that documents nous peoples had rights to land and set aside tracts where
endangered cultures; also known as salvage ethnography. they could live, but not as independent nations. Surviving
© Harald E.L. Prins

Figure 14.1 Endangered Culture
Until recently, Ayoreo Indian bands lived largely isolated in the Gran Chaco, a vast wilderness
in South America’s heartland. One by one, these migratory foragers have been forced to “come
out” due to outside encroachment on their habitat. Today, most dispossessed Ayoreo Indians
find themselves in different stages of acculturation. This photo shows Ayoreo women of Zapocó
in Bolivia’s forest. Dressed in Western hand-me-downs and surrounded by plastic from the
modern society that is pressing in on them, they weave natural plant fibers into traditionally
patterned bags to sell for cash, while men make money by cutting trees for logging companies.
on reservations, these indigenous peoples, or tribal nations, administration of colonies or tribal reservations actively
are bureaucratically controlled as internal colonies. promoted cultural change.
Government-sponsored programs designed to compel The British and Dutch governments, for example, had
tribal communities or ethnic minorities to abandon their a vested interest in maintaining order over enormous colo-
ancestral languages and cultural traditions for those of the nies overseas, ruling foreign populations many times larger
controlling society have ripped apart the unique cultural than their own. For practical purposes, these governments
fabric of one group after another. These programs left imposed a colonial system of indirect rule in which they
many indigenous families impoverished, demoralized, and depended on tribal chiefs, princes, kings, emirs, sultans,
desperate. In the United States, this asymmetrical culture maharajas, or whatever their titles. These indigenous rulers,
contact became known as acculturation. This is the massive supported by the colonial regimes, managed the peoples
cultural change that occurs in a society when it experiences under their authority by means of customary law. In the
intensive firsthand contact with a more powerful society— United States and Canada, a similar political system of indi-
in particular, with an industrialized or capitalist society. In rect rule was established in which indigenous communities
the course of the 20th century, numerous anthropologists residing on tribal reservations were (and still are) governed
carried out acculturation studies in Asia, Africa, Australia, by their own leaders largely according to their own rules,
Oceania, the Americas, and even in parts of Europe, thereby albeit under the surveillance of federal authorities.
greatly contributing to our knowledge of complex and of- Whatever the political condition of indigenous
ten disturbing processes of cultural change. peoples—whether they reside on reservations, in colo-
nies, or under some other form of authority exercised by
a foreign controlling state—the practical value of anthro-
Applied Anthropology pology became increasingly evident in the course of time.
Anthropologists were not the only ones interested in In identifying the disintegrating effects of asymmetrical
acculturation. In fact, business corporations, religious culture contact, acculturation studies gave birth to applied
institutions, and government agencies responsible for the anthropology—the use of anthropological knowledge and
anthropology
Figure 14.2 Postage Stamp

Honoring Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán
First trained as a medical doctor,
Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán (1908–
1996) became one of Mexico’s
most important anthropologists.
He pioneered research on Afro-
Mexicans and studied land tenure
conflict among Mexican Indian
communities in the 1930s.
Influenced by acculturation theories
developed by Melville Herskovits
of Northwestern University and
Robert Redfield of the University of
Chicago, he headed the Instituto
Nacional Indigenista (National
Indigenous Institute) in the 1950s
and 1960s. As an influential
government official, he converted
acculturation theory into state-
sponsored policies integrating and
assimilating millions of indigenous
Mexican Indians into a national
culture embracing ethnic diversity
in a democratic state society.
methods to solve practical problems in communities con- high political positions. The reasons for this are complex,
fronting new challenges. but one factor stands out: Mexico, a former Spanish colony,
In 1937 the British government set up an anthropologi- is a large multi-ethnic democracy inhabited by millions of
cal research institute in what is now Zambia to study the im- indigenous peoples who form the demographic majority
pact of international markets on Central Africa’s traditional in many regions. Converting acculturation theory into
societies. Over the next decade, anthropologists worked on state-sponsored policies, influential government officials
a number of problem-oriented studies throughout Africa, such as anthropologist Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán sought to
including the disruptive effects of the mining industry and integrate myriad indigenous communities into a Mexican
labor migration on domestic economies and cultures. state that embraces ethnic diversity in a national culture
Facing similar issues in North America, the U.S. Bu- (Aguirre Beltrán, 1974; Weaver, 2002) (Figure 14.2).
reau of Indian Affairs (BIA), which oversees federally Today, many academically trained anthropologists
recognized tribes on Indian reservations, established an specialize in applied research. They conduct research for
applied anthropology branch in the mid-1930s. Beyond a variety of local, regional, national, and international
studying the problems of acculturation, the handful of institutions, in particular nongovernmental organizations
applied anthropologists hired by the BIA were to identify (NGOs), and are active worldwide.
culturally appropriate ways for the U.S. government to
introduce social and economic development programs to
reduce poverty, promote literacy, and solve a host of other
Studying Cultures at a Distance
problems on the reservations. The study of anthropology shifted focus with the begin-
The international Society for Applied Anthropology, ning of World War II and then the Cold War, during which
founded in 1941, aimed to promote scientific investi- capitalist countries (led by the United States) and commu-
gation of the principles controlling human relations nist countries (led by Russia) waged a war of political and
and their practical application. Applied anthropology economic hostility and conflict. Many anthropologists
developed into an important part of the discipline and began studying modern state societies rather than limiting
continued to grow even after colonized countries in Asia their research to small-scale traditional communities.
and Africa became self-governing states in the mid-1900s. Aiming to discover basic personality traits, or psycho-
In Mexico—perhaps more than anywhere else in the logical profiles, shared by the majority of the people in
world—anthropology has gained considerable prestige as modern state societies, several U.S. and British anthropol-
a discipline, and its practitioners have been appointed to ogists became involved in a wartime government program
of national character studies. Officials believed such studies As Powdermaker was wrapping up her Hollywood re-
would help them to better understand and deal with the search, several other anthropologists were launching other
newly declared enemy states of Japan and Germany (in kinds of studies in large-scale societies. In 1950, Swiss an-
World War II) and later Russia and others. thropologist Alfred Métraux put together an international
During wartime, on-location ethnographic fieldwork team of U.S., French, and Brazilian researchers to study
was impossible in enemy societies and challenging at best contemporary race relations in the South American country,
in most other foreign countries. Some anthropologists de- Brazil. The project, sponsored by the newly founded global
veloped innovative techniques for studying “culture at a institution UNESCO (United Nations Education, Science,
distance.” Their methods included the analysis of newspa- and Culture Organization), was part of the UN’s global
pers, literature, photographs, and popular films. They also campaign against racial prejudice and discrimination. Head-
collected information through structured interviews with quartered in Paris, Métraux selected Brazil as a research site
immigrants and refugees from the enemy nations, as well primarily for comparative purposes. Like the United States, it
as foreigners from other countries (Mead & Métraux, 1953). was a former European colony with a large multi-ethnic pop-
To portray the national character of peoples inhabiting ulation and a long history of black slavery. It had abolished
distant countries, anthropologists investigated a variety of slavery twenty-five years later than the United States but had
topics including childrearing practices, in conjunction with made much more progress in terms of its race relations.
examining print or film materials for recurrent cultural In contrast to the racially segregated United States,
themes and values. This cultural knowledge was also used Brazil was believed to be an ideal example of harmonious,
for propaganda and psychological warfare. Some of the intolerant, and overall positive cross-racial relations. The
sights from these long-distance anthropological studies were research findings yielded unexpected results, showing that
found to be useful in dealing with formerly colonized pop- dark-skinned Brazilians of African descent did face sys-
ulations in so-called developing or Third World countries. temic social and economic discrimination—albeit not in
the political and legal form of racial segregation that per-
Studying Contemporary vaded the United States at the time (Prins & Krebs, 2007).
In 1956 and 1957, anthropologist Julian Steward left
State Societies the United States to supervise an anthropological research
team in developing countries such as Kenya, Nigeria,
Although there were theoretical flaws in the national
Peru, Mexico, Japan, Malaya, Indonesia, and Burma (now
character studies and methodological problems in study-
Myanmar). His goal was to study the comparative impact
ing cultures at a distance, anthropological research on
of industrialization and urbanization upon these different
contemporary state societies was more than just a war-
populations. Other anthropologists launched similar proj-
related endeavor. Even when anthropologists devoted
ects in other parts of the world.
themselves primarily to researching non-Western small-
scale communities, they recognized that a generalized
understanding of human relations, ideas, and behavior
depends upon knowledge of all cultures and peoples, in-
Studying Peasant Communities
cluding those in complex, large-scale industrial societies In the 1950s, as anthropologists widened their scope to
organized in political states. And, prior to the Second consider the impact of complex state societies on the
World War, several anthropologists were already research- traditional indigenous groups central to early anthropo-
ing in their own countries in settings ranging from facto- logical study, some researchers zeroed in on peasant com-
ries to farming communities to suburban neighborhoods. munities. Peasants represent an important social category,
One early anthropologist doing research on the home standing midway between modern industrial society and
front was Hortense Powdermaker. Born in Philadelphia, traditional subsistence foragers, herders, farmers, and
Powdermaker went to London to study under Polish fishers. Part of larger, more complex societies, peasant
anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski and did her first communities exist worldwide, and peasants number in
major ethnographic fieldwork among Melanesians in the the many hundreds of millions.
South Pacific. When she returned to the United States, Peasantry represents the largest social category of our
she researched a racially segregated town in Mississippi in species to date. Because peasant unrest over economic
the 1930s (Powdermaker, 1939). During the next decade, and social problems fuels political instability in many de-
she focused on combating U.S. dominant society’s racism veloping countries, anthropological studies of these rural
against African Americans and other ethnic minorities. populations in Latin America, Africa, Asia, and elsewhere
While in the South, Powdermaker became keenly aware are considered both significant and practical. In addition
of the importance of the mass media in shaping people’s to improving policies aimed at social and economic de-
worldviews (Wolf & Trager, 1971). To further explore this velopment in rural communities, anthropological peasant
ideological force in modern culture, she cast her critical studies may offer insights into how to deal with peasants
eye on the domestic film industry and did a year of field- resisting challenges to their traditional way of life. Such
work in Hollywood (1946–1947). anthropological research may be useful in promoting
Many of these issues, which remain focal points to this

day, involve immigrants and refugees coming from places
where anthropologists have conducted research.
Some anthropologists have gone beyond studying
such groups to playing a role in helping them adjust
to their new circumstances—an example of applied an-
thropology. Others have become advocates for peasant
communities, ethnic or religious minorities, or indige-
nous groups struggling to hold onto their ancestral lands,
natural resources, and customary ways of life. Both focus
on identifying, preventing, or solving problems and chal-
lenges in groups that form part of complex societies and
whose circumstances and affairs are conditioned or even
determined by powerful outside institutions or corpora-
tions over which they generally have little or no control.
One of the first anthropological research projects
explicitly and publicly addressing the quest for social
justice and cultural survival took place from 1948 to 1959
among the Meskwaki, or Fox Indians, on their reservation
in the state of Iowa. Based on long-term fieldwork with
this North American Indian community, anthropologist
Sol Tax challenged government-sponsored applied an-
thropological research projects and proposed instead that
researchers work directly with “disadvantaged, exploited,
and oppressed communities [to help them] identify and
© Harald E.L. Prins
solve their [own] problems” (Field, 2004, p. 476; see also

Lurie, 1973).
Over the past few decades, anthropologists committed
to social justice and human rights have become increas-
Figure 14.3 A Voice for Peasants ingly involved in efforts to assist indigenous groups,
Peasant studies came to the fore during the 1950s as peasant communities, and ethnic minorities. Today, most
anthropologists began investigating rural peoples in state anthropologists committed to community-based and po-
societies and the impact of capitalism on traditional small-scale litically involved research refer to their work as engaged
communities. Here a Guaraní-speaking peasant leader addresses a anthropology or advocacy anthropology.
crowd in front of the presidential palace in Paraguay’s capital city of For example, Mexican anthropologist Rosalva Aída
Asunción at a massive protest rally against land dispossession. Hernández Castillo has practiced advocacy anthropology
for two decades. Putting her journalism background to use,
social justice by helping to solve, manage, or avoid social she has combined her academic work with print and broad-
conflicts and political violence, including rebellions and cast media, as well as video, to promote women’s rights
guerrilla warfare or insurgencies (Figure 14.3). in her homeland. Born and raised in Baja California, she
earned her doctorate at Stanford University and returned to
her parental homeland. Now a professor at the Center for
Advocacy Anthropology Advanced Studies in Social Anthropology (CIESAS) in Mex-
ico City, she has conducted fieldwork in Maya Indian com-
By the 1960s, European colonial powers had relinquished
munities in Chiapas near the Guatemalan border. Since the
almost all of their overseas domains. Many anthropol-
mid-1990s, this region has been the heartland of an indig-
ogists turned their attention to the newly independent
enous revolutionary movement that effectively defends in-
countries in Africa and Asia, whereas others focused on
digenous rights, promotes regional autonomy, and supports
South and Central America. However, as anti-Western sen-
self-determination. Named after a Mexican revolutionary
timent and political upheaval seriously complicated field-
hero, these Zapatistas oppose neoliberalism (free-market
work in many parts of the world, significant numbers of
capitalism) as pushed by business corporations, defended by
anthropologists investigated important issues of cultural
the central government’s bureaucracy, and made possible by
change and conflict inside Europe and North America.
military force. As noted by this feminist anthropologist, the
Zapatista cause is also “the first military political movement
in Latin America to claim women’s rights as a fundamental
advocacy anthropology Research that is community based and part of its political agenda” (Hernández, 2016). Informed by
politically involved. her experiences with the Zapatistas as well as her work with
Courtesy of Rosalva Aída Hernández Castillo

Figure 14.4 Advocacy Anthropologist Rosalva Aída Hernández Castillo
Through her research among the Maya in the Mexican-Guatemalan borderlands and her work
in various legal activist projects in southwestern Mexico, Rosalva Aída Hernández Castillo
incorporates indigenous perspectives into feminist theory. Here we see her at the VII Encounter
of the Continental Network of Indigenous Women of the Americas, held in Guatemala in
2015. (She is in the center, dressed in white, with her arm around another Network member.)
Collaborating with this Network since its creation in 1995, Hernández is considered one of the
group’s compañeras solidarias (“solidary companions”). For the 2015 gathering, she was invited
to coordinate a workshop on indigenous law, community justice, and gender rights.
women prisoners, Hernández’s feminist theorizing incor- have the capacity and political power to stop or seriously
porates an indigenous perspective with a commitment to obstruct the research or the dissemination of its results.
women’s rights, battling gender discrimination, and fight-
ing racism (Figure 14.4). Globalization and Multi-Sited
Ethnography
Studying Up As noted in Chapter 1, the impact of globalization is
Given anthropology’s mission to understand the human everywhere. Distant localities are becoming linked in
condition in its full cross-cultural range and complexity— such a way that forces and activities occurring thousands
not just in distant places or at the margins of our own of miles away are shaping local events and situations,
societies—some scholars have called for ethnographic and vice versa. Connected by modern transportation,
research in the centers of political and economic power in world trade, finance capital, transnational labor pools,
the world’s dominant societies. This perspective is espe- and information superhighways, even the most geograph-
cially important for applied and advocacy anthropologists ically remote communities have become increasingly
researching groups or communities embedded in larger interdependent. Indeed, all of humanity now exists in
and more complex processes of state-level politics and what we refer to in this text as a globalscape—a worldwide
economics or even transnational levels of global institu- interconnected landscape with multiple intertwining and
tions and multinational corporations. Of particular note overlapping peoples and cultures on the move.
in this effort is U.S. anthropologist Laura Nader. Coining One consequence of globalization is the formation of
the term studying up, she has called upon anthropologists diasporic populations (diaspora is a Greek word, originally
to focus on Western elites, government bureaucracies, meaning “scattering”), living and working far from their
global corporations, philanthropic foundations, media original homeland. Some diasporic groups feel uprooted
empires, business clubs, and so on. and fragmented, but others are able to transcend vast dis-
Studying up is easier said than done because it is a for- tances and stay in touch with family and friends through
midable challenge to do participant observation in such communication technologies. With Internet access to
well-guarded circles. And when these elites are confronted news from their home towns and countries, combined
with research projects or findings not to their liking, they with e-mail, text messaging, and a variety of social media
Courtesy of Catherine Besteman
Courtesy of Catherine Besteman

Figure 14.5 Multi-Sited Ethnography
U.S. anthropologist Catherine Besteman began fieldwork with Bantu communities in southern
Somalia’s Jubba Valley in the late 1980s, just before the outbreak of the civil war that decimated
the country and forced many into exile. Since 2003, thousands of Somali Bantu have relocated
to Lewiston, Maine, which has become an additional site for Besteman’s ongoing research.
Some of her undergraduate students at nearby Colby College participate in her work with these
refugees. In the photo on the left, Besteman (in orange blouse) is conducting interviews in the
Somali village of Qardale. In the photo on the right, Besteman’s students Elizabeth Powell and
Nicole Mitchell are interviewing Iman Osman in his family’s Lewiston apartment the year he
graduated from high school. He and his family fled the war when he was just 4 years old; they
lived in a refugee camp for a decade before finally coming to the United States.
platforms, geographically dispersed individuals spend One example of multi-sited ethnographic research on
more and more of their time in cyberspace (Appadurai, a diasporic ethnic group is a study on transnational Han
1996; Oiarzabal & Reips, 2012). This electronically medi- Chinese identities by Chinese American anthropologist
ated environment enables people who are far from home Andrea Louie. Louie’s fieldwork carried her from San
to remain informed, to maintain their social networks, Francisco to Hong Kong to southern China—including
and even to hold onto a historical sense of ethnic identity her ancestral home in the Cantonese village Tiegang in
that culturally distinguishes them from those with whom Guangdong Province. Her paternal great-grandfather left
they share their daily routines in actual geographic space. the village in the 1840s, crossing the Pacific Ocean to
Globalization has given rise to multi-sited work on railroad construction during the California Gold
ethnography—the investigation and documentation of Rush. But other family members remained in their ances-
peoples and cultures embedded in the larger structures of a tral homeland. Here, Louie describes her research inves-
globalizing world, utilizing a range of methods in various tigating Chinese identities from different and changing
locations of time and space. Researchers engaged in such perspectives:
mobile ethnography seek to capture the emerging global
My fieldwork on Chinese identities employed a type
dimension by following individual actors, organizations,
of mobile [ethnography] aimed at examining various
objects, images, stories, conflicts, and even pathogens as
parts of a “relationship” being forged anew across
they move about in various interrelated transnational
national boundaries that draws on metaphors of shared
situations and locations (Marcus, 1995; Robben & Sluka,
heritage and place.... I interviewed people in their
2007). Refugee communities around the world also fall
homes and apartments; in cafes, culture centers, and
into this category (Figure 14.5).
McDonald’s restaurants; and in rural Chinese villages
and on jet planes, focusing on various moments and
contexts of interaction within which multiple and
multi-sited ethnography The investigation and documentation of
peoples and cultures embedded in the larger structures of a globalizing often discrepant discourses of Chineseness are brought
world, utilizing a range of methods in various locations of time and space. together. (Louie, 2004, pp. 8–9)
Doing Ethnography 351
Multi-sited ethnography has brought a greater interdis- the more one gains a fresh and revealing perspective on
ciplinary approach to fieldwork, including theoretical ideas one’s own.
and research methods from cultural studies, media studies, But wherever the site, research requires advance plan-
and mass communication. One example is the development ning that usually includes obtaining funding and secur-
of ethnographic studies of social networks, communicative ing permission from the community to be studied (and,
practices, and other cultural expressions in cyberspace by where mandated, permission from government officials
means of digital visual and audio technologies. This digital as well). If possible, researchers make a preliminary trip
ethnography is sometimes also referred to as cyberethnog-
cyberethnog to the site to make arrangements before moving there for
raphy or netnography (Murthy, 2011). more extended research.
Even in the fast-changing, globalizing world of the 21st After exploring the local conditions and circumstances,
century, core ethnographic research methods developed ethnographers have the opportunity to better define their
over a century ago continue to be relevant and revealing. specific research question or problem. For instance, what
New technologies have been added to the anthropologist’s is the psychological impact of a new highway on members
toolkit, but the hallmarks of our discipline—holistic re- of a traditionally isolated farming community? Or how
search through fieldwork with participant observation—is does the introduction of electronic media such as cell
still a valued and productive tradition. Having presented phones influence long-established gender relations in cul-
a sweeping historical overview of shifting anthropological tures with religious restrictions on social contact between
research challenges and strategies, we turn now to the men and women?
topic of research methods.
Preparatory Research
Before heading into the field, anthropologists do preparatory
Doing Ethnography research. This includes delving into any existing written,
visual, or audio information available about the people and
Every culture has underlying rules or standards that are place one has chosen to study. It may involve contacting
rarely obvious. A major challenge to the anthropologist is and interviewing others who have some knowledge about or
to identify and analyze those rules. Fundamental to the ef- experience with the community, region, or country.
fort is ethnographic fieldwork—extended on-location Because communication is key in ethnographic re-
research to gather detailed and in-depth information on search, anthropologists need to learn the language used
a society’s customary ideas, values, and practices through in the community selected for fieldwork. Many of the
participation in its collective social life. more than 6,000 languages currently spoken in the world
Although the scope of cultural anthropology has ex- have been recorded and written down, especially during
panded to include urban life in complex industrial and the past century, so it is possible to learn some foreign
postindustrial societies, and even virtual communities in languages prior to fieldwork. However, numerous native
cyberspace, ethnographic methods developed for field- languages have not yet been written down. In such cases,
work in traditional small-scale societies continue to be researchers may be able to find someone who is minimally
central to anthropological research in all types of commu- bilingual to help them gain some proficiency with the
nities. The methodology still includes personal observa- language. Another possibility is to first learn an already
tion of and participation in the everyday activities of the recorded and closely related language, which provides
community, along with interviews, mapping, collection some elementary communication skills during the early
of genealogical data, and recording of sounds and visual phase of the actual fieldwork.
images. It all begins with selecting a research site and a Importantly, anthropologists prepare for fieldwork
research problem or question. by studying theoretical, historical, ethnographic, and
other literature relevant to the proposed research. Hav-
ing delved into the existing literature, they may then
Site Selection formulate a theoretical framework and research question
to guide them in their fieldwork. Such was the case when
and Research Question U.S. anthropologist Napoleon Chagnon applied sociobio-
Anthropologists usually work outside their own culture, logical theory to his study of violence within Ya˛ nomamö
society, or ethnic group, most often in a foreign country.
This is because anthropological study within one’s own digital ethnography An ethnographic study of social networks,
society presents special problems, such as unsuspected communicative practices, and other cultural expressions in cyberspace
biases that can result from private experiences and one’s by means of digital visual and audio technologies; also called
cyberethnography or netnography.
own social standing in the society. For this reason, an-
ethnographic fieldwork Extended on-location research to gather
thropologists tend to begin their careers by first studying detailed and in-depth information on a society’s customary ideas, values,
in other cultures. The more one learns of other cultures, and practices through participation in its collective social life.
Indian communities in South America’s tropical rainfor-

est. Chagnon theorized that males with an aggressive
reputation as killers were reproductively more successful
than those without such a status (Chagnon, 1988a).
Another U.S. anthropologist, Christopher Boehm, took
a different theoretical approach in his research on blood
revenge among Slavic mountain people in Montenegro.
He framed his research question in terms of the ecological
function of this violent tradition because it regulated re-
lations between groups competing for survival in a harsh
environment with scarce natural resources (Boehm, 1987).
Participant Observation:
Ethnographic Tools and Aids
Once in the field, anthropologists rely on participant
observation—a research method in which one learns about
a group’s behaviors and beliefs through social involve-
ment and personal observation within the community,
as well as interviews and discussion with individual
Tara Mandala INC

members of the group over an extended stay in the com-
munity (Figure 14.6). This work requires an ability to
socially and psychologically adapt to a community with
a different way of life. Keen personal observation skills
are also essential, skills that employ all the senses—sight, Figure 14.6 Participant Observation
touch, smell, taste, and hearing—in order to perceive The hallmark research methodology for anthropologists is
collective life in the other culture. participant observation—illustrated by this photo of U.S.
When participating in an unfamiliar culture, anthro- anthropologist Julia Jean (center), who is both observing and
pologists are often helped by one or more generous in- participating in a Hindu ritual at a temple for the goddess
dividuals in the village or neighborhood. They may also Kamakhya in northeastern India.
be taken in by a family—or even adopted—and through
participation in the daily routine of a household, they will
today’s anthropological field kits also include GPS equip-
gradually become familiar with the community’s basic
ment, smartphones, and other handheld technological
shared cultural features.
devices. And some researchers now incorporate small
Anthropologists may also formally enlist the assis-
drones (flying robots) equipped with lightweight video
tance of key consultants—members of the society be-
cameras to collect data and document observations.
ing studied who provide information to help researchers
Researchers may focus on a particular cultural aspect
understand the meaning of what they observe. (Early
or issue, but they will consider the culture as a whole
anthropologists referred to such individuals as informants.)
for the sake of context. This holistic and integrative ap-
These insiders help researchers unravel the mysteries of
proach, a hallmark of anthropology, requires being tuned
what at first is an unfamiliar, puzzling, and unpredictable
in to nearly countless details of daily life, both the ordi-
world. To compensate local individuals for their help,
nary and the extraordinary. By taking part in community
fieldworkers may thank them for their time and expertise
life, anthropologists learn why and how events are orga-
with goods, services, or cash.
nized and carried out. Through alert and sustained partic-
Notebooks, pen/pencil, camera, and sound and video
ipation—carefully watching, questioning, listening, and
recorders are an anthropologist’s most essential ethno-
analyzing over a period of time—they can usually identify,
graphic tools in the field. Most also use laptop comput-
explain, and often even predict a group’s behavior.
ers equipped with data processing programs. Typically,
key consultant A member of the society being studied who provides Data Gathering:
information that helps researchers understand the meaning of what
they observe; early anthropologists referred to such an individual as an The Ethnographer’s Approach
informant.
Information collected by ethnographers falls into two main
quantitative data Statistical or measurable information, such as
demographic composition, the types and quantities of crops grown, or categories: quantitative and qualitative. Quantitative
the ratio of spouses born and raised within or outside the community. data consist of statistical or measurable information, such
Courtesy of Jeffrey Snodgrass

Figure 14.7 Surveys in Cyberspace
U.S. anthropologist Jeffrey Snodgrass has been studying videogaming since 2008. Conducting
participant-observation research in and around the World of Warcraft (WoW), he has gathered
information about this virtual community through interviewing and surveying its members.
Snodgrass has been particularly fascinated by players’ relationships to their WoW avatars,
the in-game graphical representations of their characters. Via avatars, gamers can temporarily
separate or even dissociate from their actual-world identities and enter WoW’s fantasyscape.
Here, Snodgrass (the pointy-eared Draenei shaman seated front left) and his virtual research
team of graduate and undergraduate collaborators pose beneath WoW’s Goblin Messiah.
as population density, demographic composition of people Taking Surveys

and animals, and the number and size of houses; the hours Unlike many other social scientists, anthropologists do
worked per day; the types and quantities of crops grown; not usually go into the field equipped with predeter-
the amount of carbohydrates or animal protein consumed mined surveys or questionnaires. Those who use surveys
per individual; the quantity of wood, dung, or other kinds usually do so after spending enough time on location to
of fuel used to cook food or heat dwellings; the number of have gained the community’s confidence and with the
children born out of wedlock; the ratio of spouses born and experience to compose a questionnaire with categories
raised within or outside the community; and so on. that are culturally relevant. Whether studying a commu-
Qualitative data include nonstatistical informa- nity in geographic space or cyberspace, anthropologists
tion about features such as settlement patterns, natural who use surveys view them as one small part in a large
resources, social networks of kinship relations, customary research strategy that includes a considerable amount of
beliefs and practices, personal life histories, and so on. Of- qualitative data (Figure 14.7). They recognize that only
ten, these unquantifiable data are the most important part by keeping an open mind while thoughtfully watching,
of ethnographic research because they capture the essence listening, participating, and asking questions can they
of a culture; this information provides us with deeper in- discover many aspects of a culture.
sights into the unique lives of different peoples, helping
us understand what, why, and how they feel, think, and qualitative data Nonstatistical information such as personal life stories
act in their own distinctive ways. and customary beliefs and practices.
As fieldwork proceeds, anthropologists sort their com- grow out of cultural knowledge and insights gained during
plex impressions and observations into a meaningful informal ones.
whole, sometimes by formulating and testing limited or Getting people to open up is an art born of a genuine
low-level hypotheses, but just as often by making use of interest in both the information and the person who is
imagination or intuition and following up on hunches. sharing it. It requires dropping assumptions and cultivat-
What is important is that the results are constantly ing an ability to really listen. It may require a willingness
checked for accuracy and consistency. If the parts fail to fit to be the “village idiot” by asking simple questions to
together in a way that is internally coherent, it may be that which the answers seem obvious. Also, effective interview-
a mistake has been made and further inquiry is necessary. ers learn early on that numerous follow-up questions are
Two studies of a village in Peru illustrate the problem vital given that first answers may mask truth rather than
of gathering data through surveys alone. A sociologist reveal it. Questions generally fall into one of two cate-
conducted one study by surveying the villagers with a gories: open-ended questions (Can you tell me about your
questionnaire and concluded that people in the village childhood?) and closed questions seeking specific pieces of
invariably worked together on one another’s privately information (Where and when were you born?).
owned plots of land. By contrast, a cultural anthropologist Interviews are used to collect a vast range of cultural
who lived in the village for over a year (including the brief information: from life histories, genealogies, and myths to
period when the sociologist did his study) witnessed that craft techniques and midwife practices to beliefs concern-
particular practice of communal labor only once. The an- ing everything from illness to food taboos. Genealogical
thropologist’s long-term participant observation revealed information can be especially useful because it provides
that although the idea of labor exchange relations was data about a range of social customs (such as cousin mar-
important to the people’s sense of themselves, it was not riage), worldviews (such as ancestor worship), political
a common economic practice (Chambers, 1995). relations (such as alliances), and economic arrangements
The point here is that questionnaires all too easily em- (such as hunting or harvesting on clan-owned lands).
body the concepts and categories of the researcher, usually Researchers employ an eliciting device—an activity
an outsider, rather than those of the people being studied. or object that encourages individuals to recall and share
Moreover, questionnaires tend to concentrate on what information. There are countless examples of eliciting de-
is measurable, answerable, and workable as a question, vices: taking a walk with a local and asking about songs,
rather than probing the less obvious and more complex legends, and place names linked to geographic features;
qualitative aspects of society or culture. sharing details about one’s own family and neighborhood
Finally, for a host of reasons—fear, ignorance, hostility, and inviting a telling in return; joining in a community ac-
hope of reward—people may give false, incomplete, or tivity and asking a local to explain the practice and why the
biased information (Sanjek, 1990). Keeping culture-bound participants are doing it; taking and sharing photographs
ideas, which are often embedded in standardized ques- of cultural objects or activities and asking locals to explain
tionnaires, out of research methods is an important point what they see in the pictures; presenting research findings
in all ethnographic research. to community members and documenting their responses.
Interviewing Mapping
Asking questions is fundamental to ethnographic fieldwork. Many anthropologists have done fieldwork in remote
Anthropologists pose questions in informal interviews places where there is little geographic documentation.
(unstructured, open-ended conversations in everyday life) Even if cartographers have mapped the region, stan-
and in formal interviews (structured question-and- dard maps seldom show geographic and spatial features
answer sessions carefully annotated as they occur and based that are culturally significant to the people living there.
on prepared questions). Informal interviews may be carried People inhabiting areas that form part of their ancestral
out at any time and in any place—on horseback, in a car or homeland have a particular understanding of the area
canoe, by a cooking fire, during ritual events, while walking and their own names for local places. These native names
through the community with a local inhabitant, and the list may convey essential geographic information, describing
goes on. Such casual exchanges are essential, for it is often the distinctive features of a locality such as its physical
in these conversations that people share most freely. More- appearance, its specific dangers, or its precious resources.
over, the questions put forth in formal interviews typically Place names may derive from certain political realities
such as headquarters, territorial boundaries, and so on.
Others may make sense only in the cultural context of
informal interview An unstructured, open-ended conversation in a local people’s worldview as recounted in their myths,
everyday life.
legends, songs, or other narrative traditions. Thus, to truly
formal interview A structured question-and-answer session, carefully
annotated as it occurs and based on prepared questions. understand a place, some anthropologists make their own
eliciting device An activity or object that encourages individuals to detailed geographic maps documenting culturally relevant
recall and share information. features in the landscape inhabited by the people they
study. In addition to mapping the local place names and inhabitants. Canadian anthropologist Hugh Brody, one of
geographic features, anthropologists may also map out in- the researchers in this ethnogeographic study, explained:
formation relevant to the local subsistence, such as animal
These maps are the key to the studies and their greatest
migration routes, favorite fishing areas, and places where
contribution. Hunters, trappers, fishermen, and berry-
medicinal plants can be harvested or firewood can be cut.
pickers mapped out all the land they had ever used
Many anthropologists are involved in indigenous land
in their lifetimes, encircling hunting areas species
use and occupancy studies for various reasons, including the
by species, marking gathering location and camping
documentation of traditional land claims. Researchers con-
sites—everything their life on the land had entailed
structing individual map biographies may gather information
that could be marked on a map. (Brody, 1981, p. 147)
from a variety of sources: local oral histories; early written
descriptions of explorers, traders, missionaries, and other Today, using global positioning system (GPS) technol-
visitors; and data obtained from archaeological excavations. ogy, researchers can measure precise distances by triangu-
One such ethnogeographic research project took place lating the travel time of radio signals from various orbiting
in northwestern Canada, during the planning stage of satellites. They can create maps that pinpoint human settle-
the building of the Alaska Highway natural gas pipeline. ment locations and the layout of dwellings, gardens, public
Because the line would cut directly though the lands spaces, watering holes, pastures, surrounding mountains,
of indigenous peoples, local community leaders and rivers, lakes, seashores, islands, swamps, forests, deserts,
federal officials insisted that a study be conducted to and any other relevant feature in the regional environment
determine how the new construction would affect native (Figure 14.8).
University of Florida
Figure 14.8 Collecting GPS Data
For U.S. anthropologist Michael Heckenberger, doing fieldwork among the Kuikuro
people of the upper Xingu River in the southern margins of the Amazon rainforest
has become a collaborative undertaking. Together with other specialists on his
research team, he has trained local tribespeople to help with the research project
about their ancestral culture, which includes searching for the remains of ancient
earthworks and mapping them. The photos above show trained local assistant
Laquai Kuikuro collecting GPS data in a modern field of manioc—a dietary
staple of indigenous Amazonian communities in Brazil—and later reviewing the
downloaded data on a computer. On the left is a map showing GPS-charted
indigenous earthworks in the upper Xingu region superimposed over a Landsat
satellite image.
To store, edit, analyze, integrate, and display this

geographically referenced spatial information, some an-
Challenges of
thropologists use cartographic digital technology or a
geographic information system (GIS). A GIS makes it
Ethnographic Fieldwork
possible to map the geographic features and natural re- Ethnographic fieldwork offers a range of opportunities to
sources in a certain environment—and to link these data gain better and deeper insight into the community being
to ethnographic information about population density studied, but it comes with a Pandora’s box of challenges.
and distribution, social networks of kinship relations, sea- As touched upon in Chapter 1, anthropologists in the
sonal patterns of land use, private or collective claims of field are likely to face physical, social, mental, political,
ownership, travel routes, sources of water, and so on. With and ethical challenges, all while having to remain fully
GIS, researchers can also integrate information about be- engaged in work and social activities with the community.
liefs, myths, legends, songs, and other culturally relevant In the following paragraphs we offer details on some of
data associated with distinct locations. Moreover, they the most common personal struggles anthropologists face
can create interactive inquiries for analysis of research in the field.
data as well as natural and cultural resource management
(Schoepfle, 2001).
Social Acceptance
Having decided where to do ethnographic research and
Photographing and Filming
what to focus on, anthropologists embark on the journey
As already noted, during fieldwork, most anthropologists to their field site. Typically moving into a community
use cameras, as well as notepads, computers, or sound re- with a culture unlike their own, most experience culture
cording devices to document their observations. Photog- shock (personal disorientation and anxiety) and loneli-
raphy has been instrumental in anthropological research ness at least during the initial stages of their work—work
for more than a century. For instance, in the early 1880s, that requires them to establish social contacts with strang-
Franz Boas took photographs during his first fieldwork ers who have little or no idea who they are, why they have
among the Inuit in the Canadian Arctic. And just a few come, or what they want from them. In short, visiting an-
years after the invention of the moving picture camera in thropologists are as much a mystery to those they intend
1894, anthropologists began filming people in action— to study as the group is to the researchers.
recording traditional dances and other ethnographic sub- There is no sure way of predicting how one will be
jects of interest. received, but it is certain that success in ethnographic
As film technology developed, anthropologists turned fieldwork depends on mutual goodwill and the ability to
increasingly to visual media for a wide range of cross- develop friendships and other meaningful social relations.
cultural research purposes. Some employed still photog- Anthropologists who are adopted into networks of kin-
raphy in community surveys and elicitation techniques. ship relations gain social access and certain rights—and
Others took film cameras into the field to document the assume social obligations associated with their new kin-
disappearing world of traditional foragers, herders, and ship status. These relationships can be deep and endur-
farmers surviving in remote places. A few focused their ing, as illustrated by Smithsonian anthropologist William
research on documenting traditional patterns of nonver- Crocker’s description of his return to the Canela tribal
bal communication such as body language and use of so- community after a twelve-year absence. He had lived
cial space. Soon after the 1960 invention of the portable among these Amazonian Indians in Brazil off and on for
synchronous-sound camera, ethnographic filmmaking a total of sixty-six months from the 1950s through the
became increasingly important in producing a cross- 1970s (Figure 14.9). When he stepped out of the single-
cultural record of peoples all across the globe. motor missionary plane that had brought him back in
Since the digital revolution that began in the 1980s, 1991, he was quickly surrounded by Canela:
there has been an explosive growth in visual media all
across the world. It is not unusual for anthropologists Once on the ground, I groped for names and terms of
to arrive in remote villages where at least a few native address while shaking many hands. Soon my Canela
inhabitants take their own pictures or record their own mother, Tutkhwey (dove-woman), pulled me over
stories and music. For researchers in the field, native- to the shade of a plane’s wing and pushed me down
made audiovisual documents represent a wealth of pre- to a mat on the ground. She put both hands on my
cious cultural information. The Anthropologists of Note shoulders and, kneeling beside me, her head by mine,
feature in this chapter details the long history of such cried out words of mourning in a loud yodeling
equipment in anthropology. manner. Tears and phlegm dripped onto my shoulder
and knees. According to a custom now abandoned by
the younger women, she was crying for the loss of a
culture shock In fieldwork, the anthropologist’s personal disorientation grown daughter, Tsep-khwey (bat-woman), as well as
and anxiety, which may result in depression. for my return. (Crocker & Crocker, 2004, p. 1)
Challenges of Ethnographic Fieldwork 357
Figure 14.9 Social Acceptance

in Fieldwork
U.S. anthropologist William Crocker
did fieldwork among Canela Indians
in Brazil over several decades. He
still visits the community regularly.
In this 1964 photograph, a Canela
woman (M~i~i- kw’ej, or Alligator
Woman) gives him a traditional
haircut while other members of the
community look on. She is the wife
© Smithsonian Institution/National Anthropological Archives

of his adoptive Canela “brother” and
therefore a wife to Crocker in Canela
kinship terms. Among the Canela, it
is improper for a mother, sister, or
daughter to cut a man’s hair.
Since that reunion, Crocker has visited the Canela All anthropologists face
community every other year, always receiving a warm the overriding challenge
welcome and staying with locals. Although many an- of winning the trust that
thropologists are successful in gaining social acceptance allows people to be them-
and even adoption status in communities where they do selves and share an un-
participant observation, they rarely go completely native masked version of their
and abandon their own homeland. Even after long stays culture with a newcomer. TAJIKISTAN CHINA
in a community, and after learning to behave appro- Some do not succeed in Mountains
Kush Thull
priately and communicate well, few become complete meeting this challenge. So du
Hin
insiders. it was with U.S. anthro- AFGHANISTAN
pologist Lincoln Keiser in Islamabad
his difficult fieldwork in PAKISTAN
© Cengage Learning
the remote town of Thull,
Distrust and Political Tension IRAN INDIA
situated in the mountains
A particularly serious challenge in anthropological field-
of northwestern Pakistan. Arabian Sea
work is the possibility of getting caught in political
Keiser ventured there to
rivalries and unwittingly used by factions within the
explore customary blood
community or being viewed with suspicion by govern-
feuding among a Kohistani tribal community of 6,000
ment authorities who may interpret anthropologists’
Muslims making their living by a mix of farming and
systematic inquiries as spying. For example, U.S. an-
herding in the rugged region. However, the people he had
thropologist June Nash has faced serious political and
traveled so far to study did not want him there. As Keiser
personal challenges doing fieldwork in various Latin
recounted, many of the fiercely independent and armed
American communities experiencing violent changes.
tribesmen in this area despised him as a foreign “infidel”:
As an outsider, she tried to avoid becoming embroiled
in local conflicts but could not maintain her position Throughout my stay in Thull, many people
as an impartial observer while researching a tin mining remained convinced I was a creature sent by the
community in the Bolivian highlands. When the conflict devil to harm the community. . . . [Doing fieldwork
between local miners and bosses controlling the armed there] was a test I failed, for a jirga [political
forces became violent, Nash found herself in a revolu- council] of my most vocal opponents ultimately
tionary setting in which miners viewed her tape recorder forced me to leave Thull three months before I
as an instrument of espionage and suspected her of being had planned. . . . Still, I learned from being hated.
a CIA agent (Nash, 1976). (Keiser, 1991, p. 103)
Margaret Mead (1901–1978) ● Gregory Bateson (1904–1980)
From 1936 to 1938 Margaret Mead and Gregory Bateson did col- That same year, Bateson worked as an anthropological film
laborative ethnographic fieldwork in Bali. Bateson, Mead’s husband analyst studying German motion pictures. Soon Mead and a few
at the time, was a British anthropologist trained by Alfred C. Haddon, other anthropologists became involved in thematic analysis of
who led the 1898 Torres Strait expedition and is credited with makmak- foreign fictional films. She later compiled a number of such visual
ing the first ethnographic film in the field. During their stay in Bali, anthropology studies in a coedited volume titled The Study of
Bateson took about 25,000 photographs and shot 22,000 feet of Culture at a Distance.b
motion picture film, and in 1942 the couple coauthored the pho- Mead became a tireless promoter of the scholarly use of
tographic ethnography Balinese Character: A Photographic Analysis.a ethnographic photography and film. In 1960, the year the por por-
table sync-sound film camera was invented, Mead was serving
as president of the American Anthropology Association. In her
presidential address at the association’s annual gathering, she
pointed out what she saw as shortcomings in the discipline and
urged anthropologists to use cameras more effectively.c Chiding
her colleagues for not fully utilizing new technological develop-
ments, she complained that anthropology had come “to depend
on words, and words, and words.”
Mead’s legacy is commemorated in numerous venues, includ-
ing the Margaret Mead Film Festival hosted annually since 1977
Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division
by the American Museum of Natural History in New York City.

Thus, it was fitting that during the Margaret Mead Centennial
celebrations in 2001 the American Anthropological Association
endorsed a landmark visual media policy statement urging ac-
ademic committees to consider ethnographic visuals—and not
just ethnographic writings—when evaluating scholarly output of
academics up for hire, promotion, and tenure.
a
Bateson, G., & Mead, M. (1942). Balinese character: A
photographic analysis. New York: New York Academy of Sciences.
b
Mead, M., & Métraux, R. (Eds.). (1953). The study of culture at a
In 1938, after two years of fieldwork in Bali, Margaret Mead and
distance. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Gregory Bateson began research in Papua New Guinea, where they
c
staged this photograph of themselves to highlight the importance of Mead, M. (1961, June). Anthropology among the sciences.
cameras as part of the ethnographic toolkit. Note the camera on a American Anthropologist 63 (3), 475–482. Delivered as the
tripod behind Mead and other cameras atop the desk. presidential address at the annual meeting of the American
Anthropological Association, November 18, 1960, Minneapolis.
Gender, Age, Ideology, Ethnicity, Caribbean shipwrights” on the island of Bequia, where he
and Skin Color studied traditional boatmaking (Robben, 2007, p. 61; see
also Johnson, 1984).
The challenges of Keiser’s fieldwork stemmed in part
from his non-Muslim religious identity, marking him as
an outsider in the local community. Gender, age, ethnic- Physical Danger
ity, and skin color can also impact a researcher’s access Ethnographic fieldwork in exotic places can be an ad-
to a community. For instance, male ethnographers may venture, but sometimes it presents physical danger. Some
face prohibitions or severe restrictions in interviewing anthropologists have died in the field due to accidents or
women or observing certain women’s activities. Simi- illnesses—and a small handful have been killed (Embree,
larly, a female researcher may not be welcomed into male 1951; Price, 2011). An accident ended the life of U.S. an-
communities with gender-segregation traditions. With thropologist Michelle Rosaldo. As a 37-year-old mother
respect to skin color, African American anthropologist and university professor, she returned to the Philippines
Norris Brock Johnson encountered social obstacles while for more fieldwork with the Ilongot. Trekking along a
doing fieldwork in the American Midwest, but his dark mountain trail on Luzon Island with her husband and
skin helped him gain “admission to the world of black fellow anthropologist, she slipped and fell to her death.
Challenges of Ethnographic Fieldwork 359
Lund University
Figure 14.10 Dangerous Anthropology
Swedish anthropologist Anna Hedlund has done research in a range of politically tense and
physically dangerous settings. Currently, she is investigating the culture of rebel groups in
the DRC, focusing on how combatants define and legitimize violence. The work is based on
extensive fieldwork in various military camps in South Kivu Province, eastern Congo. Here, we
see her with combatants, pausing during a five-day trek to the rebel camp in the forest. Their
faces have been blocked out to protect their identities.
Another tragic accident involved Richard Condon, define and legitimize violence, she was surrounded by
part of an American and Russian research team funded political tension and conflict (Figure 14.10).
by the U.S. National Science Foundation for an anthro-
pological study of health, population growth, and so-
cialization in Alaska and the Russian Far East. In the late Subjectivity, Reflexivity,
summer of 1995, he and three colleagues, along with five
Yup’ik Eskimos, were traveling along the Bering Strait
and Validation
when their umiak (“skin-boat”) flipped. Apparently, a Whether working near home or abroad, when endeav-
whale, which had been previously wounded by a party oring to identify the rules that underlie each culture,
of seafaring Siberian Eskimo hunters, attacked their boat. ethnographers must grapple with the very real challenge
All nine men perished in the ice-cold water (Wenzel & of bias or subjectivity—their own and that of members in
McCartney, 1996). the community being studied. Researchers are expected
Swedish anthropologist Anna Hedlund faced danger to constantly check their own personal or cultural biases
of a different sort in recent years while researching rebel and assumptions as they work—and to present these self-
groups in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in examinations along with their observations. This practice
Africa. Living among rebels and investigating how they of critical self-reflection is known as reflexivity.
Because perceptions of reality may vary, an anthropologist run the risk of misinterpretation due to personal feelings
must be careful in describing a culture. To do so accurately, the and biases shaped by their own culture, as well as gender
researcher needs to seek out and consider three kinds of data: and age. It is important to recognize this challenge and
make every effort to overcome it, for otherwise one may
● The people’s own understanding of their culture and
seriously misconstrue what one sees.
the general rules they share: their ideal sense of the
A case in point is the story of how male bias in the
way their own society ought to be.
Polish culture in which Malinowski was raised caused
● The extent to which people believe they are observing
him to ignore or miss significant factors in his pioneer-
those rules: how they think they really behave.
ing study of the Trobrianders. Unlike today, when an-
● The behavior that can be directly observed: what the
thropologists receive special training before going into
anthropologist actually sees happening.
the field, Malinowski set out to do fieldwork in 1914
Clearly, the way people think they should behave, the way with little formal preparation. This chapter’s Original
in which they think they do behave, and the way in which Study, written by U.S. anthropologist Annette Weiner,
they actually behave may be different. By carefully exam- who ventured to the same islands almost sixty years
ining and comparing these elements, anthropologists can later, illustrates how gender can impact one’s research
draw up a set of rules that may explain the acceptable findings—both in terms of the bias that may affect a
range of behavior within a culture. researcher’s outlook and in terms of what native con-
Beyond the possibility of drawing false conclusions sultants may feel comfortable sharing with a particular
based on a group’s ideal sense of itself, anthropologists researcher.
NAL
ORIGI
S T U DY The Importance of Trobriand Women BY ANNETTE B. WEINER
Walking into a village at productive work. In my original research plans, women

the beginning of fieldwork is en- were not the central focus of study, but on the first day
TROBRIAND
tering a world without cultural ISLANDS I took up residence in a village I was taken by them to
guideposts. The task of watch a distribution of their own wealth—bundles of
learning values that others Pacific Ocean banana leaves and banana fiber skirts—which they ex-
live by is never easy. The changed with other women in commemoration of some-
rigors of fieldwork involve WESTERN one who had recently died. Watching that event forced
INDONESIA NEW PAPUA
listening and watching, GUINEA NEW me to take women’s economic roles more seriously than I
© Cengage Learning
GUINEA
learning a new language would have from reading Malinowski’s studies.
of speech and actions, Coral
Although Malinowski noted the high status of Trobri-
and most of all, letting go AUSTRALIA
Sea TROBRIAND
and women, he attributed their importance to the fact
ISLANDS
of one’s own cultural as- that Trobrianders reckon descent through women. . . . Yet
sumptions in order to un- he never considered that this significance was underwrit-
derstand the meanings others give to work, power, death, ten by women’s own wealth because he did not system-
family, and friends. During my fieldwork in the Trobriand atically investigate the women’s productive activities. . . .
Islands of Papua New Guinea, I wrestled doggedly with My taking seriously the importance of women’s wealth
each of these problems—and with the added challenge not only brought women as the neglected half of society
that I was working in the footsteps of a celebrated anthro- clearly into the ethnographic picture but also forced me to
pological ancestor, Bronislaw Kasper Malinowski. . . . revise many of Malinowski’s assumptions about Trobriand
In 1971, before my first trip to the Trobriands, I men. . . . For Malinowski, the basic relationships within a
thought I understood many things about Trobriand cus- Trobriand family were guided by the matrilineal principle
toms and beliefs from having read Malinowski’s exhaus- of “mother-right” and “father-love.” A father was called
tive writings. Once there, however, I found that I had “stranger” and had little authority over his own children.
much more to discover. Finding significant differences in A woman’s brother was the commanding figure and exer-
areas of importance, I gradually came to understand how cised control over his sister’s sons. . . .
he reached certain conclusions. . . . In my study of Trobriand women and men, a different
My most significant point of departure from Mali- configuration of reckoning descent through the maternal
nowski’s analyses was the attention I gave to women’s line emerged. A Trobriand father is not a “stranger” in
Completing an Ethnography 361
At the same time, this giving creates

obligations on the part of a man’s chil-
dren toward him that last even beyond
his death. Thus, the roles that men and
their children play in each other’s lives
are worked out through extensive cycles
of exchanges, which define the strength
of their relationships to each other and
eventually benefit the other members of
both their matrilineages. Central to these
exchanges are women and their wealth.
Estate of Annette B. Weiner

. . . Only recently have anthropolo-
gists begun to understand the impor-
tance of taking women’s work seriously.
The “women’s point of view” was
largely ignored in the study of gender
roles because anthropologists generally
In the Trobriand Islands, women’s wealth consists of banana leaves and banana-fiber perceived women as living in the shad-
skirts, large quantities of which must be given away upon the death of a relative. ows of men—occupying the private
rather than the public sectors of society,
Malinowski’s definition, nor is he a powerless figure. The rearing children rather than engaging in economic or
father is one of the most important persons in his child’s political pursuits.
life, and remains so even after his child grows up and mar- mar
ries. He gives his child many opportunities to gain things Adapted from Weiner, A. B. (1988). The Trobrianders of Papua
from his matrilineage, thereby adding to the available New Guinea (pp. 4 –7). New Y York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.
resources that he or she can draw upon. Reprinted by permission of Cengage Learning.
As the Original Study makes clear, determining the

accuracy of anthropological descriptions and conclusions
Completing
can be difficult. In the natural sciences, scientists can
replicate observations and experiments to try to establish
an Ethnography
the reliability of other researchers’ conclusions. Thus, After collecting ethnographic information, the next chal-
scientists can see for themselves whether their colleagues lenge is to piece together all that has been gathered
have gotten it right. But validating ethnographic research into a coherent narrative that accurately describes the
is uniquely challenging because access to sites may be lim- culture. Traditionally, ethnographies are detailed writ-
ited or barred altogether, due to a number of factors: insuf- ten descriptions composed of chapters on topics such
ficient funding, logistical difficulties in reaching the site, as the circumstances and place of fieldwork itself; his-
problems in obtaining permits, and changing cultural and torical background; the community or group today; its
environmental conditions. These factors mean that what natural environment; settlement patterns; subsistence
could be observed in a certain context at a certain time practices; networks of kinship relations and other forms
cannot be observed at others. As a result, one researcher of social organization; marriage and sexuality; economic
cannot easily confirm the reliability or completeness of exchanges; political institutions; myths, sacred beliefs,
another’s account. and ceremonies; and current developments. These may be
For this reason, anthropologists bear a heavy responsi- illustrated with photographs and accompanied by maps,
bility for factual reporting, including disclosing key issues kinship diagrams, and figures showing social and political
related to their research: Why was a particular location organizational structures, settlement layout, floor plans of
selected as a research site and for which research objec- dwellings, seasonal cycles, and so on.
tives? What were the local conditions during fieldwork? Sometimes ethnographic research is documented not
Who provided the key information and major insights? only in writing but also with sound recordings and on
How were data collected and recorded? Without such film. Visual records may be used for documentation and
background information, it is difficult to judge the valid- illustration as well as for analysis or as a means of gath-
ity of the account and the soundness of the researcher’s ering additional information in interviews. Moreover,
conclusions. footage shot for the sake of documentation and research
Figure 14.11 Anthropologist-

Filmmaker Hu Tai-Li
An award-winning pioneer of ethnographic
films in Taiwan, Tai-Li is a professor at
National Chin-Hua University. She has
directed and produced a half-dozen
documentaries on a range of topics—
including traditional rituals and music,
development issues, and national and
ethnic identity. Here she is filming the
Maleveq (“Five-Year Worship”) rituals
in the village of Kulalao, southern
Taiwan. During this ceremony, lasting
several days, indigenous Paiwan people
celebrate their alliance with tribal
ancestors and deities. Traditional belief
holds that ancestral spirits attend
this gathering; villagers beseech their
blessings, welcoming them with special
songs, dances, and food.
Institute of Ethnology
may be edited into a documentary film. Not unlike a writ- differences or similarities occur between groups. As noted
ten ethnography, such a film is a structured whole com- in Chapter 1, the end product of quality anthropological
posed of numerous selected sequences, visual montage, research is a coherent statement about culture or human
juxtaposition of sound and visual image, and narrative nature that provides an explanatory framework or theory
sequencing, all coherently edited into an accurate visual for understanding the ideas and actions of the people be-
representation of the ethnographic subject (El Guindi, ing studied. As discussed in Chapter 1, theory is distinct
2004) (Figure 14.11). from doctrine and dogma, which are assertions of opin-
In recent years anthropologists have experimented ions or beliefs formally handed down by an authority as
with various digital media (Ginsburg, Abu-Lughod, & indisputably true and accepted as a matter of faith.
Larkin, 2009). The emergence of digital technologies has Anthropologists do not claim that any one theory
vastly enhanced the potential for anthropological re- about culture is the absolute truth. Rather they judge or
search, interpretation, and presentation. Digital recording measure a theory’s validity and soundness by varying
devices provide ethnographers with a wealth of material degrees of probability; what is considered to be true is
to analyze and utilize in building hypotheses. They also what is most probable. But although anthropologists are
open the door to sharing findings in varied and interac- reluctant to make absolute statements about complex is-
tive ways, including DVDs, online photo essays, podcasts, sues such as exactly how cultures function or change, they
and video blogs. can and do provide fact-based evidence about whether
assumptions have support or are unfounded. Therefore, a
theory, contrary to widespread misuse of the term, is much
Building Ethnological Theories more than mere speculation; it is a critically examined
Largely descriptive in nature, ethnography provides the explanation of observed reality.
basic data needed for ethnology
ethnology—the branch of cultural Always open to future challenges born of new evi-
anthropology that makes cross-cultural comparisons and dence or insights, scientific theory depends on demon-
develops theories that explain why certain important strable, empirical evidence and repeated testing. So it is
that, as our cross-cultural knowledge expands, the odds
favor some anthropological theories over others. Old
theory A coherent statement that provides an explanatory framework for
understanding; an explanation or interpretation supported by a reliable explanations or interpretations must sometimes be dis-
body of data. carded as new theories based on better or more complete
A Brief Overview of Anthropology’s Theoretical Perspectives 363
evidence are shown to be more effective or probable.

Last but not least, theories also guide anthropologists
A Brief Overview
in formulating new research questions and help them
decide what data to collect and how to give meaning to
of Anthropology’s
their data. Theoretical Perspectives
In the previous chapter, we presented the barrel model of
culture as a dynamic system of adaptation in which social
Ethnology and the structure, infrastructure, and superstructure intricately
Comparative Method interact. Helping us to imagine culture as an integrated
whole, this model allows us to think about something
Theories in anthropology may be generated from world-
very complex by reducing it to a simplified scheme or
wide cross-cultural or historical comparisons or even
basic design. Although most anthropologists generally
comparisons with other species. For instance, anthropol-
conceptualize culture as holistic and integrative, they
ogists may examine a global sample of societies in order
may have very different takes on the relative significance
to discover whether a hypothesis proposed to explain
of different elements that make up the whole and exactly
certain phenomena is supported by fact-based evidence.
how they relate to one another.
Of necessity, cross-cultural researchers depend upon ev-
Entire books have been written about each of anthro-
idence gathered by other scholars as well as their own
pology’s numerous theoretical perspectives. Here we offer
findings.
a general overview to convey the scope of anthropologi-
A key resource that makes this possible is the Human
cal theories and their role in explaining and interpreting
Relations Area Files (HRAF), which is a vast collection
cultures.
of cross-indexed ethnographic, biocultural, and archae-
ological data catalogued by cultural characteristics and
geographic location. This ever-growing data bank classi-
fies more than 700 cultural characteristics and includes
Mentalist Perspective
nearly 400 societies, past and present, from all around When analyzing a culture, some argue that humans act
the world. Archived in about 300 libraries (on micro- primarily on the basis of their ideas, concepts, or sym-
fiche and/or online) and approaching a million pages of bolic representations. In their research and analysis, these
information, the HRAF facilitates comparative research anthropologists usually emphasize that to understand or
on almost any cultural feature imaginable—warfare, sub- explain why humans behave as they do, one must first get
sistence practices, settlement patterns, marriage, rituals, into other people’s heads and try to understand how they
and so on. imagine, think, feel, and speak about the world in which
Among other things, anthropologists interested in they live. Because of the primacy of the superstructure
finding explanations for certain social or cultural beliefs (ideas, values), this is known as an idealist or mentalist
and practices can use the HRAF to test their hypotheses. perspective.
For example, Peggy Reeves Sanday examined a sample Examples of mentalist perspectives include psycholog-
of 156 societies drawn from the HRAF in an attempt to ical and cognitive anthropology (culture and personality),
answer her comparative research questions concerning ethnoscience, structuralism, and postmodernism, as well
dominance and gender in different societies. Her study, as symbolic and interpretive anthropology. For example,
published in 1981 ((Female Power and Male Dominance), in structuralism, as formulated by French anthropologist
disproves the common misperception that women are Claude Lévi-Strauss, culture is analyzed as a product of the
universally subordinate to men, sheds light on the way human brain’s mental structure that makes us conceptu-
men and women relate to each other, and ranks as a major alize our world and social reality in terms of binary oppo-
landmark in the study of gender. sites (such as life/death, day/night, hot/cold, male/female,
Cultural comparisons are not restricted to contem- friend/enemy, raw/cooked) and their mediations (through
porary ethnographic data. Indeed, anthropologists fre- myth, kinship, law, and so forth).
quently turn to archaeological or historical data to test Another mentalist perspective, interpretive anthropol-
hypotheses about cultural change. Cultural characteristics ogy, most famously associated with U.S. anthropologist
thought to be caused by certain specified conditions can Clifford Geertz, views humans primarily as “symbolizing,
be tested archaeologically by investigating similar situa- conceptualizing, and meaning-seeking” creatures (Geertz,
tions where such conditions actually occurred. Also useful 1973, p. 5). Geertz developed an artful ethnographic re-
are data provided in ethnohistories, which are studies of search strategy in which a culturally significant event or
cultures of the recent past through oral histories; accounts
of explorers, missionaries, and traders; and analysis of
mentalist perspective A theoretical approach stressing the primacy
records such as land titles, birth and death records, and of superstructure in cultural research and analysis; also known as the
other archival materials. idealist perspective.
social drama (for instance, a Balinese cockfight) is chosen various perspectives in this group, theoretical explanations
for observation and analysis as a form of “deep play” that worked out by pioneering French social thinkers influ-
may provide essential cultural insights. Peeling back layer enced the development of several structural-functionalist
upon layer of socially constructed meanings, the anthro- theories that focus on the underlying patterns or structures
pologist offers what Geertz calls a “thick description” of of social relationships, attributing functions to cultural in-
the event in a detailed ethnographic narrative. stitutions in terms of the contributions they make toward
maintaining a group’s social order.
Beyond these three general groups, there are various
Materialist Perspective other anthropological approaches. Some stress the impor-
tance of identifying general patterns or even discovering
Many other anthropologists hold a theoretical perspective
laws. Early anthropologists believed that they could dis-
in which they stress explaining culture by first analyzing
cover such laws by means of the theory of unilinear cultural
the material conditions that they see as determining
evolution of universal human progress, beginning with what
people’s lives. They may begin their research with an
was then called “savagery,” followed by “barbarism,” and
inventory of available natural resources for food and
gradually making progress toward a condition of human
shelter, the number of mouths to feed and bodies to
perfection known as “high civilization” (Carneiro, 2003).
keep warm, the tools used in making a living, and so on.
Although anthropologists have long abandoned such
Anthropologists who highlight such environmental or
sweeping generalizations as unscientific and ethnocen-
economic factors in shaping cultures share a materialist
tric, some continued to search for universal laws in the
perspective.
general development of human cultures by focusing on
Examples of materialist theoretical approaches include
technological development as measured in the growing
Marxism, neo-evolutionism, cultural ecology, sociobi-
capacity for energy capture per capita of the population.
ology, and cultural materialism. In cultural ecology, for
This theoretical perspective is sometimes called neo-
instance, anthropologists focus primarily on the subsis-
evolutionism. Others seek to explain recurring patterns in
tence mechanisms in a culture that enable a group to
human social behavior in terms of laws of natural selec-
successfully adapt to its natural environment. Building on
tion by focusing on possible relationships with human
cultural ecology, some anthropologists include consider-
genetics, a theoretical perspective identified with socio-
ations of political economy such as industrial production,
biology. Yet others stress that broad generalizations are
capitalist markets, wage labor, and finance capital. A poli-
impossible because each culture is distinct and can only
tical economy perspective is closely associated with Marxist
be understood as resulting from unique historical pro-
theory, which essentially explains major societal changes
cesses and circumstances. Some even go a step further
as the result of growing conflicts between opposing social
and focus on in-depth description and analysis of per-
classes, namely those who possess property and those
sonal life histories of individual members in a group in
who do not.
order to reveal the work of a culture.
One result of widening the scope—combining cultural
Beyond these cultural historical approaches, there are
ecology and political economy to take into account the
other theoretical perspectives that do not aim for laws
emerging world systems of international production and
or generalizations to explain culture. Theoretical per-
trade relations—is known as political ecology. Closely
spectives that reject measuring and evaluating different
related is cultural materialism, a theoretical research
cultures by means of some sort of universal standard, and
strategy identified with Marvin Harris (1979). Placing
that stress that cultures can only be explained or inter-
primary emphasis on the role of environment, demogra-
preted in their own unique terms, are associated with the
phy, technology, and economy in determining a culture’s
important anthropological principle known as cultural
mental and social conditions, Harris argues that anthro-
relativism, discussed in the previous chapter.
pologists can best explain ideas, values, and beliefs as
adaptations to economic and environmental conditions
(see the Biocultural Connection).
Ethical Responsibilities in
Other Theoretical Perspectives Anthropological Research
Not all anthropological perspectives fall neatly into
As explained in this chapter, anthropologists obtain infor-
mentalist or materialist camps. For example, some give
mation about different peoples and their cultures through
priority to social structure, focusing on this middle layer
long-term, full-immersion fieldwork based on personal
in our barrel model. Although it is difficult to pigeonhole
observation of and participation in the everyday activities
of the community. They are usually befriended and some-
materialist perspective A theoretical approach stressing the primacy of times even adopted, gradually becoming familiar with the
infrastructure (material conditions) in cultural research and analysis. local social structures and cultural features and even with
Ethical Responsibilities in Anthropological Research 365
Pig Lovers and Pig Haters BY M

MARVIN H
HARRIS
In the Old Testament of the Bible, the pig farming threatened the integrity of the that the religious uncleanliness of the pig
Israelite’s God (Yahweh) denounced the basic cultural and natural ecosystems of rests upon actual physical dirtiness.
pig as an unclean beast that pollutes the Middle East. Until their conquest of Among the ancient mixed farming and
if tasted or touched. Later, Allah con- the Jordan Valley in Palestine over 3,000 pastoralist communities of the Middle
veyed the same basic message to his years ago, the Israelites were nomadic East, domestic animals were valued pri-
prophet Muhammad. Among millions of herders, living almost entirely from sheep, marily as sources of milk, cheese, hides,
Jews and Muslims today, the pig remains goats, and cattle. Like all pastoralists, dung, fiber, and traction for plowing. Goats,
an abomination, even though it can con- they maintained close relationships with sheep, and cattle provided all of this, plus
vert grains and tubers into high-grade sedentary farmers who held the oases and an occasional supplement of lean meat.
fats and protein more efficiently than any the great rivers. With this mixed farming From the beginning, therefore, pork must
other animal. and pastoral complex, the pork prohibition have been a luxury food, esteemed for its
What prompted condemnation of an an- constituted a sound ecological strategy. succulent, tender, and fatty qualities.
imal whose meat is relished by the greater The pastoralists could not raise pigs in Between 4,000 and 9,000 years ago,
part of humanity? For centuries, the most their arid habitats, and among the semi- the human population in the Middle East
popular explanation was that the pig wal- sedentary farming populations pigs were increased sixty-fold. Extensive deforesta-
lows in its own urine and eats excrement. more of a threat than an asset. tion accompanied this rise, largely due to
But linking this to religious abhorrence The basic reason for this is that the damage caused by sheep and goat herds.
leads to inconsistencies. Cows kept in a world zones of pastoral nomadism corre- Shade and water, the natural conditions
confined space also splash about in their spond to unforested plains and hills that appropriate for raising pigs, became ever
own urine and feces. are too arid for rainfall agriculture and that more scarce, and pork became even more
These inconsistencies were recognized cannot easily be irrigated. The domestic of a luxury.
in the 12th century by Maimonides, a animals best adapted to these zones are The Middle East is the wrong place to
widely respected Jewish philosopher and ruminants (including cattle, sheep, and raise pigs, but pork remains a luscious
physician in Egypt, who said God con- goats), which can digest grass, leaves, and treat. People find it difficult to resist such
demned swine as a public health measure other cellulose foods more effectively than temptations on their own. Hence Yahweh
because pork had “a bad and damaging other mammals. and Allah were heard to say that swine
effect upon the body.” The mid-1800s The pig, however, is primarily a creature were unclean—unfit to eat or touch. In
discovery that eating undercooked pork of forests and shaded riverbanks. Although short, it was ecologically maladaptive to
caused trichinosis appeared to verify Mai- it is omnivorous, its best weight gain is try to raise pigs in substantial numbers,
monides’s reasoning. Reform-minded Jews from foods low in cellulose (nuts, fruits, and small-scale production would only
then renounced the taboo, convinced that tubers, and especially grains), making it a increase the temptation. Better then, to
if well-cooked pork did not endanger public direct competitor of man. It cannot subsist prohibit the consumption of pork entirely.
health, eating it would not offend God. on grass alone and is ill-adapted to the
Scholars have suggested this taboo hot, dry climate of the grasslands, moun- Biocultural Question
stemmed from the idea that the animal tains, and deserts in the Middle East. To Consider a taboo you follow and come up
was once considered divine—but this ex- compensate for its lack of protective hair with an explanation for it other than the
planation falls short since sheep, goats, and an inability to sweat, the pig must conventional one that most people accept.
and cows were also once worshiped in the dampen its skin with external moisture.
Middle East, and their meat is enjoyed by It prefers to do this by wallowing in fresh Adapted from Harris, M. (1989). Cows,
all religious groups in the region. clean mud, but will cover its skin with its pigs, wars, and witches: The riddles of
I think the real explanation for this re- own urine and feces if nothing else if avail- culture (pp. 35–60). New York: Vintage
ligious condemnation lies in the fact that able. So there is some truth to the theory Books/Random House.
highly personal or politically sensitive details known only to make the community vulnerable to exploitation and
to trusted insiders. manipulation. In this context, it is good to be reminded of
Because the community is usually part of a larger and the ancient Latin saying scientia potentia est (“knowledge is
more powerful complex society, anthropological knowl- power”). In other words, anthropological knowledge may
edge about how the locals live, what they own, what moti- have far-reaching, and possibly negative, consequences
vates them, and how they are organized has the potential for the peoples being studied.
Are there any rules that may guide anthropologists in challenging—including working for a global business cor-
their ethical decision making and help them judge right poration, international bank, or government agency, such
from wrong? This important issue is addressed in the code as the foreign service, police, or military (American An-
of ethics of the American Anthropological Association (dis- thropological Association, 2007; González, 2009; McFate,
cussed in Chapter 1). First formalized in 1971 and modi- 2007). This challenge came to the fore again when the
fied in its current form in 1998, this document outlines the U.S. government recruited social scientists, including an-
various ethical responsibilities and moral obligations of thropologists, to assist the military in understanding the
anthropologists, including this central principle: “Anthro- complexities of the “human terrain” in armed conflict en-
pological researchers must do everything in their power vironments such as Afghanistan and Iraq (Figure 14.12).
to ensure that their research does not harm the safety, Because anthropologists generally disapprove of politi-
dignity, or privacy of the people with whom they work, cizing ethnographic information and are committed to the
conduct research, or perform other professional activities.” ideal of “do no harm,” the idea of militarizing anthropology
The first step in this endeavor is to communicate in in arenas of violent conflict has sparked intense debate. It
advance the nature, purpose, and potential impact of the may not be possible to fully anticipate all the cross-cultural
planned study to individuals who provide information— and long-term consequences—uses and abuses—of one’s
and to obtain their informed consent or formal recorded research findings. Navigating this ethical gray area is often
agreement to participate in the research. But protect- difficult, but it is each anthropologist’s responsibility to be
ing the community one studies requires more than aware of moral responsibilities and to take every possible
that; it demands constant vigilance and alertness. precaution to ensure that one’s research does not jeopardize
There are some situations in which this is particularly the well-being of the people being studied.
Marco Di Lauro/Getty Images
Figure 14.12 Militarizing Anthropology

Embedded in U.S. Army units, social scientists, including anthropologists, have conducted sociocultural
assessments as part of the “human terrain system” (HTS). Designed to improve the military’s ability
to understand the complexities of the human terrain (civilian population) as it applied to operations in
Iraq and Afghanistan, HTS was part of a counterinsurgency strategy against regional insurgents from
2006 through 2014. Anthropological involvement in the U.S. government’s struggle for hearts and
minds in war zones has been controversial since the mid-1960s. Here we see U.S. HTS team member
Ted Callahan talking to local residents about a tribal dispute in Paktya Province, Afghanistan.
367
What was the worldwide social context in themselves, some anthropologists took up advocacy
anthropology—research that is community based and
which anthropology emerged as a politically involved.
discipline?
✓ Some anthropologists, such as Laura Nader, have
✓ Anthropology emerged during the heyday of urged studying up—ethnographic research in the
colonialism (1870s–1930s). Europeans focused on the world’s centers of political and economic power—to
study of traditional peoples in overseas colonies they reveal how elites function in maintaining their
controlled, whereas North Americans focused primarily positions.
on the indigenous communities in their own countries.
✓ Expecting that indigenous cultures would disappear How do anthropologists conduct their
through the impositions of colonialism, early ethnographic research today?
anthropologists engaged in salvage ethnography
✓ Multi-sited ethnography investigates and documents
(documenting endangered cultures); this is now known
peoples and cultures embedded in the larger
as urgent anthropology. In the 1930s, anthropologists
structures of a globalizing world. Ethnography,
began studying culture contact—how traditional
a detailed description of a particular culture,
cultures change when coming in contact with
relies upon fieldwork—extended on-location
expanding capitalist societies. In the United States, this
research to gather detailed and in-depth information
has become known as acculturation.
on a society’s customary ideas, values, and
✓ Applied anthropology—using anthropological practices through participation in its collective
knowledge and methods to solve practical problems in social life.
communities—came to the fore in the 1930s as
✓ Participant observation is learning about a group’s
dominant societies tried to understand traditional
behaviors and beliefs through social involvement and
indigenous cultures in order to control them more
personal observation with the community, as well as
effectively.
interviews and discussions with individual members of
the group over an extended stay in the community.
How have ethnographic research Key consultants (previously called informants) are
approaches changed and expanded since individuals in the society being studied who provide
the discipline began? information that helps researchers understand what
they observe.
✓ As a result of World War II and the Cold War era
following, some anthropologists began studies of ✓ Ethnographers gather two types of data: Quantitative
cultures at a distance, developing national character data consist of population density; qualitative data
studies through investigating film, literature, and describe features such as social networks of kinship
newspapers. relations, customary beliefs and practices, and personal
life histories.
✓ Anthropologists also began broadening their focus,
including turning their attention to modern state ✓ Interviewing can be either informal (unstructured,
societies and investigating in their own countries, in open-ended conversations in everyday life) or formal
settings ranging from factories to farming communities (structured question/answer sessions). Ethnographic
to suburban neighborhoods. For example, mapping goes beyond standard mapmaking to show
Powdermaker’s research on racism in the South in the geographic and spatial features that are culturally
1930s and her investigation of the Hollywood film significant to the people living there, such as place
industry, as well as Métraux’s international team names and stories about locations.
studying contemporary race relations in Brazil, typify a
✓ Most anthropologists use cameras as well as notepads,
new understanding of the role of anthropology.
computers, or sound recording devices to document
their observations. Today’s anthropologists routinely
How have anthropologists attempted to carry digital recording equipment to the field and
address the negative effects of massive invite and train local members of the community to
cultural change imposed on less powerful help with recording.
groups by elite cultures?
What challenges do ethnographers face?
✓ In the 1950s anthropologists began studying peasants
to understand the impact of complex state societies on ✓ Culture shock and not being socially accepted by the
traditional indigenous groups. society are common ethnographic difficulties. A major
step toward being accepted and gaining access to
✓ Recognizing that their knowledge could be used information is being adopted into a network of kinship
to help people in ways defined by the people relations.
✓ Anthropologists must avoid getting involved in similarities occur between groups. Theories—coherent
political rivalries and unwittingly used by factions statements providing explanations for these differences
within the community. or similarities—are developed through ethnology.
✓ An ethnographer’s age, ideology, ethnicity, or skin ✓ Ethnology relies on the comparative method. Theories
color may block access to a community’s individuals or in anthropology may be generated from worldwide
ideas. cross-cultural or historical comparisons or even
comparisons with other species.
✓ Ethnographers may also be in physical danger through
illness, accident, and occasional hostility. ✓ The Human Relations Area Files is a vast collection of
cross-indexed ethnographic, biocultural, and
✓ Ethnographers grapple with the challenge of bias or
archaeological data catalogued by cultural
subjectivity—their own and that of members of the
characteristics and geographic location.
community being challenged.
✓ Validating ethnographic research is uniquely What are the key theoretical perspectives
challenging because subsequent access to sites may be in anthropology?
limited or barred altogether.
✓ The two broadest categories of anthropological theory
What is involved in producing an are mentalist and materialist.
ethnographic study? ✓ The mentalist perspective stresses the primacy of

superstructure in cultural research and analysis.
✓ Traditionally, ethnographies are written narratives,
illustrated with photographs and accompanied by ✓ The materialist perspective stresses the primacy of
maps, kinship diagrams, and figures showing social infrastructure (material conditions) in cultural research
and political organizational structures, settlement and analysis.
layout, seasonal cycles, and so on.
✓ More and more often today, ethnographic research is

What are the ethical responsibilities in
documented not only in writing but also with sound anthropological research?
recordings and on film. ✓ The ethical code of the American Anthropological
Association outlines the various ethical responsibilities
What is involved in doing ethnology? and moral obligations of anthropologists.
✓ Ethnography provides the basic data needed for ✓ The central principle of the AAA ethics code is to
ethnology—the branch of cultural anthropology that ensure that anthropological research does not
makes cross-cultural comparisons and develops theories negatively impact the people being studied.
that explain why certain important differences or
1. Taking on the challenge of describing and interpreting 3. If you were invited to “study up,” on which
human cultures, anthropologists have long relied cultural group would you focus? How would you
on ethnographic fieldwork, including participant go about getting access to that group for participant
observation, as depicted in this chapter’s opening observation, and what serious obstacles might you
photograph. What makes this research method uniquely encounter?
challenging and effective? Of what use might the findings 4. In light of professional ethics, what moral dilemmas
be for meeting the unique challenges of our globalizing might anthropologists face in choosing to advise
world? a government in exploring or implementing a
2. Early anthropologists engaged in salvage ethnography nonviolent solution to a military conflict? How is
(urgent anthropology) to create a reliable record of military anthropology different from other forms of
indigenous cultures once widely expected to vanish. applied anthropology, such as working for the Foreign
Although many indigenous communities did lose Service, the World Bank, the Roman Catholic Church,
customary practices due to acculturation, descendants or an international business corporation such as IBM
of those cultures can now turn to anthropological and Intel?
records to revitalize their ancestral ways of life. Do
you think this is a good thing? Why or why not?
369
Your Own Multi-Sited Community
The 21st century is marked by rapid world change divide them into three groups: two with whom
driven by digital technological innovations that you share your residence; two with whom you
are transforming the way we experience time and interact at school, work, or for leisure; and two
space, how we communicate, where we work, with whom you exchange texts and pictures but
how we inform and entertain ourselves, where rarely if ever see in person. Next, make note of
we travel, and how we pay for almost all that we your own daily routine (the what, when, where of
do or need. Many of us are in touch with distant meals, work, transportation and movement, and
relatives and friends, some of whom are on the so on). Then, based on that list, use your everyday
move for reasons of labor, leisure, or as refugees technology to dig into the daily routine of the
escaping from danger or poverty. Digging into six people in your network. Record and compare
your own “multi-sited” social network, mark the information you have gathered, and draw
the geographic locations of about three dozen your own conclusion about the similarities and
relatives, friends, and acquaintances on a map. differences in the daily lives of people in your own
Then select six individuals in that network and multi-sited community.
Pietro Scozzari/Age fotostock/Alamy
CHALLENGE ISSUE
As social creatures dependent upon one another for survival, we humans face the challenge
of processing and sharing large amounts of information about countless things connected to
our well-being in a multiplicity of situations. We do this with a variety of distinctive gestures,
sounds, touches, and body postures. Our most sophisticated means of communication is
through language—a foundation stone of every human culture. As shown in this photo of a
busy street in Chinatown, an ethnic enclave in Thailand’s capital city of Bangkok, success
in international trade and tourism often depends on multilingual communication. To attract
buyers, local merchants advertise their goods and services in three languages, each with
a distinctive script: Thai, English, and Chinese. For more than 400 years, traders venturing
overseas from China’s coastal cities have formed bustling commercial centers in densely
populated urban ghettos known as Chinatowns. Such sites can be found in major cities on
every continent, from Amsterdam, Jakarta, and Johannesburg, to Lima, Melbourne, Mumbai,
Nagasaki, San Francisco, and Toronto. These are just a few important cities in China’s
expanding global trading empire.
Language and
Communication 15
The human ability to communicate through language rests firmly on our biological In this chapter you
makeup. We are “programmed” for language, be it through sounds or gestures. (Sign will learn to
languages, such as American Sign Language or ASL, are fully developed languages ● Define language and
in their own right.) Beyond the cries of babies, which are not learned but which do distinguish between
communicate, humans must learn their language. So it is that children from any- sign and symbol.
where in the world readily acquire the language of their culture. ● Specify the three
Language is a system of communication using symbolic sounds, gestures, branches of linguistic
anthropology.
or marks that are put together according to certain rules, resulting in meanings
that are intelligible to all who share that language. As discussed in a previous
● Observe cross-
cultural differences in
chapter, these sounds, gestures, and marks are symbols—signs that are arbitrarily
nonverbal means of
linked to something else and represent it in a meaningful way. For example, the communication.
word crying is a symbol, a combination of sounds to which we assign the mean-
● Trace the emergence of
ing of a particular action and which we can use to communicate that meaning, language, speech, and
whether or not anyone around us is actually crying. writing.
A signal, unlike a culturally learned symbol, or meaningful sign, is an in- ● Assess the close
stinctive sound or gesture that has a natural or self-evident meaning. A scream, relationship between
a sigh, and a cough, for example, are sound signals that convey some kind of
culture and language.
emotional or physical state. Throughout the animal kingdom, species commu- ● Discuss the significance
nicate essential information by means of signals.
of literacy and
telecommunication in
Over the past few decades, researchers aiming to understand the biological
today’s world.
basis, social use, and evolutionary development of language have investigated
a fascinating array of animal communication systems, including dolphin whis-
tles, whale songs, elephant rumbles, bee dances, and orangutan gestures. Some
have studied language acquisition aptitude among apes by teaching them to
communicate using ASL or lexigrams (symbols) on keyboard devices. As noted
in Chapter 4, their research makes it

language A system of communication using
clear that although great ape species symbolic sounds, gestures, or marks that
are put together according to certain rules,
cannot literally speak, they can de-
resulting in meanings that are intelligible to all
velop language skills to the level of a who share that language.
signal An instinctive sound or gesture that
2- to 3-year-old human child. has a natural or self-evident meaning.
371
372 CHAPTER 15 Language and Communication
A remarkable example of the many scientific efforts under the Original Study, his story illustrates the creative process
way in this area is the work being done with Chantek, an of language development and the capacity of a nonhu-
orangutan who has learned some 150 gestures, many of man primate to recognize symbols (see also Cartmill &
which he puts together in innovative ways. Featured in Byrne, 2010).
NAL
ORIGI
S T U DY Can Chantek Talk in Codes? BY H. LYN WHITE MILES
My foster son is a confused

adolescent gang member who some-
times finds himself in trouble. On one
occasion, he was locked up and tried to
escape—not to do any real harm but to
have some fun. When I arrived to see
what had happened, Chantek told me
he was thirsty and angrily mentioned
the “key man” who could set him free.
In a few hesitant words, he recounted
how he got “out” and how he “broke”
some things. While fixing his gaze on
the door, he asked, “Where are the
© Adam K. Thompson, Zoo Atlanta

keys?” When I explained that I didn’t
have them, he leaned on one arm,
looked warily around, gestured toward
the door, and whispered, “You—secret
open?” He was asking me to assist in
his second “escape” for the day.
My unusual foster son is an orangu- Chantek (left) is now an adult male orangutan, as evidenced by his size and large cheek
tan, Chantek, who belongs to the Pongo pads. Here we see him with Dumadi, an infant in his group at Zoo Atlanta.
pygmaeus and not the Homo sapiens
“gang.” He is an “enculturated orangutan” who for some He created more complex meanings by combining his
time has played a key role in my primatology research on signs in new sequences such as asking me to secretly open
great ape language and cognition. During our time together the door—an association of words I had never used with
at the University of Tennessee, Chattanooga, Chantek lived him. He nuanced his communications with subtle modu-
freely with me—not only learning sign language but also lations of meaning and could dissect the elements of his
taking trips to the mall, parks, and a nearby lake. When signs. In almost metaphorical ways, he signed “dog” for
in recent years he had to be moved to a nearby zoo, he pictures of dogs, barking noises on the radio, and even
encountered restrictions that he did not understand, and strange orangutans on TV whom he called “orange dogs.”
he quickly named the zookeeper “key man.” Thus, his brief He signed “break” before he broke and shared crackers and
escape to forage for “cheese-meat-breads” (cheeseburgers). after he dismantled his toilet. He signed “bad” to himself
Chantek acquired many symbolic processes of human before he grabbed a cat, when he bit into a radish, and
language during his time at the university where he was when he sadly inspected a dead bird.
surrounded by anthropology students using Orangutan Chantek could play imitative games and also illustrated
Sign Language (OSL), a pidgin gestural communication some of the functions of language such as displaced ref-
based on American Sign Language.a His vocabulary included erence by talking about keys that were not present. He
names for people, places, foods, actions, objects, animals, showed code switching by utilizing a different dialect,
colors, pronouns, locations, attributes (“good,” “hurt”), and style, or register through whispering “secret” and making
emphasis (“more,” “time-to-do”). His language ability was his signs very small in a tiny space hidden by his hairy
similar to the use of language by 2- to 3-year-old human long arms. We also used code switching when Chantek
children.b Building on his 150-sign vocabulary, Chantek also shifted from his intimate informal language with me to
invented terms, such as “Dave-missing-finger” for an injured more formal communication when the keeper arrived,
worker, “tomato-toothpaste” for ketchup, and “eye-drink” and Chantek signed he was “sorry,” but with less than
for contact lens solution. He even nicknamed himself “Tek” convincing articulation.
by touching his hand to his opposite shoulder, rather than Chantek is a code switcher in another sense as well
the more cumbersome cheek-pad touch for “Chantek.” because he is a member of a small group of intelligent
Language and Communication 373
nonhumans who are “cultural hybrids” or “dual-cul- “dual-cul interrupted him less and allowed his inventive use of
tured,” meaning that he is a member of one species raised language more.
by another. His life journey has involved finding his way Chantek may live into his 50s or 60s, so there is still
between two different worlds—his own orangutan ges- ges much more he can show us about the mind, culture, and
tural communication, leaf and stick tools, and navigation language ability of orangutans. Given my own North
in his environment versus the world of human culture, American indigenous roots, I see his dual-cultured existence
technology, and language, as he learns to shade his mean-
mean in terms of the Coast Salish tribal concept of “where differ-
ings to fit the situation, play tic-tac-toe and computer ent waters meet and are transformed.” Chantek said this
games, and create stone tools and found art assemblage best by calling himself “orangutan person”—neither human
and jewelry.c nor natural ape but benefiting from the cultures of both. In
Significantly, Chantek engaged in deception by at- at fact, the Great Ape Project has proposed that apes might be
tempting his escape in the first place and by subtly lying legal persons who should have limited human rights.
about what had really happened. This phenomenon has However, in his zoo environment, administrators have
been called the benchmark of language because it requires had difficulty in doing code switching of their own.
symbolically creating or assuming an alternate reality and Among other things, they have discouraged Chantek’s
“theory of mind.” I learned that Chantek told at least three use of sign language, perhaps out of misguided efforts
lies a week including signing “dirty” to go to the bathroom to restore him to a natural orangutan or fear that he will
only to play with the knobs on the washing machine, or complain about the food or publicly sign “Chantek want
distracting my attention with words about dangerous “big go home.” My vision is the creation of a Communication
cats” while he deceptively reached into my pocket for treats. and Culture Center where intelligent and sentient animals
Chantek even stole and pretended to swallow a pencil eraser like Chantek will have greater agency and learning oppor-
and then lied by opening his mouth, signing “eat.” tunities than are currently provided and can explore their
Early language research with apes focused on vocab- dual-cultured natures. Imagine enculturated apes making
ulary lists and acquisition rates just to “prove” that apes tools, communicating with us on the Internet, engaging
could acquire some human symbols. The contest seemed in meaningful work, and inventing their own culture
to be whether human language was unique—and the based on symbols. If we were to really listen to Chantek,
answer always had to preserve our Homo-centric superior- what would he tell us?
ity. My anthropological work with Chantek has had the
opportunity to focus on the development, functional use, Written expressly for this text, 2012.
and evolutionary significance of both natural ape and
human communication, culture, and cognition. The issue a
Miles, H. L. W. (1990). The cognitive foundations for reference
is now more about how both apes and humans use com- in a signing orangutan. In S. T. Parker & K. R. Gibson (Eds.),
munication and cultural traditions to meet our needs, to “Language” and intelligence in monkeys and apes: Comparative
varying degrees. My anthropological approach looked at developmental perspectives (pp. 511–539). Cambridge, UK:
the development of communication in cultural context Cambridge University Press.
and explored how Chantek and I created a communi- b
Miles, H. L. (1999). Symbolic communication with and by
cation code together in what Andrew Lock called “the great apes. In S. T. Parker, R. Mitchell, & H. Miles (Eds.), The
guided re-invention of language.”d Analyzing my findings mentality of gorillas and orangutans: Comparative perspectives (pp.
with those of earlier developmental studies of the cogni- 197–210). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
c
tive and linguistic skills of nonhuman primates, I discov- Ibid.
ered that Chantek was far less imitative and more original d
Lock, A. (1980). The guided reinvention of language. New York:
in his communication because his human companions Academic Press.
We need to acquire more knowledge about the remains that human culture is ultimately dependent
various systems of animal communication before we on an elaborate system of communication far more
will know their implications for our understanding complex than that of any other species—including our
of the nature and evolution of languages. Meanwhile, fellow primates. The reason for this is the sheer amount
even as debate continues over how human and animal of knowledge that must be learned by each person from
communication relate to each other, we cannot dismiss other individuals in order to fully participate in society,
communication among nonhuman species as a set where almost everything is based on socially learned
of simple instinctive reflexes or fixed action patterns behavior. Learning can and does take place in the ab-
(Cartmill & Byrne, 2010; Gentry et al., 2009; McCarthy, sence of language by way of observation and imitation,
Jensvold, & Fouts, 2013). guided by a limited number of meaningful signs or sym-
Although language studies such as the one involving bols. However, all known human cultures are so rich in
Chantek reveal much about primate cognition, the fact content that they require communication systems that
not only can give precise labels to

various classes of phenomena but
also permit people to think and
talk about their own and others’
experiences and expectations—past,
present, and future.
The central and most highly
developed human system of com-
munication is language. Knowledge
of the workings of language, then,
is essential to a full understanding
Courtesy Alessandro Duranti/Image by Elinor Ochs

of what culture is about and how it
operates.
Linguistic
Research
and the Nature
of Language
Figure 15.1 Linguistic Research in Samoa
Author of numerous studies in linguistic anthropology, Alessandro Duranti of the
University of California, Los Angeles, began his research on Samoan language and
Any human language—Chinese, culture about thirty-five years ago in Falefa village on Upolu Island. One of nine islands
English, Swahili, or whatever—is a collectively inhabited by about 250,000 Samoans sharing the same language, Upolu
means of transmitting information was first settled about 3,000 years ago by seafarers who established villages on
and sharing with others both collec- hundreds of tropical islands scattered throughout the Central Pacific and collectively
tive and individual experiences. It is known as Polynesia. Samoan is one of about forty closely related Polynesian languages,
a system that enables us to translate which together form a small branch of the Oceanic language family: 450 languages
our concerns, beliefs, and percep- spoken by 2 million people inhabiting about 25,000 islands widely scattered throughout
tions into symbols that can be un- the Pacific. Duranti, an Italian-born U.S. anthropologist, is shown here as a young
derstood and interpreted by others. linguist working with Salesa Asiata on a translation of a recorded conversation to learn
In spoken language, this is done more about speaking in social interaction and as a cultural practice.
by taking sounds—no language uses
more than about fifty—and devel-
oping rules for putting them together in meaningful ways. Linguists in the past 150 years, including anthropol-
Sign languages do the same, not with sound but by shaping ogists, made significant contributions in comparative
and moving hands and other parts of the body and with research—discovering patterns, relationships, and systems
facial expressions, including mouthing. The vast array in the sounds and structures of different languages and
of languages in the world—some 6,000 or so distinctive formulating laws and principles concerning language.
ones—may well astound us by their complexity and great While still collecting data, researchers have made con-
differences, yet language experts have found that each is siderable progress in discovering the reasoning process
fundamentally organized in similar ways. behind language construction, testing and working from
The roots of linguistics—the systematic study of all new and improved theories (Figure 15.1). Today, the
aspects of language—trace back to the works of ancient lan- discipline of linguistics includes three main branches:
guage specialists in South Asia more than 2,000 years ago. descriptive linguistics, historical linguistics, and a third
The age of European exploration and expansion, from the branch that focuses on language in relation to social and
1400s into the 1900s, set the stage for a great leap forward in cultural settings.
the scientific study of languages. Explorers, traders, mission-
aries, and other travelers accumulated information about a
huge diversity of languages from all around the world. An
estimated 12,000 languages still existed when they began Descriptive Linguistics
their inquiries.
How can an anthropologist, a trader, a missionary, a dip-
lomat, or any other outsider research a foreign language
that has not yet been described and analyzed, or for which
linguistics The systematic study of all aspects of language. there are no readily available written materials? There are
Descriptive Linguistics 375
hundreds of such undocumented languages in the world. languages, which include many sounds foreign to English,
Fortunately, effective methods have been developed to linguists have developed the International Phonetic Al-
help with the task. Descriptive linguistics involves unrav- phabet (IPA): 107 letters, 52 diacritics (marks that change
eling a language by recording, describing, and analyzing the sound value of the letter to which they are added), and
all of its features. It is a painstaking, but ultimately re- 4 prosodic marks (designating rhythm, stress, and intona-
warding process in that it provides deeper understanding tion). Beyond this linguistic standard, speech pathologists
of a language—its structure, its unique linguistic reper- have developed additional letters and notations, enabling
toire (figures of speech, word plays, and so on), and its them to transcribe a range of less common sounds.
relationship to other languages.
The process of unlocking the underlying rules of a
spoken language requires a trained ear and a thorough Morphology, Syntax, and Grammar
understanding of how multiple different speech sounds
While making and studying an inventory of distinctive
are produced. Without such know-how, it is extremely
sounds, linguists also look at morphology, the study
difficult to write out or make intelligent use of any data
of the patterns or rules of word formation in a language
concerning a particular language. To satisfy this prelim-
(including rules concerning verb tense, pluralization, and
inary requirement, most people need special training in
compound words). They do this by marking out specific
phonetics, discussed next.
sounds and sound combinations that seem to have mean-
ing. The smallest unit of sound that carries meaning in a
Phonology language is a morpheme.

A morpheme is distinct from a phoneme, which can
To describe and analyze any language, one needs first change a word but which has no meaning by itself. For
an inventory of all its distinctive sounds. The systematic example, a linguist studying English in a North Ameri-
identification and description of the distinctive sounds in can farming community would soon learn that cow is a
a language is known as phonetics. Rooted in the Greek morpheme—a meaningful combination of the phonemes
word phone (meaning “sound”), phonetics is basic to c, o, and w. Pointing to two of these animals, the linguist
phonology, the study of language sounds. would elicit the word cows from local speakers. This would
Some of the sounds used in other languages may seem reveal yet another morpheme—the s—which can be
very much like those of the researcher’s own speech pat- added to the original morpheme to indicate plural.
tern, but others may be unfamiliar. For example, the th The next step in unraveling a language is to identify
sound common in English does not exist in the German its syntax—the patterns or rules by which morphemes
language and is difficult for most German speakers to pro- are arranged into phrases and sentences. The grammar
nounce, just as the r sound used in numerous languages of the language will ultimately consist of all observations
is tough for Chinese speakers. And the unique “click” about its morphemes and syntax.
sounds used in Bushman languages in southern Africa are One of the strengths of modern descriptive linguistics
difficult for speakers of just about every other language. is the objectivity of its methods. For example, English-
While collecting speech sounds or utterances, the speaking anthropologists who specialize in this will not
linguist works to isolate the phoneme—the smallest unit approach a language with the idea that it must have nouns,
of sound that makes a difference in meaning but has no verbs, prepositions, or any other of the form classes identi-
meaning by itself. Linguists carry out this analysis through fiable in English. This allows for unanticipated discoveries.
a process called the minimal-pair test. They try to find two For instance, unlike many other languages, English does
short words that appear to be exactly alike except for one not distinguish between feminine and masculine nouns.
sound, such as bit and pit in English. If the substitution of
b for p in this minimal pair makes a difference in meaning,
as it does in English, then those two sounds have been phonetics The systematic identification and description of distinctive
identified as distinct phonemes of the language and will speech sounds in a language.
require two different symbols to record. phonology The study of language sounds.
phoneme The smallest unit of sound that makes a difference in
If, however, linguists find two different pronuncia-
meaning in a language but has no meaning by itself.
tions (as when “butter” is pronounced “budder”) and then
morphology The study of the patterns or rules of word formation in
find no difference in their meaning for native speakers, a language, including the guidelines for verb tense, pluralization, and
the sounds represented will be considered variants of the compound words.
same phoneme. In such cases, for economy of representa- morpheme The smallest unit of sound that carries a meaning in
tion only one of the two symbols will be used to record language. It is distinct from a phoneme, which can alter meaning but has
no meaning by itself.
that sound wherever it is found.
syntax The patterns or rules by which words are arranged into phrases
As this example suggests, linguists distinguish many and sentences.
more phonemes (44) in English speech than the 26 let- grammar The entire formal structure of a language, including
ters used in the English alphabet. To transcribe different morphology and syntax.
English speakers use the definite

article the in front of any noun,
whereas Spanish varies with gen-
der and numbers, requiring four
types of such definite articles: la
(singular feminine), el (singular
masculine), las (plural feminine),
Baltic
and los (plural masculine)—as in
Celtic Slavic
las casas (the houses) and los jar jar-
dines (the gardens).
Germanic Romance
German speakers go one step
further, utilizing three gendered
articles in singular, but only one in
Sla
plural: die (singular feminine), der vic
(singular masculine), das (singular Albanian
Romance
neuter), and die (plural, regardless
of gender). For cultural histori-
cal reasons, Germans consider the
Hellenic
house neuter, so they say das Haus,
© Cengage Learning
but they concur with Spaniards
that the garden is masculine. Some
nouns, however, reverse gender in
German–Spanish translation: the
feminine sun (die Sonne) switches Figure 15.2 Indo-European Language Subgroups in Europe
genders into a masculine el sol, and Not all languages spoken in Europe are part of the Indo-European family. For example,
the masculine moon (der der Mond
Mond) Basque—an isolated language also known as Euskara—is still spoken in the French–
turns into a feminine la luna. How- Spanish borderland. Moreover, languages spoken by Hungarians, Estonians, Finns, Komi (in
ever, these language gender issues northeast Russia), and Sámi (in northern Scandinavia) belong to the Uralic language family.
are not relevant everywhere. In the
Andean highlands in South America, Quechua-speaking When focusing on long-term processes of change, his-
Indians are not concerned with whether nouns are gen- torical linguists depend on written records of languages.
dered or neutral, for their language has no definite articles They have achieved considerable success in working out
at all. the relationships among different languages, and these
are reflected in classification schemes. For example, En-
glish is one of approximately 140 languages classified in
Historical Linguistics the larger Indo-European language family (Figure 15.2).

A language family is a group of languages descended
All spoken languages change in the course of generations, from a single ancestral language. This family is subdivided
and many are now defunct. In addition to deciphering into some eleven subgroups (Germanic, Romance, and so
“dead” languages that are no longer spoken, historical on), indicating that there has been a long period (6,000
linguists investigate relationships between earlier and later years or so) of linguistic divergence from an ancient
forms of the same language, study older languages to track unified language (reconstructed as Proto-Indo-European)
the processes of change into modern ones, and examine into separate “daughter” languages. English is one of sev-
interrelationships among older languages. For example, eral languages in the Germanic subgroup (Figure 15.3),
they attempt to sort out the development of Latin (spoken all of which are more closely related to one another than
almost 1,500 years ago in southern Europe) into the Ro- they are to the languages of any other subgroup of the
mance languages of Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, French, Indo-European family.
and Romanian by identifying natural shifts in the original Despite the differences between them, the languages
language and tracking modifications brought on by cen- of one subgroup share certain features when compared to
turies of direct contact with Germanic-speaking invaders those of another. As an illustration, the word for father in
from northern Europe. the Germanic languages always starts with an f or closely
related v sound: Dutch vader, German Vater, Gothic Fadar.
Among the Romance languages, by contrast, the compa-
language family A group of languages descended from a single
ancestral language. rable word always starts with a p: French père, Spanish and
linguistic divergence The development of different languages from a Italian padre—all derived from the Latin pater. The original
single ancestral language. Indo-European word for father was p’te ˉer, so in this case,
p’tˉr
ˉr,
ˉr
Historical Linguistics 377
and mobile phones has created entirely new vocabular-

Icelandic English South
ies. Internet use has widened the meaning of a host of
German
Danish Dutch already existing English words—from hacking and surfing
dialects
Norwegian Flemish
North to spam and troll. Entirely new words such as phishing
Swedish
German and vlogging have been coined, leading to the cre-
dialects ation of Internet dictionaries such as netlingo.com and
webopedia.com.
There is also a tendency for any group within a larger
society to create its own unique vocabulary, whether it is
a street gang, sorority, religious group, or military platoon.
Old Old Old By changing the meaning of existing words or inventing
English Saxon High
German new ones, members of the in-group can communicate
Old Icelandic
with fellow members while effectively excluding outsiders
who may be within hearing range. Increasing professional
specialization also contributes to coining new words and
greatly expanding vocabularies.
Gothic
(extinct)
Proto-Germanic
Proto-Italic
Language Loss and Revival
Perhaps the most powerful force for linguistic change
is the domination of one society over another. Such
© Cengage Learning
Proto-Celtic controls persist today in many parts of the world,

such as Taiwan’s indigenous peoples being governed
Proto-Indo-European by Mandarin-speaking Chinese or Tarascan Indians
by Spanish-speaking Mexicans. In many cases, foreign
Figure 15.3 The English Language Family Tree political control has resulted in linguistic erosion or even
English is one of a group of languages in the Germanic complete disappearance, sometimes leaving only a faint
subgroup of the Indo-European family. This diagram shows its trace in old, indigenous names for geographic features
relationship to languages in the same subgroup. The root is such as hills and rivers.
an ancestral language originally spoken by early farmers and Over the last 500 years, about half of the world’s
herders who spread north and west over Europe, bringing with 12,000 or so languages have become extinct as a direct
them both their customs and their language. result of warfare, epidemics, and forced assimilation
brought on by colonial powers and other aggressive
outsiders. As we discussed in Chapter 1, other than the
the Romance languages have retained the earlier pronun- dominant languages today, very few people speak the re-
ciation, whereas the Germanic languages have diverged. maining 6,000 languages, and these languages are losing
Historical linguists are not limited to the faraway past, speakers rapidly due to globalization. Half have fewer
for even modern languages are constantly transforming— than 10,000 speakers each, and about half of those are
adding new words, dropping others, or changing mean- spoken by less than 1,000 each. Put another way, half of
ing. Studying them in their specific cultural context can the world’s languages are spoken by less than 2 percent
help us understand the processes of change that may have of the world’s population (Lewis et al, 2015; see also
led to linguistic divergence in the past. Crystal, 2002).
In North America, only 150 of the original 300 indig-
enous languages still exist, and many of these surviving
Processes of Linguistic tongues are moving toward extinction at an alarming
rate. Thousands of indigenous languages elsewhere in
Divergence the world are also threatened. For example, fewer than
One force for change is selective borrowing between ten people still speak N|uu, a “click” language tradition-
languages. This is evident in the many French words ally spoken in South Africa’s Kalahari Desert. N|uu is the
present in the English language—and in the growing only surviving language of the !Ui branch of the Tuu
number of English words cropping up in languages all language family (previously called Southern Khoisan)
around the world due to globalization. Technological (Figure 15.4).
breakthroughs resulting in new equipment and products Anthropologists predict that the number of lan-
also prompt linguistic shifts. For instance, the electronic guages spoken in the world today will be cut in half
revolution that brought us radio, television, computers, by the year 2100, in large part because children born
© Bonny Sands
Figure 15.4 Modern Technology in Linguistic Analysis
Several linguistic anthropologists are collaborating on field research with speakers of
endangered Khoisan “click” languages such as N|uu in southern Africa. Using a portable
ultrasound-imaging machine, they can capture the tongue movements of the click consonants.
Here, U.S. linguist Johanna Brugman holds an ultrasound probe under the chin of one of the
ten remaining N|uu speakers, Ouma Katrina Esau, who is helping to document how click sounds
are made. Clicks are produced by creating suction within a cavity formed between the front
and back parts of the tongue—except in the case of bilabial clicks in which the cavity is made
between the lips and the back of the tongue. N|uu is one of only three languages remaining in
the world that use bilabial clicks as consonants. The vertical bar in the word N|uu indicates a
click sound.
into ethnic minority groups no longer use the ancestral Although a shared language allows people from differ-
language when they go to school, migrate to cities, join ent ethnic backgrounds to communicate, there is the risk
the larger workforce, and are exposed to printed and that a global spread of one language may contribute to the
electronic media. The printing press, radio, satellite tele- disappearance of others. And with the extinction of each
vision, Internet, and text messaging are driving the need language, we lose “hundreds of generations of traditional
for a shared language, and increasingly that is English. knowledge encoded in these ancestral tongues”—a vast
In the past 500 years, this language—originally spoken repository of knowledge about the natural world, plants,
by about 2.5 million people living only in part of the animals, ecosystems, and cultural traditions (Living
British Isles in northwestern Europe—has spread around Tongues, 2015).
the world. Today, some 400 million people (5.5 percent Sometimes, in reaction to a real or perceived threat of
of the global population) claim English as their native cultural dominance by powerful foreign societies, ethnic
tongue. About 1.5 billion others (nearly 20 percent groups and even entire countries may seek to maintain or
of humanity) speak it as a second or foreign language reclaim their unique identity by purging their vocabular-
(Crystal, 2012). ies of “foreign” terms. Emerging as a significant force for
linguistic change, such linguistic nationalism is par-
ticularly characteristic of the former colonial countries of
linguistic nationalism The attempt by ethnic groups and even countries Africa and Asia today. It is not limited to those countries,
to proclaim independence by purging their language of foreign terms. however, as one can see by periodic French attempts to
Language in Its Social and Cultural Settings 379
Other 21.2% including the work of anthropologist S. Neyooxet Grey-

English morning, a Southern Arapaho, who has developed ways to
26.0% revive indigenous languages, including his own. He tells
his story in the Anthropology Applied feature.
German 2.6%
French 2.8%
Malay 2.9%
Language in Its Social
Russian 3.2% and Cultural Settings
Japanese 3.5%
Language is not simply a matter of combining sounds
© Cengage Learning
Portuguese 4.0% Chinese according to certain rules to come up with meaningful
21.5% utterances. Individuals communicate with one another
Arabic 4.8%
Spanish 7.5% constantly—in households, in the street, on the job,
and so on. People often vary in the ways they perform
Figure 15.5 Language Use on the Internet
speech based on social context and cultural factors such
Although the world’s digital divide is narrowing, with new languages
as gender, age, class, and ethnicity. Moreover, what people
being added to Internet operating systems at an accelerated rate,
choose to speak about, whisper, or keep silent about re-
the divide is still dramatic. As illustrated here, over 80 percent of
flects what is socially important or culturally meaningful
today’s 2.8 billion Internet users are native speakers of just 10 of
the world’s 6,000 languages. Among the fastest-growing Internet
in their community. For that reason, linguistic anthropol-
language groups today are Arabic, Malay, and Portuguese (also ogists also focus on the actual use of language in relation
spoken in Brazil). (Figures shown in the pie chart are rounded.) to its various distinctive social and cultural settings. This
Based on Internet World Stats: Usage and Population Statistics. (2015, third branch of linguistic study falls into two categories:
June 30). Internet world users by language. http://www.internetworldstats sociolinguistics and ethnolinguistics.
.com/stats7.htm
Sociolinguistics
purge their language of Americanisms (such as le ham-
burger) and government approval for other terms (such as
burger Sociolinguistics, the study of the relationship between
couriel instead of e-mail). language and society, examines how social categories—
A key issue in language preservation efforts today is such as age, gender, ethnicity, religion, occupation, and
the impact of electronic media, such as the Internet, where class—influence the use and significance of distinctive
content still exists in relatively few languages, and more styles of speech. We examine two of the major influences
than 80 percent of Internet users are native speakers of on language next: gender and social dialect.
just 10 of the world’s 6,000 languages (Figure 15.5). Some
Internet giants (Mozilla and Google) are translating their Language and Gender
operating systems, in some cases using volunteer native As a major factor in personal and social identity, gender
speakers to come up with culture-specific words for English is often reflected in language use, so it is not surprising
terms such as cookie, mouse, crash, and windows. For Fulah that numerous thought-provoking sociolinguistic topics
speakers in West Africa, crash became hookii (a cow falling fall under the category of gender. These include research
over but not dying). For Mexico’s Zapotec speakers, most on gendered speech—distinct male and female speech
of whom live in windowless houses, computer windows patterns, which vary across social and cultural settings.
became eyes (“Cookies, caches and cows,” 2014). One of the first in-depth studies in this genre explored
A prime means by which powerful groups assert their the relationship of gender and power to explain why
dominance over ethnic minorities living within their North American women exhibit less decisive speech styles
borders is to suppress their languages. Challenging this, than men. A subsequent wave of related scholarly work
minorities are actively involved in language revitaliza- has produced new insights about language as a social
tion. For many, efforts to counter the threat of linguistic speech “performance” in both private and public settings
extinction or to resurrect already extinct languages are (Lakoff, 2004).
part of a larger struggle to maintain their sense of cultural
identity and dignity. Among numerous examples of this
is Manx, a Celtic language historically spoken on the Isle sociolinguistics The study of the relationship between language
and society through examining how social categories—such as age,
of Man in southwestern England. Although its last native
gender, ethnicity, religion, occupation, and class—influence the use and
speaker died in 1974, Manx is now the subject of a suc- significance of distinctive styles of speech.
cessful language revival endeavor. Similar efforts are under gendered speech Distinct male and female speech patterns that vary
way in a number of North American Indian communities, across social and cultural settings.
When Bambi Spoke Arapaho: Preserving Indigenous Languages

By S. Neyooxet Greymorning
In life, there are experiences later rec- sense of themselves and the world they colors, and numbers—nothing near fluency
ognized as defining moments. For me, a live in and the values that culturally and and the goal of keeping Arapaho alive.
moment like that happened in my second psychologically bind a people together Recognizing the need for a different
year of college when some mysterious in- shaping their identity. I decided to spend approach, I began laying the groundwork to
dividual stood over me and asked, “What the summer on the Wind River Reservation
are you doing to help your people?” I in central Wyoming putting together an
remember getting up, going to the library, Arapaho dictionary. Then I learned that Dr.
and walking along the stacks. Trailing my Zdenĕk Salzmann, a Czech anthropologist
fingers over books, I pulled one out. It who did linguistic work with the Arapaho,
was about the overall status of American had the same idea. I called him, and he
Indian languages in the United States. I suggested we work together.
opened it, looked up Arapaho, and read As a graduate student I dedicated
that it was among the healthiest native myself to gaining the knowledge, skills,
languages. Comforted by this, it didn’t oc- and experience that could contribute to
cur to me that a rapidly dwindling number revitalizing languages. Upon completing my
Courtesy of S. Neyooxet Greymorning

of young Arapaho speakers was signaling doctorate in 1992, I was invited to direct a
the demise of my ancestral tongue. Years language and culture program on the Wind
later when I told tribal elder Francis Brown River Reservation where Arapaho language
about this, he said, “The elders called instruction had been introduced within the
your name.” public school system in the late 1970s. By
When I went on to graduate school and 1993, although Arapaho was taught from
studied anthropology, I felt driven to take kindergarten to high school, my assess-
almost every linguistic class available. ment revealed students were able to say Greymorning speaking about language
Soon, I understood that to lose a language only a few basic phrases and vocabulary revitalization.
is to lose aspects of how a people make words having to do with food, animals,
Gendered speech research also includes the study languages—there is nothing partial or sublinguistic about
of distinct male and female syntax exhibited in various them—and the point at which two different dialects be-
languages around the world, such as the Lakota lan- come distinctly different languages is roughly the point at
guage, still spoken at the Pine Ridge and Rosebud Indian which speakers of one are almost totally unable to com-
reservations in South Dakota. When a Lakota woman municate with speakers of the other.
asks someone, “How are you?” she says, “Tonikthkahe?” However, the distinction between language and dialect
But when her brother poses the same question, he says, is not always objective and can be a political issue. Such is
“Toniktukahwo?” (Figure 15.6). As explained by Mi- the case in China, the world’s most populous country with
chael Two Horses, “Our language is gender-specific in the just over 1.4 billion inhabitants, almost all of whom speak
area of commands, queries, and a couple of other things” Chinese. In fact, there are many Chinese languages, each
(personal communication, April 2003). consisting of many regional dialects. For instance, people
in Shanghai actually use a dialect of Wu Chinese spoken in
the eastern region, whereas natives of Guangdong (Canton)
Social Dialects
speak a dialect of Yuehai, the major language of southwest-
Sociolinguists are also interested in dialect—the vary-
ern China. Migrants from the northern parts of the country,
ing form of a language that reflects a particular region,
where numerous dialects of Mandarin Chinese are tradition-
occupation, or social class and that is similar enough
ally spoken, understand almost nothing of Wu or Yuehai
to be mutually intelligible. Technically, all dialects are
because these Chinese languages are foreign to them. For
this reason, almost all Chinese nationals today learn Stan-
dard Chinese, the country’s official language, historically
dialect The varying form of a language that reflects a particular region,
occupation, or social class and that is similar enough to be mutually developed as a lingua franca based on a Mandarin dialect
intelligible. traditionally spoken in the country’s capital city, Beijing.
Language in Its Social and Cultural Settings 381
establish one of the first full-day language ASLA into a workable methodology that it in the pond and tell me what you see.”
immersion preschools on a reservation: helps retune the brain so people learn to Releasing the stone, I watched it make
Hinono’eitiino’oowu’—the Arapaho Lan- visualize the language rather than continu- ever-widening circles on the water. “I want
guage Lodge. The aim was for language ally translate back and forth in their minds you to always remember,” said my uncle,
“providers” to speak only Arapaho and use between the language they know and the “that nothing is so small that it can’t put
a multifaceted approach that included not one they’re learning. something larger than itself into motion.”
only word and phrase acquisition, but also To encourage language teachers on
response exercises, visual association, the reservation to adopt this approach, I Written expressly for this text, 2010.
and interaction with videos and audio cas- modeled teaching Arapaho through ASLA
settes of songs. at the University of Montana with re- a
See Greymorning, S. N. (2001). Reflections
I contacted Disney Studios and markable results. Beyond efforts to help
on the Arapaho Language Project or, when
convinced them to allow us to translate preserve Arapaho, I’m regularly asked Bambi spoke Arapaho and other tales of
Bambi into Arapaho as a learning aid.a to give ASLA workshops for others who Arapaho language revitalization efforts.
Bambi seemed like a good choice because are committed to indigenous language In K. Hale & L. Hinton, The green book
it echoed traditional stories in which ani- revitalization. To date, I have had con- of language revitalization in practice
mals speak, it was a story that most chil- tact with over 1,200 individual language (pp. 287–297). New York: Academic.
dren on the reservation knew, and as the instructors from more than 60 different b
“Accelerated Second Language Acquisition
story unfolds Bambi uses simple childlike communities in the United States, Can- training held.” (2015, August 21). Red Lake
language as he learns to talk. ada, and Australia, representing over Nation News. http://www.redlakenationnews.
However, even a multifaceted approach 40 different languages.b com/story/2015/08/21/news/accelerated-
that included Bambi speaking Arapaho was The challenge of preserving languages second-language-acquisition-training-
not turning the tide of language demise, is daunting. But something my uncle told held/38464.html (retrieved November 18,
so I began to think through the challenges me during a boyhood visit with him encour
encour- 2015); for video examples of students
with increased focus. From 1996 to 2002, ages me to be counted among those who of ASLA speaking Arapaho, plus written
I gradually developed a new approach, keep trying. He woke me at dawn and took comments from language instructors and
Accelerated Second Language Acquisition me to a pond. There was no wind, and the students about ASLA, go to Strengthening
(ASLA©™). During 2003, using my children water was like glass. After instructing me to Indigenous Languages and Cultures (SILC):
as language learners, I tested and honed pick up a small stone, he said, “Now drop www.nsilc.org.
Figure 15.6 Gendered Speech

Makers of the feature film
Dances With Wolves aimed for
cultural authenticity by casting
Native American actors and
hiring a female language coach
to teach Lakota to those who
did not know how to speak it.
However, the lessons did not
include the gendered speech
aspect of Lakota—the fact that
females and males follow different
rules of syntax. So, when Lakota
© Orion Pictures Corporation/Everett Collection
speakers saw the film, and heard

actors portraying Lakota warriors
speaking like women, they
snickered and then howled with
laughter.
© Kazuyoshi Namachi/Corbis
Figure 15.7 Linguistic Relativity
Aymara Indians living in the highlands of Bolivia and Peru in South America depend on the
potato as their major source of food. Their language has over 200 words for this vegetable,
reflecting the many varieties they traditionally grow and the many different ways they preserve
and prepare it. This is an example of linguistic relativity.
Linguistic boundaries are not only geographic or

territorial; they may also indicate or reflect social class,
Ethnolinguistics
economic status, political rank, or ethnic identity. In The study of the relationships between language and cul-
many societies where different dialects are spoken, indi- ture, and how they mutually influence and inform each
viduals often become skilled at switching back and forth other, is the domain of ethnolinguistics. In this type of
between them, depending on the situation in which they research, anthropologists may investigate how a language
are speaking. Without being conscious of it, we all do reflects the culturally significant aspects of a people’s tra-
the same thing when we switch from formality to infor- ditional natural environment. For example, Aymara Indi-
mality in our speech, depending upon where we are and ans living in the Bolivian highlands depend on the potato
to whom we are talking. The process of changing from as their major source of food, and their language has over
one language mode to another as the situation demands, 200 words for this vegetable, reflecting the many varieties
whether from one language to another or from one dialect they traditionally grow and the many different ways that
of a language to another, is known as code switching. they preserve and prepare it (Figure 15.7). Similarly, many
people in the United States today possess a rich vocabu-
lary allowing them to precisely distinguish between many
code switching The practice of changing from one mode of speech to different types of cars, categorized by model, year, and
another as the situation demands, whether from one language to another
manufacturer.
or from one dialect of a language to another.
Another example concerns cultural categories of color:
ethnolinguistics A branch of linguistics that studies the relationships
between language and culture and how they mutually influence and Languages have different ways of dividing and naming
inform each other. the range of light in the electromagnetic spectrum visible
Language Versatility 383
to the naked human eye. In modern English we speak of ready and carrying out what needs to be done right now.
black, red, orange, yellow, green, blue, indigo, violet, and Based on his research on the Hopi language and culture,
white, as well as “invisible” colors such as ultraviolet and Whorf developed his important theoretical insight “that
infrared. Other languages mark out different groupings on the structure of the language one habitually uses influ-
this continuum of hues. For instance, Indians in Mexico’s ences the manner in which one understands his environ-
northwestern mountains speaking Tarahumara have just ment. The picture of the universe shifts from tongue to
one word for both green and blue—siyoname. tongue” (Carroll, 1956, p. vi).
The idea that the words and grammar of a language In the 1990s linguistic anthropologists devised new
are directly linked to culture and affect how speakers of research strategies to actually test Sapir and Whorf’s
the language perceive and think about the world is termed original hypothesis. One study found that speakers of
linguistic relativity. This theoretical concept is associ- Swedish and Finnish (neighboring peoples who speak
ated with the pioneering ethnolinguistic research carried radically different languages) working at similar jobs in
out by anthropologist Edward Sapir and his student Benja- similar regions under similar laws and regulations showed
min Whorf during the 1930s. Focusing on the interplay of significantly different rates of on-the-job accidents (Lucy,
language, thought, and culture, their research resulted in 1997). The rates were substantially lower among the
what is now known as the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis: the idea Swedish speakers. What emerges from comparison of the
that each language provides particular grooves of linguis- two languages is that Swedish (one of the Indo-European
tic expression that predispose speakers of that language to languages) emphasizes information about movement in
perceive the world in a certain way. three-dimensional space. Finnish (a Ural-Altaic language
Whorf gained many of these insights while translating unrelated to Indo-European languages) emphasizes more
English into Hopi, a North American Indian language still static relations among coherent temporal entities. As a
spoken in Arizona. Doing this work, he discovered that consequence, it seems that Finns organized the workplace
Hopi differs from English not only in vocabulary but also in in a way that favored the individual person over the tem-
terms of its grammatical categories such as nouns and verbs. poral organization in the overall production process. This
For instance, Hopi use numbers for counting and measuring in turn led to frequent production disruptions, haste, and
things that have physical existence, but they do not apply (ultimately) accidents. If language does mirror cultural re-
numbers in the same way to abstractions like time. They ality, it would follow that changes in a culture will sooner
would have no problem translating an English sentence or later be reflected in changes in the language (Wolff &
such as, “I see fifteen sheep grazing on three acres of grass- Holmes, 2011). We see this, for example, with respect to
land,” but an equally simple sentence such as “Three weeks public recognition of alternative sexual orientations or
ago, I enjoyed my fifteen minutes of fame” would require a gender expressions in English-speaking North America
much more complex translation into Hopi. where the term LGBTI (initials standing for lesbian, gay,
It is also of note that Hopi verbs express tenses dif- bisexual, transgender, and intersex) has become common.
ferently than English verbs. Rather than marking past,
present, and future, with -ed, -ing
-ing, or will, Hopi requires
Language Versatility
additional words to indicate if an event is completed, is
still ongoing, or is expected to take place. So instead of
saying, “Three strangers stayed for fifteen days in our
In most societies throughout the world, it is not unusual
village,” a Hopi would say something like, “We remember
for individuals to be fluent in two, three, or more lan-
three strangers stay in our village until the sixteenth day.”
guages. They succeed in this in large part because they
In addition, Hopi verbs do not express tense by their
experience training in multiple languages as children.
forms. Unlike English verbs that change form to indicate
In some regions where groups speaking different lan-
past, present, and future, Hopi verbs distinguish between a
guages coexist and interact, people often understand one an-
statement of fact (if the speaker actually witnesses a certain
other but may choose not to speak the other’s language. Such
event), a statement of expectation, and a statement that
is the case in the borderlands of northern Bolivia and south-
expresses regularity. For instance, when you ask an English-
ern Peru where Quechua-speaking and Aymara-speaking
speaking athlete “Do you run?” he may answer yes, when
Indians are neighbors. When an Aymara farmer speaks to
in fact he may at that moment be sitting in an armchair
a Quechua herder in Aymara, the Quechua will reply in
watching TV. A Hopi athlete asked the same question in
Quechua, and vice versa, each knowing that the other under-
his own language might respond no, because in Hopi the
stands both languages even if speaking just one. The ability
statement of fact “he runs” translates as wari (“running
to comprehend two languages but express oneself in only
occurs”), whereas the statement that expresses regularity—
one is known as receptive or passive bilingualism.
“he runs,” such as on the track team—translates as wari-
kngwe (“running occurs characteristically”).
This shows that the Hopi language structures thinking linguistic relativity The idea that language to some extent shapes the
and behavior with a focus on the present—on getting way in which people perceive and think about the world.
In our globalized
world, being bilingual or
multilingual may open
doors of communication
not only for trade but for
work, diplomacy, art, and
friendship. Ironically, re-
luctance to learn another
language prevails in the
United States despite the
fact that the majority lan-
guage in the Americas is
not English but Spanish;
AFP Photo/Tauseef Mustafa/Getty Images

Spanish is not only the
majority language of the
hemisphere, but also, in
the United States today
it is spoken by nearly
40 million people in
their homes. Notably, the
number and percentage
of U.S. residents speak- Figure 15.8 Nonverbal Communication
ing a language other than Humans convey far more information through nonverbal means, such as voice tone and body
English at home in- language, than through speaking. In this photo, the sorrow of Kashmiri women in Panjran mourning
creased from 11 percent the violent death of a fellow villager is obvious. Killed in a gun battle, he was a journalism student
(23 million) in 1980 to who had recently joined a Muslim rebel group fighting against Indian troops controlling Kashmir, a
21 percent (63 million) in Muslim majority state in the Himalayas. These women show their grief during the funeral procession.
2014 (Geller, 2015).
than through verbal means in their interactions and com-

Beyond Words: munications with each other (Poyatos, 2002).
The Gesture–Call System
As efficient as they are at naming and talking about ideas,
Nonverbal Communication
actions, and things, all languages are to some degree in- The gesture component of the gesture–call system con-
adequate at communicating certain kinds of information sists of facial expressions and body postures and motions
that people need to know in order to fully understand that convey intended as well as subconscious messages.
what is being said. For this reason, human speech is The study of such nonverbal signals is known as kinesics.
always embedded within a gesture–call system, similar to Humanity’s repertoire of body language is enormous. This
the type we see exhibited by nonhuman primates. is evident if you consider just one aspect of it: the fact that a
The various sounds and gestures of this system serve human being has about fifty facial muscles and is thereby ca-
to “key” speech, providing listeners with the appropriate pable of making more than 7,000 facial expressions! Thus, it
frame for interpreting what a speaker is saying. Messages should not be surprising to hear that at least 60 percent of our
about human emotions and intentions are effectively total communication takes place nonverbally (Figure 15.8).
communicated by this gesture–call system: Is the speaker Often, gestural messages complement spoken messages—
happy, sad, mad, enthusiastic, tired, or in some other for instance, nodding the head while affirming something
emotional state? Is he or she requesting information, de- verbally, raising eyebrows when asking a question, or using
nying something, reporting factually, or lying? Very little hands and fingers to illustrate or emphasize what is being
of this information is conveyed by spoken language alone. talked about. However, nonverbal signals are sometimes at
Research shows that humans convey far more information odds with verbal ones, and they have the power to override
through nonverbal means (tone of voice, body language) or undercut them. For example, a person may say the words
“I love you” a thousand times to another, but if it is not true,
the nonverbal signals will likely communicate that falseness.
gesture A facial expression and body posture and motion that convey an
intended as well as a subconscious message.
Cross-cultural studies in this field show that there are
kinesics The study of nonverbal signals in body language including facial many similarities around the world in such basic facial
expressions and bodily postures and motions. expressions as smiling, laughing, crying, and displaying
Beyond Words: The Gesture–Call System 385
V IVSIUA
S UALL C O UNNTTEE
COU RR PO
POI N ITN T
Dechen Choekhor Mahvihara
AP Images/Gil Yohanan
Figure 15.9 Social Space Across Cultures
Cultures around the world have noticeably different attitudes concerning social space—how
far or close individuals stand or sit from each other, and also how low or high they may be
positioned to indicate rank difference. The photo on the left shows His Eminence the 9th
Kyabje Drukpa Choegon Rinpoche (the spiritual head of the Dechen Choekhor lineage in the
Red Hat sect) reaching down to bestow “empowerment” on a young priest in a ceremony
attended by fellow Buddhist monks at the Tsechu Monastery in Tibet, China. In the photo on
the right, we see Turkey’s ambassador in the office of Israel’s deputy foreign minister, who
symbolically humiliated this Muslim dignitary by seating him on a low couch. This ignited a
diplomatic crisis reported around the world. In contrast, the elevated seating position of the
Buddhist leader is not only culturally prescribed, but accepted and expected by his followers.
shock or anger. The smirks, frowns, and gasps that we space, came to the fore through the work of anthropologist
have inherited from our primate ancestry require little Edward Hall, who coined the term (Hall, 1963, 1990). Hall’s
learning and are harder to fake than conventional or so- research on nonverbal communication showed that people
cially obtained gestures that members of a group share, from different cultures have different frameworks for defin-
albeit not always consciously so. ing and organizing social space—the personal space they
Routine greetings are also similar around the world. establish around their bodies, as well as the macrolevel sen-
Balinese, Italians, and Bushmen, for example, all smile sibilities that shape cultural expectations about how streets,
and nod, and if the individuals are especially friendly, neighborhoods, and cities should be arranged.
they will raise their eyebrows for a fraction of a second. By Among other things, Hall’s investigation of personal
doing so, they signal a readiness for contact. The Japanese, space revealed that every culture has distinctive standards
however, suppress the eyebrow flash, regarding it as infor distance in social interaction. For example, when two
decent. This example illustrates that there are important colleagues enculturated in the same society stand and talk
cross-cultural differences as well as similarities. together in an office, both will probably move in accordance
Another example can be found in gestural expressions to the same cultural standard of “appropriate” distance.
for yes and no. In North America, one nods the head down Not surprisingly, the potential for nonverbal miscommu-
then up for yes or shakes it left and right for no. The people nication is substantial when people from different cultural
of Sri Lanka also nod to answer yes to a factual question, backgrounds meet. Further, social space can also involve dif dif-
but if asked to do something, a slow sideways movement of ferent levels of relative height. In stratified societies, where
the head means yes. In Greece, the nodded head means yes, people are hierarchically divided, high-ranked individuals
but no is indicated by jerking the head back so as to lift the may place themselves on an elevated platform, symbolically
face, usually with the eyes closed and the eyebrows raised. expressing their superior status (Figure 15.9).
Another aspect of body language has to do with social
space: how people position themselves physically in rela- proxemics The cross-cultural study of people’s perception and use of
tion to others. Proxemics, the cross-cultural study of social social space.
Hall identified the range of cultural variation in four

categories of proxemically relevant social spaces: intimate
Tonal Languages
(0 to .45 meter or 18 inches), personal-casual (.45 to 1.2 There is enormous diversity in the ways languages are
meters or 1.5 to 4 feet), social-consultive (1.2 to 3.6 me- spoken. In addition to hundreds of vowels and conso-
ters or 4 to 12 feet), and public distance (3.6 meters or nants, sounds can be divided into tones—rises and falls
12 feet, and beyond). Hall warned that different cultural in pitch that play a key role in distinguishing one word
definitions of socially accepted use of space within these from another. About 70 percent of the world’s languages
categories can lead to serious miscommunication and are a tonal language in which the various distinctive
misunderstanding in cross-cultural settings (Hall, 1990). sound pitches of spoken words are not only an essential
His research has been fundamental for the present-day part of their pronunciation but are also key to their
training of international businesspeople, diplomats, and meaning.
others involved in intercultural work. Worldwide, at least one-third of the population speaks
a tonal language, including many in Africa, Central
America, and East Asia. For example, Mandarin Chinese
Paralanguage has four contrasting tones: flat, rising, falling, and falling
The second component of the gesture–call system is then rising. These tones are used to distinguish among
paralanguage—specific voice effects that accompany normally stressed syllables that are otherwise identical. So,
speech and contribute to communication. These include depending on intonation, ba can mean “to uproot,” “to
vocalizations such as giggling, groaning, or sighing, as hold,” “eight,” or “a harrow” (farm tool) (Catford, 1988).
well as voice qualities such as volume, intensity, pitch, Yuehai, the Chinese language spoken in Guangdong (Can-
and tempo. ton) and Hong Kong, uses six contrasting tones, and some
The importance of paralanguage is suggested by the Chinese languages have as many as nine.
comment, “It’s not so much what was said as how it was In nontonal languages such as English, tone can be
said.” Whispering or shouting can make a big difference used to convey an attitude or to change a statement into
in meaning, even though the uttered words would be the a question. But tone alone does not change the meaning
same when written down. Minor differences in pitch, of individual words as it does in Mandarin, where careless
tempo, and phrasing may seem less obvious, but they still use of tones with the syllable ma could cause one to call
impact how words are perceived. Studies show, for exam- someone’s mother a horse!
ple, that even subliminal messages communicated below
the threshold of conscious perception by seemingly minor
differences in phrasing, tempo, length of answers, and
the like are far more important in courtroom proceedings
than even the most perceptive trial lawyer may have real-
Talking Drums
ized. Among other things, how a witness gives testimony
alters the reception it gets from jurors and influences the
and Whistled Speech
witness’s credibility (O’Barr & Conley, 1993). Even a very loud human voice has its natural limits be-
Communication has changed radically with the rise yond which our ears cannot pick up the sound. Of course,
of e-mail, text messaging, and Twitter. These technologies sounds carry farther in some environments than in oth-
resemble the spontaneity and speed of face-to-face com- ers. For example, shouts across a lake or canyon are more
munication but lack the body signals and voice qualifiers easily heard than those passing through a thick forest.
that nuance what is being said (and hint at how it is being Until the telecommunication inventions of the 19th
received). Studies show that the intended tone of e-mail century, acoustic space was limited by natural factors.
messages is perceived correctly only 56 percent of the time. Yet, long ago people found ways to expand their acoustic
Misunderstood messages can quickly create problems and range, sounding information far beyond their loudest
hostility. Because the risk of miscommunication with these vocal reach. One example is the talking drum. Widespread
technologies abounds, despite use of emoticons and emojis among tonal-speaking peoples in West Africa, these large
that represent the writer’s mood or attitude, certain sensitive drums can transmit coded information that can be heard
exchanges are better made in person (Kruger et al., 2005). from as far away as 12 kilometers (7½ miles).
Another traditional telecommunication system used
to expand acoustic space is whistled speech, or whis-
paralanguage The voice effects that accompany language and convey tled language—an exchange of whistled words using a
meaning, including vocalizations such as giggling, groaning, or sighing, as phonetic emulation of the sounds produced in spoken
well as voice qualities such as pitch and tempo.
voice (Meyer, 2008; Meyer & Gautheron, 2006; Meyer,
tonal language A language in which the sound pitch of a spoken word
is an essential part of its pronunciation and meaning. Meunier, & Dentel, 2007). Whistling sounds are gener-
whistled speech An exchange of whistled words using a phonetic ated by blowing, producing air vibrations at the mouth’s
emulation of the sounds produced in spoken voice. aperture; the faster the air stream, the higher the noise.
The Origins of Language 387
Whistled speech can be more effective across greater

distances than shouted talk because it occurs at a higher
The Origins of Language
pitch or frequency range. Although whistled speech tends Cultures all around the world have sacred stories or
to be an abridged form of everyday spoken language, its myths addressing the age-old question of the origins
vocabulary can be considerable. For instance, the whistled of human language. Anthropologists collecting these
form of Spanish known as Silbo, traditionally used on the stories have often found that cultural groups tend to
island of La Gomera off the northwest coast of Africa, in- locate the place of origin in their own ancestral home-
cludes some 2,000 whistled words. lands and believe that the first humans also spoke their
Although its precise origins are not known, whistled language.
speech still occurs in more than thirty languages around For example, ancient Israelites believed that it was
the world. It is found most often in communities that Yahweh, the divine creator, who had given them Hebrew,
speak tonal languages, such as the Yupik-speaking Eskimos the original tongue spoken in paradise. Later, when hu-
of St. Lawrence Island, who may have developed whistled mans began building the Tower of Babel to signify their
speech to aid them when kayaking through dense fog or own power and to link earth and heaven, Yahweh inter-
hunting in snowfields (Figure 15.10). Like the talking vened. He created a confusion of tongues so that people
drum, it is an endangered tradition—disappearing in part could no longer understand one another, and he scattered
because the communities where the practice once thrived them all across the face of the earth, leaving the massive
are no longer isolated or because the ancestral lifeways are tower unfinished (Figure 15.11).
vanishing or already gone. Moreover, the ever-expanding Early scientific efforts to explain the origin of lan-
reach of mobile phones and other electronic telecom- guage suffered from a lack of solid data. Today, there is
munication technologies have contributed to its demise more scientific evidence, including genetic information,
(Meyer & Gautheron, 2006). to work with—better knowledge of primate brains, new
studies of primate communication, more information on
the development of linguistic competence in children,
more human fossils that can be used to tentatively recon-
struct what ancient brains and vocal tracts were like, and
a better understanding of the lifeways of early human
ancestors. We still cannot conclusively prove how, when,
and where human language first developed, but we can
now theorize reasonably on the basis of more and better
information.
The archaeological fossil and genetic records sug-
gest that the archaic humans known as Neandertals
(an extinct species living during the Ice Age in western
Eurasia) had the neurological and anatomical features
necessary for speech (D’Anastasio et al., 2013). No skulls
of the recently discovered Denisovan hominins have
been found, but genetic analysis of a small finger-bone
fragment and two molars suggests that these archaic hu-
mans ranging in Asia were close enough to Neandertals—
their western “cousins” at the time—that they, too,
shared that capacity (Dediu & Levinson, 2013).
Because human language is embedded within a ges-
ture–call system of a type that we share with nonhuman
© Rolex/Jacques Belat
primates (especially great apes), anthropologists have

gained considerable insight into human language by
observing the communication systems of fellow primates
(Roberts, Roberts, & Vick, 2014), including Chantek pro-
filed earlier in this chapter. Like humans, apes are capa-
Figure 15.10 Whistled Speech
ble of referring to events removed in time and space, a
Occurring in about thirty languages around the world, whistled
phenomenon known as displacement and one of the
speech allows community members to exchange essential
information in an abridged form of everyday spoken language.
Here we see Elaine Kingeekuk, a Siberian Yupik speaker from
St. Lawrence Island, Alaska, demonstrating whistled speech.
A retired schoolteacher, she assists French linguist Julien Meyer displacement A term referring to things and events removed in time
in documenting her whistled language. and space.
spoken language took place,

all would agree that spoken
languages are at least as old
Iraq/Mesopotamia: Tower of Babel by Bruegel the Younger, 17th century/Pictures from History/Bridgeman Images
as the species Homo sapiens.
From Speech
to Writing
When anthropology devel-
oped as an academic disci-
pline well over a century
ago, it concentrated on small
traditional communities that
relied primarily on personal
interaction and oral commu-
nication for survival. Cul-
tures that depend on talking
and listening often have rich
traditions of storytelling and
speechmaking, which play
a central role in education,
Figure 15.11 The Tower of Babel
Described in the first book of the Bible, the Tower of Babel symbolizes an ancient myth about
conflict resolution, political
the origins of language diversity. According to this story, a united people speaking one language decision making, spiritual or
set out to build a tower to signify their power and link earth to heaven. Angered by their pride, supernatural practices, and
their god Yahweh stopped the effort by confusing their languages and scattering them across many other aspects of life.
the globe. Traditional orators (from
the Latin orare, “to speak”)
distinctive features of human language (Fouts & Waters, are usually trained from the time they are young. They
2001; Lyn et al., 2014). often enhance their extraordinary memorization skills
Because there is continuity between gestural and through rhyme, rhythm, and melody. Orators may
spoken language, the latter could have emerged from also employ special objects to help them remember—
the former through increasing emphasis on finely notched sticks, knotted strings, bands embroidered with
controlled movements of the mouth and throat. The shells, and so forth. Traditional Iroquois Indian orators
soft tissues of the vocal tract related to speech are not often performed their formal speeches with wampum
preserved in the fossil record. But as outlined in this belts made of hemp string with white and bluish-purple
chapter’s Biocultural Connection, a comparison of the shell beads woven into distinctive patterns symbolizing
vocal anatomy of chimps and humans allows paleo- important messages or agreements, including treaties
anthropologists to identify the anatomical differences with other nations.
responsible for human speech that appeared over the Thousands of languages, past and present, have ex-
course of human evolution. isted only in spoken form, but many others have been
There are obvious advantages to spoken over ges- documented in visual graphic symbols of some sort.
tural language for a species increasingly dependent on Over time, simplified pictures of things (pictographs)
tool use for survival. To talk with your hands, you must and ideas (ideographs) evolved into more stylized sym-
stop whatever else you are doing with them; speech bolic forms.
does not interfere with that. Other benefits include Although different peoples invented a variety of
being able to talk in the dark, past solid objects, or graphic styles, anthropologists distinguish an actual
among speakers whose attention is diverted. Although writing system as a set of visible or tactile signs
we do not know precisely when the changeover to used to represent units of language in a system-
atic way. Symbols carved into 8,600-year-old tortoise
shells recently found in western China may represent
writing system A set of visible or tactile signs used to represent units the world’s earliest evidence of elementary writing
of language in a systematic way. (Li et al., 2003).
From Speech to Writing 389
The Biology of Human Speech

Although other primates have shown shift to a downward position. The human few in the world that have no bilabial stops
some capacity for language (a socially tongue bends at the back of the throat (b and p sounds). They also lack the labio-
agreed-upon code of communication), ac- and is attached to the pharynx, the re- dental spirants (ff and v sounds), leaving
tual speech is unique to humans; this gion of the throat where the food tract the bilabial nasal m sound as the only
ability is linked to humans’ distinct ana- and airway share a common path. Sound consonant requiring lip articulation.
tomical development of the vocal organs. occurs as air exhaled from the lungs It takes many years of practice for peo-
Of key importance are the positions passes over the vocal cords and causes ple to master the muscular movements
of the human larynx (voice box) and the them to vibrate. needed to produce the precise sounds
epiglottis. The larynx, situated in the respi- Through continuous interactive move- of any particular language. But no human
ratory tract between the pharynx (throat) ments of the tongue, pharynx, lips, and can produce the finely controlled speech
and trachea (windpipe), contains the vocal teeth, as well as nasal passages, the sounds without a lowered position of the
cords. The epiglottis is the structure that sounds are alternately modified to produce larynx and epiglottis.
separates the esophagus, or food pipe, speech—the uniquely patterned sounds of
from the windpipe as food passes from the a particular language. Based on longstand- Biocultural Question
mouth to the stomach. (See the figure for ing socially learned patterns of speech, dif
dif- The human capacity for speech allows
comparative diagrams of the anatomy of ferent languages stress certain distinctive us to say and understand many thou-
this region in apes and humans.) types of sounds as significant and ignore sands of words. Because macaws and
As humans mature and develop the others. For instance, languages belonging other parrots also learn many words, do
neurological and muscular coordination to the Iroquoian family—such as Mohawk, they have speech? And if so, do they
for speech, the larynx and epiglottis Seneca, and Cherokee—are among the actually think?
Nasal
cavity
Palate
T
Tongue
Epiglottis
© Cengage Learning
Larynx
Pharynx
T
Trachea
A comparison of human and ape vocal organs.
stands out among other early forms in that it led to the

first phonetic writing system—that is, an alphabet or
series of symbols representing the sounds of a language—
ultimately spawning a wide array of alphabetic writing. A
written character ((grapheme) or letter is the smallest unit
of a writing system, comparable to a phoneme in spoken
language. About two millennia after the Mesopotamian
and Egyptian writing systems were established, others
began to appear, developing independently in distant
locations around the world.
Most of the letters used in modern alphabets (includ-
ing the English alphabet) derive from a writing system
invented by Semitic-speaking peoples in the eastern
Mediterranean who selectively adopted a number of
Egyptian hieroglyphs. About 2,800 years ago, suiting
distinctive sounds in their tongue, this system was mod-
ified by their Greek neighbors. The word alphabet comes
from the first two letters in the Greek writing system,
alpha and beta. When Latin-speaking Romans expanded
their empire throughout much of Europe, northern
Africa, and western Asia, they used a modified Greek
alphabet. From the 15th century onward, as European
nations grew their trade networks and built colonial
empires, the Latin alphabet spread far and wide, making
it possible to mechanically reproduce writings in any
human language. Although other writing systems—such
as Arabic, Chinese, Cyrillic, and Devanaˉgari—are used
by perhaps half of literate humanity, digital media con-
tinue to expand the use of the Latin alphabet as a global
writing system.
Fine Art Premium/Corbis
Literacy and Modern

Figure 15.12 The Rosetta Stone
This polished granite-like stele, inscribed with a royal decree
Telecommunication
in three scripts, was placed in an Egyptian temple over 2,200 Thousands of years have passed since literacy first emerged,
years ago. The upper text is in ancient Egyptian hieroglyphs, yet today one in five adults—775 million people—cannot
the middle portion is in Late Egyptian cursive script, and the
read and write. Two-thirds of them are women, with rural
lowest is in ancient Greek. Rediscovered in 1799 by a French
women topping the list. (For example, about a third of
soldier in a military expedition to Egypt, and captured by the
India’s more than 1.2 billion inhabitants cannot read and
British two years later, this text provided the key to deciphering
write.) Worldwide, 75 million children remain out of
Egyptian hieroglyphs. It has been on display in the British
school, and millions more young people leave school
Museum in London since 1802.
without a level of literacy adequate for productive
participation in their societies (UNESCO Institute for
A fully developed early writing system is Egyptian Statistics, 2014).
hieroglyphics, developed some 5,000 years ago and in Although many people in the world still rely on others
use for about 3,500 years (Figure 15.12). Another very to write and read for them, the global telecommunication
old system is cuneiform, an arrangement of wedge-shaped revolution has reached the most remote villagers on earth.
imprints developed primarily in Mesopotamia (southern The demand for mobile phones is high, even among the
Iraq), which lasted nearly as long. Cuneiform writing poor in rural backlands and urban slums—and they make
long-distance communication possible without literacy
(Figure 15.13).
alphabet A series of symbols representing the sounds of a language In today’s fast-changing globalizing world where
arranged in a traditional order. 90 percent of all humans live within mobile coverage,
letter A written character or grapheme. mobile phones are more than a means of communication.
Literacy and Modern Telecommunication 391
Daniel Irungu/Epa/Corbis
Figure 15.13 Telecommunications and Mobile Banking
The telecommunication revolution is reaching even the most remote places on earth thanks to satellite phones and cell phone towers
powered by fossil fuel, the sun, or the wind. Among the conveniences it offers is mobile banking, which has revolutionized how people in
Kenya send and receive cash. They do it through M-Pesa (M stands for “mobile,” and Pesa means “money” in Swahili). Although a majority of
Kenyans do not have a bank account, eight in ten have access to a cell phone. About 85,000 M-Pesa kiosks, like the one pictured here, are
scattered across the country, similar to a grid of ATMs. Users can deposit cash at a kiosk and then text it to someone who can pick it up at
another kiosk. This has improved commerce and brought basic necessities to poorer areas.
They have become survival tools, with nearly 3.8 billion give information, to send and receive money, to express
mobile cellular users worldwide at the start of 2016—more their individuality, and to stay in touch—tweeting instead
than half the human population. On the move and sur- of whistling to avoid feeling lost in the global jungle
rounded by strangers, people use their mobiles to get and (GSMA Intelligence, 2016).
What is language, and does the term ✓ Researchers aiming to understand the biological
basis, social use, and evolutionary development of
apply only to humans? language have investigated the communication
✓ Language is a system of communication using sounds, systems of an array of animal species. Some have
gestures, or marks put together according to a set of studied language acquisition aptitude among great
rules. Through language, people are able to share apes by teaching them to communicate using ASL or
experiences, concerns, and beliefs. lexigrams on keyboard devices. Findings show that
although great apes cannot literally speak, they can than the dominant languages in the world today, very
develop language skills to the level of a 2- to 3-year- few people speak the remaining languages, and many of
old human child. them are losing speakers rapidly due to globalization.
✓ A social dialect is the language of a group of people

What are the areas of linguistic within a larger one, all of whom may speak more or
anthropology? less the same language.
✓ The three branches of language study in anthropology
are descriptive linguistics, historical linguistics, and
Is language more than words?
language in relation to social and cultural settings. ✓ Human language is embedded in a gesture–call
system inherited from our primate ancestors that
✓ Descriptive linguists mark out and explain the features of
serves to “key” speech, providing the appropriate
a language at a particular time in its history. Their work
frame for interpreting linguistic form. The gesture
includes phonology (the study of language sound
component consists of facial expressions and body
patterns) and the investigation of grammar—all rules
postures and motions that convey intended as well
concerning morphemes (the smallest units of meaningful
as subconscious messages. Kinesics is the study of
combinations of sounds) and syntax (the principles
such body language. Proxemics is the study of how
according to which phrases and sentences are built).
people perceive and use space. The call component
✓ Historical linguists investigate relationships between of the gesture–call system is represented by
earlier and later forms of the same language—including paralanguage, consisting of various voice qualities
identifying the forces behind the changes that have taken such as pitch and tempo and vocalizations such as
place in languages in the course of linguistic divergence. giggling or sighing.
Their work provides a means of roughly dating certain
✓ About 70 percent of the world’s languages are tonal, in
migrations, invasions, and cross-cultural interactions.
which the musical pitch of spoken words is an essential
✓ Sociolinguists and ethnolinguists study languages in part of their pronunciation and meaning.
relation to social and cultural settings. Sociolinguists
✓ Long before modern telecommunication systems,
study the relationship between language and society,
people found ways to expand their acoustic range—
examining how social categories (such as age, gender,
including using talking drums and whistled speech.
ethnicity, religion, occupation, and class) influence the
use and significance of distinctive styles of speech.
Ethnolinguists study the dynamic relationship between What are the origins of spoken and
language and culture and how they mutually influence written language, and how do modern
and inform each other. telecommunication systems impact
How have languages evolved through literacy around the world?
time, and why have so many disappeared? ✓ Worldwide, cultures have sacred stories or myths about
the origin of human languages. Language experts agree
✓ All languages change—borrowing terms from other that spoken languages are at least as old as the species
languages or inventing new words for new Homo sapiens.
technologies or social realities. A major cause of
language change is the domination of one society over ✓ The first writing systems—Egyptian hieroglyphics and
another, which over the last 500 years has led to the cuneiform—developed about 5,000 years ago. Symbols
disappearance of about half the world’s 12,000 carved into 8,600-year-old tortoise shells found in
languages. Linguistic nationalism and language western China may represent the world’s earliest
revitalization have emerged in reaction to language evidence of elementary writing.
loss and to the domination of the English language. ✓ The global telecom industry reaches into the most
✓ Many languages have become extinct as a direct result of remote corners of the world, not only transforming
warfare, epidemics, and forced assimilation brought on how people communicate, but also with whom and
by colonial powers and other aggressive outsiders. Other about what.
1. Taking a second look at this chapter’s opening photo, In what ways do you feel prepared or unprepared to
imagine yourself in a foreign city that has signs in meet the challenge of communicating effectively in
three different languages—none of them your own. our increasingly globalized world?
393
2. Over the last 500 years, half of the world’s 12,000 4. Because much of our communication is nonverbal,
languages vanished. It is now estimated that about how effective do you think text message codes like
30 languages per year will become extinct during the OJ (only joking), XD (excited), VSF (very sad face),
current century. What might the consequences of this or G (grin) are in digital communication when
be over time? e-mailing or texting? Have your digital messages ever
3. Applying the principle of linguistic relativity to your own been misunderstood? If so, what do you think was at
language, consider how your language may have shaped the root of the miscommunication, and how was it
your perceptions of objective reality. How might your resolved?
sense of time be different if you grew up speaking Hopi?
Body Talk
Millions of people around the world communicate and culture, observing six randomly selected
cross-culturally on a regular basis, both verbally individuals from at least two different cultural
and nonverbally. When making personal contact, backgrounds or ethnicities. Make note of their
we send and receive information with our clothes, facial expressions, hand gestures, and leg
bodies, facial expressions, hand gestures, and positions and determine the boundaries of
even leg positions. Likewise, we create “invisible their intimate, personal, and public distances.
bubbles” within our social space, marking You could try an anthropological experiment in
personal boundaries. We are rarely aware kinesics and proxemics: Engaging with several
of the fact that most of our body language unsuspecting friends or relatives, alter your own
and use of social space are culturally encoded. body language, reset your bubble boundaries,
For that reason, there is ample opportunity for and note their confusion or misinterpretation.
miscommunication in cross-cultural encounters. Write up an analysis and description of your social
Dig into the relationship between language communication experiment.
Dean Conger/Encyclopedia/Corbis
CHALLENGE ISSUE
Every society faces the challenge of humanizing its children, teaching them the values, social
codes, and skills that enable them to become contributing members in the community. Most
traditional communities raise children in ways that condition them for their future social
status as adult men and women—making sure they have the appropriate clothes and other
culturally significant features and skills indicative of their group and gender. This photo,
taken at the winter camp of a Khanty reindeer herding family in northwestern Siberia, shows
mothers and their fur-clad children on a reindeer sled in front of a portable rawhide home.
Underneath their warm outerwear, everyone likely is dressed in brightly colored clothing
embroidered by Khanty women with designs passed down through generations. In Khanty
culture, infants are believed to be reincarnated ancestors who, like all children still without
teeth, can talk with shamans. In a special naming ceremony, a child magically reveals his
or her identity to a clairvoyant female elder who divines which ancestor the infant embod-
ies to determine the child’s name (Balzer, 1981). Today, there are nearly 30,000 Khanty,
organized in male-dominated clans. Some groups primarily depend on fishing, hunting, and
fur trapping, while others are nomadic reindeer breeders, as pictured here. They speak a
language related to Hungarian, but most also know Russian because their subarctic home-
land was annexed centuries ago. Remote but not isolated, local families continue their
traditions despite being connected to the wider world with electricity, radios, and televisions.
Social Identity,
Personality,
and Gender
16
In this chapter you
In 1690 English philosopher John Locke presented the tabula rasa (“blank slate”)
will learn to
theory in his book An Essay Concerning Human Understanding. This notion holds
● Assess the cultural
that humans are born with minds that are as empty of information as a blank
forces that shape
slate, and what they become in life is written on “the slate” by their life expe- personality and social
riences. The implication is that at birth all individuals are basically the same in identity.
their potential for character development and that their adult personalities are ● Explain how cultures are
exclusively the products of their postnatal experiences, which differ from culture learned and passed on
to culture. to new generations.
Locke’s idea offered high hopes for the all-embracing impact of intellectual ● Discuss gender
and moral instruction on a child’s character formation. However, we now know from a cross-cultural
perspective.
that it missed the mark, for it did not take into consideration any potential
genetic contributions to human behavior. Based on human genetic research,

● Illustrate the cultural
relativity of normality
anthropologists now recognize that an identifiable portion of our behavior is
and abnormality.
genetically influenced (Harpending & Cochran, 2002). This means that humans
● Identify culturally
are born with a particular set of inherited tendencies that help mark out their
specific mental
adult personality. Although this genetic inheritance sets certain broad potentials disorders.
and limitations, an individual’s cultural environment, gender, social status, and
unique life experiences, particularly in the early childhood years, also play a
significant role in personality formation.
Because different cultures structure the birthing, raising, and education of
children in different ways, these practices and their effects on adult personalities
are important subjects of anthropological inquiry. Such cross-cultural studies
gave rise to the specialization of psychological anthropology and are the subjects
of this chapter.
395
396 CHAPTER 16 Social Identity, Personality, and Gender
Enculturation: The Self Self-Awareness

and Social Identity Enculturation begins with the development of self-
awareness—the ability to identify oneself as an individ-
From the moment of birth, a person faces multiple sur- ual creature, to reflect on oneself, and to evaluate oneself
vival challenges. Obviously, newborns cannot take care (Figure 16.1). Humans do not have this cognitive ability
of their own biological needs. Only in myths and ro- at birth, even though it is essential for their successful
mantic fantasies do we encounter stories about children social functioning. It is self-awareness that permits one
successfully coming of age alone in the wilderness or to take social responsibility for one’s conduct, to learn
accomplishing this feat having been raised by animals in how to react to others, and to assume a variety of roles
the wild. Millions of children around the world have been in society. An important aspect of self-awareness is the
fascinated by stories about Tarzan and the apes or the attachment of positive value to one’s self. This helps
jungle boy Mowgli and the wolves. Moreover, young and motivate young individuals to conform to their culture’s
old alike have been captivated by newspaper hoaxes about expectations, generally to their advantage.
“wild” children, such as reports of a 10-year-old boy found Self-awareness does not come all at once. Developmen-
running among gazelles in the Syrian Desert in 1946. tal psychologists have found that self and non-self are not
Fanciful imaginings aside, human children are biolog- clearly distinguished until a child is about 2 or 3 years of
ically ill equipped to survive without culture. This point age (Rochat, 2001; 2010). Self-awareness develops in con-
has been driven home by several documented cases about cert with neuromotor development, which is known to
feral children (feral comes from fera, which is Latin for proceed at a slower rate in infants from industrial societies
“wild animal”) who grew up deprived of human contact.
None of them had a happy ending. For instance, there
was nothing romantic about the girl Kamala, supposedly
rescued from a wolf den in India in 1920: According to the
rector of the local orphanage who took her in, she moved
about on all fours, howled instead of spoke, and bit people
who tried to feed her.
Because culture is socially constructed and learned
rather than biologically inherited, all societies must some-
how ensure that culture is adequately transmitted from one
generation to the next—a process we have already defined
as enculturation. Because each group lives by a particular set
of cultural rules, children must learn the behavioral rules of
their society in order to survive. Much of that learning takes
place in the first few years when children learn how to feel,
think, speak, and ultimately act like adults who successfully
embody being Kikuyu, Lakota, Russian, Tibetan, or what-
ever ethnic or national group into which they are born.
The primary agents of early enculturation in all so-
cieties are members of the infant’s household, especially
the child’s mother. (Various cultural factors influence the
child even before birth through what a pregnant mother
eats, drinks, and inhales, as well as the sounds, rhythms,
and activity patterns of her everyday life.) Who the other
members are depends on how households are organized
in each particular society.
VIEW STOCK RF/AGE Fotostock
As a young person grows up, others outside the house-

hold increasingly participate in the enculturation process.
These usually include neighbors, other relatives, and cer-
tainly the individual’s peers. In some complex societies
with a greater division of labor, professionals are brought
into the process to provide formal instruction. In many
societies children are allowed to learn through observa- Figure 16.1 Self-Awareness
tion and participation, at their own speed. Recognizing herself in the mirror, this child has taken a major step
in developing the self-awareness necessary to understand that
self-awareness The ability to identify oneself as an individual, to reflect she is a distinct individual. Mirror recognition typically happens
on oneself, and to evaluate oneself. around the age of 20 months, but that varies across cultures.
Enculturation: The Self and Social Identity 397
than in infants in many, perhaps even most, small-scale father’s personal given name as their last name. The suffix
farming or foraging communities. The reasons for this sen is added to a boy’s name and dottir to a girl’s name.
slower rate are not yet clear, although the amount of hu- Thus, a brother and sister whose father is named Sven
man contact and stimulation that infants receive seems to Olafsen would have the last names Svensen and Svens-
play an important role. dottir, respectively.
In the majority of the world’s societies, infants routinely Although such patronyms are common in Iceland,
sleep with their parents, or at least their mothers. Also, they sometimes the mother’s first name is chosen for her child’s
are carried or held most other times, usually in an upright surname. Such matronyms (surnames based on mother’s
position, often in the company of other people and amid names) may be preferred for a boy or girl whose mother
various activities. Always in close proximity, the mother remains unmarried, is divorced, or simply prefers her own
typically responds to a cry or “fuss” within seconds, usually name identifying family status. Thus, a sister and a brother
offering the infant her breast. whose mother is named Eva would have the last names
This steady stream of stimuli is significant, for studies Evasdottir and Evason. Matronymic traditions occur in
show that stimulation plays a key role in the hardwiring of several other parts of the world, including the Indonesian
the brain; it is necessary for development of the neural cir- island of Sumatra, homeland of the Minangkabau. In this
cuitry. Notably, the longer children are breast-fed, the better ethnic group of several million people, children are mem-
their overall health, the higher they will score on cognitive bers of their mother’s clan, inheriting her family name.
tests, and the lower the risk of obesity, allergies, and atten- Among the Netsilik Inuit in Arctic Canada, a mother
tion deficit hyperactivity disorder (Dettwyler, 1997; World experiencing a difficult delivery would call out the names
Health Organization, 2015a). Because our biological heri- of deceased people of admirable character. The name being
tage as primates has programmed us to develop in response called at the moment of birth is thought to enter the in-
to social stimuli, it is not surprising that self-awareness and fant’s body and help the delivery, and the child would bear
a variety of other beneficial qualities develop more rapidly that name thereafter. Inuit parents may also name their
in response to close contact with other humans. children for deceased relatives in the belief that the spiritual
identification will help shape their character (Balikci, 1970).
It is common in numerous cultures for a person to re-
Social Identity ceive a name soon after birth and then acquire new names
Through Personal Naming during subsequent life phases. Navajo Indians from the
southwestern United States name a child at birth, but tra-
Personal names are important devices for self-definition ditionalists often give the baby an additional ancestral clan
in all cultures. It is through naming that a social group name soon after the child laughs for the first time. Among
acknowledges a child’s birthright and establishes its social the Navajo, laughter is seen as the earliest expression of
identity. Among the many cultural rules that exist in each human language, a positive and joyful signal that life as a
society, those having to do with naming are unique because social being has started. Thus, it is an occasion for celebra-
they individualize a person and at the same time identify tion, and the person who prompted that very first laugh
one as a group member. Names often express and rep- invites family and close friends to a First Laugh Ceremony.
resent multiple aspects of group identity—ethnic, gender, At the gathering, the party sponsor places rock salt in the
religious, political, or even rank, class, or caste. Without a baby’s hand and helps slide the salt all over the little one’s
name, an individual is anonymous, has no social identity. body. Representing tears—of both laughter and sadness—
For this reason, many cultures consider name selection to the salt is said to provide strength and protection, leading
be an important issue and mark the naming of a child with to a long, happy life. Then the ancestral name is given.
a special event or ritual known as a naming ceremony. In many cultures, a firstborn child’s naming ceremony
also marks a change in the parents’ social status. This is
Naming Practices Across Cultures reflected in what is known as teknonymy (from teknon,
Worldwide, there are countless approaches to naming. For the Greek word for “child”), in which someone assumes
example, Aymara Indians in the Bolivian highland village an honorific name, usually derived from the oldest son,
of Laymi do not consider an infant truly human until they in place of (or alongside) his or her own given name. In
have given the child a name—and naming does not hap- Arab societies, such an honorific is known as kunya. For
pen until the child begins to speak the Aymara language, example, a young man who names his firstborn son Ishaq
typically around the age of 2. Once the child shows the becomes known as Abu Ishaq (“Father of Isaac”), whereas
ability to speak like a human, he or she is considered fit his wife may assume the name Umm Ishaq (“Mother of
to be recognized as such with a proper name. The naming Isaac”). Teknonymy occurs in societies in which only close
ceremony marks the toddler’s social transition from a state relatives are permitted to address someone by their other
of nature to culture and consequently to full acceptance personal name. If outsiders or inferiors do so, it may be
into the Laymi community.
Unlike the Aymara, Icelanders name babies at birth. naming ceremony A special event or ritual to mark the naming of a
Following ancient custom, Icelandic infants receive their child.
regarded as inappropriate or disrespectful. Such a taboo Name-change stories are also common among immi-
exists among the Tuareg of the Sahara Desert in northern grants hoping to avoid racial discrimination or ethnic
Africa, for example, where the honorific name is preferred stigmatization. For instance, it was not uncommon for
over the personal name (Figure 16.2). Jewish immigrants and their U.S.-born children trying
to succeed in the entertainment industry to Americanize
Naming and Identity Politics their names: Comedian Joan Molinsky became Joan Rivers
Because names symbolically express and represent an and fashion designer Ralph Lifshitz became Ralph Lauren.
individual’s cultural self, they may gain particular sig- In identity politics, naming can also be a resistance
nificance in personal and collective identity politics. For strategy by a minority group asserting its cultural pride or
instance, when an ethnic group or nation falls under the even rights of self-determination against a dominant soci-
control of a more powerful and expanding neighboring ety. For instance, in the United States, African Americans
group, its members may be forced to assimilate and give with inherited Christian names that were imposed upon
up their cultural identity. One early indicator may be that their enslaved ancestors have, in growing numbers, re-
families belonging to the subjugated or overwhelmed jected those names. Many have also abandoned the faith
group decide to abandon their own ancestral naming tradition represented by those names to become members
traditions. Such was the case when Russia expanded its of the Nation of Islam (Black Muslims). An enduring
empire into Siberia and colonized the Turkic-speaking example of this is champion boxer Cassius Clay, who con-
Xakas. Within a few generations, most Xakas had Russian verted to Islam in the mid-1960s. Like others, he rejected
names (Harrison, 2002). his “slave name” and adopted the name Muhammad Ali.
Brent Stirton/ Getty Images
Figure 16.2 Tuareg Naming Ceremony

Tuareg women gather around bowls of noodles for a newborn’s naming ceremony inside a
tented home typical of those long used by these Sahara Desert nomads in northern Niger. For
this special occasion, the women have smeared their hands and faces with indigo. Traditionally,
Tuareg children are named on the eighth day after birth, and relatives come from near and far
to participate and celebrate the arrival of a new member in their clan. The father and other
male relatives gather outside for a Muslim religious ceremony, led by a marabout. This holy
man offers a prayer and then ritually cuts the throat of a ram slaughtered for the feast. At that
moment, the father publicly reveals his child’s name, usually one taken from the Quran.
Culture and Personality 399
Self and the Behavioral revolutions in the 20th century have led to the invention
of a newly created media environment, where we learn to
Environment orient ourselves in cyberspace. Without our spatial orien-
The development of self-awareness requires basic orienta- tations, whether in natural or virtual reality, navigating
tions that structure the psychological fields in which the through daily life would be impossible (Figure 16.3).
self acts. These include object orientation, spatial orien- Temporal orientation, which gives people a sense of
tation, temporal orientation, and normative orientation. their place in time, is also part of the behavioral environ-
Every individual must learn about a world of objects ment. Connecting past actions with those of the present
other than the self. Through this object orientation, each and future provides a sense of self-continuity. This is the
culture singles out for attention certain environmental function of a calendar. Derived from the Latin word kalen-
features, while ignoring others or lumping them together dae, which originally referred to a public announcement
into broad categories. A culture also explains the perceived at the first day of a new month, or moon, such a chart
environment. This is important, for a cultural explanation gives people a framework for organizing their days, weeks,
of one’s surroundings imposes order and provides the indi- months, and even years.
vidual with a sense of direction needed to act meaningfully A final aspect of the behavioral environment is the
and effectively. Behind this lies a powerful psychological normative orientation. Moral values, ideals, and principles,
drive to reduce uncertainty. When confronted with ambi- which are cultural in origin, are as much a part of the in-
guity, people invariably strive to clarify and give structure dividual’s behavioral environment as are trees, rivers, and
to the situation; they do this in ways that their particular mountains. Without them people would have nothing by
culture deems appropriate. Thus, our observations and which to gauge their own actions or those of others. Nor-
explanations of the universe are largely culturally con- mative orientation includes, but is not limited to, stan-
structed and mediated symbolically through language. In dards that indicate what ranges of behavior are acceptable
short, we perceive reality through a cultural lens. for males, females, and whichever additional gender roles
The behavioral environment in which the self acts also exist in a particular society.
involves spatial orientation, or the ability to get from one
object or place to another. Names and significant features
of places are important references for spatial orientation.
Directing someone to the nearest bus stop, maneuvering
through airports, or traveling through deep underground
Culture and Personality
networks in subway tunnels are examples of highly complex In the process of enculturation, each individual is intro-
cognitive tasks based on spatial orientation and memory. So duced to a society’s natural and human-made environ-
is a Yupik Eskimo hunter’s ability to kayak or sled long dis- ment along with a collective body of ideas about the self
tances across vast Arctic water, ice, or snow—determining and others. The result is a kind of internalized cultural
the route by means of a mental map, gauging his location master plan of the cosmos by means of which the indi-
by the position of the sun in daytime, the stars at night, vidual learns to feel, think, and act as a social being. It
and even by the winds and smell of the air. Technological is each person’s particular guide on how to run the maze
Figure 16.3 Spatial Orientation

Traditionally, each culture provides its
members with a comprehensive design
for living. This includes spatial orientation
needed to act and move safely within
their environment. Born and raised in
the Arctic, Inuit and other Eskimos find
many meaningful reference points in a
region that appears endlessly empty and
monotonous to outsiders. Without spatial
orientation, one would soon be lost and
likely perish.
Alinari Archives/Getty Images
of life. When we speak of someone’s personality—the consequently alternative gender arrangements can be cre-
distinctive way a person thinks, feels, and behaves—we ated. (The Anthropologist of Note feature in this chapter
are generalizing about that person’s internalized cultural profiles Mead’s mentor, colleague, and close friend Ruth
master plan over time. Thus, personalities are products of Benedict, who did pathbreaking research on personality
enculturation, as experienced by individuals, each with as a cultural construct.) Although biological influence in
his or her distinctive genetic makeup. male–female behavior cannot be ruled out, it has none-
Derived from the Latin word persona, meaning “mask,” theless become clear that each culture provides different
the term personality relates to the idea of learning to play opportunities and has different expectations for ideal or
one’s role on the stage of daily life based on the cultural acceptable behavior (Errington & Gewertz, 2001).
master plan that has historically organized and directed
the community in which an individual is raised. Gradu-
ally, the mask begins to shape that person until there is lit-
Case Study: Childrearing and
tle sense of the mask as something superimposed. Instead, Gender among the Ju/’hoansi
it feels natural, as if one were born with it. The individual
To understand the importance of childrearing practices
has successfully internalized the culture.
for the development of gender-related personality charac-
teristics, consider the Ju/’hoansi Bushmen, native to the
A Cross-Cultural Perspective Kalahari Desert in southern Africa. Traditionally subsisting
on Gender and Personality as nomadic hunter-gatherers (foragers), in the latter 20th
century many Ju/’hoansi were forced to settle down—
Although what one learns is important to personality devel- tending small herds of goats, planting gardens for their
opment, most anthropologists assume that how one learns livelihood, and engaging in occasional wage labor on
is no less important. Along with psychological theorists, white-owned farms (Wyckoff-Baird, 1996).
anthropologists view childhood experiences as strongly Ju/’hoansi who traditionally for-
influencing adult personality, and they are most interested age for a living emphasize equal-
in analyses that seek to shed light on the particular cultural ity and disapprove of dominance
differences in shaping personality. and aggressiveness in either gen-
U.S. anthropologist Margaret Mead pioneered the der. Ideally, males are as
cross-cultural study of sex and gender in relationship to mild-mannered as females, DEMOCRATIC
REPUBLIC
personality. (As discussed in an earlier chapter, sex is bio- and females are as ener- OF CONGO TANZANIA
logically determined, while gender is socially constructed.) getic and self-reliant as ANGOLA
M
In the early 1930s she studied three ethnic groups in Papua males. By contrast, among ZAMBIA
AL
AW
E
KALAHARI I IQU
New Guinea—the Arapesh, the Mundugamor, and the the Ju/’hoansi who have MB
D E S E R T ZIMBABWE MOZA
Tchambuli. Her comparative research suggested that what- recently settled in perma- Ju/’hoansi
NA
BOTSWANA
ever biological differences exist between men and women,
MI
Indian
nent villages, males and
BIA
© Cengage Learning
Ocean
they are extremely malleable. In short, she concluded, females exhibit personality SWAZILAND
biology is not destiny. She found that among the Arapesh, characteristics resembling Atlantic
SOUTH
AFRICA
Ocean LESOTHO
relations between men and women were expected to be those historically thought
equal, with both genders exhibiting what most Westerners of as masculine and femi-
traditionally consider feminine traits (cooperative, nur- nine in many agrarian, pas-
turing, and gentle). Mead also discovered gender equality toral, or industrial societies.
among the Mundugamor (now generally called Biwat); Among the food foragers, a child receives extensive per-
however, in that community both genders displayed sup- sonal care from his or her mother during the first few years
posedly masculine traits (individualistic, assertive, volatile, of life, because the space between births is typically four to
aggressive). Among the Tchambuli (now called Chambri), five years. When women go to collect wild plant foods in
however, she found that women dominated men (Mead, the bush, however, they may leave the children in the care
1963). of their fathers or other community adults, one-third to
More recent anthropological research suggests that one-half of whom are in camp on any given day. Because
some of Mead’s interpretations of gender roles were these caretakers include men as well as women, children
incorrect—for instance, Chambri women neither dom- are as habituated to the male presence as to the female one
inate Chambri men nor vice versa. Yet, overall her re- (Figure 16.4). Among these foragers, no one grows up to
search generated new insights into the human condition, respect or fear male authority any more than female au-
showing that male dominance is not genetically fixed in thority. In fact, instead of being punished by either parent,
our human “nature.” Instead, it is socially constructed a child who misbehaves will simply be carried away and
in the context of particular cultural adaptations, and introduced to some other more agreeable activity.
Children of both sexes spend much of their time in
personality The distinctive way a person thinks, feels, and behaves. playgroups that include boys and girls of widely different
When comparing childrearing traditions in different

cultures, we find that a group’s economic organization
and the social relations in its subsistence practices im-
pact the way a child is brought up, and this, in turn, af af-
fects the adult personality. Cross-cultural comparisons also
show that there are alternative practices for raising chil-
dren, which means that changing the societal conditions
in which one’s children grow up can alter significantly the
way men and women act and interact. With this in mind, we
turn to a brief discussion of different childrearing practices.
Three Childrearing Patterns
© Anthony Bannister/Gallo Images/Corbis

Just before Margaret Mead’s pioneering comparative re-
search on gender, psychological anthropologists carried
out a significant and wide-ranging series of cross-cultural
studies on the effects of childrearing on personality.
Among other things, their work showed that it is possible
to identify three general patterns of childrearing. These
patterns stem from practices that, regardless of the reason
for their existence, have the effect of emphasizing depen-
Figure 16.4 Ju/’hoansi Parenting dence on the one hand and independence on the other.
In traditional Ju/’hoansi society, fathers as well as mothers For convenience, we will call these dependence training
training,
show great indulgence to children. Children are as habituated training, and interdependence training (Whiting
independence training
to male caretakers as to female ones, and they do not fear or & Child, 1953).
respect male authority any more than female authority.
Dependence Training
ages. Older children, boys as well as girls, keep an eye out Dependence training socializes children to think
for the younger ones. In short, Ju/’hoansi children in tra- of themselves in terms of the larger whole. Its effect is
ditional foraging groups have few experiences that set one to create community members whose idea of selfhood
gender apart from the other. transcends individualism, promoting compliance in the
The situation is very different for Ju/’hoansi who have performance of assigned tasks and keeping individuals
been forced to abandon their traditional foraging life within the group. This pattern is typically associated with
and who now reside in permanent settlements. Women extended families, which consist of several husband, wife,
spend much of their time at home preparing food, doing children units within the same household. Dependence
other domestic chores, and tending the children. Men, training is most likely to be found in societies with an
meanwhile, spend many hours outside the household economy based on subsistence farming but also in forag-
growing crops, raising animals, or doing wage labor. As a ing societies where several family groups may live together
result, children are less habituated to their presence. This for at least part of the year.
remoteness of the men, coupled with their more extensive Big extended families are important because they
knowledge of the outside world and their access to money, provide the labor force necessary to till the soil, tend
tends to strengthen male influence in the household. whatever flocks are kept, and carry out other part-time
Within these village households, gender typecasting economic pursuits considered necessary for existence. But
begins early. As soon as girls are old enough, they are built into these large families are potentially disruptive
expected to attend to many of the needs of their younger tensions. For example, important family decisions must
siblings, thereby allowing their mothers more time to be collectively accepted and followed. In addition, the
deal with other domestic tasks. This shapes and limits the in-marrying spouses—husbands and wives who come
behavior of girls, who cannot range as widely or explore from other groups—must conform themselves to the
as freely as they could without little brothers and sisters group’s will, something that may not be easy for them.
in tow. Boys, by contrast, have little to do with babies and Dependence training helps to keep these potential
toddlers, and when they are assigned work, it generally problems under control and involves both supportive
takes them away from the household. Thus, the space and corrective aspects. On the supportive side, parents
that village girls occupy becomes restricted, and they
are trained in behaviors that promote passivity and nur-
dependence training Childrearing practices that foster compliance in
turance, whereas village boys begin to learn the distant, the performance of assigned tasks and dependence on the domestic
controlling roles they will later play as adult men. group, rather than reliance on oneself.
Ruth Fulton Benedict (1887–1947)
Ruth Fulton Benedict came late to anthropology. After her personality and the norms of the culture to which the person be-
graduation from Vassar College, she taught high school English, longs. Still in print today, Patterns has sold close to 2 million cop-
published poetry, and tried her hand at social work. At age 31, ies in a dozen languages. It had great influence on Mead during
she began studying anthropology, first at the New School for So- her cross-cultural gender
cial Research in New York City and then at Columbia University. studies among the Papuas
Having earned her doctorate under Franz Boas, she joined his in New Guinea.
department. One of her first students was Margaret Mead. Although Patterns of
As Benedict herself once said, the main purpose of anthropol- Culture still enjoys pop-
ogy is “to make the world safe for human differences.” In anthro- ularity in some circles,
pology, she developed the idea that culture is a collective projection anthropologists have long
of the personality of those who create it. In her most famous book, since abandoned its ap-
Patterns of Culture (1934), she compared the cultures of three proach as impressionistic.
peoples—the Kwakiutl Indians of the coastal Pacific in Canada, To compound the problem,
The Granger Collection, New York

the Zuni Indians of the Arizona desert in the United States, and the Benedict’s characteriza-
Melanesians of Dobu Island off the southern shore of Papua New tions of cultures are mis-
Guinea. She held that each was comparable to a great work of art, leading. For example, the
with an internal coherence and consistency of its own. supposedly Apollonian Zu-
Seeing the Kwakiutl as egocentric, individualistic, and ecstatic nis indulge in such seem-
in their rituals, she labeled their cultural configuration “Dionysian” ingly Dionysian practices
(named after the Greek god of wine and noisy feasting). The as sword swallowing and
Zuni—whom she saw as living by the golden mean, wanting no Ruth Benedict is known for her walking over hot coals,
part of excess or disruptive psychological states and distrusting pioneering work on personality as and the use of value-laden
of individualism—she characterized as “Apollonian” (named after a cultural construct. terms such as paranoid
the Greek god of poetry who exemplified beauty). The Dobuans, prejudices others against
whom she saw as fearful and hate-filled, with a culture of supersuper- the culture so labeled. Nonetheless, Benedict’s book did have an
natural powers, she characterized as “paranoid.” enormous and valuable influence on the field because it focused
Another theme in Benedict’s work Patterns of Culture is that de- attention on the relationship between culture and personality and
viance should be understood as a conflict between an individual’s popularized the reality of cultural variation.
are easygoing, and mothers yield to the desires of their very definition of self in such cultures comes from the
young, particularly in the form of breast-feeding, which is individual being a part of a larger social whole rather than
provided on demand, continues for several years, and re- from his or her individual existence.
inforces the idea that the family is the main agent in pro-
viding for children’s needs. Also on the supportive side, at Independence Training
a relatively young age children are assigned a number of Independence training fosters individual self-reliance
child-care and domestic tasks, all of which make signifi- and personal achievement. It is typically associated with so-
cant and obvious contributions to the family’s welfare. cieties in which a basic social unit consisting of parent(s) and
Thus, children learn early on that it is normal for family offspring primarily must fend for itself. Independence train-
members to share and actively help one another. ing is particularly characteristic of trading, industrial, and
On the corrective side, adults actively discourage postindustrial societies where self-sufficiency and individual
selfish or aggressive behavior. Moreover, they tend to be personal achievement are important traits for success, if not
insistent on overall obedience, which commonly inclines survival—especially for men and increasingly for women.
the individual toward being subordinate to the group. This This childrearing pattern also involves both encour-
combination of encouragement and discouragement in the agement and discouragement. On the negative side, a
socialization process teaches individuals to put the group’s schedule, more than demand, dictates infant feeding.
needs above their own—to be obedient, supportive, non- In North America, as noted previously, babies are rarely
competitive, and generally responsible, to stay within the nursed for more than a year. Many parents resort to an
fold and not do anything potentially disruptive. A person’s artificial nipple (pacifier) to satisfy the baby’s sucking in-
stincts—typically doing so to calm the child rather than
independence training Childrearing practices that foster independence, to provide the infant with a way to strengthen and train
self-reliance, and personal achievement. coordination in the muscles used for feeding and speech.
White middle-class parents in North America, for exam- Believing in reincarna-

ple, are comparatively quick to start feeding infants baby tion, the Beng look upon
food and even try to get them to feed themselves. Many infants not as new crea-
are delighted if they can prop their infants up in the crib tures but as reincarnated
or playpen so that they can hold their own bottles. More- spirit ancestors gradually
over, as soon after birth as possible, children are commonly emerging from wrugbe
given their own private space, away from their parents. back into everyday life. BURKINA
M AL
ALII
MALI FASO
Collective responsibility is not pushed upon children; they For this reason, Beng
GUINEA
are not usually given significant domestic tasks until later babies are embraced as
CÔTE
in childhood; and these are often carried out for personal profoundly spiritual be- D’IVOIRE Beng
benefit (such as to earn an allowance to spend as they wish) ings who at first are only GHANA
© Cengage Learning
LIBERIA Yamoussoukro
rather than as contributions to the family’s welfare. tentatively attached
Displays of individual will, assertiveness, and even ag- to life on earth. Their Abidjan
gression are tolerated to a greater degree than in cultures cries are interpreted as Atlantic Ocean
where dependence training is the rule. In schools, and even a longing for something
in the family, competition and winning are emphasized. from wrugbe, and good
Schools in the United States, for example, devote consider- parents do everything within their power to make earthly
able resources to competitive sports. Competition is fostered life so comfortable and appealing that the babies will
within the classroom as well—overtly through practices not be tempted to return there. This includes extensive
such as spelling bees and awards and covertly through grooming of the little ones to help attract additional care
customs such as grading on a curve. In addition, there are and love from relatives and neighbors (Figure 16.5).
various popularity contests, such as crowning a prom queen Held much of the day by an array of caregivers and
and king or holding an election to choose the classmate breast-fed by other women in addition to the biological
who is “best looking” or “most likely to succeed.” Thus, no mother, Beng babies develop a broad variety of social ties
matter how many certificates or trophies are handed out for and emotional attachments and appear generally free of
simply participating in sports and other competitive events, stranger anxiety. Also, because they are thought to be
by the time individuals have grown up in U.S. society, they living partly in the spirit world, these tiny “old souls”
have received a clear message: Life is about winning or los- are allowed to determine their own sleeping and nursing
ing, and losing is equal to failure (Turnbull, 1983a). schedules. The Beng cultural concept of an infant as rein-
In sum, independence training is culturally adaptive in carnated ancestor or some other deceased relative influ-
societies that emphasize individual achievement and expect ences how he or she is cared for by parents and others in
members to look out for their own
interests. Its socialization patterns and
cultural values and expectations are
increasingly prevalent throughout the
world as a result of globalism, re-
sulting in a splintering of traditional
communities.
Interdependence Training
An intermediary type in patterns
of childrearing, representing features
of both dependence and indepen-
dence training, also exists. Known
as interdependence training
training, this has
been observed among the Beng, a
group of about 20,000 Mande-speak-
ing farmers living in villages in the
© Alma Gottlieb
tropical woodlands of Côte d’Ivoire,

West Africa. Each family forms a
large household, which includes the
spirits of deceased ancestors. These Figure 16.5 Beng Baby in Côte d’Ivoire, West Africa
spirits, known as wru, spend nights Beng people see babies as reincarnated ancestors with strong ties to the spirit world.
with their living relatives but depart To make sure these tiny “old souls” are not tempted to return to their wrugbe, or spirit
at dawn for their invisible spirit vil- village, they do everything possible to make earthly life appealing to them. This includes
lage called wrugbe. beautifying the child, as shown here, to help attract care from relatives and neighbors.
the community. Because a newborn

embodies someone who may already
have lived a long life, the infant is
accorded a high level of agency, and
this influences the child’s particular
personality formation.
Having studied childrearing prac-
tices among these West African farm-
ers, U.S. anthropologist Alma Gottlieb
concludes that in Beng communities
the social goal is to promote interde-
pendence rather than independence,
in contrast to what is the normal
practice in most North American
families today. In sum, Beng babies
© N. Chagnon/Anthro-Photo
are made to feel constantly cher-

ished by as many people as possible,
learning early on that individual se-
curity comes through the intertwin-
ing of lives, collectively sharing joys
and burdens (Gottlieb, 1998, 2004a, Figure 16.6 Waiteri: Heroic Male Identity
2004b, 2006). ˛
Yanomami
Y˛
anomami Indians living in the Amazon rainforest of Venezuela show off as waiteri in a
public performance befitting the traditional warrior ideal in their culture.
Group Personality concept rather than the personality of an average person

Clearly, there is a complex relationship between culture and in a particular society. As such, modal personalities of dif-
personality, with customary practices and other aspects of ferent groups can be identified and compared.
culture systemically influencing personality development. Take, for example, Y˛ ˛
Yanomami
anomami Indians who subsist
Anthropologists have considered whether whole societies on hunting, gathering, and cultivating food gardens in
might be analyzed in terms of particular personality types the tropical forests of Venezuela in South America. Com-
and whether it would be possible to conduct such a study monly, Y˛ ˛
Yanomami
anomami males strive to conform to a masculine
on group personality without falling into the trap of stereo- ideal in their culture that they call waiteri: being coura-
typing. The answer is a qualified yes, especially with respect geous, ferocious, humorous, and generous, all wrapped up
to traditional communities. The larger and more complex into heroic male identity (Chagnon, 1990; Ramos, 1987).
a society becomes, the greater its range in different person- Yet, there are men in their villages who are quiet and who
alities. In an abstract way, we may speak of a generalized have less combative personalities. It is all too easy for an
cultural personality for a society, so long as we do not expect outsider to overlook these individuals when other, more
to find a uniformity of personalities within that society. “typical” Y˛ ˛
Yanomami
anomami are in the front row, pushing and
demanding attention (Figure 16.6).
Modal Personality
Any productive approach to the problem of group per-
National Character
sonality must recognize that each individual is unique to Not that long ago, Italy’s tourism minister publicly
a degree in both genetic inheritance and life experiences, commented on “typical characteristics” of Germans, re-
and it must leave room for a range of different personality ferring to them as “hyper-nationalistic blonds” and “beer-
types in any society. In addition, personality traits that may drinking slobs” holding “noisy burping contests” on
be regarded as appropriate in men may not be so regarded Italy’s beaches (“Italy–Germany verbal war hots up,”
in women, and vice versa. Given these qualifiers, we may 2003). Outraged (and proud of his country’s excellent
focus our attention on the modal personality, defined beer), Germany’s chancellor canceled his planned vaca-
as those character traits that occur with the highest fre- tion to Italy and demanded an official apology. While
quency in a social group and are therefore the most rep- many Germans may actually think of Italians as dark-
resentative of its culture. Modal personality is a statistical eyed, hot-blooded spaghetti eaters, saying so in public
might cause an uproar.
Unflattering stereotypes about groups of foreigners are
deeply rooted in cultural traditions everywhere. For in-
modal personality Character traits that occur with the highest
frequency in a social group and are therefore the most representative of stance, many Japanese generally regard Koreans as stingy,
its culture. crude, and aggressive, whereas many Koreans believe that
Nora Stribrna/Reuters/Corbis
Figure 16.7 Core Values
The collectively shared core values of North Korean culture promote the integration of the
individual into a larger group, as we see in this view of the Arirang Mass Games in Pyongyang
with over 150,000 gymnasts and performers taking part in 2013. Graphics in the background
are made by kids holding colored pieces of cardboard.
Japanese are cold and arrogant. Similarly, you may have in anthropologist Francis Hsu (1983). His core value ap-
mind some image, perhaps not well defined, of the “typical” proach focused on the values especially promoted in a
Scott, Turk, or Mexican. And U.S. citizens traveling abroad particular culture and their related personality traits.
may be insulted that others think of Americans as loud, Hsu suggested that the Chinese traditionally value kin
brash, and arrogant Yankees. Although these are simply ties and cooperation above all else. To them, mutual de-
stereotypes, we might ask if these beliefs have any basis in pendence is the very essence of personal relationships and
fact. In reality, does such a thing as national character exist? has been for thousands of years. Compliance and subor-
Early in the discipline’s history, some anthropologists dination of one’s will to that of family and kin transcend
thought that the answer might be yes. However, it was all else, whereas self-reliance is neither promoted nor a
quickly determined that national character studies were source of pride. In totalitarian states such as North Korea,
flawed, mainly because they made generalizations based however, subordination is not to one’s family but to the
on limited data, relatively small samples of informants, nation ruled by an authoritarian leader demanding com-
and questionable assumptions about developmental psy- plete submission of the all-powerful state’s subjects. In
chology. Furthermore, nations organized as states are far such societies, core values include obedience, conformity,
more variegated and complex than traditional small-scale and repression of individuality, publicly expressed by col-
societies, and as such defy such simple generalizations. lective participation in state-sponsored public spectacles
such as parades and mass rallies (Figure 16.7).
Core Values
An alternative approach to national character—one that
allows for the fact that not all personalities in a group will
conform to cultural ideals—is that of Chinese American core value A value especially promoted by a particular culture.
To the degree that it motivates individuals

Unmarried couples to work hard and to go where the jobs are, this
cohabiting continues to rise individualism fits well with the demands of a
global market economy. Whereas individuals in
many traditional societies are firmly bound into
1960 439,000 a larger group to which they have lifelong obliga-
tions, most urban North Americans and western
Europeans live isolated from relatives other than
1970 523,000 their young children and spouse—and even the
commitment to marriage and childrearing has
lessened (Figure 16.8). Growing numbers of
1980 1.6 million people in western Europe, North America, and
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2015. © Cengage Learning

other industrial or postindustrial societies choose
singlehood or cohabitation over marriage. Among
1990 3.2 million
those who do wed, many do so later in life, often
prompted by the birth of a child. This individual-
2000 5.5 million ism is also indicated by high divorce rates—more
than 40 percent in the United States (Morello,
2011; Natadecha-Sponsal, 1993; Noack, 2001).
2015 8.3 million
Figure 16.8 Cohabitation Rate in the United States

Alternative Gender
The number of unmarried opposite-sex couples cohabiting in the United
States continues to rise. These couples now make up 12 percent of all
Models
opposite-sex U.S. couples, married and unmarried. As touched on earlier, the gender roles assigned to
each sex vary from culture to culture and have an
Perhaps the core value held in highest esteem by impact on personality formation. But what if the sex of an
most North Americans of European descent is rugged individual is not self-evident, as revealed in this chapter’s
individualism—traditionally for men but for women as Original Study? Written when its U.S. author was an un-
well today. Each individual is supposed to be able to dergraduate student of philosophy, this narrative offers a
achieve anything he or she likes, given a willingness to compelling personal account of the emotional difficulties
work hard enough. associated with intersexuality and gender ambiguity.
NAL
ORIGI
STU YD The Blessed Curse BY R. K. WILLIAMSON
One morning not so long ago, a child was was exposed to the Native American view of people who
born. This birth, however, was no occasion for the cus- were born intersexed, and those who exhibited transgen-
transgen
tomary celebration. Something was wrong: something dered characteristics. This view sees such individuals in a
very grave, very serious, very sinister. This child was born very positive and affirming light. Yet my immediate fam-
fam
between sexes, an “intersexed” child. From the day of its ily (mother, father, and brothers) were firmly fixed in a
birth, this child would be caught in a series of struggles negative Christian Euramerican point of view. As a result,
involving virtually every aspect of its life. Things that I was presented with two different and conflicting views
required little thought under “ordinary” circumstances of myself. This resulted in a lot of confusion within me
were, in this instance, extraordinarily difficult. Simple about what I was, how I came to be born the way I was,
questions now had an air of complexity: “What is it, a girl and what my intersexuality meant in terms of my spiritu-
or a boy?” “What do we name it?” “How shall we raise it?” ality as well as my place in society.
“Who (or what) is to blame for this?” I remember, even as a small child, getting mixed
messages about my worth as a human being. My grand-
A Foot in Both Worlds mother, in keeping with Native American ways, would
The child referred to in the introductory paragraph is my- tell me stories about my birth. She would tell me how she
self. As the great-granddaughter of a Cherokee woman, I knew when I was born that I had a special place in life,
given to me by God, the Great Spirit, and that I had been cruelly and pleaded with them to let me live with her, but
given “a great strength that girls never have, yet a gentle they would not let me stay at her home permanently. Nev-
tenderness that boys never know” and that I was “too ertheless, they did let me spend a significant portion of
pretty and beautiful to be a boy only and too strong to be my childhood with her. Had it not been for that, I might
a girl only.” She rejoiced at this “special gift” and taught not have been able to survive the tremendous trials that
me that it meant that the Great Spirit had “something awaited me in my walk through life.
important for me to do in this life.” I remember how
good I felt inside when she told me these things and how A Personal Resolution
I soberly contemplated, even at the young age of 5, that For me, the resolution to the dual message I was receiving
I must be diligent and try to learn and carry out the pur-
pur was slow in coming, largely due to the fear and self-hatred
pose designed just for me by the Great Spirit. instilled in me by Christianity. Eventually, though, the
My parents, however, were so repulsed by my inter- inter spirit wins out. I came to adopt my grandmother’s teach-
sexuality that they would never speak of it directly. They ing about my intersexuality. Through therapy, and a new,
would just refer to it as “the work of Satan.” To them, loving home environment, I was able to shed the constant
I was not at all blessed with a “special gift” from some fear of eternal punishment I felt for something I had no
“Great Spirit,” but was “cursed and given over to the control over. After all, I did not create myself.
Devil” by God. My father treated me with contempt, Because of my own experience, and drawing on the
and my mother wavered between contempt and distant teaching of my grandmother, I am now able to see myself
indifference. I was taken from one charismatic church to as a wondrous creation of the Great Spirit—but not only
another in order to have the “demon of mixed sex” cast me. All creation is wondrous. There is a purpose for every-
out of me. At some of these “deliverance” services I was one in the gender spectrum. Each person’s spirit is unique
even given a napkin to cough out the demon into! in her or his or her-his own way. It is only by living true to
In the end, no demon ever popped out of me. Still the nature that was bestowed upon us by the Great Spirit,
I grew up believing that there was something inherent in my view, that we are able to be at peace with ourselves
within me that caused God to hate me, that my intersex- and be in harmony with our neighbor. This, to me, is the
uality was a punishment for this something, a mark of Great Meaning and the Great Purpose.
condemnation.
Whenever I stayed at my grandmother’s house, my Adapted from Williamson, R. K. (1995). The blessed curse:
fears would be allayed, for she would once again remind Spirituality and sexual difference as viewed by Euramerican
me that I was fortunate to have been given this special and Native American cultures. The College News 18 (4). Re-
gift. She was distraught that my parents were treating me printed with permission of the author.
Intersexuality complete AIS appears fully female with a normal clitoris, la-
bia, and breasts. Internally, these individuals possess testes
The biological facts of human nature are not always as clear- (up in the abdomen, rather than in their usual descended
cut as most people assume. At the level of chromosomes, position in the scrotal sack), but they are otherwise born
biological sex is determined according to whether a person’s without a complete set of either male or female internal
23rd chromosomal set is XX (female) or XY (male). Some of genital organs. They generally possess a short, blind-ended
the genes on these chromosomes control sexual develop- vagina.
ment. This standard biological package does not apply to all Intersexed individuals have both testicular and ovar-
humans; some are intersexual—a person who is born with ian tissue. They may have separate ovaries and testes, but
reproductive organs, genitalia, and/or sex chromosomes more commonly they have ovotestes—gonads containing
that are not exclusively male or female. These individuals both types of tissue. About 60 percent of intersexed people
do not fit neatly into a binary gender standard (see Chase, possess XX (female) sex chromosomes, and the remainder
1998; Dreger, 1998; Fausto-Sterling, 1993). may have XY or a mosaic (a mixture). Their external gen-
For example, some people are born with only one X italia may be ambiguous or female, and they may have a
chromosome instead of the usual two. A person with this uterus or (more commonly) a hemi-uterus (half-uterus)
chromosomal complex, known as Turner syndrome, devel- (Fausto-Sterling, 2012).
ops female external genitalia but has nonfunctional ovaries U.S. biologist Anne Fausto-Sterling, a specialist in biol-
and is therefore infertile. Other individuals are born with ogy and gender, notes that the concept of intersexuality is
the XY sex chromosomes of a male but have an abnormal- rooted in an idealized biological world in which our species
ity on the X chromosome that affects the body’s sensitivity
to androgens (male hormones). This is known as andro- intersexual A person born with reproductive organs, genitalia, and/or
gen insensitivity syndrome (AIS). An adult XY person with sex chromosomes that are not exclusively male or female.
is perfectly divided into two kinds. She explains that our The Lakota of the northern Plains had a third-
culture glosses over the fact that some women have facial gender category of culturally accepted transgendered
hair while some men do not, and some women have deep males who dressed as women and were thought to possess
voices while some men have high-pitched squeaky ones. both male and female spirits. They called (and still call)
Further, if we investigate closer, there is little sexual dimor- these third-gender individuals winkte, applying the term
phism at the biological level: The chromosomes, hormones, to a male “who wants to be a woman.” Thought to have
internal sex structures, gonads, and genitalia are much more special curing powers, winktes traditionally enjoyed con-
varied than commonly believed (Fausto-Sterling, 2012). siderable prestige in their communities. Among the neigh-
Intersexuality may be unusual but it is not uncommon. boring Cheyenne, such a person was called hemanah,
About 1 percent of all humans are intersexed in some (not literally meaning “half-man, half-woman” (Medicine,
necessarily visible) way—almost 75 million people world- 1994). The preferred term among most North American
wide (Blackless et al., 2000). In other words, there are three Indians today is two-spirits (Jacobs, 1994).
times more intersexuals than Australians. Until recently, it Such third-gender individuals are well known in Sa-
was rarely discussed publicly in many societies. Since the moa, where males who take on the identity of females
mid-1900s, individuals with financial means in technologi- are referred to as fa’afafines (“the female way”). Becoming
cally advanced parts of the world have had the option of re- a fa’afafine is an accepted option for boys who prefer to
constructive surgery and hormonal treatments to alter such dance, cook, clean house, and care for children and the
conditions. Many parents who can afford this option have elderly. In large families, it is not unusual to find two or
chosen it when faced with raising a visibly intersexed child three boys being raised as girls to take on domestic roles
in a culture intolerant of such minorities. However, there is in their households (Holmes, 2000).
a growing movement to put off such irreversible procedures Transgenders cannot be simply lumped together as ho-
until the child becomes old enough to make the choice. mosexuals. For example, the Tagalog-speaking people in
Obviously, a society’s attitude toward these individuals the Philippines use the word bakla to refer to a man who
can impact their personality—their fundamental sense of self views himself “as a male with a female heart.” These indi-
and how they express it. Today, a growing number of people viduals cross-dress on a daily basis, often becoming more
consider themselves gender neutral and wish to live that way. “feminine” than Philippine women in their use of heavy
Evidence of this includes gender-neutral housing and unisex makeup, in the clothing they wear, and in the way they
bathrooms offered on many university campuses to accom- walk. Like the Samoan fa’afafines, they are generally not
modate students who do not fall neatly into male or female sexually attracted to other bakla but are drawn to hetero-
categories (Fausto-Sterling, 2012; Kantrowitz, 2010). sexual men instead. In contrast, 1976 U.S. Olympic gold
Moreover, for languages that use gender-specific pro- medalist Bruce Jenner, who transitioned to Caitlyn Jenner
nouns, gender-neutral terms are now popularly and offi- in 2015 after fathering six children in three marriages, is
cially used. For example, in 2015 the official dictionary still attracted to women—and does not identify as lesbian
of the Swedish language introduced the gender-neutral (Corriston, 2015) (Figure 16.9).
pronoun hen, adding it to the options of han (“he”) and Another example is found among the Bugis, a Muslim
hon (“she”) (“Sweden adds gender-neutral pronoun to dic- ethnic group inhabiting Sulawesi Island in Indonesia and
tionary,” 2015). And across the United States, a growing numbering more than 6 million. The Bugis acknowledge
number of colleges and universities give students the op- five genders: oroané (masculine male), makunrai (feminine
tion of specifying a preferred gender pronoun (PGP), such female), calabai (feminine male), calalai (masculine fe-
as ze to replace she or he (Leff, 2014; Scelfo, 2015). male), and bissu (neither male nor female) (Davies, 2007).
Representing and embodying all genders, bissu are tradi-
Transgender tionally high-ranking celibate intersexuals. Their name

derives from the Bugis term for “clean” (bessi), and as such
When mapping the sexual landscape, anthropologists report they serve as shamans, mediating between the human
that “gender bending” exists in many cultures all around world and the spirit world, inhabited by dewata (gender-
the world, playing a significant role in shaping behaviors less spirits or gods). As one high-ranking Bugis, Angkong
and personalities. For example, dozens of indigenous com- Petta Rala, explained in an interview, “Bissu do not bleed,
munities in the Great Plains and the southwestern United do not have breasts, and do not menstruate, therefore
States traditionally created social space for alternatively they are clean or holy” (Umar, 2008, pp. 7–8).
gendered individuals in their communities. Such a person In addition, worldwide there are people who are
today is commonly identified as transgender—someone
transgender gender variants: permanent or incidental transvestites
who identifies with or expresses a gender identity that (cross-dressers) without being homosexuals. Clearly, the
differs from the one that matches the person’s sex at birth. cross-cultural sex and gender scheme is complex; the
late 19th-century “homosexuality” and “heterosexuality”
transgender A person who identifies with or expresses a gender identity labels are inadequate to cover the full range of sex and
that differs from the one that matches the person’s sex at birth. gender diversity (Schilt & Westbrook, 2009).
Alo Ceballos/GC Images/Getty Images

AP Images
Figure 16.9 Celebrated as an all-American hero, Bruce Jenner was one of the world’s greatest
athletes. After being crowned champion in the 1975 Pan American Games, he competed in the
1976 Olympic Games, winning the gold medal in the decathlon (comprised of ten track and
field events, including running, pole vaulting, javelin throwing, and long jumping, as shown here).
Forty years later, he announced on television that he was “transitioning” from male to female
and taking the new name Caitlyn. Typically, transitioning involves reassignment surgery and sex
reassignment therapy, which may include hormone replacement therapy.
castrating war captives may have begun several thousand

Castration years ago. Boys captured during war or slave-raiding expe-
In addition to people who are intersexed or alternatively gen- ditions were often castrated before being sold and shipped
dered, throughout history many boys and adult men have off to serve in foreign households, including royal courts.
been subjected to neutering—crushing, cutting, or otherwise Some castrated men were selected to manage a ruler’s
damaging their testicles. Commonly known as castration, this harem, the women’s quarters in a wealthy lord’s house-
is an ancient and widespread cultural practice to transform hold. In Europe, they became known as eunuchs (Greek for
someone’s sexual status and thereby one’s social identity. “guardian of the bed”). Eunuchs could rise to high status as
Males sentenced as sex offenders in the United States priests and administrators, and some were even appointed
and a growing number of European countries may request to serve as military commanders as happened in the great
or be forced to undergo chemical castration, limiting or de- Persian, Byzantine, and Chinese empires.
stroying their sex drive, not only as punishment but also as In parts of Europe, from the 1500s until late 1800s, a
corrective treatment. Historically, archaeological evidence cultural institution of musical eunuchs existed. Histori-
from ancient Egypt, Iraq, Iran, and China suggests that cally known as castrati, they participated in operas and in
what seems normal and acceptable

(if not always popular) in one society
might be considered abnormal and
unacceptable—ridiculous, shameful,
and sometimes even criminal—in
another. For instance, according to a
recent global report, state-sponsored
homophobia (the irrational fear of
humans with same-sex preferences)
thrives in many countries, fueling
aggressive intolerance. Worldwide,
78 out of 193 countries have laws
criminalizing same-sex sexual acts
between consenting adults. Most
of these countries punish individ-
uals found guilty with imprison-
ment, although five countries (Iran,
Mauritania, Saudi Arabia, Sudan,
Yemen—plus parts of Nigeria and
Somalia) punish them with the death
penalty (Itaborahy & Zhu, 2014). Yet,
as discussed earlier in this text, most
countries do not have such laws, and
Reuters
a growing number have passed legis-
Figure 16.10 Hijra Performers lation legalizing same-sex marriage.
These elegantly dressed street performers are eunuchs, part of a broad alternative The complexity, variability, and
gender category in India known as hijras, which includes intersexuals, transgenders, acceptability or unacceptability of sex
and castrated males. The exact number of castrated males in India is unknown, but and gender schemes across cultures
estimates range from 500,000 to 1 million. On the occasion pictured here, thousands is an important piece of the human
of hijras from across the country gathered in the remote northern town of Rath— puzzle—one that prods us to rethink
300 kilometers (185 miles) south of Lucknow, the capital of Uttar Pradesh state—for social codes and the range of forces
a convention to chart their collective agenda, including a more active role in politics. that shape personality as well as each
society’s definition of normal overall.
Roman Catholic Church choirs, singing the female parts.
Castrated before they reached puberty so as to retain their
high voices, these selected boys were often orphans or
came from poor families. Without functioning testes to Normal and Abnormal
produce male sex hormones, physical development into
manhood is aborted, so deeper voices—as well as body Personality in Social Context
hair, semen production, and other usual male attributes—
The boundaries that distinguish the normal from the ab-
were not part of a castrati’s biology.
normal vary across cultures and time, as do the standards
One of the few places where there are still a substantial
of what is socially acceptable. In many cultures, individu-
number of eunuchs—at least 500,000—is India. There,
als may stand out as “different” without being considered
along with intersexuals and transgenders, they are known
“abnormal” in the strictest sense of the word—and without
as hijras. Traditionally, hijras performed at important occa-
suffering social rejection, ridicule, censure, condemnation,
sions such as births and marriages, but today many make
imprisonment, or some other penalty. Moreover, some
a living, at least in part, as street performers (Figure 16.10).
cultures not only tolerate or accept a much wider range of
Collectively, these alternatively gendered individuals who
diversity than others, but they may actually accord special
are “neither man nor woman” are thought to number
status to the deviant or eccentric as unique, extraordinary,
about 6 million in India alone (Nanda, 1999).
even sacred, as illustrated by the following example.
The Social Context of Sexual Sadhus: Holy Men in Hindu Culture

and Gender Identity In India and Nepal, ascetic Hindu monks known as sadhus
The cultural standards that define normal behavior for provide an ethnographic example of a culture in which ab-
any society are determined by that society itself. Thus, normal individuals are socially accepted and even honored.
Normal and Abnormal Personality in Social Context 411
Also, these individuals illustrate the degree to which one’s wealth (artha), he makes a radical break with his family
social identity and sense of personal self are cultural con- and friends and abandons the moral principles and rules
structs. Surrendering all social, material, and sexual attach- of conduct prescribed for his caste (dharma). Symbolically
ments to normal human pleasures and delights, sadhus expressing his death as a typical Hindu, he participates in
dedicate themselves to achieving spiritual union with the his own funeral ceremony, followed by a ritual rebirth. As
divine or universal soul. Practicing intense meditation and a born-again, he acquires a new identity as a sadhu and is
yoga, they strive for liberation from initiated into a sect of religious mystics.
the physical limits of the individual The life of the sadhu demands extraordinary concentra-
mortal self, including the cycle of tion and near superhuman effort, as can be seen when they
life and death. assume the most extreme yoga postures. It is a life of suffer-
When a young AN
ing that may even include self-torture as a form of extreme
ST
NI
Hindu man in India AF
G HA
TIBET, penance. On a regular basis they apply ashes to their body,
or Nepal decides to be- PAKISTAN CHINA face, and long, matted hair. Some pierce their tongue or
BHUTAN
NE
come a sadhu, he must PAL cheeks with a long iron rod, stab a knife through their arm
transform his personal or leg, or stick their head into a small hole in the ground
MYANMAR
identity, change his INDIA for hours on end. Naked or near naked (“sky-clad”), they
sense of self, and leave spend most of their time around cremation grounds. One
BANGLADESH
his place in the social subsect, known as Aghori, drink and eat from bowls made
© Cengage Learning
order. Detaching him- Indian from human skulls as a daily reminder of human mortality
Ocean
self from the pursuit (Figure 16.11).
of earthly pleasures SRI Most Hindus revere and sometimes even fear sadhus.
LANKA
(kama) and power and Sightings are not rare because an estimated 5 million
© Thomas L. Kelly
Figure 16.11 Sadhu Holy Man

This Shaivite sadhu of the Aghori subsect drinks from a bowl made out of a human skull,
symbolizing human mortality. He is a strict follower of the Hindu god Shiva, whose image can
be seen behind him.
A Cross-Cultural Perspective on Psychosomatic Symptoms

and Mental Health
Biomedicine, the dominant medical system defined by biomedicine as psychosomatic Caribbean peoples, for example, a widely
of European and North American cultures, disorders all the more difficult. held belief is that spiritual forces are active
sometimes identifies physical ailments ex ex- Indicative of our biocultural complexity, in the world and that they influence human
perienced by individuals as psychosomatic—
psychosomatic psychological factors such as emotional identity and behavior. For someone with
a term derived from psyche (“mind”) and stress, worry, and anxiety may stem from what a biomedical physician would label
soma (“body”). These ailments (also known cultural contexts and result in increased a psychosomatic problem, it is normal to
as conversion disorders) can be serious and physiological agitation like irregular heart seek help from a local curandero or curan-
painful, but because a precise physiological pounding or palpitations, heightened blood dera (“folk healer”), a santiguadora (“herb-
cause cannot be identified through scientific pressure, headaches, stomach and intesti- alist”), or even a santero (a Santería priest)
methods, the illness is viewed as something nal problems, muscle pains and tensions, rather than a medical doctor or psychiatrist.
rooted in mental or emotional causes—and rashes, appetite loss, insomnia, fatigue, Not only does the client not understand
thus on some level not quite real. and a range of other troubles. Indeed, when the symbols of Western psychiatry, but a
Each culture possesses its own histori- individuals are unable to deal successfully psychiatric visit is often too expensive and
cally developed ideas about health, illness, with stressful situations in daily life and may imply that the person is loco.
and associated healing practices. Although do not get the opportunity for adequate More and more, however, anthropolo-
biomedicine is based in modern Western mental rest and relaxation, their natural gists have become increasingly involved in
traditions of science, it is also steeped in immune systems may weaken, increasing cross-cultural medical mediation, challeng
challeng-
the cultural beliefs and practices of the their chances of getting a cold or some ing negative biases and correcting misin-
societies within which it operates. Funda- other illness. For people forced to adapt to formation about non-Western indigenous
mentally informed by a dualistic mind–body a quickly changing way of life in their own perceptions of mind–body connections.
model, biomedicine represents the human country or immigrants adjusting to a foreign The inclusion of culturally appropriate heal-
body as a complex machine with parts culture, these pressures may result in a ing approaches has gained acceptance
that can be manipulated by experts. This range of disorders that are difficult to ex
ex- among the Western medical and psycholog
psycholog-
approach has resulted in spectacular treat- plain from the perspective of biomedicine. ical establishment in Europe, North Amer Amer-
ments, such as antibiotics that have eradi- Medical and psychological approaches ica, and many other parts of the world.
cated certain infectious diseases. developed in European and North American
Today, the remarkable breakthroughs societies are often unsuccessful in dealing Biocultural Question
of biomedicine are spreading rapidly with these problems, for a number of rea- Given the cross-cultural differences in
throughout the world, and people from sons. For one, the various immigrant ethnic concepts of reality, mind and matter, and
cultures with different healing systems are groups have different concepts of mind spirit and body, should authorities in a
moving into countries where biomedicine and body than do medical practitioners pluralistic society apply uniform standards
dominates. This makes treating illnesses trained in Western medicine. Among many to faith healers as to medical doctors?
sadhus live in India and Nepal (Heitzman & Wordem, define normal behavior may shift over time. For example,
2006; Kelly, 2006). Of course, if one of these bearded, long- the American Psychiatric Association declassified homo-
haired, and nearly naked Hindu monks decided to practice sexuality as a mental disorder in 1973. Other major men-
his extreme yoga exercises and other sacred devotions in tal health organizations followed, including the World
China, Europe, or North America, most onlookers would Health Organization in 1990 (Herek, 2015).
consider such a person to be severely mentally disturbed. Just as social attitudes concerning a wide range of
both psychological and physical differences change over
time within a society, they also vary across cultures—as
Mental Disorders Across Time described in this chapter’s Biocultural Connection.
and Cultures Cultural Relativity and Abnormality

As the Hindu mystic monks in South Asia illustrate, no As the example of the sadhus in India and Nepal illustrates,
matter how extreme or bizarre certain behaviors might what people interpret as abnormal is behavior that deviates
seem in a particular place and time, the abnormal is not from a culturally determined standard of what is normal.
always socially rejected. Moreover, the standards that The behavior of sadhus is deviant but still acceptable in this
Personal Identity and Mental Health in Globalizing Society 413
culture because they occupy a unique position in society was particularly associated with young urban women in
that is publicly recognized as spiritual extremists leading an well-to-do social circles. In fact, the term invented for this
extraordinary way of life. Generally, however, abnormal or “nervous disease” is derived from the Greek word meaning
deviant behavior is unacceptable, as indicated by the labels “uterus.” Not only has the diagnosis of this disorder declined
identifying such individuals: “crazy,” “deranged” or “in- in the course of the 20th century, but the term itself was
sane.” The stigma of these labels also indicates intolerance banished from the medical nomenclature (Gordon, 2000).
for mental illness, whether true or not. Beyond cultural In recent decades, we have seen the rise of two re-
variation and unequal standards, abnormality may be the lated culture-bound syndromes associated with consumer
result of an individual experiencing delusions. capitalism: bulimia nervosa and anorexia nervosa. Both are
Does this suggest that normalcy is a meaningless con- characterized by a distorted body image and an obsessive
cept when applied to personality? Within the context of desire to be thin. Bulimia involves frequent binge eating
a particular culture, the concept of normal personality is followed by various means of purging, including vomiting.
quite significant. Irving Hallowell, a major figure in the Anorexia is evidenced in self-starvation that may result in
development of psychological anthropology, ironically death. Bulimia and anorexia are primarily diagnosed in
observed that it is normal to share the delusions tradi- female adolescents who reside in a culture that exalts thin-
tionally accepted by one’s society. A person’s state of mind ness, even as fast food and leisure snacking are more preva-
may be so delusional that in medical or psychological lent. With the globalization of consumer society’s fat–thin
terms that individual may be diagnosed as psychotic. contradiction, its associated psychological eating disorders
Interestingly, certain types of psychoses are more prev- are also crossing borders. In the past decade, Brazil, China,
alent in some cultures than others and may not occur in India, and Japan have come close to being on a par with
some societies at all. This does not mean that genetic or the United States in deaths related to psychological eating
biochemical factors are irrelevant, but it does suggest that disorders (Dutta, 2015; Littlewood, 2004).
cultural factors play a role. If severe enough, culturally in-
duced conflicts can produce psychosis and also determine
its particular form.
Ethnic Psychoses or Culture-Bound Syndromes

Personal Identity
An ethnic psychosis, or culture-bound syndrome, is a men- and Mental Health
tal disorder specific to a particular cultural group (Simons
& Hughes, 1985). A historical example is windigo psychosis, in Globalizing Society
limited to northern Algonquian-speaking groups such as the
Anthropologists view childrearing, gender issues, social
Cree and Ojibwa. In their traditional belief systems, these
identity, and emotional and mental health issues in their
Indians recognized the existence of cannibalistic monsters
cultural context; this perspective recognizes that each indi-
called windigos. Individuals afflicted by the psychosis de-
vidual’s unique personality, feelings of happiness or unhap-
veloped the delusion that, falling under the control of these
piness, and overall sense of health are shaped or influenced
monsters, they were themselves transformed into windigos,
by the particular culture within which the person is born
with a craving for human flesh. As this happened, the psy-
and raised to function as a valued member of the commu-
chotic individuals perceived people around them turning
nity. With the spread of modern consumer culture and its
into edible animals—fat beavers, for instance. Although there
associated psychological disorders, people all around the
are no known instances where sufferers of windigo psychosis
world face sometimes bewildering challenges hurled at
actually devoured humans, they were acutely afraid of doing
them by the forces of globalization. These forces impact
so, and people around them feared that they might.
how people raise their children, how their personalities are
Windigo psychosis may seem different from clinical
influenced, and how they maintain their individual and
cases of paranoid schizophrenia found in European and
collective social, psychological, and mental health.
North American cultures, but a closer look suggests other-
Over the last several decades, medical and psycholog-
wise. Psychotic individuals draw upon whatever imagery
ical anthropologists have made valuable contributions to
and symbolism their culture has to offer. For instance, the
improving healthcare, not only in so-called developing
delusions of Irish schizophrenics may draw upon the im-
countries far away, but also in their own societies. How-
ages and symbols of Irish Catholicism and feature Virgin
ever, far too often mental health practices prevailing in
and Savior motifs. In short, the underlying biomedical
Europe and North America remain ethnocentric when
structure of the mental disorder may be the same in all
theorizing and treating psychological disorders—a prob-
cases, but its expression is culturally specific.
lem reinforced by a reductionist biomedical mindset that
A Western example of a culture-bound syndrome is
hysteria, expressed by fainting spells, choking fits, and even
seizures and blindness. Identified in industrializing societies culture-bound syndrome A mental disorder specific to a particular
of 19th-century Europe and North America, this disorder cultural group; also known as ethnic psychosis.
largely ignores the role of cultural factors in the cause, anthropological perspectives on identity, mental health,
expression, course, and outcome of mental disorders. and psychiatric disorders are especially useful in pluralistic
Furthermore, commercial pressures on the healthcare es- societies where people from different ethnic groups, each
tablishment favor bioscience and pharmacotherapy, with with a distinctive culture, coexist and interact. Intensified
drug companies providing quick and often inexpensive by globalization, this multi-ethnic convergence drives
fixes for the problem (Luhrmann, 2001). home the need for a medical pluralism providing multiple
Informed by cultural relativist views on what healing modalities suited for the cultural dynamics of the
is considered normal and what is considered deviant, 21st century.
What is enculturation, and how does it performance of assigned tasks and dependence on the
domestic group, rather than reliance on oneself.
shape a person’s personality and identity? Independence training—typical of societies
✓ Enculturation, the process by which individuals characterized by small, independent families—prizes
become members of their society, begins soon after self-reliance, independent behavior, and personal
birth. Its first agents are the members of an individual’s achievement. Interdependence training, practiced
household, and then it involves other members of among the Beng of West Africa, teaches children that
society. An individual must have self-awareness before individual security comes through the intertwining of
enculturation can proceed. lives. Some anthropologists contend that childrearing
practices derive from a society’s need to produce
✓ A child’s birthright and social identity are established particular kinds of adult personalities.
through personal naming, a universal practice with
numerous cross-cultural variations. A name is an
important device for self-definition—without one, an
What are alternative gender models, and
individual has no identity, no self. Many cultures mark how are they viewed cross-culturally?
the naming of a child with a special ceremony. ✓ Intersexuals—individuals born with reproductive
✓ For self-awareness to emerge and function, four basic organs, genitalia, and/or sex chromosomes that are not
orientations are necessary to structure the behavioral exclusively male or female—do not fit neatly into
environment in which the self acts: object orientation either a male or female biological standard or into a
(learning about a world of objects other than the self), binary gender standard.
spatial orientation, temporal orientation, and ✓ Numerous cultures have created social space for
normative orientation (an understanding of the values, intersexual as well as transgender individuals—
ideals, and standards that constitute the behavioral physically male or female people who cross over or
environment). occupy an alternative social position in the binary
male–female gender construction.
How do childrearing practices and
concepts of sex and gender influence What determines cultural norms, and is
a person’s behavior, personality, and there such a thing as group personality
identity? or national character?
✓ Each culture presents different opportunities and ✓ Early on, anthropologists tried to determine whether it
expectations concerning gender and ideal or acceptable was possible to delineate a group personality without
male–female behavior. In some cultures, male–female stereotyping. Each culture chooses, from the vast array
relations are based on equal status, with both genders of possibilities, those traits that it sees as normative or
expected to behave similarly. In others, male–female ideal. Individuals who conform to these traits are
relations are based on inequality and are marked by rewarded; the rest are not.
different standards of expected behavior.
✓ National character studies looked for basic personality
✓ Through cross-cultural studies psychological traits shared by the majority of people of modern
anthropologists have established the interrelation of countries. Researchers have attempted to determine the
personality, childrearing practices, and other aspects of childrearing practices and education that shape such a
culture. group personality. However, many anthropologists
believe national character theories are based on
✓ Dependence training, usually associated with
unscientific and overly generalized data; others focus
traditional farming societies, stresses compliance in the
on the core values promoted in particular societies.
415
✓ What is defined as normal behavior in any culture is disturbance. Similarly, mental disorders that have a
determined by the culture itself; what may be biological cause, like schizophrenia, will be expressed
acceptable or even admirable in one may not be so by symptoms specific to the culture of the afflicted
regarded in another. Abnormality involves developing individual. Culture-bound syndromes, or ethnic
personality traits not accepted by a culture. psychoses, are mental disorders specific to a particular
ethnic group.
Does culture play a role in a person’s ✓ Multi-ethnic convergence, intensified by globalization,
mental health? drives home the need for a medical pluralism
✓ Culturally induced conflicts can produce psychological providing multiple healing modalities suited for the
disturbance and can determine the form of the cultural dynamics of the 21st century.
1. Considering the cultural significance of naming have access to reconstructive sexual surgery. What do
ceremonies in so many societies, including among the you think of societies that have created cultural space
Khanty profiled in the Challenge Issue, what do you for alternative gender options beyond the strictly male
think motivated your parents when they named you? or female categories?
Does that have any influence on your sense of self? 4. Do you know someone in your family, neighborhood,
2. Do you think that the type of childhood training you or school who is “abnormal”? What is the basis for
received shaped your personality? If so, would you that judgment, and do you think everyone shares that
continue that approach with your own children? opinion? Can you imagine that personal habits you
3. About 70 million people in today’s world are consider normal would be viewed as deviant in the
intersexed, and only a very small fraction of them past or in another country?
Gender Across Generations
Our sex is biologically determined, but gender is three generations, find out how males and females
a cultural construct so its associated behaviors in your own circle of friends, relatives, and
are culturally variable and historically malleable. neighbors define femininity (characteristics of the
Most cultures distinguish minimally between two ideal woman) and masculinity (characteristics of
genders, but many recognize a third—and some a the ideal man). Beforehand, formulate questions
fourth or even a fifth gender. Explore the range of that will open the door to responses that may
culturally prescribed and socially acceptable male– indicate a gender differentiation more complex
female behaviors in your own social environment. than the stereotypical male–female contrast.
By observing and interviewing individuals from
Buena Vista Images/The Image Bank/Getty Images
CHALLENGE ISSUE
Facing the challenge of getting food, fuel, shelter, and other necessities, humans must hunt,
gather, produce, or otherwise obtain the means to satisfy such needs. During the span of
human existence, this has been accomplished in a range of highly contrasting natural environ-
ments by means of various biological and cultural adaptations. Inventing or borrowing technol-
ogies, humans have developed distinctive subsistence arrangements to feed their families.
Thus, we find foragers in Australia’s desert, fishers on Alaska’s seacoast, manioc planters in
Brazil’s rainforest, goat herders in Iran’s mountains, steel-mill laborers in South Korea, com-
puter techs in India’s cities, and poultry farmers in rural Alabama. All human activities impact
their environments, some radically transforming the landscape. Here we see Chinese farmers
practicing wet-rice cultivation on the mountainous slopes in Guangxi Province. They have
carved out terraces to capture rainwater, prevent soil erosion, and increase food production.
Patterns of
Subsistence 17
All living beings must satisfy certain basic needs to stay alive—including food, In this chapter you
water, and shelter. Moreover, because these needs must be met on an ongoing will learn to
basis, no creature could long survive if its relations with the environment were ● Recognize the
random and chaotic. People have a huge advantage over other animals in this relationship between
regard. We have developed advanced levels of culture. cultural adaptation
and long-term cultural
Thanks to culture, if the rains do not come and the hot sun turns grassland
change.
into desert, we know how to pump water from deep wells to irrigate pastures
● Distinguish between the
and feed our grazing animals. Conversely, if too much rain turns our pastures
different food-collecting
into marshlands, we have ways to drain flooded fields. To guard against famine, and food-producing
we have devised methods to preserve food and place it in safe storage. And if systems developed
our stomachs are incapable of digesting a particular food, we have learned that
around the world over
the course of about
cooking can make it edible.
200,000 years.
Despite such cultural knowhow, we are still subject to the basic pressures
● Analyze the
that face all living creatures, and it is important to understand human survival
interrelationship of
from this point of view. The crucial concept that underlies such a perspective is natural environment,
adaptation. technology, and
social organization in
cultures as systems of
Adaptation adaptation.
● Assess the significance
As discussed earlier in this book, adaptation is the process organisms undergo
of the Neolithic
to achieve a beneficial adjustment to a particular environment. What makes revolution in the context
human adaptation unique among all other species is our capacity to produce and of cultural evolution.
reproduce culture, enabling us to creatively adapt to an extraordinary range of ● Explain the process
radically different environments. The biological underpinnings of this capacity of parallel evolution in
contrast to convergent
include complex brains and a long period of growth and development.
evolution.
How humans adjust to the burdens and opportunities presented in daily life
● Critically discuss mass
is the basic concern of all cultures. As defined in a previous chapter, a people’s
food production in the
cultural adaptation consists of a complex of ideas, activities, and technologies age of globalization.
that enable them to survive and even thrive; in turn, that adaptation impacts
their environment.
417
418 CHAPTER 17 Patterns of Subsistence
Through their distinctive cultures, different human Hostilities are periodically fueled
groups have managed to adapt to a hugely diverse range by ecological pressures in which pigs
of natural environments—from Arctic snowfields to play a significant role. Valued for
Polynesian coral islands, from the Arabian Desert to the sanitizing the village and
Amazon rainforest. Notably, adaptation occurs not only protected as prestige an- P a c i fi c O c e a n
when humans make changes in their natural environ- imals, pig populations
ment but also when they are biologically changed by that multiply quickly, and WESTERN
NEW
environment, as illustrated in this chapter’s Biocultural in time great numbers GUINEA PAPUA
(INDONESIA) NEW
Connection. of them raid the food GUINEA
© Cengage Learning
gardens. Threatening
the food supplies of the
Coral
Adaptation, Environment, Tsembaga, they become

a serious problem.
AUSTRALIA Sea
and Ecosystem The need to expand food cultivation in order to feed

the prestigious but pesky pigs puts a strain on the land
Human beings, like other organisms, survive as members of
best suited for farming. Male-owned pigs rooting for the
a population within a natural environment
environment—a defined space
sweet potatoes greatly irritate the women working in the
with limited resources that presents certain possibilities and
food gardens. The growing tension in the ecosystem re-
limitations. People might just as easily farm as fish, but we
sults in periodic fighting between the Tsembaga and rival
do not expect to find farmers in Siberia’s frozen tundra or
neighbors.
fishermen in the middle of North Africa’s Sahara Desert.
Armed hostilities usually end after several weeks, fol-
Anthropologists have adopted the ecologists’ concept of
lowed by a pig feast ritual. For this event, the Tsembaga
ecosystem, defined as a system, or functioning whole,
butcher and roast almost all of their pigs and feast heartily
composed of both the natural environment and all the
on them with invited allies. By means of this feast, the
organisms living within it. Involving both organisms and
male Tsembaga hosts gain prestige and eliminate a major
their environment, the process of adaptation establishes an
source of irritation and complaint in their families and
ever-shifting balance between the needs of a population
between neighbors. Moreover, feasting on animal protein
and the potential of its environment. Populations must
leaves everyone well fed and physically strengthened.
have the flexibility to cope with variability and change
Even without hostilities over scarce land, such large pig
within their ecosystem in order to sustain themselves over
feasts have been held whenever the pig population has
the long run.
become unmanageable—every five to ten years, depend-
ing on the groups’ success in growing crops and raising
animals. Thus, the cycle of fighting and feasting keeps
Case Study: The Tsembaga the ecosystemic balance among humans, animals, crops,
The Tsembaga people of Papua New Guinea are one and land.
of countless examples of populations adapting to fluc-
tuations in their ecosystems by means of culture. The
Tsembaga are one of about twenty local groups of Maring Adaptation and Culture Areas
speakers who support themselves chiefly through sweet From early on, anthropologists recognized that ethnic
potatoes grown by women in food gardens cultivated with groups living within the same broad habitat often share
digging sticks or hoes (Rappaport, 1969). These Papuas certain cultural traits. These similarities reflect the funda-
also raise pigs, which fulfill important functions in the mental relationship between their comparable natural en-
community. Devouring almost anything edible, pigs keep vironments, available resources, and subsistence practices,
the village free of garbage and even human excrement; as well as the contact and exchange with neighboring
moreover, they serve as status symbols for their male populations.
owners. Rarely slaughtered, pigs are reserved primarily for Classifying groups according to their cultural traits,
large feasts when allies are needed to help fight in periodic anthropologists have mapped out geographic regions in
warfare against rival groups competing for scarce land. which a number of societies have similar ways of life.
At such times they are sacrificed to ancestral spirits, and Such a region, or culture area, often corresponds to
their meat is ritually consumed by everyone at the great an ecological expanse. In sub-Arctic North America, for
pig feast. example, migratory caribou herds graze across the vast
tundra. For dozens of different groups that have made this
area their home, these animals provide a major source of
ecosystem A system, or a functioning whole, composed of both the
natural environment and all the organisms living within it. food as well as material for shelter and clothing. Adapt-
culture area A geographic region in which a number of societies follow ing to more or less the same ecological resources in this
similar patterns of life. sub-Arctic landscape, these groups have developed similar
Adaptation 419
Surviving in the Andes: Aymara Adaptation to High Altitude

However adaptable we are as a species
through our diverse cultures, some nat-
ural environments pose such extreme
climatic challenges that the human
body must make physical adaptations
to successfully survive. The central
Andean highlands of Bolivia offer an
interesting example of complex biocul-
tural interaction, where a biologically
adapted human body type has emerged
due to natural selection.
Known as the altiplano, this high pla-
teau has an average elevation of 4,000
Joel Satore/National Geographic Stock

meters (13,000 feet). Many thousands
of years ago, small groups of human
foragers in the warm lowlands climbed
up the mountain slopes in search of
game and other food. The higher they
moved, the harder it became to breathe
due to decreasing molecular concentra-
tion, or partial pressure, of oxygen in Aymara Indians, who survive as farmers and herders, move across the altiplano (high plateau)
the inspired air. However, upon reach- in Bolivia with their llamas.
ing the cold and treeless highlands,
they found herds of llamas and hardy
food plants, including potatoes—reasons Experiencing a marked hypoxia (in- their expanded heart and lungs possess
to stay. Eventually (about 4,000 years sufficient oxygenation of the blood), a about 30 percent greater pulmonary diffus-
ago) their descendants domesticated both person’s normal physiological response to ing capacity to oxygenate blood.
the llamas and the potatoes and devel- being active at such heights is quick and In short, the distinctly broad chests of
oped a new way of life as high-altitude heavy breathing. Most outsiders visiting the Aymara Indians are biological evidence
agropastoralists. the altiplano typically need several days of their adaptation to the low-oxygen atmo-
The llamas provided meat and hides, as to acclimatize to these conditions. Going sphere of a natural habitat in which they
well as milk and wool. And the potatoes, too high too quickly can cause soroche survive as high-altitude agropastoralists.
a rich source of carbohydrates, became (“mountain sickness”), with physiological
their staple food. Over the course of many problems such as pulmonary hyperten- Biocultural Question
centuries, the Aymara selectively cultivated sion, increased heart rates, shortness
If a group of Aymara Indians abandons
more than 200 varieties of these tubers of breath, headaches, fever, lethargy, and
their high-altitude homeland in the Boliv-
on small family-owned tracts of land. They nausea. These symptoms usually disap-
ian altiplano and settles for a new life in
boiled them fresh for immediate consump- pear when one becomes fully acclimated,
the coastal lowlands, will their descen-
tion and also freeze-dried and preserved but most people will still be quickly
dants still living in this low-altitude envi-
them as chuño, which is the Aymara’s ma- exhausted by otherwise normal physical
ronment a dozen generations later have
jor source of nutrition to this day. exercise.
smaller chests?
Still surviving as highland subsistence For the Aymara Indians whose ances-
farmers and herders, these Aymara Indi- tors have inhabited the altiplano for many
ans have adapted culturally and biologi- thousands of years, the situation is differ
differ- a
For more information, see Baker, P. (Ed.).
cally to the cold and harsh conditions of ent. Through generations of natural selec- (1978). The biology of high altitude peoples.
Bolivia’s altiplano. They live and go about tion, their bodies have become biologically London: Cambridge University Press; Rupert,
their work at extremely high altitudes (up adapted to the low oxygen levels.a Short- J. L., & Hochachka, P. W. (2001). The
to 4,800 meters or 15,600 feet), in which legged and barrel-chested, their small bod- evidence for hereditary factors contributing
partial pressure of oxygen in the air is far ies have an unusually large thoracic volume to high altitude adaptation in Andean
lower than that to which most humans are compared to their tropical lowland neigh- natives: A review. High Altitude Medicine &
biologically accustomed. bors and most other humans. Remarkably, Biology 2 (2), 235–256.
Food-Foraging Societies
Before the domestication of food plants and animals, all
people sustained themselves through food foraging,
a mode of subsistence involving some combination of
Arctic hunting, fishing, and gathering wild plant foods (roots,
bulbs, leaves, seeds, nuts, fruits, honey, and so forth).
Sub-Arctic When food foragers had the earth to themselves, they
Northwest had their pick of the best environments. But gradually,
Coast areas with rich soils and ample supplies of water were
appropriated by farming societies and more recently by
Plateau industrial and postindustrial societies in which machines
Northeast largely replaced human labor, hand tools, and animal
Great
Basin power. One after the other, small foraging communities
California Plains were edged out of their traditional habitats by expanding
food-producing societies.
Today, only about 200,000 people (less than 0.003
Southeast
percent of the world population of well over 7 billion) still
Southwest subsist mainly as traditional foragers—hunting, fishing,
and gathering. They are found only in the world’s most
marginal areas (frozen Arctic tundra, deserts, and inac-

cessible forests) and typically lead a migratory existence
Mesoamerica that makes it impractical to accumulate many material
possessions. Because foraging cultures have nearly disap-
peared in areas having a natural abundance of food and
fuel resources, anthropologists are necessarily cautious
Figure 17.1 Culture Areas
about generalizing about the ancient human past based
This map shows the major indigenous culture areas in North and
on in-depth studies of still-existing foraging groups that
Central America, highlighting a key traditional food source for
have adapted to more marginal habitats.
each. Native cultures within each area were similar.
Present-day people who subsist by hunting, fishing,
and wild plant collection are seldom or never completely
isolated. In fact, many groups historically participate
subsistence technologies and practices over the course in trade networks involving non-foragers, meeting the
of generations. Although they speak very different lan- demand for commodities such as furs, hides, feathers,
guages, they share a similar way of life, and thus all these ivory, pearls, fish, nuts, and honey within larger trading
different caribou-hunting groups, each with their own networks. Like everyone else, most food foragers are now
particular cultural identity, form part of the same culture part of a larger system with social, economic, and political
area (Figure 17.1). relations extending far beyond regional, national, or even
continental boundaries (Figure 17.2).
Modes of Subsistence
Human societies all around the world have developed cul-
Characteristics of Food-Foraging
tural infrastructures compatible with the natural resources Societies
they have available to them and within the limitations of Among the few remaining food-foraging societies, there
their various habitats. Each mode of subsistence involves are some common features: mobility, small group size,
resources and the technology required to effectively cap- flexible division of labor by gender, food sharing, egalitar-
ture and utilize them, as well as the kinds of work arrange- ianism, communal property, and rarity of warfare.
ments that are developed to best suit a society’s needs. In
the next few pages, we will discuss the major types of cul- Mobility
tural infrastructure, beginning with the oldest and most
Food foragers move as needed within a circumscribed
universal mode of subsistence: food foraging.
region that is their home range to tap into naturally avail-
able food sources. Some groups, such as the Ju/’hoansi
in the Kalahari Desert of southern Africa who depend on
food foraging A mode of subsistence involving some combination of the reliable and highly drought-resistant mongongo nut,
hunting, fishing, and gathering of wild plant foods. may keep to fairly fixed annual routes and cover only a
Figure 17.2 Remote but Not Isolated

Peoples of the Kalahari Desert
Human groups (including food foragers)
do not exist in isolation except
occasionally—and even then not for
long. The bicycle this Bushman of
southern Africa is riding is indicative of
his links with the wider world, just as
the wild tsama melons (watermelons),
bow, and quiver of arrows speak of
his traditional hunter-gatherer life. For
2,000 years, Bushmen have been
interacting regularly with neighboring
© Anthony Bannister; Gallo Images Corbis

farmers and pastoralists. Moreover,
food foragers have supplied much of
the commodities desired by the rest of
the world, such as the elephant ivory
used for keyboards on pianos so widely
sought in 19th-century North America.
restricted territory. Others, such as the traditional Sho- How food-foraging peoples regulate population size
shone in the western highlands of North America, had relates to two things: how much body fat they accumulate
to cover a wider territory, their course determined by the and how they care for their children. Ovulation requires
local availability of the erratically productive pine nut. a certain minimum of body fat. The menarche (a girl’s first
A crucial factor in this mobility is availability of water. menstruation) in hunting and gathering societies surviv-
The distance between the food supply and the water must ing in areas with relatively few natural resources, such
not be so great that more energy is required to fetch water as the Kalahari Desert in southwestern Africa, generally
than can be obtained from the food. begins about 5 years later than in most agricultural or
industrial societies. For example, the mean age for menar-
Small Group Size che among !Kung Bushmen is 16.6 years, and the mean
Another characteristic of the food-foraging adaptation is age of !Kung mothers bearing their first child is 21.4 years
the small size of local groups, typically fewer than a hun- (Howell, 2010). Once a child is born, the mother nurses
dred people. No completely satisfactory explanation for the child several times each hour, even at night, and this
this has been offered, but both ecological and social factors continues over a period of four or five years. The constant
are involved. Among the ecological factors is the carrying stimulation of the mother’s nipples suppresses the level
capacity of the land—the number of people that the avail- of hormones that promote ovulation, making conception
able resources can support at a given level of food-getting less likely (Konner & Worthman, 1980; Small, 1997).
techniques. This requires adjusting to seasonal and long- Continuing to nurse for several years, women give birth
term changes in resource availability. Carrying capacity only at widely spaced intervals. Thus, the total number
involves not only the immediate presence of food and water of offspring remains low, effectively maintaining a stable
but also the tools and work necessary to secure them, as well and sustainable population size (Figure 17.3).
as short- and long-term fluctuations in their availability.
In addition to seasonal or local adjustments, food Flexible Division of Labor by Gender
foragers must make long-term adjustments to resources. Division of labor, present in all human societies, is probably
Food-foraging populations usually stabilize at numbers as old as human culture. Among food foragers, the hunting
well below the carrying capacity of their land. In fact, the and butchering of large game as well as the processing of
home ranges of most food foragers can support from three hard or tough raw materials are almost universally male
to five times as many people as they typically do. In the occupations. By contrast, women’s work in foraging soci-
long run, it may be more adaptive for a group to keep its eties usually focuses on collecting and processing a variety
numbers low rather than to expand indefinitely and risk of plant foods, as well as other domestic chores that can
disaster by a sudden and unexpected natural reduction in
food resources. The population density of foraging groups
surviving in marginal environments today rarely exceeds carrying capacity The number of people that the available resources
one person per square mile—a very low density. can support at a given level of food-getting techniques.
determined. In fact, the division of labor by gender is often

far less rigid among food foragers than it is in most other
types of society. Thus, Ju/’hoansi males, when the occasion
demands, willingly and without embarrassment gather wild
plant foods, build huts, and collect water, even though all
are regarded as women’s work. Likewise, in coastal Algon-
quian societies, women traditionally took an active part in
harvesting fish and shellfish such as clams and oysters.
Although women in foraging societies commonly spend
some time each day gathering wild foods, men rarely
hunt on a daily basis (Figure 17.4). The amount of energy
expended in hunting, especially in hot climates, is often
greater than the energy return from the kill. Too much time
spent searching out game might actually be counterproduc-
tive. Energy itself is derived primarily from plant carbohy-
drates, and it is usually the female gatherers who bring in
the bulk of the calories. A certain amount of meat in the
diet, though, guarantees high-quality protein that is less
easily obtained from plant sources because meat contains
exactly the right balance of all the amino acids (the building
blocks of protein) the human body requires. No one plant
food does this, and in order to get by without meat people
must hit on exactly the right combination of plants to pro-
©Anthony Bannister; Gallo Images/Corbis
vide the essential amino acids in the correct proportions.
Food Sharing
Another key feature of human social organization associ-
ated with food foraging is the sharing of food. Among the
Ju/’hoansi, women have control over the food they collect
and can share it with whomever they choose. Men, by
contrast, are constrained by rules that specify how much
Figure 17.3 Natural Birth Control
meat is to be distributed and to whom. For the individual
Frequent nursing of children over four or five years acts to suppress
hunter, meat sharing is really a way of storing it for the
ovulation among food foragers such as the Ju/’hoansi. As a
future: His generosity, obligatory though it might be, gives
consequence, women give birth to relatively few offspring at
him a claim on the future kills of other hunters. As a cul-
widely spaced intervals.
tural trait, food sharing has the obvious survival value of
distributing resources needed for subsistence.
be fit to the demands of breast-feeding and that are more
compatible with pregnancy and childbirth. Egalitarian Social Relations
Among food foragers today, the work of women is no A key characteristic of the food-foraging society is its
less arduous than that of men. For example, Ju/’hoansi egalitarianism. Because foragers are usually highly mobile
women may walk 12 miles a day to gather food, two and lack animal or mechanical transportation, they must
or three times a week. They are carrying not only their be able to travel without many encumbrances, especially
children but also, on the return home, between 15 and on food-getting expeditions. By necessity, the material
33 pounds of food. Still, they do not have to travel quite goods they carry with them are limited to the bare essen-
as far as do men on the hunt, and their work is usually tials, which include implements for hunting, gathering,
less dangerous. Also, their tasks require less rapid mobility, fishing, building, and cooking. (For example, the average
do not need complete and undivided attention, and are weight of an individual’s personal belongings among
readily resumed after interruption. the Ju/’hoansi is just under 25 pounds.) In this context,
All of this is compatible with those biological differences it makes little sense for them to accumulate luxuries or
that remain between the sexes. Certainly, women who are surplus goods, and the fact that no one owns significantly
pregnant or who have infants to nurse cannot travel long more than another helps to limit status differences.
distances in pursuit of game as easily as men can. It is important to realize that discrepancy in social
But, saying that differing gender roles among food for- standing by itself does not constitute inequality, a point
agers is compatible with the biological differences between that is easily misunderstood especially when relations be-
men and women is not saying that these roles are biologically tween men and women are concerned. In most traditional
Anthony Bannister/Corbis
Kim Walker
Figure 17.4 Gender and Labor

Although food foragers such as the Ju/’hoansi Bushmen in southern Africa have a flexible
division of labor, men usually do the hunting, whereas women prepare food. Both men and
women gather wild foods such as ostrich eggs and edible plants—fruits, nuts, and tubers.
Here, Ju/’hoansi men return from a successful porcupine hunt, and women prepare a 3-pound
ostrich egg omelet (equivalent to about two dozen chicken eggs). Traditionally, once the bird’s
large, hard shell has been emptied, it serves as a very useful water container. If it shatters,
pieces are fashioned into jewelry.
food-foraging societies, women did not and do not defer The food forager’s concept of territory contributes as
to men. To be sure, women may be excluded from some much to social equality as it does to the equal distribution
rituals in which men participate, but the reverse is also of resources. Most groups have home ranges within which
true. Moreover, women control the fruits of their labor, access to resources is open to all members. What is avail-
not the men. Nor do women sacrifice their autonomy able to one is available to all. If a Mbuti Pygmy hunter liv-
even in societies in which male hunting, rather than ing in the forests of Central Africa discovers a honey tree,
female gathering, brings in the bulk of the food. he has first rights; but when he has taken his share, others
have a turn. No individual within the community pri-
Communal Property vately owns the tree; the system is first come, first served.
Food foragers make no attempt to accumulate surplus
foodstuffs, often an important source of status in agrarian Rarity of Warfare
societies. This does not mean that they live constantly on Although much has been written on the theoretical im-
the verge of starvation because their environment is their portance of hunting for shaping the supposedly compet-
natural storehouse. Except in the coldest climates (where itive and aggressive nature of the human species, most
a surplus must be set aside to see people through the long, anthropologists are unconvinced by these arguments.
lean winter season) or in times of acute ecological disas- To be sure, warlike behavior on the part of food-foraging
ter, some food can almost always be found in a group’s peoples is known, but such behavior is a relatively recent
territory. Because food resources are typically shared and phenomenon in response to pressure from expansionist
distributed equally throughout the group, no one achieves states. In the absence of such pressures, food-foraging
the wealth or status that hoarding might produce. In such peoples are remarkably nonaggressive and place more em-
a society, having more than others is a sign of deviance phasis on peacefulness and cooperation than they do on
rather than a desirable characteristic. violent competition.
How Technology Impacts patterns based on plant cultivation, breeding and raising
animals, or a mixture of both.
Cultural Adaptations The transition from food foraging to food production
among Foragers first took place about 10,000 years ago in Southwest Asia
(the Fertile Crescent, including the Jordan River Valley
Like habitat, technology plays an important role in shap- and neighboring regions in the Middle East). This was the
ing the characteristics of the foraging life. Just as the beginning of the Neolithic or New Stone Age (from the
availability of water, game animals, and other seasonal Greek neo meaning “new” and lith meaning “stone”) in
resources influence the movement, population size, and which people possessed stone-based technologies and de-
division of labor by gender among food-foraging groups, pended on domesticated plants, animals, or both. Within
so too do different hunting technologies and techniques the next few thousand years, similar early transitions to
play a part in determining movement, as well as popula- agricultural economies took place independently in other
tion size and division of labor by gender. parts of the world where human groups began to raise
Consider, for example, the Mbuti Pygmies in the Ituri and (later) alter wild cereal plants such as wheat, maize
forest of the Democratic Republic of Congo in Central (corn), and rice; legumes such as beans; gourds such as
Africa. All Mbuti bands hunt elephants with spears. How- squash; and tubers such as potatoes. Doing the same with
ever, for other game some of the bands use bows, and a number of wild animal species ranging in their hunting
others use large nets. Those equipped with nets have a territories, people began to domesticate goats, sheep, pigs,
cooperative division of labor in which men, women, and cattle, and llamas (Figure 17.5).
children collaborate in driving antelope and other game Because these activities radically changed almost every
into the nets for the kill. Usually, this involves very long aspect of cultural systems, anthropologists use the term
hours and movement over great distances as participants Neolithic revolution. As humans became increasingly
surround the animals and beat the woods noisily to dependent on domesticated crops, they mostly gave up
chase the game in one direction toward the great nets. their mobile way of life and settled down to till the soil,
Because this sort of “beat-hunt” requires the cooperation sow, weed, protect, harvest, and safely store their crops.
of up to thirty families, those using this method have No longer on the move, they could build more permanent
relatively large camps. dwellings and began to make pottery for storage of water,
Among Mbuti bow hunters, on the other hand, only food, and so on.
men go after the game. These archers tend to stay closer Just why this change came about is one of the im-
to the village for shorter periods of time and live in portant questions in anthropology. Because food pro-
smaller groups, typically of no more than six families. duction requires more work than food foraging, is more
Although there is no significant difference in overall monotonous, and is often a less secure means of subsis-
population density between net- and bow-hunting areas, tence, it is unlikely that people became food producers
archers generally harvest a greater diversity of animal voluntarily.
species, including monkeys (Bailey & Aunger, 1989; Initially, it appears that food production arose as a
Terashima, 1983). largely unintended byproduct of existing food manage-
ment practices. Among many examples, we may consider
the Paiute Indians, whose desert habitat in the western
Food-Producing Societies highlands of North America includes some oasis-like

marshlands. These foragers discovered how to irrigate
Habitat and technology do not tell the whole story of how wild crops in their otherwise very dry homeland, thus
we humans feed ourselves. After the emergence of tool- increasing the quantity of wild seeds and bulbs to be har-
making, which enabled humans to consume significant vested. Although their ecological intervention was very
amounts of meat as well as plant foods, the next truly mo- limited, it allowed them to settle down for longer peri-
mentous event in human history was the domestication ods in greater numbers than otherwise would have been
of plants and animals. Over time, this achievement trans- possible.
formed cultural systems, with humans developing new Unlike the Paiute, who stopped just short of a Neo-
economic arrangements, social structures, and ideological lithic revolution, other groups elsewhere in the world con-
tinued to transform their landscapes in ways that favored
the appearance of new varieties of particular plants and
Neolithic The New Stone Age; a prehistoric period beginning about animals, which came to take on increasing importance for
10,000 years ago in which peoples possessed stone-based technologies people’s subsistence. Although probably at first accidental,
and depended on domesticated plants and/or animals for subsistence.
food production became a matter of necessity as popula-
Neolithic revolution The domestication of plants and animals by
tion growth outstripped people’s ability to sustain them-
peoples with stone-based technologies beginning about 10,000
years ago and leading to radical transformations in cultural systems; selves through food foraging. For them, food production
sometimes referred to as the Neolithic transition. became a subsistence option of last resort.
Food-Producing Societies 425
Southeast Horse
Europe
Manioc Gourds
Gour Alpaca Potato
South Squash Lima bean Llama Sweet potato
America T
Tobacco Cotton Guinea pig
Peanut
Gour
Gourds Peppers Cacao
Squash Maize Beans Sunflower
Manioc
Mesoamerica Turkey
Turkey
Avocado
Av
Cotton
Cattle Millet Catt G
Groundnut Coffee
fee
North Cotton Sorghum Watermelon
Africa Yam
Ya
Rice Plantain Tea
Southeast Banana
Sugarcane
Sugar
Asia Taro
Yam
Dog Rice Beans Millet
East Hemp Water buffalo
Wa
Asia Pig Fowl
Silkworm
m
South Cattle Cotton Chicken
Asia
Pig
Goat Flax Grapes Dromedaryy
Southwest Sheep
Asia Barley
Rye Lentil
Wheat Cattle
© Cengage Learning
Central Dog Camel Donkey
Horse
Asia
YEARS AGO 15,000 10,000 9,000 8,000 7,000 6,000 5,000 4,000 3,000 2,000
Figure 17.5 Appearance of Domesticates in the Archaeological Record
Producing Food in Gardens: One of the most widespread forms of horticulture, es-
pecially in the tropics, is slash-and-burn cultivation, or
Horticulture swidden farming, in which the natural vegetation is cut, the
With the advent of plant domestication, some societies slash is subsequently burned, and crops are then planted
took up horticulture (from the Latin hortus, meaning among the ashes. This is an ecologically sophisticated and
“garden”) in which small communities of gardeners cul- sustainable way of raising food, especially in the tropics,
tivate crops with simple hand tools, using neither irriga- when carried out under the right conditions: low popula-
tion nor plow. Typically, horticulturists cultivate several tion densities and adequate amounts of land. It mimics the
varieties of food plants together in small, hand-cleared diversity of the natural ecosystem, growing several different
food gardens. Because they do not usually fertilize the crops in the same field. Mixed together, the crops are less
soil, they use a given garden plot for only a few years vulnerable to pests and plant diseases than a single crop.
before abandoning it in favor of a new one. Often, hor- Not only is the system ecologically sound, but it is
ticulturists grow enough food for their subsistence, and far more energy efficient than modern farming meth-
occasionally they produce a modest surplus that can be ods used in developed countries like the United States,
used for other purposes such as inter-village feasts and
horticulture The cultivation of crops in food gardens, carried out with
exchange. Although their major food supplies may come
simple hand tools such as digging sticks and hoes.
from their gardens, many horticulturists will also fish,
slash-and-burn cultivation An extensive form of horticulture in which
hunt game, and collect wild plant foods when need and the natural vegetation is cut, the slash is subsequently burned, and crops
opportunity arise. are then planted among the ashes; also known as swidden farming.
farming
where natural resources such as land and fuel are still produces between 10 and 20 units of energy for every
relatively cheap and abundant, and many farms operate unit expended. A good example of how such a tropical
with financial support in the form of government subsi- food-gardening system works is provided by the Mekra-
dies or tax breaks. Although high-tech farming requires noti Kayapo Indians of Brazil’s Amazon forest, profiled in
more energy input than it yields, slash-and-burn farming the Original Study.
NAL
ORIGI
S T U DY Gardens of the Mekranoti Kayapo BY DENNIS WERNER
To plant a garden, Mekranoti men clear the Because decomposers need moisture as well as warmth,
forest and burn the debris. Then, in the ashes, men and the long Mekranoti dry season could alter this whole pic-
women plant sweet potatoes, manioc, bananas, corn, ture of soil ecology. But soil samples from recently burned
pumpkins, papaya, sugar cane, pineapple, cotton, to- Mekranoti fields and the adjacent forest floor showed
bacco, and annatto, whose seeds yield achiote, the red that, as in most of the humid tropics, the high fertility
dye used for painting ornaments and people’s bodies. of the Indians’ garden plots comes from the trees that are
Because the Mekranoti don’t bother with weeding, the burned there, not from the soil, as in temperate climates.
forest gradually invades the garden. After the second year, Getting a good burn is a tricky
only manioc, sweet potatoes, and bananas remain. And operation. Perhaps for this reason
after three years or so there is usually nothing left but ba- the more experienced and knowl-
nanas. Except for a few tree species that require hundreds edgeable members of the commu-
of years to grow, the area will look like the original forest nity oversee its timing. If
twenty-five to thirty years later. done too early, the rains
This gardening technique, known as slash-and-burn, will leach out the min- GUYANA
is one of the most common in the world. At one erals in the ash before VENEZUELA
SURINAME
COLOMBIA
time critics condemned it as wasteful and ecologically planting time. If too late, FRENCH
GUIANA
destructive, but today we know that, especially in the the debris will be too wet Amazon River
humid tropics, it may be one of the best gardening to burn properly. Then,
Xingu
methods possible. insects and weeds that
Continuous high temperatures encourage the growth could plague the plants Mekranoti
PERU
of the microorganisms that cause rot, so organic matter will not die and few min- BOLIVIA BRAZIL
quickly breaks down into simple minerals. The heavy erals will be released into
Pacific Ocean
PA
© Cengage Learning
CHILE
RA
rains dissolve these valuable nutrients and carry them the soil. If the winds are
GU
AY
deep into the soils, out of the reach of plants. The tropi-
tropi- too weak, the burn will ARGENTINA Atlantic
Ocean
cal forest maintains its richness because the heavy foliage not cover the entire plot.
URUGUAY
shades the earth, cooling it and inhibiting the growth of If they are too strong, the
the decomposers. A good deal of the rain is captured by fire can get out of hand.
leaves before ever reaching the ground. Shortly after burning the plots and clearing some of
When a tree falls in the forest and begins to rot, other the charred debris, people begin the long job of planting,
plants quickly absorb the nutrients that are released. In which takes up all of September and lasts into October. In
contrast, with open-field agriculture, the sun heats the the center of the circular garden plot the women dig holes
earth, the decomposers multiply, and the rains quickly and throw in a few pieces of sweet potatoes. After covering
leach the soils of their nutrients. In a few years a lush the tubers with dirt, they usually ask a male to stomp on
forest, if cleared for open one-crop agriculture, can be the mound and make a ritual noise resembling a Bronx
transformed into a barren wasteland. cheer—magic to ensure a large crop. Forming a large ring
A few months after the Mekranoti plant banana and around the sweet potatoes, the Indians thrust pieces of
papaya, these trees shade the soil, just as the larger forest manioc stems into the ground, one after the other. Once
trees do. The mixing of different kinds of plants in the grown, these stems form a dense barrier around the sweet
same area means that minerals can be absorbed as soon potato patch. Outside of the manioc ring, women plant
as they are released; corn picks up nutrients very fast, yams, cotton, sugar cane, and annatto. An outermost cir- cir
whereas manioc is slow. Also, the small and temporary cle of banana stalks and papaya trees is sowed by simply
clearings mean that the forest can quickly reinvade its throwing the seeds on the ground, whereas corn, pump-
lost territory. kins, watermelons, and pineapple are planted throughout
the garden; rapid growers, they are harvested long before need to work to survive. The data showed that for every
the manioc matures. hour of gardening one Mekranoti adult produces almost
When I lived with the Mekranoti, Western agrono-
agrono 18,000 kilocalories of food. (As a basis for comparison,
mists—accustomed to single-crop fields and a harvest that people in the United States consume approximately 3,000
happens all at once—knew very little about slash-and- kilocalories of food per day.) As insurance against bad
burn crop cultivation. Curious about the productivity of years, and in case they receive visitors from other villages,
Mekranoti horticulture, I began measuring off areas of they grow far more produce than they need. But even so,
gardens to count how many manioc plants, ears of corn, they don’t need to work very hard to survive. A look at the
or pumpkins were found there. The women thought it average amount of time adults spend on different tasks
strange to see me struggling through the tangle of plants every week shows just how easygoing life in horticultural
to measure off areas, 10 meters by 10 meters, placing societies can be:
string along the borders, and then counting what was
8.5 hours Gardening
inside. Sometimes I asked a woman to dig up all of the
6.0 hours Hunting
sweet potatoes within the marked-off area. My requests
1.5 hours Fishing
were bizarre, but they cooperated, holding on to the ends
1.0 hour Gathering wild foods
of the measuring tapes or sending their children to help.
33.5 hours All other jobs
For some plants, like bananas, I simply counted the num-
num
ber of clumps of stalks in the garden, and the number of Altogether, the Mekranoti need to work less than
banana bunches I could see growing in various clumps. By 51 hours a week, and this includes getting to and from
watching how long it took the bananas to grow, from the work, cooking, repairing broken tools, and all of the other
time I could see them until they were harvested, I could things we normally don’t count as part of our work week.
calculate a garden’s total banana yield per year.
Combining the time allocation data with the garden Adapted from Werner, D. (1990). Amazon journey (pp. 105–112).
productivities, I got an idea of how hard the Mekranoti Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Producing Food on Farms: markets, much of what the farmers do is governed by politi-
cal and economic forces over which they have little control.
Agriculture Early food producers have developed several major crop
In contrast to horticulture, agriculture (from the Latin complexes: two adapted to dry uplands and two to tropical
agri, meaning “field”) is growing food plants like grains, wetlands. In the dry uplands of Southwest Asia, for example,
tubers, fruits, and vegetables in soil prepared and main- farmers time their agricultural activities with the rhythm of
tained for crop production. This more intensive food the changing seasons, cultivating wheat, barley, oat, flax,
production involves using technologies other than hand rye, and millet. In the tropical wetlands of Southeast Asia,
tools, such as plows, fertilizers, and/or irrigation. Histori- rice and tubers such as yams and taro are cultivated. In the
cally, agriculture often relied on humans or draft animals Americas, people have adapted to natural environments sim-
for plowing and transport; it now often depends on ilar to those of Africa and Eurasia but have cultivated their
fuel-powered tractors and trucks to produce food on larger own indigenous plants: Typically, maize, beans, squash, and
plots of land. But the ingenuity of some early agricultur- potatoes are grown in drier areas, whereas manioc is exten-
alists is illustrated in this chapter’s Anthropology Applied sively grown in the tropical wetlands.
feature, highlighting an ecologically sound mountain ter-
racing and irrigation system established 1,000 years ago. Characteristics of Crop-Producing Societies
Among agriculturists, surplus crop cultivation is gen- One of the most significant correlates of crop cultivation
erally substantial—providing food not only for their own is the development of fixed settlements, in which farming
needs but also for those of various full-time specialists families reside together near their cultivated fields. The task
and nonproducing consumers. This surplus may be traded of food production lends itself to a different kind of social
or sold for cash, or it may be coerced out of the farmers organization. Because the hard work of some members
through taxes, rent, or tribute (forced gifts acknowledging of the group can provide food for all, others become free
submission or protection) paid to landowners or other to devote their time to inventing and manufacturing the
dominant groups. The landowners and specialists—such as equipment needed for a new sedentary way of life. Tools
traders, carpenters, blacksmiths, sculptors, basketmakers, for digging and harvesting, pottery for storage and cooking,
and stonecutters—typically reside in substantial towns or
cities, where political power is centralized in the hands of a agriculture Intensive crop cultivation, employing plows, fertilizers, and/
socially elite class. Dominated by more powerful groups and or irrigation.
Agricultural Development and the Anthropologist

Indigenous peoples have often impressed
anthropologists with their traditional prac-
tices, which display both ingenuity and
knowledge. Beyond the profession of an-
thropology, people, especially Westerners,
have adopted the popular notion that
indigenous groups invariably live in some
sort of blissful oneness with the environ-
ment. But this was never the message of
anthropologists, who know that traditional
peoples are only human and, as such, are
capable of making mistakes. Just as we
have much to learn from their successes,
© Ann Kendall/Cusichaca Trust

so too can we learn from their failures.
Archaeologist Ann Kendall is doing just
this in the Patacancha Valley in the Andes
Mountains of southern Peru. Kendall is di-
rector and founder of the Cusichaca Trust,
near Oxford, England, a rural development
organization that revives ancient farming Mountain terracing in Peru has counteracted erosion and provided irrigation for farmland.
practices. In the late 1980s, after working
for ten years on archaeological excavations plots, coupled with minimal terracing of Cusichaca Trust supported the restoration
and rural development projects, she invited the hillsides, had resulted in tremendous of the terraces and 5.8 kilometers (3.6
botanist Alex Chepstow-Lusty of Cambridge soil loss through erosion. By 1,900 years miles) of canal. The effort relied on local
University to investigate climatic change ago, soil degradation and a cooling climate labor working with traditional methods and
and paleoecological data. His findings, had led to a dramatic reduction in farming. materials—clay (with a cactus mix to keep
along with Kendall’s, provided evidence of Then, about 1,000 years ago, farming it moist), stone, and soil. Local families
intensive farming in the Patacancha Valley, was revived, this time with soil-sparing have replanted 160 hectares of the ren-
beginning about 4,000 years ago. The re- techniques. ovated pre-conquest terraces with maize,
search showed that over time, widespread Kendall’s investigations have doc- potatoes, and wheat, and the plots are up to
clearing to establish and maintain farm umented intensive irrigated-terrace con- ten times more productive than they were.
struction over two periods of occupation, Among other related accomplishments,
including Inca development of the area. twenty-one water systems have been in-
It was a sophisticated system, devised to stalled, which reach more than 800 large
counteract erosion and achieve maximum families, and a traditional concept of home-
agricultural production.a The effort required based gardens has been adapted to intro-
workers to haul load after load of soil duce European-style vegetable gardens to
COLOMBIA
up from the valley floor. In addition, they improve diet and health and to facilitate
planted alder trees to stabilize the soil market gardening. Since 1997, these proj-
ECUADOR
and to provide both firewood and building ects have been under an independent local
materials. rural development organization known as
So successful was this farming system ADESA. The Cusichaca Trust has continued
BRAZIL
by Inca times that the number of people liv- its pioneering work in areas of extreme
ing in the valley quadrupled to some 4,000, poverty in Peru farther to the north, such
P E RU about the same as it is now. However, yet as Apurímac and Ayacucho, using tried and
another reversal of fortune occurred when tested traditional technology in the restora-
the Spanish took over Peru, and the ter ter- tion of ancient canal and terrace systems.b
races and trees here and elsewhere were
BOLIVIA
© Cengage Learning
Patacancha a
For background information, see Krajick, K.
Valley allowed to deteriorate.
Pacific
Armed with these research findings and (1998, July 17). Greenfarming by the Incas?
Ocean
information and insights gathered through Science 281 (5375), 322.
CHILE b
interviews and meetings with locals, the See www.cusichaca.org.
Figure 17.6 Transhumance,

Pyrénées-Atlantiques, France
At spring's end, a farmer living
in the mountain valleys of
southwestern France leads his
cattle to high-altitude summer
pastures. Since herds are often
left to graze in open rangeland,
most farmers put a bell on the
lead cow in order to track the
animals. In many rural French
communities, spring and autumn
moves are marked by a festival
that includes parading herds
through town. The event is all
the greater in the fall when the
Christian Goupi/AGE Fotostock

animals return fattened and with
calves.
clothing made of woven textiles, and housing made of designated pastures, albeit under supervision, branded or
stone, wood, or sun-dried bricks all come out of the new otherwise marked by their owners as private property.
settled living conditions and the altered division of labor. Likewise, many ancient agricultural communities
The transition from foraging to food production also adapted to mountainous environments from the Alps to the
brought important changes in social structure. At first, Himalayas have traditionally herded livestock (cows, sheep,
social relations were egalitarian and hardly different from horses, and so on) in high summer pastures, leaving their
those that prevailed among food foragers. As settlements narrow lowland valleys for alternative use—farming grains,
grew, however, and large numbers of people had to share keeping orchards, and growing vegetables and hay to feed
important resources such as land and water, a greater animals in the winter season. After the crop harvest, before
division of labor developed, and society became more the weather turns cold and snow covers the higher pastures,
complex in organization. those who left the village to tend the herds bring the ani-
mals back to the valley and settle in for the winter season.
Figure 17.6 illustrates a contemporary instance of this
Mixed Farming: Crop Growing “vertical” seasonal movement of herders and their livestock
between high-altitude summer pastures and lowland valleys;
and Animal Breeding this is an example of transhumance (trans means “across”;
As noted previously, indigenous food-producing cul- humus means “earth”) (Cole & Wolf, 1999; see also Jones,
tures in the western hemisphere depended primarily on 2005). In contrast to transhumance, in which a number
growing domesticated indigenous crops such as manioc, of men from the village annually move with their herds to
corn, and beans. With some exceptions—including the seasonal pastures while other community members remain
Aymara and Quechua, who traditionally also keep llamas home in the settlement, there are also cultures in which the
and alpacas in their high-altitude homeland in the Andes entire community migrates with the herds to their alternate
Mountains of South America (see the Biocultural Con- grazing grounds—as described in the next section.
nection)—American Indians obtained sufficient meat, fat,
leather, and wool from wild game.
In contrast, Eurasian and African food-producing
Herding Grazing Animals:
peoples often do not have an opportunity to obtain Pastoralism
enough vitally important animal proteins from wild
One of the more striking examples of human adaptation
game, fish, or fowl. Many have developed a mixed subsis-
to the environment is pastoralism—breeding
—breeding and man-
—
tence strategy that combines crop cultivation with raising
aging large herds of domesticated herbivores (grazing and
animals for food, labor, or trade. Depending on cultural
traditions, ecological circumstances, and animal habits,
pastoralism The breeding and managing of migratory herds of
some species are kept in barns or fenced-off fields, whereas domesticated grazing animals, such as goats, sheep, cattle, llamas,
others may range freely in and around the settlement or and camels.
browsing animals), such as goats, sheep, cattle, horses, The return trip north is especially dangerous because
llamas, or camels. Unlike the forms of animal husbandry the mountain snows are melting, and the gorges are full of
discussed previously, pastoralism is a specialized way of turbulent, ice-cold water rushing down from the mountain
life centered on breeding and herding animals. peaks. This long trek is further burdened by the newborn
Dependent on livestock for daily survival, families in spring lambs and goat kids. Where the watercourses are not
pastoral cultures own herds of grazing animals whose need very deep, the nomads ford them. The Bakhtiari cross deep
for food and drink determines their everyday routines. channels, including one river that is a half-mile wide, with
When a dozen or more herding families join together, their the help of inflatable goatskin rafts, on which they place in-
collective herds may number in the thousands and some- fants and elderly or infirm family members, as well as lambs
times even a few hundred thousand. Unlike crop cultivators and kids. Men swim alongside the rafts, pushing them
who need to remain close to their fields, pastoral peoples through the icy water. If they work from dawn to dusk, the
do not usually establish permanent settlements because nomads can get all of the people and animals across the
they must follow or lead their large herds to new pastures river in five days. Dozens of animals drown each day.
on a regular basis. Like their herds, most pastoralists must In the mountain passes, where a biting wind numbs
be mobile and have adjusted their way of life accordingly. the skin and brings tears to the eyes, the Bakhtiari trek a
In environments that are too dry, cold, steep, or rocky rugged slippery trail. Climbing the steep escarpments is
for farming, nomadic pastoralism is an effective way of dangerous, and often the stronger men must carry their
living, far more so than sheep or cattle ranching. One children and the baby goats on their shoulders as they
example of an environment that fits this description is make their way over the ice and snow to the lush moun-
the vast, arid grassland region that stretches eastward tain valley that is their destination.
from North Africa through the Arabian Desert, across the The journey is familiar but not predictable. It can take
plateau of Iran and into Turkestan and Mongolia. Today, weeks because the flocks travel slowly and need constant
in Africa and Asia alone, more than 21 million people
attention. Men and older boys walk the route, driving the
are pastoralists, still migrating with their herds. These
sheep and goats as they go. Women and children usually
nomadic groups regard movement as a natural part of life.
ride atop mules and donkeys, along with the tents and
other equipment (Figure 17.7).
Reaching their destination, the Bakhtiari set up tents—
Case Study: Bakhtiari Herders traditionally cloth shelters woven by the women. The tents
Counted among the world’s pastoral groups are the are a fine example of adaptation to a changing environ-
Bakhtiari, a fiercely independent people with a way of ment. Made of black goat-hair, they retain heat and repel
life uniquely adapted to the seasonal fluctuations of the water during the winter and keep out heat during the sum-
unforgiving Zagros Mountains of western Iran (Barth, mer. These portable homes are easy to erect, take down, and
1962; Coon, 1958; Salzman, 1967). For many thousands transport. Inside, the furnishings are sparse and functional,
of years, Bakhtiari life has revolved around the seasonal but also artful. Heavy felt pads or elaborate wool rugs, also
migrations needed to provide good grazing lands for herds woven by the women, cover the ground, and stacks of
of goats and fat-tailed sheep—hazardous journeys as long blankets, goatskin containers, copper utensils, clay jugs, and
as 300 kilometers (185 miles), over mountains as high bags of grain are pressed against the inside walls of the tent.
as 3,700 meters (about 12,000 feet), and through deep Central to Bakhtiari subsistence, sheep and goats pro-
chasms and churning watercourses. vide milk, cheese, butter, meat, hides, and wool. Women
Each fall, before the harsh winter comes to the and girls spend considerable time spinning wool into
mountains, these nomads load their tents and other yarn—sometimes doing so while riding atop donkeys on
belongings on donkeys and drive their the less difficult parts of their migration. They use the
flocks down to the warm plains yarn to make not only rugs and tents, but also clothing,
that border western Iraq. Here the storage bags, and other essentials. With men owning and
grazing land is excellent and well controlling the animals, which are of primary importance
watered during the win- in Bakhtiari life, women generally have less economic and
AR
ter months. In the spring, M AZERBAIJAN
EN political power than their fathers, brothers, or husbands,
IA
TURKEY
when the low-lying pas- Caspian TURKMENISTAN but they are not without influence.
Sea
tures dry up, they return The Bakhtiari live in the political state of Iran but have
AFGHANISTAN
to the mountain valleys, their own traditional system of justice, including laws and
IRAN
where a new crop of grass
Za
a penal code. Tribal leaders or khans (men who are elected

g ro
IRAQ
sM
is sprouting. For this un or who inherit their office) govern the Bakhtiari. Most
tai
o
KUWAIT ns
© Cengage Learning
trek, they split into five Bakhtiari khans grew wealthy when oil was discovered in
PAKISTAN
Pe
si
groups, each composed their homeland around the start of the 20th century, and
r
an
Gu
of some 5,000 individuals SAUDI ARABIA lf
many of them are well educated, having attended Iranian
and 50,000 animals. or foreign universities.
© S. Eran Images and Stories

Figure 17.7 Bakhtiari Pastoralists
In the Zagros Mountains region of Iran, pastoral nomads follow seasonal pastures. Migrating
vast distances with their pack donkeys and mules, they lead huge herds of goats and sheep
over rugged terrain that includes perilously steep, snowy passes and fast ice-cold rivers.
Despite this, and although some of them own houses in

cities, the khans spend much of their lives among their peo-
ple in the mountains. The predominance of males in both
economic and political affairs is common among pastoral
Indus
nomads; theirs is very much a man’s world. That said, elderly Valley
Bakhtiari women eventually may gain a good deal of power. Nile Y ow
Yell
And some women of all ages today are gaining a measure of V ey
Vall River Vall
Ri Valley
Mesoamerica
economic control by selling their beautiful handmade rugs
© Cengage Learning
Peru
to traders, which brings in cash to their households. Lower
Although pastoral nomads like the Bakhtiari depend Mesopotamia
on their herds to meet their basic daily needs, they also
trade surplus animals, leather, and wool (plus various
crafts such as woven rugs) with farmers or merchants. In Figure 17.8 Locations of Major Early Civilizations
exchange they receive crops and valued commodities such The indigenous civilizations of the western hemisphere developed
as flour, dried fruit, spices, tea, metal knives, pots and wholly independently of those in Africa and Eurasia. Chinese
kettles, cotton or linen textiles, guns, and (more recently) civilizations may have developed independently of those that
lightweight plastic containers, sheets, and so on. In other arose early in Mesopotamia, the Nile Valley, and the Indus Valley.
words, there are many ties that connect them to surround-
ing agricultural and industrial societies.
With urbanization came greater complexity—labor spe-
cialization, the formation of elite groups, public manage-
Intensive Agriculture: ment, taxation, and policing. For food and fuel, urbanized
Urbanization and Peasantry populations depended on what was produced or foraged

in surrounding areas. Thus, the urban ruling class sought
With the intensification of agriculture, some farming set- to widen its territorial power and political control over
tlements grew into towns and even cities (Figure 17.8). rural populations.
Once a powerful group managed to dominate a com- modern agriculture depends on newly invented laborsav-
munity of farmers, it also imposed its rules, forcing them ing devices such as tractors, combines, milking machines,
to work harder and obliging them to make payments in and so on. With large machines plowing, seeding, weed-
farm produce or labor services as fees for land use and pro- ing, mowing, and harvesting crops, the need for farm-
tection or as acknowledgment of submission. Burdened hands and other rural workers is sharply diminished. This
by taxes to feed those repressing them, these farmers were has also happened with livestock—in particular, hogs,
left with little for their own families and lost their inde- cattle, and poultry.
pendence. Subjected to an ever-more dominant group, We can define industrial food production as
they became a peasant class. These small-scale producers large-scale businesses involved in mass food produc-
of crops or livestock live on land that they own or rent tion, processing, and marketing that primarily rely on
in exchange for labor, crops, or money and are usually laborsaving machines. It has had far-reaching economic,
exploited by more powerful groups in a complex society social, and political consequences, not all of which are
(Wolf, 1966). readily recognized as related and intertwined. Today,
This is the situation in many parts of the world large food-producing corporations own enormous tracts
today. No matter how hard they work, peasants typi- of land on which they mass produce tons of mechanically
cally possess too little land of their own to go beyond harvested crops or raise huge numbers of meat animals.
meeting the most basic needs of their families. Unable Crops and animals alike are harvested, processed, packed,
to produce enough of a surplus to sell for cash, they and shipped with ever-greater efficiency to supermarkets
rarely have capital to buy the laborsaving equipment to feed largely urban masses. Profits are considerable,
that could increase their production. Most peasants especially for corporate owners and shareholders.
remain stuck in poverty, struggling to make ends meet. Although meat, poultry, and other agricultural
Meanwhile, big landowners and wealthy merchants products are relatively cheap and thus affordable, in-
have the means to expand their holdings and to invest dustrial food production by agribusiness has often been
in new machinery that leads to increased productivity a disaster for millions of peasants and small farmers.
and profitability. Even medium-sized farms growing corn, wheat, or po-
tatoes or raising cows, hogs, and chickens can rarely
compete without government subsidies. For that rea-
Industrial Food Production son, the number of family-owned farms in western Eu-
rope and North America has dramatically declined in
Until about 200 years ago, human societies worldwide
the past few decades. This process has led to huge drops
had developed cultural infrastructures based on foraging,
in many rural populations, decimating many farming
horticulture, agriculture, or pastoralism. This changed
communities.
with the invention of the steam engine in England, which
For the family farms that have managed to survive,
brought about an industrial revolution that quickly spread
there is seldom enough income to cover the costs of a large
to other parts of the globe. Replacing animal and human
household, including education, healthcare, farm and
labor, as well as hand tools, new machines (first powered
household insurance, and taxes. This situation forces in-
by steam, then by biofuels—coal, gas, oil) boosted factory
dividuals to seek money-earning opportunities elsewhere,
production and mass transportation. Throughout the
often far away. Ironically, some hire on as cheap wage la-
1800s and 1900s, this resulted in a large-scale industrial
borers in poultry- or meat-packing plants where working
society. Technological inventions utilizing electricity
conditions are distasteful and often dangerous.
and (since the 1940s) nuclear energy brought about more
Maximizing profits, agribusinesses are constantly
dramatic changes in social and economic organization on
streamlining food production and seeking ways to re-
a worldwide scale.
duce labor costs by trimming the number of workers,
Modern industrial technologies have transformed
minimizing employee benefits, and driving down wages.
food production. In contrast to traditional farms and
The largest of these have gone global in a push for
plantations, which historically depended on human
market expansion beyond regional or even national
labor (often forced) and on animal power in many places,
boundaries.
Today, the United States is the world’s largest producer
of chicken meat—some 36 billion pounds annually. On
peasant A small-scale producer of crops or livestock living on land that
is self-owned or rented in exchange for labor, crops, or money; often average, each American consumes 85 pounds of chicken a
exploited by more powerful groups in a complex society. year, but much of the country’s production is exported. The
industrial society A society in which human labor, hand tools, and $55 billion U.S. poultry business exports billions of tons of
animal power are largely replaced by machines, with an economy chicken annually to dozens of countries around the world.
primarily based on big factories.
Over 900,000 tons go to Russia (mostly legs—more than a
industrial food production Large-scale businesses involved in mass
food production, processing, and marketing, which primarily rely on billion of them). Another 400,000 tons go to China, com-
laborsaving machines. prised primarily of some 1.2 billion chicken feet (see the
Adaptation in Cultural Evolution 433
Figure 17.9 Chicken Harvester

Chickens ready for butchering are
usually grabbed by their feet, stuffed
in crates, and trucked off to the
slaughterhouse. But some farmers
use mechanical harvesters. Moving
through a chicken barn, a harvester
can pick up about 200 birds in
30 seconds. Once full, it places the
birds in holding containers. From
there, the chickens are mechanically
transferred to a packing unit, which
automatically counts them and
places them into drawers that are
stacked, loaded onto a truck, and
transported to a processing plant.
There the chickens are mass killed,
cut up, and packaged.
© Anglia Autoflow Ltd.

Globalscape feature). Large-scale chicken farms, with en- Yet not all changes turn out to be positive in the long
closed “chicken houses” big enough to hold about 23,000 run, nor do they improve conditions for every member of
birds, are located primarily in the southern United States a society even in the short run. Notably, people in urban
where there is ready access to corn and soy feed (Figure industrial societies are not more highly developed than
17.9). The country’s biggest processing plant, located in those who depend on farming, herding, or food foraging.
Mississippi, slaughters about 2.5 million chickens per week. A long-term perspective is required to detect cultural
The industrial food production and global marketing evolution because the adaptive changes in the cultural
complex, involving a network of interlinked distribution system occur over the course of generations. When a new
centers, is made possible by an electronic-digital revolu- technology or different natural resource changes a society's
tion that began in the late 20th century. Increasingly, the economic base, its social organization may be adjusted,
economies of countries all around the world are based on and that, in turn, may alter its collective worldview, even
the research and development of knowledge and technol- spiritual ideas and practices. A good example of this is the
ogies, as well as on providing information, services, and Comanche, whose known prehistory begins in the high-
finance capital on a global scale. lands of southern Idaho (Wallace & Hoebel, 1952). Living
in that harsh, arid region, these North American Indians
traditionally subsisted on wild plants, small animals, and
occasionally larger game. Their simple material equipment
Adaptation in Cultural was limited to what they (and their dogs) could carry or
Evolution pull, and their groups were restricted in size. The shaman,
who was a combination of healer and spiritual guide,
wielded whatever social power the group allowed.
Human groups adapt to their environments by means of
At some point in their past, many centuries ago, the
their cultures. These environments are not always stable;
Comanche moved east onto the Great Plains, attracted
they may change and often do, primarily as a consequence
by enormous bison herds. As much larger groups could
of human activity in the ecosystem. Moreover, people
be supported by the new and plentiful food supply, the
may migrate to a very different environment, requiring
an adaptive change. The result is that cultures may slowly
develop into a different type over the course of time; they cultural evolution Cultural change over time—not to be confused with
evolve. This is called cultural evolution. The process progress.
is sometimes confused with the idea of progress—the progress In anthropology, a relative concept signifying that a society or
notion that humans are moving forward to a better, more country is moving forward to a better, more advanced stage in its cultural
development toward greater perfection.
advanced stage in their development toward perfection.
GLOBALSCAPE
Arctic
Ocean
RUSSIA
Moscow
ASIA
NORTH
EUROPE
AMERICA
New York, KOREA
Texas New York CHINA
Mississippi Shanghai
Pacific
Mexico Atlantic
Ocean
Ocean
JAMAICA AFRICA
Pacific
Ocean
SOUTH
AMERICA Indian
© Cengage Learning
Ocean
AUSTRALIA
AP Images/J. Scott Applewhite
© Bill Ling/Getty Images

Chicken Out: Bush’s Legs or Phoenix Talons? dark-meat legs. And so it was that the U.S. poultry industry entered
Every evening in Moscow, Russians can be found enjoying a the Russian market. Today, Russia imports more U.S. chicken than
traditional dinner that may begin with borscht (beet soup) and it produces on its own farms, especially legs—over a billion!
smetana (sour cream), followed by a main course of kotleta What happens with a typical 6-pound broiler chicken butchered
po-kievski (boneless fried chicken breast). But, if the budget is a by a Mexican immigrant working for minimum wage in a Missis-
bit tight, dinner might be nozhki busha (chicken legs), baked, fried, sippi poultry plant? As we have seen, its legs are served up in
or roasted—served with cabbage and potatoes. Moscow, and its breasts end up on U.S. dining tables or on the
Foreign visitors may recognize the breast entrée as chicken menus of international airlines. And the rest of the bird? One of
Kiev but may be baffled to learn that the specialty nozhki busha its frozen wings goes into a giant container shipped to Korea;
translates as “Bush’s legs.” That is because these big meaty legs the other to West Africa. The offal (neck, heart, liver, and guts)
are imported from the United States and first appeared on Russian is transported to Jamaica, where it is boiled and dished up in
menus when the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, during George soup. The excess fat gets converted into biodiesel fuel at an ex-
H. W. Bush’s presidency (1989–1993). At the time, the Russian perimental refinery in Texas. And what about its cute yellow feet?
economy was dismal, and few people could afford beef or pork. They are exported to Shanghai, deep fried, stewed, and served up
Even chicken legs were too expensive for ordinary Russians. To as a delicacy called fèngzhuâ, or Phoenix talons, last seen being
help the transition to a capitalist democracy, the U.S. government nibbled on by a visiting New York banker.
promoted the advantages of free markets and global trade. What
better propaganda than cheap chicken—especially because the Global Twister
American preference for white meat resulted in a surplus of the What happens to the feathers?
434
Adaptation in Cultural Evolution 435
The Buffalo Hunt, c.1832 (coloured engraving), Catlin, George (1794–1872)/Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, France/
Giraudon/The Bridgeman Art Library
Figure 17.10 The Bison Hunt
This 1832 colored engraving of a Comanche bison hunt is by artist George Catlin (1796–1872).
Plains Indians such as the Comanche, Cheyenne, and Lakota developed similar cultures
because they had to adapt to similar environmental conditions.
Comanche needed a more complex political organization. cultivated corn and gathered wild rice, which fostered
Eventually, they acquired horses and guns from European a distinct set of social, political, and religious practices.
and neighboring Indian traders. This enhanced their Then their better-armed eastern neighbors pushed them
hunting capabilities significantly and led to the emer- west into the Great Plains, where they adapted to a new
gence of powerful hunting chiefs (Figure 17.10). ecosystem within a few generations. They gave up their
To increase the number of horses, the Comanche be- food gardens and became horse-riding bison hunters. By
came raiders, and their hunting chiefs evolved into war adapting to life on the Great Plains, they slowly developed
chiefs. The once materially unburdened and peaceful a culture resembling that of the Comanche, even though
hunter-gatherers of the dry highlands became wealthy, and the cultural historical backgrounds of the two groups
raiding became a way of life. In the late 18th and early 19th differed significantly. This is an example of convergent
centuries, they dominated the southern Plains (now pri- evolution—the development of similar cultural adap-
marily Texas and Oklahoma). In moving from one regional tations to similar environmental conditions by different
environment to another and in adopting a new technol- peoples with different ancestral cultures.
ogy, the Comanche were able to take advantage of existing Another type of cultural evolution is parallel
cultural capabilities to thrive in their new situation. evolution, in which similar cultural adaptations to
Types of Cultural Evolution convergent evolution In cultural evolution, the development of similar
Sometimes societies that slowly develop independently cultural adaptations to similar environmental conditions by different
peoples with different ancestral cultures.
of one another find similar solutions to similar problems.
parallel evolution In cultural evolution, the development of similar
For example, the Cheyenne Indians originally lived in cultural adaptations to similar environmental conditions by peoples
the woodlands of the Great Lakes region where they whose ancestral cultures were already somewhat alike.
similar environmental conditions are achieved by peoples sweet potatoes, the Rapanui also raised domesticated
whose ancestral cultures were already somewhat alike. chickens, hunted wild birds, fished the ocean, and gath-
For example, the development of farming in Mexico and ered nuts, fruits, and seeds. They prospered, producing
Southwest Asia took place independently, as people in surpluses, growing dramatically in number; and they
both regions, whose lifeways were already comparable, formed into a few dozen clans under a paramount chief,
became dependent on a narrow range of plant foods that a sacred king.
required human intervention for their protection and Trees, felled for fuel and to build homes and fishing
reproductive success. Both developed intensive forms of canoes, were also used as rollers for transporting huge
agriculture, built large cities, and created complex social stone statues, which became an extraordinary hallmark
and political organizations. of Rapanui culture (Figure 17.11). However, over time,
As the following example illustrates, human groups do success turned to failure—evidently due to a collapse of
not always make the necessary adaptive changes. This can the fragile ecosystem brought about by a combination of
lead to disastrous results, including the deaths of count- natural and cultural factors (Alfonso-Durruty, 2012).
less people (and other creatures) and the destruction of Rats, which had come to the island with the Polynesian
the natural environment. settlers, contributed to the demise. Feasting on palm seeds
and reproducing rapidly, the rat population soared and
hindered the reseeding of the slow-growing trees. By the
Case Study: The Environmental mid-1600s, the palm forests had disappeared, done in by
rats and human deforestation. As the forests disappeared,
Collapse of Easter Island rich topsoil eroded, other indigenous and endemic plants
Among the many examples of catastrophic environmental became extinct, crop yields diminished, springs dried up,
destruction is Easter Island in the southern Pacific, first and flocks of migrant birds stopped coming to the island
settled about 800 years ago by Polynesian seafarers. Other to roost. Moreover, from about 1600 to 1640, El Niño—a
Polynesians referred to this remote 163-square-kilometer warming of water surface temperatures—decreased biomass
(63-square-mile) island as Rapa Nui, and its inhabitants production, diminishing fish and other marine resources
became known as Rapanui. (Stenseth & Voje, 2009).
When the Rapanui arrived, 75 percent of the island All of this led to periodic famine and chronic warfare
was densely forested, primarily with jubaea palms. between Rapanui rival factions. With their nearest neigh-
Clearing the woods for food gardens of taros, yams, and bors over 2,500 kilometers (1,500 miles) to their west,
© longtaildog/Shutterstock.com
Figure 17.11 Stone Heads, Easter Island

Few places have caused as much speculation as this tiny volcanic island, also known by the
indigenous name of Rapa Nui. Isolated in the middle of the southern Pacific Ocean, it is one
of the most remote and remarkable places on earth. Nearly 900 colossal stone statues,
known as moai, punctuate the landscape. Towering up to 20 meters (65 feet), they were made
by the Rapanui people—Polynesian seafarers who settled there about 800 years ago. After
generations of prosperity and population growth, the Rapanui faced an environmental collapse.
Population Growth and the Limits of Progress 437
they were truly an isolated people who had nowhere to from Africa into Eurasia, Australia, and the Americas, they
go. By the time Dutch seafarers arrived on Rapa Nui in continued to increase in numbers, reaching a worldwide
1722 (the name “Easter Island” was given by the Dutch total of more than 250 million about 2,000 years ago.
explorers who landed there on Easter Sunday), its popu- This incremental population growth accelerated, reaching
lation had dropped from about 15,000 to 3,000. During 1 billion in the mid-1800s. In the mid-1980s, the global
the next two centuries, other foreigners added to the population stood at 5 billion, and today that number is
Rapanui’s problems, bringing diseases and other miseries. nearly 7.5 billion.
These additional stressors nearly eliminated the Rapanui From their earliest days, humans have not only in-
from their treeless island, now covered by grass and volca- vented or adopted new technologies in their quest for
nic rock (Métraux, 1957; Mieth & Bork, 2010). subsistence, but also migrated, ultimately occupying every
Environmental destruction on a much more massive continent on earth. Adjusting as they went, each of these
scale has occurred in many other parts of the world, migrating groups developed their own cultural repertoire
especially in the course of the 20th century, ruining the of ideas and practices to secure food, fuel, and safety for
lives of millions. Considering such collapses of ecosys- themselves and their offspring. Measured in terms of pop-
tems, we must avoid falling into the ethnocentric trap of ulation growth, geographic expansion, and technological
equating change with progress or with seeing all change know-how, Homo sapiens has been enormously successful
as adaptive. in adapting itself to a wide range of different natural en-
vironments and developing the means required to satisfy
its needs. As long as the collective needs of a population
remain within its means, the group can be said to enjoy a
Population Growth degree of relative abundance or affluence. However, when

the needs of a group exceed the available means, the
and the Limits of Progress group will face shortages or scarcity.
Because abundance and shortage are based on the rela-
New subsistence strategies developed over the past few tionship between means and needs, affluence and scarcity
centuries using technological inventions to more effec- are relative concepts. And for that reason, anthropologists
tively harness energy are commonly valued as progress. tend to be cautious about the uncritical use of the term
Yet, as discussed in this chapter, not all innovations turn progress as applied to economic development. Although
out to be positive in the long run, nor do they improve there is no question that millions of people do enjoy a
the quality of life for every member of a society even in life of health and abundance, perhaps more so than their
the short run. own ancestors, a few billion must work harder and lon-
A few thousand generations ago, our anatomically ger hours to put food on the table. And according to the
modern human ancestors emerged in Africa. Reproducing World Bank, more than a billion people worldwide still
successfully, they multiplied a thousand times between live in extreme poverty, and many more experience hun-
100,000 and 10,000 years ago, when there may have ger and die too young. For them, the notion of human
been as many as 5 million Homo sapiens. Having migrated progress does not match their reality.
What are adaptation, cultural adaptation, ✓ Cultural adaptation is the complex of ideas,
activities, and technologies that enable people to
ecosystem, and culture areas? survive in a certain environment and in turn
✓ Adaptation is the process organisms undergo to achieve impacts the environment.
a beneficial adjustment to a particular environment.
✓ An ecosystem is a functioning whole composed of
The environment is a defined space with limited
the natural environment and all the organisms living
resources that presents certain possibilities and
in it.
limitations.
✓ Culture areas are geographic regions in which a
✓ Adaptation occurs not only when humans make
number of societies have similar ways of life. Such
changes in their natural environment but also when
regions often correspond to ecological regions.
they are biologically changed by that environment.
What are the major subsistence complexity expanded to include labor specialization,
elite classes, public management, taxation, and
strategies and the characteristics
policing.
of the societies that practice them?
✓ Industrial food production features large-scale
✓ Food foraging, the oldest and most universal mode of businesses involved in mass food production,
subsistence, requires people to relocate according to processing, and marketing, and relying on laborsaving
changing food sources. Its characteristics include machines. It is rooted in the industrial revolution,
mobility, small group size, flexible male/female labor which began in the late 1700s with the invention of
division, food sharing, egalitarianism, communal the steam engine. Machines replaced human labor,
property, and rarity of warfare. animal power, and hand tools, leading to massive
✓ The shift from food foraging to food production, cultural change in many societies.
known as the Neolithic revolution, began about ✓ Today’s industrial food production and global marketing
10,000 years ago. It involved the domestication of complex, involving a network of interlinked distribution
plants and animals. centers, are made possible by an electronic-digital
✓ Horticulture, the cultivation of crops in gardens using revolution that began in the late 20th century.
simple hand tools, includes slash-and-burn cultivation
in which the natural vegetation is cut, the slash is What is cultural evolution?
burned, and crops are planted among the ashes. ✓ Cultural evolution, the changing of cultures over time,
✓ Agriculture, a more complex activity, involves growing should not be confused with the idea of progress—the
crops on farms with irrigation, fertilizers, and animal- notion that humans are moving forward to a
powered plows. Food production led to fixed settlements, better, more advanced stage in their development
new technologies, and altered division of labor. toward perfection.
✓ Mixed farming involves crop growing and animal ✓ Convergent evolution is the development of similar
breeding; it may occur in mountainous environments cultural adaptations to similar environmental
where farmers practice transhumance, moving their conditions by different peoples with different ancestral
livestock between high-altitude summer pastures and cultures. Parallel evolution is the same phenomenon,
lowland valleys. but it emerges with peoples whose ancestral cultures
were already similar.
✓ Pastoralism relies on breeding and managing large
herds of domesticated herbivores, such as cattle, sheep, ✓ Human groups do not always make the necessary
and goats. Pastoralists are usually nomadic, moving as adaptive changes, and this can devastate populations
needed to provide animals with pasture and water. and the natural environment. Easter Island is a
tragic example of catastrophic environmental
✓ Intensive agriculture led to urbanization and peasantry. destruction.
Farm settlements grew into towns and cities, and social
1. In capturing essential natural resources, humans 3. Consider the ideas of change and “progress” in light
often modify their environments. Have you seen of the agricultural development project described in
any examples of landscapes radically transformed the Anthropology Applied feature. Come up with
for economic reasons, as shown in the terraced your own definition of progress that goes beyond
mountains of China in the Challenge Issue? Who do the standard idea of technological and material
you think benefits or loses the most? advancement.
2. What was so radical about the domestication of plants 4. Technological development in industrial societies
and animals that led to it being referred to as the often results in highly productive machines effectively
Neolithic revolution? Can you think of any equally replacing animal and human workers. Think of a
radical changes in subsistence practices going on in useful mechanical device and consider its benefits and
the world today? costs, not only to you but also to others.
439
Global Dining
When shopping for groceries in a supermarket, try week. Then determine the place or origin of each
to imagine the great chain of human hands involved on a map and trace the likely routes by which these
in getting the food, drinks, herbs, and spices from commodities entered your store and ultimately
all corners of the world to your table. Make a list of ended up inside you. Some food for thought: You
all the things you have bought and consumed in one are an embodiment of globalization.
Arvind Garg/Encyclopedia/Corbis
CHALLENGE ISSUE
All humans face the challenge of securing resources needed for immediate and long-term
survival. Whatever we lack, we may seek to get through aid, gifts, exchange, or trade.
In modern market economies, people can exchange almost anything of value without
actually meeting in person. But the market in traditional agricultural and pastoral soci-
eties is a geographic location where people personally meet to exchange commodities
on designated days. In such economic transactions, humans forge and affirm social net-
works that play a key role in the search for safety and well-being. Here we see an open
market at the plaza in front of the 400-year-old Christian church in Chichicastenango,
an ancient Maya K’iche Indian city in the highlands of Guatemala. On Thursdays and
Sundays, vendors and buyers gather here to peddle and purchase everything from
tools, pots, and woven textiles to chickens, vegetables, spices, and medicinal plants.
Economic Systems
An economic system is an organized arrangement for producing, distributing,
18
In this chapter you
and consuming goods. In pursuing a particular means of subsistence, people will learn to
necessarily produce, distribute, and consume things, so our discussion of subsis-
subsis ● Explain why the
tence patterns in the previous chapter obviously involved economic matters. Yet anthropological variable
economic systems encompass much more than we have covered so far. of culture is important
in understanding
noncapitalist
Economic Anthropology economies.
● Distinguish various
Although anthropologists have adopted theories and concepts from economists, economic arrangements
theoretical principles derived from the study of capitalist market economies for producing,
have limited applicability to economic systems in societies that are not industri-
distributing, and
consuming goods.
alized and where people do not produce and exchange goods for private profit.
This is because, in these non-state societies, the economic sphere of behavior

● Compare forms of gift
exchange, redistribution,
is not separate from the social, political, and religious spheres and thus is not
and trade.
completely free to follow its own purely economic logic.
● Analyze how leveling
Economic behavior and institutions can be analyzed in strictly economic
mechanisms actually
terms, but doing so ignores various noneconomic considerations that impact the work in different
way things are in real life. To explain how the wants and demands of a given cultures.
society are balanced against the supply of goods and services available, anthro- ● Describe the role
pologists take into account an all-encompassing variable: culture. This was well of money in market
economies.
illustrated by U.S. anthropologist Annette Weiner in her study of yam production
among the Trobriand Islanders, who inhabit a group of coral islands that lie in the
● Summarize the impact
of global markets on
southern Pacific Ocean off the eastern tip of New Guinea (Weiner, 1988).
local communities.
Case Study: The Yam Complex

in Trobriand Culture
Trobriand men spend a great deal of their time and energy raising yams—not for
themselves or their own households, but to give to others, normally their sisters
and married daughters. However, the purpose of cultivating these starchy edible
roots is not to provision the households

economic system An organized arrangement
that receive them, because most of what for producing, distributing, and consuming goods.
441
442 CHAPTER 18 Economic Systems
people eat they grow for themselves in be used to fulfill social obligations. For instance, a man is
gardens where they plant taro, sweet expected to present yams to the relatives of his daughter’s
potatoes, tapioca, greens, beans, husband when she marries and again when a member of
and squash, as well as the husband’s family dies.
breadfruit and banana MICRONESIA A man who aspires to high status and power is ex-
trees. The reason a man pected to show his personal worth by organizing a yam
gives yams to a woman competition, during which he gives away huge quantities
Pacific
is to show his support ADMIRALTY
Ocean of yams to invited guests. In Weiner’s words: “A yam
for her husband and ISLANDS house, then, is like a bank account; when full, a man is
to enhance his own PAPUA
I N D O N E S I A NEW
wealthy and powerful. Until yams are cooked or they rot,
influence. GUINEA they may circulate as limited currency. That is why, once
Once received by the harvested, the usage of yams for daily food is avoided as
Coral
woman, the gift yams Sea
much as possible” (Weiner, 1988, p. 86).
AUSTRALIA
are loaded into her hus- By giving yams to his sister or daughter, a man not
band’s yam house, sym- only expresses his confidence in the woman’s husband,
TROBRIAND
bolizing his worth as a ISLANDS but also makes the latter indebted to him. The recipient
man of power and influ- KIRIWINA
rewards the gardener and his helpers by throwing a feast,
KAILEUNA
ence in his community. KITAVAat which they are fed cooked yams, taro, and—what every-
He may use some of © Cengage Learning
one especially looks forward to—ample pieces of pork. But
these yams to purchase Solomon this in no way pays off the debt, which can be repaid only
Sea
a variety of things, in- VAKUTA
in women’s wealth: bundles of banana leaves and skirts
cluding shell armbands, made of the same material dyed red.
necklaces, and earrings, Banana leaf bundles are of no utilitarian value, but
as well as betel nuts, pigs, chickens, and locally produced extensive labor is invested in their production, and large
goods such as wooden bowls, combs, floor mats, lime pots, quantities of them, along with skirts, are regarded as
and even magic spells (Figure 18.1). But some yams will essential for paying off all the members of other family
groups who were close to a recently
deceased relative in life and who
assisted with the funeral. Also, the
wealth and vitality of the dead per-
son’s family group are measured by
the quality and quantity of the bun-
dles and skirts so distributed.
Because a man has received yams
from his wife’s brother, he is obli-
gated to provide his wife with yams
to purchase the necessary bundles
and skirts, beyond those she has
produced, to help with payments
following the death of a member
Travel, Heritage & Culture/HIP/The Image Works
of her family. Deaths can occur at

any time, so a man must have yams
available for his wife when she needs
them. This anticipated need, and the
fact that she may require all of his
yams, act as an effective check on a
man’s wealth.
Trobriand Islanders, like people
everywhere, assign meanings to ob-
Figure 18.1 A Trobriand Yam Storage House jects that make those objects worth
Trobriand Island men devote a great deal of time and energy to raising yams—not for far more than their cost in labor or
themselves but to give to others. Here we see Chief Tokesawaga sitting beside prestige materials. Yams, for example, estab-
yams in his village on Kiriwina—one of the Trobriand Islands in Papua New Guinea. Yams, lish long-term relationships that lead
stored in special yam houses, symbolize wealth, and having a full yam house indicates to other advantages, such as access
the owner’s prosperity and prestige. Another prestige item visible in this photo is the shell to land, protection, assistance, and
armband the chief is wearing, described later in this chapter. other kinds of wealth.
Production and Its Resources 443
Banana leaf bundles and skirts, for their part, are

symbolic of the political status of families and of their
immortality. In their distribution, which is related to
death rituals, we see how men in Trobriand society are
ultimately dependent on women and their valuables.
Looked at in terms of modern capitalist economics, these
activities appear meaningless, but viewed in terms of tra-
ditional Trobriand values and concerns, they make a great
deal of sense. Thus, yam exchanges are as much social and
political transactions as they are economic ones.
Production and Its

Resources
In every society, traditional customs and social rules de-
termine the kinds of work done, who does the work, atti-
tudes toward the work, how it is accomplished, and who
Anthony Bannister/Gallo Images/Documentary Value/Corbis

controls the resources necessary to produce desired goods,
knowledge, and services. The primary resources in any
culture are raw materials, technology, and labor power.
The rules directing access to these resources are embedded
in a people’s culture and determine the way the economy
operates within any given natural environment.
Land and Water Resources

Human societies regulate allocation of valuable natural
resources—especially land and water. Food foragers must
Figure 18.2 Core Features as Territory Markers
determine who will hunt game and gather plants in their
Food foragers, like the Ju/’hoansi of the Kalahari Desert in
home range and where these activities take place. Groups
southern Africa, define their territories on the basis of core
that rely on fishing or growing crops need to make similar
features such as waterholes. Here women gather water into
decisions concerning who will carry out which task on
empty ostrich eggshells.
which stretch of water or land. Farmers must have some
means of determining title to land and access to water
supplies for irrigation. Pastoralists require a system that but in terms of waterholes that are located within them
determines rights to watering places and grazing land, as (Figure 18.2). The land is said to be owned by those who
well as the right of access to land where they move their have lived the longest in the band, usu-
herds. ally a group of brothers and sisters
In capitalist societies, a system of private ownership or cousins. Their concept of land-
of land and rights to natural resources generally prevails. holding, however, is not something
Although elaborate laws have been enacted to regulate the easily translated into
buying, owning, and selling of land and water resources, if modern Western terms DEMOCRATIC
REPUBLIC
individuals wish to reallocate valuable forests or farmland of private ownership. OF CONGO TANZANIA
to some other purpose, for instance, they generally can. Within Ju/’hoansi tradi- ANGOLA
M
AL
In traditional nonindustrial societies, land is often con- tional worldview, no part ZAMBIA AW
E
K A L A H A R I I IQU
trolled by kinship groups such as the family or band rather of their homeland can be MB
D E S E R T ZIMBABWE MOZA
than by individuals. For example, among the Ju/’hoansi sold for money or traded Ju/’hoansi
NA
of the Kalahari Desert, each band of ten to thirty people away for goods. Outsid- BOTSWANA
MI
Indian
BIA
Ocean
© Cengage Learning
lives on roughly 650 square kilometers (250 square miles) ers must ask permission
of land, which they consider to be their territory—their to enter the territory, SOUTH
SWAZILAND
Atlantic AFRICA LESOTHO
own country. These territories are not defined by bound- but denying the request Ocean
aries (property lines separating neighboring units of land) would be unthinkable.
The practice of defining territories on the basis of core Tools may be given or loaned to others in exchange for
features—waterholes, waterways (as among Indians of the the products resulting from their use. For example, a
northeastern United States), unique sites where ancestral Ju/’hoansi who gives his arrows to another hunter has a
spirits are thought to dwell (as among the Aborigines in right to a share of any animals the hunter kills. Game is
Australia), or something else—is typical of food foragers. considered to belong to the man whose arrow killed it,
Territorial boundaries are not always precisely defined, and even when he is not present on the hunt. In this context,
to avoid friction foragers may designate part of their territory it makes little sense for them to accumulate luxuries or
as a buffer zone between them and their neighbors. The surplus goods, and the fact that no one owns significantly
adaptive value of such a “no man’s land” is obvious: The more than another helps to limit status differences.
size of band territories, as well as the size of the bands, can Among horticulturalists, the axe, digging stick, hoe,
adjust to keep in balance with availability of resources in any and containers are important tools. The person who
given place. Such adjustment would be more difficult under makes a tool has first rights to it, but when he or she is
a system of individual ownership of clearly bounded land. not using it, any family member may ask to use it, and
Among some African and Asian rural societies, a tribu- the request is rarely denied. Refusal would cause people
tary system of land ownership still prevails. Historically, this to treat the tool owner with scorn for this singular lack of
system was common in many parts of the world, including concern for others. If a relative helps raise the crop traded
numerous European countries before the rise of capitalism. for a particular tool, that relative becomes part owner of
All land is said to belong to the king, khan, maharaja, emir, the implement, and it may not be traded or given away
or head chief, who allocates it to various subchiefs, who in without his or her permission.
turn distribute it to family groups. Then the family group In permanently settled agricultural communities, tools
leaders assign individual plots to each farmer. These men and other productive goods are more complex, heavier,
owe allegiance to the subchiefs (or nobles) and to the head and costlier to make. In such settings, individual ownership
chief (or king). The people who work the land must pay tends to be more absolute, as are the conditions under which
tribute (obligatory gift or contribution, like rent or taxes in people may borrow and use such equipment. It is easy to
a cash economy) in the form of products or special services, replace a knife lost by a relative during palm cultivation
such as fighting for the king when necessary. but much more difficult to replace an iron plow or a die-
Using the land does not signify ownership; rather, the sel-fueled harvesting machine. Rights to the ownership of
right to use it is a kind of lease. And as long as the land complex tools are more rigidly applied; generally, the person
is kept in use, rights to such use will pass to the user’s who has manufactured or purchased such equipment is
heirs. When an individual no longer uses the allocated considered the sole owner, and this person decides who may
land, it reverts to the head of the large family group, who use it and under which conditions, including compensation.
reallocates it to some other group member. The important
operative principle here is that the system extends the
individual’s right to use land for an indefinite period, but Labor Resources and Patterns
the land is not “owned” outright. This serves to maintain In addition to raw materials and technology, labor is a key
the integrity of valuable farmland as such, preventing its resource in any economic system. A look around the world
loss through subdivision and conversion to other uses. reveals many different labor patterns, but there is almost
always a basic division of labor by gender and by age.
Technology Resources
Division of Labor by Gender
All societies have some means of creating and allocating
Anthropologists have studied extensively the social divi-
tools that are used to produce goods, as well as traditions
sion of labor by gender across cultures. Whether men or
for passing them on to succeeding generations. A society’s
women do a particular job varies from group to group, but
technology—the number and types of tools employed,
typically work has been and often continues to be divided
combined with knowledge about how to make and use
into the tasks of either one or the other. For example, the
them—is directly related to the lifeways of its members.
practices most widely regarded as women’s work have
Food foragers and pastoral nomads who are frequently on
tended to be those that can be carried out near home and
the move are apt to have fewer and more portable tools
that are easily resumed after interruption. The tasks his-
than more settled peoples such as sedentary farmers.
torically regarded as men’s work have tended to be those
Food foragers make and use a variety of tools, many in-
requiring physical strength, rapid mobilization of high
genious in their effectiveness. Some of these they make for
bursts of energy, frequent travel at some distance from
their individual use, but codes of generosity are such that
home, and assumption of high levels of risk and danger.
a person may not refuse to give or loan what is requested.
However, there are many exceptions to these gener-
alizations, as in societies where women regularly carry
technology Tools and other material equipment, together with the burdensome loads or put in long hours of hard work culti-
knowledge of how to make and use them. vating crops in the fields (Figure 18.3). In many societies,
Production and Its Resources 445
of face, as the situation warrants. Where these practices

prevail, boys and girls grow up in much the same way,
learn to value cooperation over competition, and become
equally habituated to adult men and women, who inter-
act with one another on a relatively equal basis.
Societies following a segregated pattern define almost all
work as either masculine or feminine, so men and women
rarely engage in joint efforts of any kind. In such societies,
it is inconceivable that someone would even think of doing
something considered the work of the opposite sex. This
pattern is frequently seen in pastoral nomadic, intensive ag-
ricultural, and industrial societies, where men’s work keeps
them outside the home for much of the time. Typically,
men in such societies are expected to be tough, aggres-
sive, and competitive—and this often involves assertions
of male superiority, and hence authority, over women.
Male dominance is associated with fierce rivalry for scarce
resources. Historically, escalating aggression within and be-
tween societies has often upset egalitarian gender relations.
In the third pattern of labor division by gender, some-
times called the dual sex configuration, men and women
carry out their work separately, as in societies segregated by
gender, but the relationship between them is one of bal-
anced complementarity rather than inequality. Although
each gender manages its own affairs, the interests of both
men and women are represented at all levels. Thus, as in
© Dave Stamboulis/Alamy
integrated societies, neither gender exerts dominance over

the other. The pattern may be seen among certain Ameri-
can Indian peoples with economies based upon subsistence
farming, as well as among several West African kingdoms.
In postindustrial societies, the division of labor by
Figure 18.3 Women’s Work? gender becomes blurred and even irrelevant, resembling
These Hmong women in Vietnam are carrying heavy firewood, the flexible/integrated pattern of traditional foragers just
even though this work may be considered inappropriate for described. Although gender preferences and discrimination
women in some cultures. For villagers living in the rural areas of in the workplace exist in societies making the economic
developing countries all around the world, firewood is used as a transition, cultural ideas that are more fitting for agricul-
source of energy for preparing meals—and women are usually tural or industrial societies predictably change in due time,
the ones who collect and haul it. adjusting to postindustrial challenges and opportunities.
women perform almost three-fourths of all work in the Division of Labor by Age
food gardens, farm fields, and households but lack owner- Division of labor according to age is also typical of human
ship or control over the products of their labor. societies. Among the Ju/’hoansi, for example, children are
Instead of looking for biological factors to explain the not expected to contribute significantly to subsistence
social division of labor, a more useful strategy is to examine until they reach their late teens. Until they possess adult
the kinds of work that men and women do in the context levels of strength and endurance, many “bush” foods
of specific societies to see how they relate to other cultural are tough for them to gather. So youngsters contribute
and historical factors. Researchers find a continuum of pat- primarily by taking care of their littlest siblings while
terns, ranging from flexible integration of men and women grownups deal with subsistence needs.
to rigid segregation by gender (Sanday, 1981). Although elderly Ju/’hoansi will usually do some for-
The flexible/integrated pattern is seen most often among aging for themselves, they are not expected to contribute
food foragers (as well as in communities in which crops much food. By virtue of their advanced age, they have mem-
are traditionally cultivated primarily for family con- ories of customary practices and events that happened far in
sumption). In such societies, men and women perform the past. Thus, they are repositories of accumulated wisdom
up to 35 percent of activities with approximately equal and are able to suggest solutions to problems younger adults
participation, and tasks deemed especially appropriate for have never faced. Considered useful for their knowledge,
one gender may be performed by the other without loss they are far from being unproductive members of society.
In some food-foraging societies, women do continue

to make a significant contribution to provisioning in their
later years. For example, among the Hadza of East Africa,
the input of older women is critical to their daughters
when they have new infants to nurse. The energy costs
of lactation, along with the tasks of holding, carrying,
and nursing an infant, all diminish the mother’s foraging
efficiency. Those most immediately affected by this are a
woman’s weaned children not yet old enough to forage
effectively for themselves—but everyone’s needs are met
thanks to the additional foraging efforts of grandmothers
(Hawkes, O’Connell, & Blurton Jones, 1997).
In many traditional farming societies, children as
well as older people may make a greater contribution to
the economy in terms of work and responsibility than is
common in industrial or postindustrial societies. In most
peasant communities around the world, children not only
look after their younger brothers and sisters but also help
with housework, in the barn, or in the fields. By age 7 or
so, boys begin to help out, weed the fields, bring in crops,
care for small animals, or catch some fish and small game.
By that same age, girls begin helping with housework—
preparing food, fetching wood and water, sweeping, sell-
Bachpan Bachao Andolan

ing goods at local markets, and so forth (Vogt, 1990).
Notably, there is no universal age standard when a
young person is ready to transition out of childhood and
is prepared to assume the rights and obligations of an
adult. In fact, childhood is a historically changing social
Figure 18.4 Child Labor in India
construct that varies across cultures. In some cultures it
Many of the soccer balls that children play with in the United
ends as early as age 12, in others as late as 21. It is also
States and Europe are handstitched by children in India, most
noteworthy that not every culture clearly distinguishes
working in factories under brutal conditions for pennies a day.
work or labor from other activities. After past scandals about soccer ball factories using child labor,
The problem of “child labor” across the globe has been many companies started adding labels stating that the balls
internationally evaluated in terms of violation of human were not made with child labor—but those labels are often sewn
rights. Many wealthy capitalist societies in western Europe on the balls by children as young as 6 years old.
and North America long ago passed laws officially pro-
hibiting institutionalized child labor. However, they still
import vast quantities of goods available at bargain prices child labor, almost all in developing economies where
because they are made by poorly paid children—items their families depend on the extra income they bring
ranging from rugs and carpets to clothing, toys, and soc- home (Figure 18.4). More than half (85 million) are work-
cer balls (Doherty, 2012). In 1990, almost all the member ing in hazardous environments (International Labour
states of the United Nations agreed to define a child as a Organization, 2015).
person under the age of 18, unless the age of majority is
attained earlier under a state’s own domestic legislation Cooperative Labor
(United Nations Human Rights, 2015). Cooperative work groups can be found everywhere—in
Notwithstanding national or international efforts to both foraging and food-producing societies and in in-
define childhood and regulate labor conforming to gov- dustrial societies. Often, if the effort involves the whole
ernment bureaucratic standards, minors under 18 perform community, a festive spirit infuses the work.
wage labor in many industrial societies, where poor and For example, in many rural parts of sub-Saharan Af-
often large families count on every possible contribution rica, work parties begin with the display of a pot of beer
to the household. In these societies, economic necessity to be consumed after the tasks have been finished. Home-
may easily lead to the exploitation of minors as cheap brewed from millet, their major cereal crop, the beer is not
labor on farms, in mines, and in factories. Child labor has really payment for the work; indeed, the labor involved is
become a matter of increasing concern as large capitalist worth far more than the beer consumed. Rather, drinking
corporations rely more and more on the low-cost produc- the low-alcohol but highly nutritious beverage together
tion of food and goods in the world’s poorer countries. is more of a symbolic activity to celebrate the spirit of
Today, 168 million children (ages 5 to 17) are trapped in friendship and mutual support. Recompense comes as
Ziv Koren/Newscom
Figure 18.5 Task Specialization: Mining Salt in Ethiopia
Scorching hot and dry, the Danakil Depression in northeastern Africa lies some 370 feet below
sea level—the remains of what was once part of the Red Sea—with enormous salt flats. Afar
nomads come here periodically to quarry this rock salt. Using camels, they haul the heavy slabs
to the interior highlands for trade.
individuals sooner or later participate in work parties for sulfur fields, smoking fissures, volcanic
others. In areas all around the world, farmers traditionally tremors, and vast salt plains. Since
help one another during harvest and haying seasons, of- ancient times, groups of Afar men
ten sharing major pieces of equipment. have mined the salt, hack-
In most human societies, the basic unit within which ing blocks from the plain’s
work takes place is the household. Traditionally—and still crust. The work is back-
Re
in many parts of the world—it is both a unit of produc- breaking, all the more so
dS
ea
ERITREA YEMEN
tion and consumption, where work as well as meals and with temperatures soaring
SUDAN
domestic comfort are shared. In industrial societies these to 140 degrees Fahrenheit. Danakil Gulf of
Depression DJIBOUTI Aden
two economic spheres are now usually separated. This Along with the phys-
development is the result, in part, of task specialization. ical strength required for
such work under the most ETHIOPIA
Task Specialization trying conditions, suc-
© Cengage Learning
In contemporary industrial and postindustrial societies, there cessful mining demands
is a great diversity of specialized tasks to be performed, and specialized planning and SOMALIA
individuals cannot begin to know all the tasks customarily organization skills for KENYA
seen as fitting for their age and gender. However, although getting to and from the
specialization continues to increase, modern technologies worksite. Pack camels have
make gender-based labor divisions less relevant. By contrast, to be fed in advance because importing sufficient fod-
in small-scale foraging and traditional crop-cultivating soci- der for them interferes with their ability to carry the salt
eties, in which division of labor typically occurs along lines (Figure 18.5). Food and water, packed by Afar women at
of age and gender, each person has knowledge and compe- the desert’s edge, must be carried in for the miners, typi-
tence in all aspects of work appropriate to his or her age and cally numbering thirty to forty per group. Travel is arranged
gender. Yet, even in these nonindustrial societies there is a for nighttime to avoid the scorching sun (Haile, 1966;
measure of specialization. O’Mahoney, 1970).
An example of task specialization can be found among In the past few decades, we have seen the emergence
the Afar people of the Danakil Depression in the bor- of new forms of task specialization in an international
derlands of Eritrea and Ethiopia, one of the lowest and division of labor and in response to global markets of
hottest places on earth. The desolate landscape features supply and demand. Many of these specializations are
Global Ecotourism and Local Indigenous Culture in Bolivia

By Amanda Stronza
We traveled in a small fleet of motorized ca- cultural traditions while also engaging with As a result of their renewed pride in their mix
noes. As the sun dipped behind the trees one the global tourism industry. of Quechua and Tacana histories, the com-
steamy afternoon in April 2002, we turned the Having studied ecotourism in the Amazon munity has begun hosting tourists for cultural
last few bends of the Tuichi River and arrived since 1993, I felt honored to be on board parpar- tours in San José. “We want to give tourists
at our destination, the Chalalán Ecolodge of ticipating in these discussions. With support presentations about the community and our
northern Bolivia. Our group included eighteen from the Critical Ecosystem Partnership Fund, customs,” Mamani explained, “including our
indigenous leaders from various parts of the I had the opportunity that year—the Interna- legends, dances, traditional music, the coca
Amazon rainforest, a handful of regional tour tional Year of Ecotourism [2002]—to assem- leaves, the traditional meals. We want to
operators, conservationists, environmental ble leaders from three indigenous ecotourism show our culture through special walks fo-
journalists, and me—an applied anthropol- projects in South America. All three were cusing on medicinal and other useful plants.”
ogist studying the effects of ecotourism partnerships between local communities and Mamani and the other indigenous ecotour
ecotour-
on local livelihoods, cultural traditions, and private tour companies or nongovernmental ism leaders characterized the success of their
resource use. We had been navigating for organizations. For example, the lodge we were lodges in three ways: economic, social, and
nine hours through lowland rainforest to visit visiting, Chalalán, came about through a part
part- environmental. Chalalán, for example, counted
one of the first indigenous, community-run nership between the Quechua-Tacana commu- its economic success in terms of employment
ecotourism lodges in the world. nity of San José de Uchupiamonas, Bolivia, and new income. It directly employs eighteen
As we wended our way, combing the and two global organizations: Conservation to twenty-four people at a time, and additional
riverbanks for caimans, capybaras, tapirs, International and the Inter-American Develop- families supply farm produce and native fruits
and jaguars, our conversations meandered ment Bank. Much of the $1,450,000 invested to the lodge. With artisans selling handicrafts
too. Mostly, the indigenous leaders shared in Chalalán went toward preparing community to tourists, the community has gained regional
stories of how ecotourism had affected their members to assume full ownership and fame for its wooden carved masks. The social
own forests and communities. They spoke of management of the lodge within five years. benefits of Chalalán include new resources for
tourists who brought both opportunities and After a successful transfer in 2001, the lodge education, healthcare, and communication.
conflicts, and of their own efforts to balance now belonged to San José’s 600-member With their profits from tourism, the community
conservation and development. They com- Quechua-Tacana community. built a school, a clinic, and a potable water
pared notes on wildlife in their regions, the The indigenous leaders who gathered system. They also purchased an antenna,
kinds of visitors they had attracted, the profits for this trip had keen, firsthand knowledge solar panels, and a satellite dish to connect
they’d earned, the new skills they had gained, about the costs and benefits ecotourism with the world from their remote forests along
and the challenges they were facing as they can bring. They were former hunters, now the Tuichi River.
sought to protect leading tourists as birding and wildlife guides; Beyond these sorts of material improve-
their lands and small farmers and artisans making traditional ments, ecotourism has catalyzed symbolic
handicrafts to sell to visitors; river-savvy changes for the people of San José. “We
fishermen supplementing their incomes by have new solidarity in our cultural tradi-
driving tour boats; and local leaders whose tions,” one woman noted, “and now we
intimate knowledge of their communities want to show who we are to the outside
helped them manage their own tour compa- world.” These experiences of Chalalán and
BRAZIL nies. Among them was Chalalán’s general similar projects suggest that ecotourism
ni
PERU
e
manager Guido Mamani, who recounted the may be more than just a conservation and
Río B
Río BOLIVIA
Tuichi benefits Chalalán had brought to the Tacana development idea—it may also be a source
Chalalán of San José. “Ten years ago,” he recalled, of pride, empowerment, and strengthened
La Paz Ecolodge
© Cengage Learning
“people were leaving San José because there cultural identity among indigenous peoples.
were few ways to make a living. Today, they
Pacific
Ocean
CHILE
PARAGUAY are returning because of pride in the success

ARGENTINA of Chalalán. Now, they see opportunity here.” Written expressly for this text, 2011.
linked to tourism, now one of the world’s largest indus- produced worldwide (World Travel & Tourism Council,
tries. Estimates vary, but in 2015 this ever-growing indus- 2015). Some communities that still hold onto a natural
try employed nearly 280 million people and contributed habitat with a wealth of plant and animal life are able
more than $7.6 trillion to the global economy—nearly to tap into a specialized niche known as ecotourism, as
10 percent of the total value of goods and services detailed in this chapter’s Anthropology Applied feature.
Distribution and Exchange 449
Distribution
and Exchange
In societies without a money econ-
omy, the rewards for labor are usu-
ally direct. The workers in a family
group consume what they harvest,
eat what the hunter or gatherer
brings home, and use the tools they
themselves make. But even where no
formal medium of exchange such as
money exists, some distribution of
goods takes place. Anthropologists
often classify the cultural systems
of distributing material goods into
© Stan Washburn/Anthro-Photo
three modes: reciprocity, redistribu-

tion, and market exchange.
Reciprocity
Reciprocity refers to the exchange
of goods and services, of roughly Figure 18.6 Generalized Reciprocity among the Ju/’hoansi
equal value, between two parties. These Ju/’hoansi men are cutting up meat that will be shared by others in the camp.
This may involve gift giving. Nota- Food distribution practices of such food foragers are an example of generalized reciprocity.
bly, individuals or groups in most
cultures like to think that the main point of the transaction Most generalized reciprocity, however, occurs among
is the gifted object itself, yet what actually matters are the close kin or people who otherwise have very close ties
social ties that are created or reinforced between givers with one another. Within such circles of intimacy, people
and receivers. Because reciprocity is about a relationship give to others when they have the means and can count
between the self and others, gift giving is seldom really on receiving from others in time of need. Typically, par-
selfless. The overriding, if unconscious, motive is to fulfill ticipants will not consider such exchanges in economic
social obligations associated with establishing or reaffirming terms but will couch them explicitly in terms of family
relationships. Moreover, gift giving without expecting or and friendship social relations.
desiring a counter gift may bring prestige, enhancing some- Exchanges that occur within a group of relatives or
one’s social status, as discussed later in this chapter. between friends generally take the form of generalized or
Cultural traditions dictate the specific manner and oc- balanced reciprocity. In balanced reciprocity, the giv-
casion of exchange. For example, when indigenous hunting and receiving, as well as the time involved, are quite
ers in Australia kill a kangaroo, the meat is divided among specific: Someone has a direct obligation to reciprocate
the hunters’ families and other relatives. Each person in promptly in equal value in order for the social relation-
the camp gets a particular share, the size depending on ship to continue. Examples of balanced reciprocity in
the nature of the person’s kinship tie to the hunters. Such contemporary North American society include customary
obligatory sharing of food reinforces community bonds practices such as hosting a baby shower for young friends
and ensures that everyone eats. By giving away part of a expecting their first child, giving presents at birthdays
kill, the hunters get social credit for a similar amount of and various other culturally prescribed special occasions,
food in the future. and buying drinks when it is one’s turn at a gathering of
Reciprocity falls into several categories. The Australian friends and associates.
food distribution example just noted constitutes an ex-
ample of generalized reciprocity—exchange in which
the value of what is given is not calculated, nor is the time
of repayment specified (Figure 18.6). Gift giving, in the reciprocity The exchange of goods and services, of approximately equal
unselfish sense, also falls into this category. So, too, does value, between two parties.
the act of a kindhearted soul who stops to help a stranded generalized reciprocity A mode of exchange in which the value of the
gift is not calculated, nor is the time of repayment specified.
motorist or someone else in distress and refuses payment
balanced reciprocity A mode of exchange in which the giving and the
with the admonition: “Pay it forward” or “Pass it on to the receiving are specific as to the value of the goods or services and the
next person in need.” time of their delivery.
Giving, receiving, and sharing as so far described various commodities in demand to a wider economy
constitute a form of social security or insurance. A family (Turnbull, 1961; Wilkie & Curran, 1993).
contributes to others when they have the means and can Silent trade may occur due to lack of a common
count on receiving from others in time of need. language. A more probable explanation is that it helps
Negative reciprocity is a third form of exchange, in control situations of distrust and potential conflict—
which the aim is to get something for as little as possible. The maintaining peace by preventing direct contact. Another
parties involved have opposing interests and are not usually possibility that does not exclude the others is that it
closely related; they may be strangers or even enemies. They makes exchange possible when problems of status might
are people with whom exchanges are often neither fair nor make verbal communication unthinkable. In any event,
balanced, and they are not expected to be. This type of silent trade provides for the exchange of goods between
reciprocity may involve hard bargaining, manipulation, or groups despite potential barriers.
outright cheating. An extreme form of negative reciprocity is
to take something by force, while realizing that one’s victim Kula Ring: Gift Giving and Trading
may seek compensation or retribution for losses. in the South Pacific
Balanced reciprocity can take more complicated forms,
Trade and Barter whereby mutual gift giving serves to facilitate social
Trade refers to a transaction in which two or more people are interaction, smoothing relations between traders want-
involved in an exchange of something—a quantity of food, ing to do business. One classic ethnographic example of
fuel, clothing, jewelry, animals, or money, for example—for balanced reciprocity between trading partners seeking to
something else of equal value. In such a transaction, the be friends and do business at the same time is the Kula
value of the trade goods can be fixed by previous agree- ring in the southwestern Pacific Ocean. First described
ments or negotiated on the spot by the trading partners. by Polish anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski, the Kula
When there is no money involved and the parties ring involves thousands of seafarers going to great lengths
negotiate a direct exchange of one trade good for another, to establish and maintain good trade relations. This
the transaction is considered a barter. In barter, arguing centuries-old ceremonial exchange system continues to
about the price and terms of the deal may well be in the this day (Malinowski, 1961; Weiner, 1988).
form of negative reciprocity, with each party aiming to get Kula participants are men of influence who travel to
the better end of the deal. Relative value is calculated, and islands within the Trobriand ring to exchange prestige
despite an outward show of indifference, sharp dealing is items—red shell necklaces (soulava), which are circulated
generally the rule, when compared to the more balanced around the ring of islands in a clockwise direction, and
nature of exchanges within a group. white shell armbands (mwali), which are carried in the
One interesting mechanism for facilitating exchange opposite direction (Figure 18.7). Each man in the Kula is
between potentially adversarial groups is silent trade
in which no verbal communication takes place. In fact,
it may involve no actual face-to-face contact at all. Such
cases have often characterized the dealings between food- NECKLACES
Trobriand Is.
T
foraging peoples and their food-producing neighbors— Marshall
such as the Mbuti Pygmy of Congo’s Ituri forest, who Solomon Sea Bennet Is.
trade bushmeat for plantains and other crops grown by Amphletts
Amphlet Woodlark
Bantu villagers on small farms. It works like this: People Panamon Laughlin
T
Tokuna Is.
from the forest leave trade goods in a clearing, then retreat
Dobu
and wait. Agriculturalists come to the spot, survey the Yeguma
Yeguma
goods, leave what they think is a fair exchange of their
own wares, and then leave. The forest people return, and P
PAPU A
NEW Trade routes
if satisfied with the offer, take it with them. If not, they Tubetube
Tubet Panayati among islands
GUINEA
leave it untouched, signifying that they expect more. In
this way, for 2,000 or so years, foragers have supplied Misima
Coral
Sea Wari
© Cengage Learning
negative reciprocity A mode of exchange in which the aim is to get 0 50 100

ARMBANDS
something for as little as possible. Neither fair nor balanced, it may MILES
involve hard bargaining, manipulation, outright cheating, or theft.

silent trade A mode of exchange of goods between mutually distrusting
ethnic groups so as to avoid direct personal contact.
Figure 18.7 Kula Ring
Kula ring A mode of balanced reciprocity that reinforces trade and
The ceremonial gift exchanges of shell necklaces and armbands
social relations among the seafaring Melanesians who inhabit a large in the Kula ring encourage trade and barter throughout the
ring of islands in the southwestern Pacific Ocean. Melanesian islands.
© Irven DeVore/Anthro-Photo
Figure 18.8 Kula Boat
In Melanesia, men of influence paddle and sail within a large ring of islands in the southwestern
Pacific off the eastern coast of Papua New Guinea to participate in the ceremonial trading of
Kula shells, which eases trade relations and builds personal prestige.
linked to partners on the islands that neighbor his own. foods and other goods essential for survival. Melanesians
To a partner residing on an island in the clockwise direc- participating in the Kula ring have no doubt that their
tion, he offers a soulava and receives in return a mwali. He social position has to do with the company they keep,
makes the reverse exchange of a mwali for a soulava to a the circles in which they move. They derive their social
partner living in the counterclockwise direction. Each of prestige from the reputations of their partners and the
these trade partners eventually passes on the object to a valuables that they circulate. By giving and receiving arm-
Kula partner farther along the chain of islands. bands and necklaces that accumulate the histories of their
Soulava and mwali are ranked according to their size, travels and the names of those who have possessed them,
their color, how finely they are polished, and their partic- men proclaim their individual fame and talent, gaining
ular histories. Some of them are so famous that they create considerable influence for themselves in the process.
a sensation when they appear in a village. Like other forms of currency, soulava and mwali must
Traditionally, men make their Kula journeys in elab- flow from hand to hand; once they stop flowing, they
orately carved dugout canoes, sailing and paddling these may lose their value. A man who takes these valuables
boats, which are 6 to 7.5 meters (20 to 25 feet) long, out of their interisland circuit invites criticism. Not only
across open waters to shores some 100 kilometers (about might he lose prestige or social capital as a man of influ-
60 miles) or more away (Figure 18.8). The adventure is ence, but he might become a target of sorcery for unravel-
often dangerous and may take men away from their homes ing the cultural fabric that holds the islands together as a
for several weeks, sometimes even months. Although men functioning social and economic order.
on Kula voyages may use the opportunity to trade for prac- As this example from the South Pacific illustrates,
tical goods, acquiring such items is not always the reason the potential tension between trading partners may be
for these voyages—nor is Kula exchange a necessary part resolved or lessened by participation in a ritual of bal-
of regular trade expeditions. anced reciprocity. As an elaborate complex of ceremony,
Perhaps the best way to view the Kula is as an political relationships, economic exchange, travel, magic,
indigenous insurance policy in an economy fraught with and social integration, the Kula ring illustrates the insep-
danger and uncertainty. It establishes and reinforces social arability of economic matters from the rest of culture.
partnerships among traders doing business on distant Although perhaps difficult to recognize, this is just as true
shores, ensuring a welcome reception from people who in modern industrial societies as it is in traditional Trobri-
have similar vested interests. This ceremonial exchange and society—as is evident when heads of state engage in
network does more than simply enhance the trade of ceremonial gift exchanges at official visits.
Redistribution welfare payments and government loans or subsidies to

businesses) or in the form of services (such as military
Redistribution is a form of exchange in which goods defense, law enforcement, food and drug inspection,
flow into a central place where they are sorted, counted, education, highway and bridge construction, and the like).
and reallocated. In societies with a sufficient surplus to
support some sort of government, goods in the form of
Spending Wealth to Gain Prestige
gifts, taxes, tribute (obligatory contributions or gifts such
as crops, goods, and services), and the spoils of war are In societies where people devote most of their time to
gathered into storehouses controlled by a chief or some subsistence activities, gradations of wealth are small, kept
other leader. From there they are handed out again. The that way through various cultural mechanisms and sys-
leadership has three motives in redistributing this income: tems of reciprocity that serve to spread quite fairly what
The first is to gain or maintain a position of power little wealth exists.
through a display of wealth and generosity; the second is It is a different situation in ranked societies where
to assure those who support the leadership an adequate substantial surpluses are produced and the gap between
standard of living by providing them with desired goods; the have-nots and the have-lots can be considerable. In
and the third is to establish alliances with leaders of other these societies, the social prestige that comes from showy
groups by hosting them at lavish parties and giving them displays—known as conspicuous consumption—is a
valuable goods. strong motivator for the distribution of wealth. In industrial
The redistribution system of the ancient Inca empire and postindustrial societies, excessive efforts to impress oth-
in the Andean highlands of South America was one of ers with one’s wealth or status play a prominent role. The
the most efficient the world has ever known, both in the display of symbolic prestige items particular to these societ-
collection of tribute and in its methods of administrative ies—designer clothes, expensive jewelry, mansions, luxury
control (Mason, 1957). Administrators kept inventories of cars, private planes—fits neatly into an economy based on
resources and a census of the population, which at its peak consumer wants.
reached 6 million. Each craft specialist had to produce a A form of conspicuous consumption also occurs in
specific quota of goods from materials supplied by over- some crop-cultivating and foraging societies. Various
seers. Required labor was used for some agricultural and American Indian groups living along the Northwest
mining work. Unpaid labor was also used in a program Coast—including the Tlingit, Haida, and Kwakwaka’wakw
of public works that included a remarkable system of (Kwakiutl)—illustrate this through potlatches. A potlatch
roads and bridges throughout the mountainous terrain, is a ceremonial event in which a village chief publicly
aqueducts that guaranteed a supply of water, temples for gives away stockpiled food and other goods that signify
worship, and storehouses that held surplus food for times wealth (Figure 18.9). The term comes from the Chinook
of famine. Indian word patshatl, which means “gift.”
Overseers kept careful account of income and expendi- Traditionally, a chief whose village had built up
tures. A central administration, regulated by the Inca em- enough surplus to host such a feast for other villages in
peror and his relatives, had the responsibility for ensuring the region would give away large piles of sea otter furs,
that production was maintained and that commodities dried salmon, blankets, and other valuables while making
were distributed. Holding power over this command econ- boastful speeches about his generosity, greatness, and
omy, the ruling elite lived in great luxury, but sufficient glorious ancestors. While other chiefs became indebted
goods were redistributed to the common people to make to him, he reaped the glory of successful and generous
sure that no one would be left in dire need or face the leadership and saw his prestige rise. In the future, his own
indignity of pauperism. village might face shortages, and he would find himself
Taxes imposed by the central governments of countries on the receiving end of a potlatch. Should that happen,
all around the world today are one form of redistribution— he would have to listen to the self-serving and pompous
required payments typically based on a percentage of speeches of rival chiefs. Obliged to receive, he would tem-
one’s income and property value. Typically, a portion of porarily lose prestige and status.
the taxes goes toward supporting the government itself In extreme displays of wealth, chiefs even destroyed
whereas the rest is redistributed either in cash (such as some of their precious possessions. This occurred with
some frequency in the second half of the 19th century,
after European contact triggered a process of cultural
change that included new trade wealth. Outsiders might
redistribution A mode of exchange in which goods flow into a central view such grandiose displays as wasteful to the extreme.
place, where they are sorted, counted, and reallocated. However, these extravagant giveaway ceremonies have
conspicuous consumption A showy display of wealth for social played an ecologically adaptive role in a coastal region
prestige.
where villages alternately faced periods of scarcity and
potlatch On the Northwest Coast of North America, an indigenous
ceremonial event in which a village chief publicly gives away stockpiled abundance and relied upon alliances and trade relations
food and other goods that signify wealth. with one another for long-term survival. The potlatch
AP Images/Daily Sitka Sentinel/James Poulson

Figure 18.9 Potlatch Today
Among Native Americans living along the Northwest Coast of North America, one gains prestige
by giving away valuables at the potlatch feast. Here we see Tlingit clan members dressed in
traditional Chilkat and Raven’s Tail robes during a recent potlatch in Sitka, Alaska.
provided a ceremonial opportunity to strategically redis- social standing in the community, but may also keep
tribute surplus food and goods among allied villages in disruptive envy at bay.
response to periodic fluctuations in fortune. Underscoring the value of collective well-being over
A strategy that features this sort of accumulation individual self-interest, leveling mechanisms are important
of surplus goods for the express purpose of displaying for the long-term survival of traditional communities. The
wealth and giving it away to raise one’s status is known potlatch is just one example of many cultural varieties of
as a prestige economy. In contrast to conspicuous leveling mechanism. By pressuring members into sharing
consumption in industrial and postindustrial societies, their wealth in their own community rather than hoarding
the emphasis is not on amassing goods that then become it or privately investing it elsewhere, leveling mechanisms
unavailable to others. Instead, it is on gaining wealth in do more than keep resources in circulation. They also
order to give it away for the sake of prestige and status. reduce social tensions among relatives, neighbors, and
others in the community, promoting a collective sense of
Leveling Mechanisms togetherness. An added practical benefit is that they ensure
The potlatch is an example of a leveling mechanism—a that necessary services within the society are performed.
cultural obligation compelling prosperous members of a
community to give away goods, host public feasts, pro-
vide free service, or otherwise demonstrate generosity so
that no person permanently accumulates significantly prestige economy The creation of a surplus for the express purpose of
displaying wealth and giving it away to raise one’s status.
more wealth than anyone else. With leveling mechanisms
leveling mechanism A cultural obligation compelling prosperous
at work, greater wealth brings greater social pressure to
members of a community to give away goods, host public feasts, provide
spend and give generously. In exchange for such demon- free service, or otherwise demonstrate generosity so that no person
strated altruism, a person not only increases his or her permanently accumulates significantly more wealth than anyone else.
Daniel Bockwoldt/dpa DPA/Landov

Christian Kaiser/laif/Redux
Figure 18.10 Going to Market

Global capitalism and its economy of scale is evident in these photos that convey part of the story of
how tea travels from vast plantations, such as this one in Assam, northeast India, to grocery stores
and specialty shops around the world. Typically, tea is handpicked into baskets or bags. Much of it
ends up on mammoth container ships, including the world’s largest ship, pictured here. Able to carry
19,100 containers, China’s CSCL Globe is 400 meters (437 yards) long and 54 meters (59 yards)
wide—about the dimensions of four football fields. Globally, tea exports surpass 1.8 million tons,
earning close to $6 billion.
Market Exchange wholly removed from the transaction itself. Notably, sales
do not necessarily involve money; instead, goods may be
and the Marketplace directly exchanged through some form of barter.
Typically, until well into the 20th century, market In industrializing and industrial societies, many market
exchange—the buying and selling of goods and services, transactions still take place in a specific identifiable
with prices generally determined by rules of supply and location—including international trade fairs such as the
demand—was carried out in specific localities or market- mammoth fair held twice a year in Guangzhou (Canton),
places. Simply put, in market exchange, the greater the southern China’s oldest trading port city. In the fall of
demand and/or the lower the supply, the higher the price. 2014, more than 24,000 Chinese enterprises participated
This is still the case in much of the nonindustrial world in the 116th Canton Fair along with 1,300 international
and even in numerous centuries-old European and Asian chains (including WalMart, Carrefour, and Home Depot)
towns and cities. In food-producing societies, market- and 551 companies from 45 foreign countries. Combined,
places overseen by a centralized political authority pro- they offered some 150,000 products and generated over
vide the opportunity for food producers and craftspeople $29 billion in sales among more than 186,000 buyers from
in the surrounding rural territories to exchange some of more than 200 countries (PR Newswire, 2014).
their crops, livestock, and products for needed commod- One of the most widely traded global commodities is
ities (trade goods) manufactured in factories or in the tea (Camellia sinensis), dried leaves from a plant cultivated
workshops of craft specialists, who usually live in towns in China for more than 4,500 years. In the 1600s, soon
and cities. Thus, markets require some sort of complex di- after this drink found its way to Europe, tea export surged
vision of labor as well as centralized political organization. as prime cargo in merchant ships sailing across the oceans
The traditional market is local, specific, and con- in search of markets. Today, annual world tea production is
tained—like the one in Guatemala pictured at the begin- about 5 million tons, most of which is still grown on large
ning of this chapter. Prices are typically set on the basis plantations in China (1.9 million tons). Since the late 1700s,
of face-to-face bargaining rather than by unseen forces tea has also been commercially grown in India, where pro-
duction has reached about 1.2 million tons. Globally, tea
exports surpass 1.8 million tons, earning close to $6 billion.
market exchange The buying and selling of goods and services, with Typically, it is handpicked, placed in baskets or bags, and
prices set by rules of supply and demand. shipped overseas in huge cargo vessels (Figure 18.10).
Local Economies and Global Capitalism 455
In the global economy, and especially since the developments followed. As the means of exchange
launching of the World Wide Web some twenty-five was standardized in terms of value, it became easier
years ago, it is increasingly common for people living to accumulate, lend, or borrow money for specified
in technologically wired parts of the world to buy and amounts and periods of time against payment of inter-
sell everything from cattle to cars without ever being est. Gradually, some merchants began to do business
in the same city, let alone the same space. For example, with money itself, and they became bankers.
think of the U.S.-based e-commerce company Amazon As the use of money became widespread, the metal
(154,000 employees and a customer base of more than units were adapted to long-term use, easy storage, and
30 million people) and the Chinese online retail firm long-distance transportation. In many cultures, such
Alibaba (with 35,000 employees and featuring nearly a pieces of iron, copper, or silver were cast as miniature
billion products) where all buying and selling occur in models of especially valuable implements like sword
cyberspace, transcending international boundaries in blades, axes, or spades. But, some 2,600 years ago in
a flash. the ancient kingdom of Lydia (southwestern Turkey),
The faceless market exchanges that take place in the they were molded into small, flat discs conforming to
global capitalist system stand in stark contrast to expe- different sizes and weights (Davies, 2005). Over the
riences in the traditional marketplaces of precapitalist next few centuries, metal coins were also standard-
and nonindustrial societies. Traditional “real space” ized in terms of the metal’s purity and value, such as
markets echo the excitement of a fair. They are colorful 100 units of copper equals 10 units of silver equals
places where interactions happen amid a host of sights, 1 unit of gold.
sounds, and smells that awaken the senses. Typically, By about 2,000 years ago, the commercial use of
vendors and often their family members produced such coins was spreading throughout much of Europe
the goods they are selling, thereby personalizing the and becoming increasingly common in parts of Asia
transactions. Dancers and musicians may perform, and and Africa, especially along trade routes and in urban
feasting and fighting usually mark the end of the day. centers. Thus, money set into motion radical economic
In these markets social relationships and personal inter- changes in many traditional societies and introduced
actions are key elements, and noneconomic activities what has been called merchant capitalism in many parts
may overshadow economic ones. In short, such markets of the world (Wolf, 1982).
are gathering places where people renew friendships,
see relatives, gossip, and keep up with the world, while
procuring needed goods they cannot produce for them-
selves (Plattner, 1989).
Local Economies
Money as a Means
and Global Capitalism
Imposing market production schemes on other societies
of Exchange and ignoring cultural differences can have unintended
Although there are marketplaces without money of any negative economic consequences, especially in this era of
sort, money does facilitate trade. Money may be defined globalization. For example, it has led prosperous countries
as something used to make payments for other goods and to impose inappropriate development schemes in parts
services as well as to measure their value. Its critical attrib- of the world that they regard as economically underde-
utes are durability, transportability, divisibility, recogniz- veloped. Typically, these schemes focus on increasing the
ability, and interchangeability. Items that have been used target country’s gross national product through large-scale
as money in various societies include salt, shells, precious production that all too often boosts the well-being of a
stones, special beads, livestock, and valuable metals, such few but results in poverty, poor health, discontent, and a
as iron, copper, silver, and gold. As described in this chap- host of other ills for many others.
ter’s Biocultural Connection, cacao beans were also used Among many examples of this scenario is the global
as money—and more. production of soy, which has increased greatly in many
About 5,000 years ago, merchants and others in parts of the world. Of particular note is Paraguay,
Mesopotamia (a vast area between the Tigris and where big landowners, in cooperation with large agri-
Euphrates rivers, encompassing much of present-day businesses (most of which are owned by neighboring
Iraq and neighboring border areas) began using pieces
of precious metal such as silver in their transactions.
Once they agreed on the value of these pieces as a money A means of exchange used to make payments for other goods
means of exchange (money), more complex commercial and services as well as to measure their value.
Cacao: The Love Bean in the Money Tree

Several thousand years ago Indians in beans were so highly valued that Aztecs What is it about chocolate that makes it
the tropical lowlands of southern Mexico also used them as money. When Spanish a natural aphrodisiac? Other than carbohy
carbohy-
discovered how to produce a hot brew from invaders conquered Guatemala and Mexico drates, minerals, and vitamins, it contains
ground, roasted beans. They collected in the 1520s, they adopted the region’s about 300 chemicals, including some with
these beans from melon-shaped fruit pods practice of using cacao beans as currency mood-altering effects. For instance, cacao
growing in trees identified by today’s sci- inside their new colony. They also embraced beans contain several chemical components
entists as Theobroma cacao. By adding the custom of drinking chocolate, which that trigger feelings of pleasure in the human
honey, vanilla, and some flowers for flavor
flavor- they introduced to Europe, where it became brain. In addition to tryptophan, which in-
ing, they produced a beverage that made a luxury drink as well as a medicine.a creases serotonin levels, chocolate also con-
them feel good, and they believed that Over the next 500 years, chocolate de- tains phenylethylamine, an amphetamine-like
these beans were gifts from their gods. veloped into a $14 billion global business, substance that stimulates the body’s own
Soon, cacao beans became part of with the United States as the top importer dopamine and has slight antidepressant ef ef-
long-distance trade networks and appeared of cacao beans or cacao products. Women fects. Chocolate contains anandamide (anan
in the Mexican highlands, where the Aztec buy 75 percent of the chocolate products, means “bliss” in Sanskrit), a messenger
elite adopted this drink brewed from cac- and on Valentine’s Day more than $1 billion molecule that triggers the brain’s pleasure
ahuatl, calling it “chocolatl.”” In fact, these worth of chocolate is sold. center. Also naturally produced in the brain,
anandamide’s mood-enhancing effect is
the same as that obtained from marijuana
leaves. Finally, chocolate also contains a mild
stimulant called theobromine (“food of god”),
which stimulates the brain’s production of
natural opiates, reducing pain and increasing
feelings of satisfaction and even euphoria.
These chemicals help explain why the
last Aztec ruler Montezuma drank so much
chocolate. A Spanish eyewitness, who visited
his royal palace in the Aztec capital in 1519,
later reported that Montezuma’s servants
sometimes brought their powerful lord
in cups of pure gold a drink made

from the cocoa-plant, which they said
he took before visiting his wives. . . .
I saw them bring in a good fifty large
jugs of this chocolate, all frothed up,
of which he would drink a little. They
always served it with great reverence.b
Viewed as a divine gift by Mexican In-
dians, chocolate stimulates our brain’s
pleasure center. Why would women buy
this natural love drug in much greater
quantities than men?
a
For an excellent cultural history of
chocolate, see Coe, S. D., & Coe, M. D.
(1996). The true history of chocolate. New
Fiorian Kopp/Alamy
York: Thames & Hudston; Grivetti, L. E.

(2005). From aphrodisiac to health food: A
cultural history of chocolate. Karger Gazette
(68). Basel, Switzerland: S. Karger.
On average, each cacao tree produces about 30 pods a year, and each pod contains 30 cacao b
del Castillo, B. D. (1963). The conquest
beans (seeds). It takes about 450 beans to make 1 pound of chocolate. Here we see the of New Spain (pp. 226–227) (translation
harvest of the cacao pods. and introduction by J. M. Cohen). New York:
Penguin.
Local Economies and Global Capitalism 457
Raveendranr/AFP/Getty Images
Figure 18.11 Protesting Genetically Modified Crops
In 2013, U.S. legislators failed to pass a bill making it compulsory to label genetically modified
(GM) food, prompting a flurry of protests against the American multinational agrochemical and
agricultural biotechnology corporation Monsanto in fifty countries that year. Protests within
the United States and around the world continue. Here we see farmers from across India who
have traveled to their country’s capital city New Delhi. Wearing garlands of brinjals (eggplants
or aubergines), they demanded that the government ban GM crops, claiming that they
endanger public health. Protests such as these form part of worldwide actions by rural peoples
threatened by powerful capitalist corporations profiting from agribusinesses that produce
genetically engineered food crops.
Brazilians), produce genetically modified seeds, devel- families—are victimized by such large-scale production.
oped and marketed by foreign companies, especially Traditionally growing much of their own food (plus a bit
the U.S.-based multinational corporation Monsanto. extra for the local market) on small plots, many of them
Although these landowners and agribusinesses possess have been edged out and forced to work for hunger wages
just 1 percent of the total number of Paraguayan farms, or to migrate to cities, or even abroad, in order to survive.
they own almost 80 percent of the country’s agricultural Those who stay in rural areas face malnutrition and other
land. Exporting the soy, they make hefty profits because hardships because they lack enough fertile land to feed
production costs are low, and international demand is their families and do not earn enough to buy basic food-
high for soy-based cattle feed and biofuel. Similar stories stuffs (Fogel & Riquelme, 2005).
can be found in developing countries around the world Because every culture is an integrated system (as
(Figure 18.11). illustrated by the barrel model presented in the chapter
Hundreds of thousands of poor Paraguayans—small on culture), a shift in the infrastructure, or economic
farmers, landless peasants, rural laborers, and their base, impacts interlinked elements of the society’s
Rosita Worl
Alaskan anthropologist Rosita Worl, whose Tlingit names are for the protection of whaling practices and the indigenous subsis-
Yeidiklats’akw and Kaa hani, belongs to the Thunderbird Clan from tence lifestyle. For over three decades now, she has fought to safe-
the ancient village of Klukwan in southeastern Alaska. During her guard traditional rights to natural resources essential for survival,
growing-up years by the Chilkat River, elders taught her to speak for current and future generations, including her own children and
loudly so her words could be heard above the sound of crashing grandchildren.
water. And her mother, a cannery union organizer, took her along A recognized leader in sustainable, culturally informed
to meetings. economic development, Worl has held several major positions
As a university student, Worl led a public protest for the first at the Sealaska Corporation, a large Native-owned business
time—successfully challenging a development scheme in Juneau enterprise with almost 18,000 shareholders primarily of Tlingit
detrimental to local Tlingit. When she decided to pursue her an- and neighboring Haida and Tsimshian descent. Created under
thropology doctorate at Harvard, she did so with a strong sense of the 1971 Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, Sealaska is
purpose: “You have to be analytical about your culture,” she says. “At now the largest private landholder in southeastern Alaska. Its
one time, before com- subsidiaries collectively employ over a thousand people and
ing into contact with include timber harvesting, marketing of wood products, land
other societies, we and forest resource management, construction, and informa-
were just able to live tion technology. Putting the holistic perspective and analytical
our culture, but now tools of anthropology into practice, Worl has spearheaded
we have to be able to efforts to incorporate the cultural values of southeast Alaska
keep it intact while in- Natives into Sealaska—including shareholding opportunities
tegrating it into mod- for employees.
ern institutions. We Currently, Worl serves as president of Sealaska Heritage In-
have to be able to stitute, a Native nonprofit organization that seeks to perpetuate
communicate our cul- and enhance Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian cultures, including
tural values to others language preservation and revitalization. Also on the faculty of
and understand how the University of Alaska, Southeast, she has written extensively
David Sheakley, Sealaska Heritage Institute
those modern insti- about indigenous Alaska for academic and general audiences.
tutions impact those She founded the journal Alaska Native News to educate Native
values.” Alaskans on a range of issues and is deeply involved in the
Worl’s graduate implementation of the 1990 Native American Graves Protection
studies included and Repatriation Act.
fieldwork among the Sought for her knowledge and expertise, Worl has served on
Inupiat of Alaska’s the board of directors of the Smithsonian Institution’s National
North Slope region— Museum of the American Indian, as well as Cultural Survival, Inc.
Tlingit anthropologist Rosita Worl is research that resulted She has earned many honors for her work, including the American
president of the Sealaska Heritage in her becoming a Anthropological Association’s Solon T. Kimball Award for Public
Institute and a board member of the spokesperson at and Applied Anthropology, received in 2008 in recognition of her
Alaska Federation of Natives. state, national, and exemplary career in applying anthropology to public life in Alaska
international levels and beyond.
social structure and superstructure. As the ethnographic Fortunately, there is now a growing awareness on the
examples of the potlatch and the Kula ring show, eco- part of development officials that future projects are un-
nomic activities in traditional cultures are intricately likely to achieve sustainable success without the kind of
intertwined with social and political relations and may expertise that anthropologists can bring to bear. And, in
even involve spiritual elements. Agribusinesses and some parts of the world anthropologists with indigenous
other large-scale economic operations or development roots are leading the way in shaping development agendas
schemes that do not take such structural complexities that build on rather than destroy tradition—as related in
into consideration may have unforeseen harmful con- this chapter’s Anthropologist of Note about Rosita Worl, a
sequences for a society. Tlingit from Juneau, Alaska.
Informal Economy and the Escape from State Bureaucracy 459
Informal Economy fact, more important than the formal economy and
may involve more than half the labor force and up to
and the Escape 40 percent of a country’s gross national product (GNP).
In many places, large numbers of under- and unem-
from State Bureaucracy ployed people, who have only limited access to the for-
mal economic sector, “improvise,” getting by on scant
Powerful business corporations promote their profit- resources. Meanwhile, more affluent members of society
making agendas through slogans such as “free trade,” may dodge various regulations in order to maximize
“free markets,” and “free enterprise.” But the commercial returns or to vent their frustrations at their perceived
success of such enterprises, foreign or domestic, does loss of self-determination in the face of increasing gov-
not come without a price, and all too often that price is ernment regulation.
paid by still-surviving indigenous foragers, small farmers, Many adult men and women from poor regions in
herders, fishermen, local artisans such as weavers and car- the world seek cash-earning opportunities abroad when
penters, and so on. From their viewpoint, such slogans of they cannot find a paying job within their own country.
freedom have the ring of “savage capitalism,” a term now For multiple reasons such as visa requirements, most
commonly used in Latin America to describe a world order laborers who cross international borders legally get
in which the powerless are often condemned to poverty temporary work permits as “guest workers” but are not
and misery. immigrants in that foreign country.
Many of these powerful corporations are success- North Africa and Southwest Asia are cheap foreign
ful, at least in part because they manage to avoid the labor reservoirs for the wealthy industrialized countries
taxes imposed on smaller businesses. The same is often of western Europe, whereas Latin America and the Carib-
true for the wealthy, who have special access to loop- bean provide workers for the United States, which draws
holes and other opportunities to reduce or eliminate more migrant laborers than any other country in the
taxes that others are obliged to pay. Some of those less world. These workers often send remittances (a portion of
privileged, though, have found creative ways to avoid their earnings) to their families back in their home village
paying taxes and to “beat the system.” The system, in or town abroad. In 2015, the World Bank reported that
this case, refers to the managing bureaucracy in a state- $436 billion in remittances flowed to developing coun-
organized society politically controlled by an elected or tries in the previous year. The top recipients of officially
appointed governing elite. recorded remittances that year were India ($70 billion),
State bureaucracies seek to manage and control China ($64 billion), the Philippines ($28 billion), and
economic activities for regulation and taxation pur- Mexico ($25 billion) (World Bank, 2015a).
poses. However, they do not always succeed in these For a very poor country such as Jamaica, the total
efforts for a variety of reasons: insufficient government annual inflow of remittances (nearly $2.3 billion in 2014)
resources; underpaid, unskilled, or unmotivated inspec- comprises about 15 percent of that Caribbean island’s
tors and administrators; and a culture of corruption. In income. Over a quarter of Jamaicans receive remittances
state-organized societies where large numbers of peo- from relatives working abroad, and the average value of
ple habitually avoid bureaucratic regulators seeking to such cash transfers for a typical Jamaican household is
monitor and tax their activities, there is a separate, un- higher than the average per capita gross domestic product
documented economic system known as the informal (GDP) in that island nation. For a specific example, see
economy—a network of producing and circulating this chapter’s Globalscape.
marketable commodities, labor, and services that for Now that globalization is connecting national,
various reasons escapes government control (enumer- regional, and local markets in which natural resources,
ation, regulation, or other types of public monitoring commodities, and human labor are bought and sold,
or auditing). people everywhere in the world face new economic
This informal sector may encompass a range of opportunities and confront new challenges. Not only
activities: house cleaning, child care, gardening, repair or are natural environments more quickly and radically
construction work, making and selling alcoholic bever- transformed by means of new powerful technologies, but
ages, street peddling, money lending, begging, prostitu- long-established subsistence practices, economic arrange-
tion, gambling, drug dealing, pickpocketing, and labor by ments, social organizations, and associated ideas, beliefs,
illegal foreign workers, to mention just a few. and values are also under enormous pressure.
These off-the-books activities, including fraud and
trade in stolen or smuggled goods on the black market,
are certainly not new but generally have been dismissed
informal economy A network of producing and circulating marketable
by economists as of marginal importance. Yet, in many commodities, labor, and services that for various reasons escapes
countries of the world, the informal economy is, in government control.
GLOBALSCAPE
Arctic
Ocean
ASIA
NORTH EUROPE
AMERICA
Maine
Florida
AFRICA Pacific
Kingston, JAMAICA
Pacific Ocean
Ocean
Atlantic
SOUTH Ocean
AMERICA Indian
Ocean
AUSTRALIA
AP Images/Scott Mason
© Cengage Learning
ANTARCTICA
How Much for a Red Delicious? H-2A program “rent-a-slave”). Nonetheless, many Jamaicans
Each fall, several hundred Jamaicans migrate to Maine for the endured the hardships, pursuing harvesting work as an
apple harvest.a While plucking the trees with speed and skill, opportunity to escape from the dismal poverty on their Carib-
they listen to reggae music that reminds them of home. Calling bean island.
each other “brother,” they go by nicknames like “Rasta.” Most Notably, conditions began to improve in the 1990s after the
are poor peasants from mountain villages in the Caribbean U.S. Department of Labor established the Adverse Effect Wage
where they grow yams. But their villages do not produce enough Rate, requiring agricultural employers to pay nonimmigrant agricul-
to feed their families, so they go elsewhere to earn cash. tural workers a wage that would not adversely affect the employ
employ-
Before leaving Jamaica, they must cut their dreadlocks ment opportunities of U.S. workers. This significantly increased
and shave their beards. Screened and contracted by a labor the hourly wages of foreign farmhands. However, like minimum
recruiter in Kingston, they receive a temporary foreign farm wage standards for U.S. citizens, these increases have not kept
worker visa from the U.S. embassy and then fly to Miami. Trav- up with inflation—and do not change the fact that migrant labor
labor-
eling northward by bus, many work on tobacco farms en route ers must exercise extreme frugality and spend long months away
to Maine’s orchards (and in Florida’s sugarcane fields on the from home in order to support their families.b
way home). Earning the minimum hourly wage as regulated by
the federal H-2A program for “temporary agricultural workers,” Global Twister
they work seven days a week, up to ten hours daily. Orchard When you take a big bite from your next apple, think of the
owners value these foreigners because they are twice as pro- Jamaican laborers who might have picked it. What do you think
ductive as local pickers. Moreover, handpicked apples graded is “fair value”?
“extra fancy” earn farmers eight times the price of apples
a
destined for processing. See Rathke, L. (1989). To Maine for apples. Salt Magazine 9 (4),
While in the United States, the Jamaicans remain quite iso- 24–47; see also, Knothe, A. (2014, June 15). Seasonal workers
lated, trying to save as much as they can so they can send more in H2A guest worker program vital to central Mass. orchards.
Telegram.com. http://www.telegram.com/article/20140615
money home. Just before leaving the country, most of them buy
/NEWS/306159974 (retrieved December 18, 2015)
goods to take home as gifts or to resell for profit—from shoes
and clothing to electronics and refrigerators.
b
U.S. Department of Labor. (2015). Wage and hour division
Throughout most of the 1900s, rural labor conditions for (WHD): History of federal minimum wage rates under the Fair Labor
Standards Act, 1938–2009. U.S. Dept. of Labor. http://www.dol
seasonal migrant workers in the United States were likened
.gov/whd/minwage/chart.htm (retrieved December 18, 2015)
to indentured service (causing some critics to call the federal
460
461
What is an economic system, ✓ Barter is a form of trade in which no money is

involved, and the parties negotiate a direct exchange
relative to subsistence? of one trade good for another. It may well be in the
✓ An economic system is an organized arrangement for form of negative reciprocity, as each party aims to get
producing, distributing, and consuming goods. Each the better end of the deal.
society allocates natural resources (especially land,
✓ Redistribution requires a strong, centralized political
water, and fuel), technology, and labor according to its
organization. A government assesses a tax or tribute on
own priorities.
each citizen to support its activities, leaders, and
✓ In food-foraging societies, core features of the region religious elite and then redistributes the rest, usually in
may mark a group’s territory. This provides flexibility the form of public services. The system of tax collection
because the size of a group and its territories can be and delivery of government services and subsidies in
adjusted according to the availability of resources in the United States is a form of redistribution.
any particular place.
✓ Conspicuous consumption, or display for social prestige,
✓ The technology of a people (the tools they use and is a motivating force in societies that produce a surplus
knowledge about them) is related to their mode of of goods. The prestige comes from publicly giving away
subsistence. All societies have some means of creating one’s valuables, as in the potlatch ceremony, which is
and allocating the tools used to produce goods. also an example of a leveling mechanism.
✓ Labor is a major productive resource, and the allotment

of work is commonly governed by rules according to
What is market exchange, and where is
gender and age. Cross-culturally, only a few broad the marketplace?
generalizations apply to the kinds of work performed ✓ In nonindustrial societies, the marketplace is usually a
by men and women. specific site where people exchange produce, livestock,
✓ A more productive strategy is to examine the types of and material items they have made. It also functions as
work that men and women do in the context of a place to socialize and get news.
specific societies to see how it relates to other cultural ✓ Although market exchanges may take place through
and historical factors. bartering and other forms of reciprocity, money
✓ The cooperation of many people working together is a (something used to make payments for goods and
typical feature of both nonindustrial and industrial services as well as to measure their value) makes
societies. Task specialization is important even in market exchange more efficient.
societies with very simple technologies. ✓ In state-organized societies with market economies, the
informal sector—composed of economic activities set
How are goods distributed? up to avoid official scrutiny and regulation—may be
✓ The processes of distribution may be distinguished as more important than the formal sector. The informal
reciprocity, redistribution, and market exchange. economy includes remittances (earnings) that migrant
laborers working abroad send to their families back in
✓ Reciprocity, the exchange of goods and services of roughly their home village or town.
equal value, comes in three forms: generalized (in which
the value is not calculated, nor the time of repayment How does global capitalism impact local
specified); balanced (in which one has an obligation to
reciprocate promptly); and negative (in which the aim is
economies?
to get something for as little as possible). ✓ When powerful countries impose market production
schemes on other societies, the impact can be
✓ A classic ethnographic example of balanced reciprocity
negative—as in the global production of soy in
between trading partners seeking to maintain social ties
Paraguay where big landowners in cooperation with
while also doing business is the Kula ring among islanders
large agribusinesses have edged out small farmers and
of the southwestern Pacific Ocean. The Kula ring involves
landless peasants.
both balanced reciprocity and sharp trading.
✓ Increasingly, development officials are utilizing the
✓ Trade is a transaction in which two or more people are
expertise that anthropologists provide in planning
involved in an exchange of something for something
their projects.
else of equal value. Such exchanges have elements of
reciprocity but involve a greater calculation of the
relative value of goods exchanged.
1. Imagine a global banking crisis in which the capitalist 3. As the potlatch ceremony shows, prestige may be
economy based on money, interest, and credit has gained by giving away wealth. Does such a prestige-
collapsed. How long do you think it would take for building mechanism exist in your own society? If so,
a market to develop like the one in the highlands how does it work?
of Guatemala, shown in the chapter opening 4. Economic relations in traditional cultures are usually
photograph? Which goods do you think would have wrapped up in social, political, and even spiritual
exchange value in your culture, and what would you issues. Can you think of any examples in your own
do to get those goods in fair trade? society in which the economic sphere is inextricably
2. Consider the differences between the three varieties intertwined with other structures in the cultural
of reciprocity. What role does each play in your own system?
experience as a member of a family, local community,
and wider society?
Luxury Foods and Hunger Wages
When shopping for groceries in a supermarket, are the leaves or beans packed and warehoused
think of this chapter’s Biocultural Connection and prior to being shipped overseas? From which
the Visual Counterpoint and try to imagine the seaport or airport is your selected commodity
great chain of human hands involved in getting shipped? Where is it shipped to, and how is it
something as simple as a package of tea, a box transported to your store? Compare the store
of chocolate, or a pound of coffee to your grocery price per ounce and calculate how much it cost
store. Track down the country of origin for one of to produce, buy, transport, and sell, in order to
those luxury items, along with the location of the determine the percentage of profit made. Finally,
plantation and the name of the company or person after having enjoyed the delicious treat, take time
who owns it. Next, identify the laborers working to imagine where an ambitious entrepreneur
on that plantation—their ethnicity and gender, as might try to squeeze more profits from this
well as their wages and health conditions. How business.
SAM PANTHAKY/AFP/Getty Images
CHALLENGE ISSUE
Worldwide, humans face the challenge of managing sexual relations and forging social
alliances essential to the survival of individuals and their offspring. Adapting to particular
natural environments and distinct economic and political challenges, each group establishes
its own social arrangements in terms of childrearing tasks, gender relations, household and
family structures, and residence patterns. Because marriage and family play a fundamen-
tal role in any society, wedding rituals are especially significant. Whether private or public,
sacred or secular, weddings reveal, confirm, and underscore important cultural values.
Symbolically rich, they usually feature certain speech rituals, plus prescribed apparel, pos-
tures and gestures, food and drink, and songs and dances passed down through generations.
Here we see a Muslim bride in Gujarat, western India, surrounded by female relatives and
friends on the eve before her wedding. Their hands are beautifully decorated with traditional
designs created with dye made from the crushed leaves of the tropical henna tree. Known
as mehndi, this temporary body art is an age-old custom among Muslims and Hindus
in parts of southern Asia, as well as northern Africa. Often the groom’s name is hidden
within elegant designs of flowers and vines that symbolize love, fertility, and protection.
A bride’s mehndi evening, traditionally held at her parents’ home, is a lively female-only
gathering with special food, singing, and lovemaking instructions, along with hand painting.
Sex, Marriage,
and Family 19
Unlike individuals raised in traditional Muslim families, such as the bride fea-
fea In this chapter you
tured in this chapter’s opening photo, young people in the Trobriand Islands of will learn to
the South Pacific traditionally enjoy great sexual freedom. By age 7 or 8, chil- ● Discuss how different
dren begin playing erotic games and imitating adult seductive attitudes. Within cultures regulate sexual
another four or five years, they start pursuing sexual partners in earnest— relations.
experimenting erotically with a variety of individuals. ● Distinguish several
Because attracting sexual partners ranks marriage forms and
understand their
high among young Trobrianders, they spend
determinants and
a great deal of time beautifying themselves functions.
MICRONESIA
(Figure 19.1). Their daily conversations are
● Contrast family and
loaded with sexual hints, and they employ household forms across
Pacific
Ocean
ADMIRALTY
ISLANDS magical spells as well as small gifts to entice cultures.
INDONESIA
PAPUA
NEW
a prospective sex partner to the beach at ● Explain a range of
GUINEA
night or to the house in which boys sleep marital residence
Coral
apart from their parents. Because girls also
patterns.
Sea
AUSTRALIA
sleep apart from their parents, young peo- ● Weigh the impact
T R O B R I A ND
ISLANDS ple have considerable freedom in arranging
of globalization and
reproductive technology
KIRIWINA
KAILEUNA their erotic explorations. Boys and girls play
K I T A VA
on marriage and family.
© Cengage Learning
this game as equals, with neither having an

Solomon
Sea
VAKUTA advantage over the other (Weiner, 1988).
By the time Trobrianders are in their mid-

teens, meetings between lovers may take up
most of the night, and love affairs are apt to last for several months. Ultimately,
a young islander begins to meet the same partner again and again, rejecting the
advances of others. When the couple is ready, they appear together one morning
outside the young man’s house as a way of announcing their intention to marry.
Until the latter part of the 20th century, the Trobriand attitude toward
adolescent sexuality was in marked contrast to that of most Western cultures in
Europe and North America, where individuals were not supposed to have sexual
465
466 CHAPTER 19 Sex, Marriage, and Family
from unregulated sexual activity—it is not surprising that

all societies have cultural rules that seek to regulate those
relations. However, those rules vary considerably across
cultures.
For instance, in some societies, sexual intercourse
during pregnancy is taboo, whereas in others it is looked
upon positively as something that promotes the growth of
the fetus. And although some cultures sharply condemn
same-sex acts or relations, many others are indifferent and
do not even have a special term to distinguish homosexu-
ality as significant in its own right.
In several cultures same-sex acts are not only accepted
but prescribed. Such is the case in some Papua societies
in New Guinea, for example, where certain male-to-male
sexual acts are part of initiation rituals required of all boys
to become respected adult men (Kirkpatrick, 2000). In
those cultures, people traditionally see the transmission
of semen from sexually mature males to younger boys,
through oral sex, as vital for building up the strength
needed to protect against the supposedly debilitating
effects of adult heterosexual intercourse (Herdt, 1993).
Despite longstanding culture-based opposition to
homosexuality in many areas of the world, this sexual
orientation exists within the wider range of human
© Hideo Haga/Haga/The Image Works
sexual relations, emotional attractions, and social iden-

tities, and it is far from uncommon (Figure 19.2). Across
the globe, the expression of homosexuality ranges from
lifelong loving relationships to casual sexual encounters,
and from being fully open to being utterly private and
secretive.
During the past few decades, public denigration
Figure 19.1 Sex Appeal among the Trobrianders and condemnation of homosexuality have diminished
To attract lovers, young Trobriand women and men must look as dramatically in numerous countries, and same-sex rela-
attractive and seductive as possible. This young woman’s father tionships have become a publicly accepted part of the
has given her face painting and adornments to enhance her beauty. cosmopolitan lifestyle in metropolitan centers from Am-
sterdam to Paris and Rio de Janeiro to San Francisco. As
recently as 2009, India decriminalized homosexuality,
followed by several other countries, including Lebanon in
relations before or outside of marriage. Since then, prac-
2014 and Mozambique in 2015. Clearly, the social rules
tices in much of the modern industrialized world have
and cultural meanings of all sexual behavior are subject
converged toward those of the Trobrianders, even though
to great variability—not only across cultures but also
the traditional ideal of premarital sexual abstinence has not
across time.
been abandoned entirely and is upheld in many traditional
Christian, Muslim, and similarly conservative families.
Marriage
Regulation and the Regulation
of Sexual Relations of Sexual Relations
In the absence of effective birth control, the usual out- In much of the world, the traditional ideal was (and in
come of sexual activity between fertile individuals of the many communities still is) for individuals to establish a
opposite sex is that, sooner or later, the woman becomes family through marriage, by which one also gains an ex-
pregnant. Given the intricate array of social responsi- clusive right of sexual access to another person. The main
bilities involved in rearing the children that are born of purpose of sexual intercourse was not just erotic pleasure
sexual relations—and the potential for conflict resulting but reproduction. Recognizing the potential risks of
Marriage and the Regulation of Sexual Relations 467
Mark Nolan/Getty Images Sport/Getty Images
© Juan Mabromata/AFP/Getty Images

Figure 19.2 Expressions of Same-Sex Affection
Although same-sex relationships have existed for thousands of years and are permitted
in many parts of the world, homosexuals in sexually restrictive societies are shamed and
shunned, and may be beaten, flogged, banished, imprisoned, or even murdered. Even in
societies that have become less restrictive, public displays of same-sex affection (between
men in particular) are often looked upon as distasteful or even disgusting. One widespread
exception is the sports arena where athletes freely hug each other, and may even pat each
other on the behind or leap into each other’s arms without bringing their sexual orientation
into question. Attitudes are shifting all around the globe, however, as evident in this photo
of two just-wed Argentinean men kissing after receiving their official marriage license on
November 16, 2009—the first in Latin America. This Buenos Aires couple sought a license
not only because they love each other, but also because they wanted the shared health
insurance policy, inheritance rights, and other privileges married couples in their country
traditionally enjoy.
unregulated sexual relations, including unplanned preg- offense prohibited by God. Buried waist-deep in holes
nancies by a man other than the lawful husband, these outside the village, the 23-year-old married woman and
societies have often criminalized extramarital affairs as her 28-year-old lover were stoned to death in the sum-
adultery. Reinforcing public awareness of the moral rules, mer of 2010, a brutal spectacle attended by hundreds
authorities past and present have turned sexual transgres- of villagers and filmed on a mobile phone (Amnesty
sions such as adultery into a public spectacle of shame, International, 2010). Turning legal transgressions into
torture, or even death. a public display, authorities reinforce awareness of the
Among European Christian colonists in 17th- and rules of social conduct, even if a sentence is ultimately
18th-century New England, for example, a woman’s par- dropped or changed.
ticipation in adultery was a serious crime. Although it did A side effect of such restrictions on sexual behavior
not lead to stoning, as was custom among ancient Israel- is that they may limit the spread of sexually transmitted
ites, women so accused were shunned by the community diseases (Gray, 2004; UNAIDS, 2014). Yet most cultures
and could be imprisoned. Such restrictions remain (or do not sharply regulate an individual’s sexual practices.
are sometimes reinstated) in those traditional societies in Indeed, a majority of cultures are considered sexually per-
northern Africa and western Asia where age-old Shariah missive or semi-permissive (the former having few or no
law regulates social behavior in strict accordance with restrictions on sexual experimentation before marriage,
Muslim fundamentalist standards of morality. the latter allowing some experimentation but less openly).
For example, in a Taliban-controlled village in north- A minority of known societies—about 15 percent—have
ern Afghanistan, conservative mullahs (priests) found rules requiring that sexual involvement take place only
a young couple guilty of adultery, proclaiming it an within marriage.
Marriage as a Universal sexual and marriage practices,

many of which have changed
Institution since the mid-1900s (Fuller,
1976; Goodenough, 1970;
This brings us to an anthropological definition of Gough, 1959). The first,
marriage—a culturally sanctioned union between two or occurring shortly before AFGHANISTAN CHINA
more people that establishes certain rights and obligations a girl experiences her first
PAKISTAN BHUTAN
between the people, between them and their children, menstruation, involves a NEPA
L
and between them and their in-laws. Such marriage rights ceremony that joins her
and obligations most often include, but are not limited with a “ritual husband.” INDIA
to, sex, labor, property, childrearing, exchange, and status. This union does not nec-
Arabian BANGLADESH
Thus defined, marriage is universal. Notably, our defini- essarily involve sexual Sea
© Cengage Learning
tion of marriage refers to “people” rather than “a man and relations and lasts only Bay of
Bengal
a woman” because in some countries same-sex marriages a few days. Neither in- KERALA
SRI
are socially acceptable and allowed by law, even though dividual has any further LANKA
opposite-sex marriages are far more common. We will obligation, but when the
return to this point later in the chapter. girl becomes a woman, she and her children typically
In many cultures, marriage is considered the central participate in ritual mourning for the man when he dies.
and most important social institution. In such cultures, This temporary union establishes the girl as an adult ready
people will spend considerable time and energy on main- for motherhood and eligible for sexual activity with men
taining marriage as an institution. They may do so in vari- approved by her household.
ous ways, including highlighting the ritual moment when The second transaction takes place when a young
the wedding takes place, festively memorializing the event Nayar woman enters into a continuing sexual liaison with a
at designated times such as anniversaries, and making it man approved by her family. This is a formal relationship
difficult to divorce. that requires the man to present her with gifts three times
In some societies, however, marriage is a relatively each year until the relationship is terminated. In return,
marginal institution and is not considered central to the the man can spend nights with her. Despite ongoing sex-
establishment and maintenance of family life and society. ual privileges, however, this “visiting husband” has no
For instance, marriage has lost much of its traditional economic obligations to her, nor is her home regarded as
significance in wealthy northwestern European nations, his home. In fact, she may have the same arrangement
in part due to changes in the political economy, more with more than one man at the same time. Regardless
balanced gender relations, and shared public benefits of of the number of men with whom she is involved, this
these capitalist welfare states. And historically, marriage second transaction, the Nayar version of marriage, clearly
has been of marginal significance for the Nayar in south- specifies who has sexual rights to whom and includes
western India, profiled in the following passage. rules that deter conflicts between the men.
If a Nayar woman becomes pregnant, one of the men
with whom she has a relationship (who may or may
Sexual and Marriage Practices not be the biological father) must formally acknowledge
among the Nayar paternity by presenting gifts to the woman and the mid-
wife. This establishes the child’s birthrights—as does birth
Situated in the Indian state of Kerala, the Nayar are a registration in Western societies. Once a man has ritually
landowning warrior caste; kinsmen related in the female acknowledged fatherhood by gift giving, he may con-
line make up corporations that traditionally hold their es- tinue to take interest in the child, but he has no further
tates. These blood relatives live together in a large house- obligations. Support and education for the child are the
hold, with the eldest male serving as manager. responsibility of the mother and her brothers, with whom
Like Trobriand Islanders, the Nayar are a sexually she and her offspring live.
permissive culture. A classic anthropological study de- Indeed, unlike most other cultural groups in the world,
scribes three transactions related to traditional Nayar the traditional Nayar household includes only the mother,
her children, and her other biological or blood relatives,
marriage A culturally sanctioned union between two or more people that technically known as consanguineal kin. It does not
establishes certain rights and obligations between the people, between include any of the “husbands” or other people related
them and their children, and between them and their in-laws. Such through marriage—known as affinal kin. In other
marriage rights and obligations most often include, but are not limited to,
sex, labor, property, childrearing, exchange, and status.
words, sisters and their offspring all live together with their
consanguineal kin Biologically related relatives, commonly referred to brothers and their mother and her brothers. Historically,
as blood relatives. this arrangement addressed the need for security in a cul-
affinal kin People related through marriage. tural group in which warfare was common.
Marriage as a Universal Institution 469
Among the Nayar, sexual relations are forbidden be- status. In addition, detailed census records made in Egypt
tween consanguineal relatives and thus are permitted only about 2,000 years ago show that brother–sister marriages
with individuals who live in other households. This brings were not uncommon among ordinary members of the
us to another human universal: the incest taboo. farming class, and we have no evidence for linking this
cultural practice to any biological imperatives (Leavitt,
2013).
Incest Taboo Coming at the question from a nonbiological per-
spective, some anthropologists have put forth the idea
Just as marriage in its various forms is found in all cultures,
that the incest taboo exists as a cultural means to pre-
so is the incest taboo—the prohibition of sexual contact
serve the stability and integrity of the family, which is
between certain close relatives. But what is defined as
essential to maintaining social order. Sexual relations
“close” is not the same in all cultures. Moreover, such
between members other than a husband and wife would
definitions may be subject to change over time. Although
introduce competition within the family, destroying the
the scope and details of the taboo vary across cultures and
harmony of a social unit fundamental to societal order.
time, almost all societies past and present strongly forbid
Others have theorized that the taboo, by prohibiting
sexual relations at least between parents and children
sexual relations and marriage between close relatives,
and nearly always between siblings. In some societies the
promotes establishing family ties and forming alliances
taboo extends to other close relatives, such as cousins, and
with other social groups.
even to some relatives linked through marriage.
Anthropologists have long been fascinated by the
incest taboo and have proposed several explanations for
its cross-cultural existence and variation. The simplest Endogamy and Exogamy
explanation is that our species has an “instinctive” Whatever its cause, the utility of the incest taboo can be
repulsion for incest. Although research shows that seen by examining its effects on social structure. Closely
primates tend to avoid having sex with close relatives, related to prohibitions against incest are cultural rules
particularly when there are alternative mating partners, against endogamy (from Greek endon, “within,” and
this explanation falls short given violations of the gamos, “marriage”), or marriage within a particular group
incest taboo (Wolf & Durham, 2004). In the United of individuals (cousins and in-laws, for example). If the
States, for instance, it is reported that about 9 percent group is defined as one’s immediate family alone, then
of children under 18 years of age have experienced societies generally prohibit or at least discourage endog-
incestuous relations (U.S. Dept. of Health and Human amy, thereby promoting exogamy (from Greek exo,
Services, 2015; Whelehan, 1985). “outside,” and gamos, “marriage”) or marriage outside the
Historically, some scholars argued that the incest group. Yet, a society that practices exogamy at one level
taboo prevents the harmful genetic effects of inbreeding. may practice endogamy at another. Among the Trobriand
Although this is so, it is also true that, as with domestic Islanders, for example, individuals have to marry outside
animals, inbreeding can increase desired characteristics as their own clan and lineage (exogamy). However, because
well as detrimental ones. Furthermore, undesirable effects eligible sex partners are to be found within one’s own
will show up sooner than without inbreeding, so what- community, village endogamy is commonly practiced.
ever genes are responsible for them are quickly eliminated Since the early 20th century, restrictions on marriages
from the population. That said, a preference for a more involving close kin have increased in Europe and other
genetically different mate does tend to maintain a higher parts of the world. Because of this, worldwide migra-
level of genetic diversity within a population, and in evo- tions by peoples from countries in which such marriages
lution this variation works to a species’ advantage. With- remain customary may lead to cross-cultural problems
out genetic diversity a species is less likely to successfully (Figure 19.3). British anthropologist Adam Kuper recently
adapt biologically to environmental change. discussed this issue based on research with Muslim immi-
The inbreeding or biological avoidance theory can grant families from Pakistan. According to Kuper,
be challenged on several fronts. For example, there are
In Pakistan, and in the Pakistani diaspora, a
historical exceptions to the incest taboo, such as a re-
preference is commonly expressed for marriage
quirement that the ruler of the Inca empire in ancient
within the extended family or biraˉdarıˉ. . . . Perhaps
Peru be married to his own (half) sister. Sharing the same
unexpectedly, the rate of cousin marriage among
father, both siblings belonged to the political dynasty
Pakistani immigrants to Britain is higher than the
that derived its sacred right to rule the empire from Inti,
its ancestral Sun God. And by virtue of this royal lineage’s
godly origin, their children could claim the same sacred incest taboo The prohibition of sexual relations between closely related
political status as their human/divine father and mother. individuals.
Ancient emperors in Egypt also practiced such religiously endogamy Marriage within a particular group or category of individuals.
prescribed incest based on a similar claim to divine royal exogamy Marriage outside a particular group or category of individuals.
In the United States, where

twenty-five states ban first-cousin
marriage and six restrict it, there is a
general assumption nationwide that
these laws are rooted in genetics
(Ottenheimer, 1996). (See a discus-
sion of U.S. marriage prohibitions
in the Biocultural Connection.)
Early anthropologists suggested
that many human groups long
ago recognized certain advantages
of exogamy as an effective means
of creating long-lasting bonds of
friendship. French anthropologist
Claude Lévi-Strauss (see the An-
thropologist of Note) elaborated on
© PJR Travel/Alamy Stock Photo

this idea. He explained exogamy as
an alliance system in which distinc-
tive communities participate in an
exchange of marriageable males
and/or females. By extending the
social network, potential enemies
Figure 19.3 Cousin Marriage turn into relatives who may provide
Large numbers of Muslim immigrant families are settling in western Europe. Many support in times of hardship or
hail not only from Pakistan but also from former French and British colonies in Asia violent conflict.
and Africa where cousin marriage is common. Here we see such a traditional family, Building on the theory ad-
conforming to Shariah (Islamic sacred law), relaxing in the heart of London. vanced by Lévi-Strauss, other
anthropologists have proposed that
exogamy is an important means of creating and main-
rate in rural Pakistan. And the rate of cousin marriage taining political alliances and promoting trade between
is particularly high among younger British Pakistanis. groups, thereby ensuring mutual protection and access
Around a third of the marriages of the immigrant to needed goods and resources not otherwise available.
generation were with first cousins, but well over Forging wider kinship networks, exogamy also functions
half the marriages of the British-born generation are to integrate distinct groups and thus potentially reduces
with first cousins. This is a consequence of British violent conflict.
immigration regulations. . . . It is very difficult to
enter Britain unless one is married to a British citizen.
In most cousin marriages, one partner immigrates to
Britain from Pakistan. Alison Shaw found that 90 per
Distinction Between Marriage
cent of the first-cousin marriages in her sample of and Mating
British Pakistanis in Oxford involved one spouse who
In contrast to mating, which occurs when individuals
came directly from Pakistan. . . . (Kuper, 2008, p. 731)
join for purposes of sexual relations, marriage is a socially
Kuper notes that although health risks to offspring binding and culturally recognized relationship. Only
of such close-kin marriages are “rather low” and gen- marriage is backed by social, political, and ideological
erally “within the limits of acceptability,” research by factors that regulate sexual relations as well as reproduc-
geneticists does indicate that “the risk of birth defects or tive rights and obligations. Even among the previously
infant mortality is roughly doubled for the children of discussed Nayar in India, for whom traditional marriage
first cousins.” However, he adds, in western Europe this seems to involve little other than a sexual relationship, a
debate is not just about medical risks, but also about im- woman’s husband is legally obligated to provide her with
migration and cultural friction: “Father’s brother’s daugh- gifts at specified intervals. Additionally, a Nayar woman
ter marriage is taken to be a defining feature of Islamic may not legally have sex with a man to whom she is not
culture, and it is blamed not only for overloading the married.
health service but also for resistance to integration and Thus, although mating occurs in nearly every other
cultural stagnation. It is also associated with patriarchy, animal species, marriage is a cultural institution unique
the suppression of women, and forced marriages” (Kuper, to humans. This is evident when we consider the various
2008, p. 731). forms of marriage around the world.
Forms of Marriage 471
Marriage Prohibitions in the United States

By Martin Ottenheimer
In the United States, every state has do not have any significantly greater risk Recently, a group of geneticists pub-
laws prohibiting the marriage of some of negative results than offspring of very lished the results of a study of consan-
relatives. Every state forbids parent– distantly related parents. guineous unions, estimating that there
child and sibling marriages, but there Why, then, do some North Americans is “about a 1.7–2.8% increased risk for
is considerable variation in prohibitions maintain this belief? To answer this ques- congenital defects above the population
concerning more distant relatives. For tion, it helps to know that laws against background risk.”a Not only is this a high
example, although twenty-five states ban first-cousin marriage first appeared in the estimate, it is also well within the bounds
marriage between first cousins, nineteen United States right after the mid-1800s of the margin of statistical error. But even
states and the District of Columbia allow when evolutionary models of human be- so, it is a lower risk than that associated
it, and others permit it under certain havior became fashionable. In particular, with offspring from women over the age of
conditions. Notably, the United States a pre-Darwinian model that explained 40—who are not forbidden by the govern-
is the only country in the Western world social evolution as dependent upon bio- ment to marry or bear children.
that has prohibitions against first-cousin logical factors gained popularity. It sup-
marriage. posed that “progress from savagery to
Many people in the United States civilization” was possible when humans
What do you think is the underlying cul-
believe that laws forbidding marriage ceased inbreeding. Cousin marriage was
tural logic that makes some societies
between family members exist because thought to be characteristic of savagery,
traditionally forbid first cousins from mar-
parents who are too close biologically the lowest form of human social life, and
rying each other, whereas others, equally
run the risk of producing children with it was believed to inhibit the intellectual
unfamiliar with genetics, accept or even
mental and physical defects. Convinced and social development of humans. It be-
prefer such marriages?
that first cousins fall within this “too came associated with “primitive” behav-
close” category, they believe laws against ior and dreaded as a threat to a civilized
Written expressly for this text, 2005;
first-cousin marriage were established America.
revised and updated, 2011, 2015.
to protect families from the effects of Thus, a powerful myth emerged in
harmful genes. American popular culture, which has since
There are two major problems with become embedded in law. That myth is a
Bennett, R. L., et al. (2002, April).
this belief: First, cousin prohibitions were held and defended to this day, sometimes Genetic counseling and screening of
enacted in the United States long before with great emotion despite being based consanguineous couples and their offspring:
the discovery of the genetic mechanisms on a discredited social evolutionary theory Recommendations of the National Society
of disease. Second, genetic research has and contradicted by the results of modern of Genetic Counselors. Journal of Genetic
shown that offspring of first-cousin couples genetic research. Counseling 11 (2), 97–119.
Forms of Marriage the only legally recognized form of marriage. In these

places, not only are other forms prohibited, but systems
Within societies, and all the more so across cultures, we of inheritance, whereby property and wealth are trans-
see contrasts in the constructs and contracts of marriage. ferred from one generation to the next, are based on the
Indeed, as is evident in the definition of marriage given institution of monogamous marriage. In some parts of
previously, this institution comes in various forms—and the world where divorce rates are high and people who
these forms are distinct in terms of the number and gen- have been divorced remarry (including Europe and North
der of spouses involved. America), an increasingly common form of marriage is
serial monogamy whereby an individual marries a se-
ries of partners in succession.
Monogamy
monogamy A marriage form in which both partners have just one
Monogamy—marriage in which both partners have spouse.
just one spouse—is the most common form of marriage serial monogamy A marriage form in which an individual marries or
worldwide. In North America and most of Europe, it is lives with a series of partners in succession.
Claude Lévi-Strauss (1908–2009)
Claude Lévi-Strauss lived to be 100. When he died, he was the After the war, Lévi-Strauss became French cultural consul in
most celebrated anthropologist in the world. Born in Belgium, the United States, based in New York. Maintaining ties with the
where his father briefly worked as a portrait painter, he grew up academic community, including anthropologist Margaret Mead, he
in Paris. As a boy during World War I, Claude lived with his grand- completed his two-part doctoral thesis: “The Elementary Struc-
father, a rabbi of Versailles. tures of Kinship” and “The Family and Social Life of the Nambik-
He studied law and philosophy at the Sorbonne, married a young wara Indians.” Theoretically influenced by Jakobson’s structural
anthropologist named Dina Dreyfus, and became a philosophy linguistics, his thesis analyzed the logical structures underlying
teacher. In 1935, the couple ventured across the ocean to Brazil’s the social relations of kin-ordered societies.
University of São Paulo, where his wife taught anthropology and he Building on Marcel Mauss’s 1925 study of gift exchange as a
sociology. Influenced by 18th-century romantic philosopher Rousseau means to build or maintain a social relationship, he applied the
and fascinated by historical accounts of Brazilian Indians, he preferred concept of reciprocity to kinship, arguing that marriage is based
ethnographic research and lectured on tribal social organization. on the exchange relationship between kin-groups of “wife-givers”
In 1937, he and Dina organized an expedition into the Ama- and “wife-takers.” Returning to France in late 1947, he became
zon forest, visiting Bororo and other tribal villages and collecting associate director of the ethnographic museum in Paris and
artifacts for museums. In 1938, they made another journey and successfully defended his thesis at the Sorbonne. His structural
researched recently contacted Nambikwara Indians. Back in Paris analysis was recognized as a pioneering study in kinship and
together in 1939, their marriage dissolved. That same year, the marriage.
Second World War erupted, and the French army mobilized its In 1949, Lévi-Strauss joined an international body of experts
soldiers, including Lévi-Strauss. invited by UNESCO to discuss and define the “race concept,”
A year after Nazi Germany conquered France in 1940, Lévi- a disputed term associated with discrimination and genocide.
Strauss escaped to New York City, where he became an anthro- Three years later, he authored Race and History, a book that
pology professor at the New School for Social Research. Teaching became instrumental in UNESCO’s worldwide campaign against
courses on South American Indians during the war years, he racism and ethnocentrism. By then, he had become an an-
befriended other European exiles, including the linguist Roman thropology professor at the École Pratique des Hautes Études
Jakobson, who pioneered the structural analysis of language. in Paris. Continuing his prolific writing, he published Tristes
Tropiques (1955). This memoir about his ethno-
graphic adventures among Amazonian Indians
won him international fame. His 1958 book,
Structural Anthropology, also became a classic.
It presented his theoretical perspective that
the human mind produces logical structures,
classifying reality in terms of binary oppositions
(such as light–dark, good–evil, nature–culture,
and male–female) and that all humans share a
mental demand for order expressed in a drive
toward classification.
In 1959, Lévi-Strauss became the chair of
Social Anthropology at the Collège de France and
founded his own institute there. Specializing in
the comparative study of religion, he undertook
a massive comparative study and structural
analysis of myths, resulting in a series of instan-
Apic/Hulton Archive/Getty Images
taneously classic books. In 1973, he was elected

to the centuries-old Académie Française, a presti-
gious institution with just forty members known as
“immortals.” Countless other honors from around
the world followed.
Now, survived by his wife Monique and two
sons, he lies in a small rural cemetery in Bur Bur-
French anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss in the Amazon rainforest in Brazil, c. 1936. gundy, near his old mansion, where he liked to
reflect on the human condition.
Forms of Marriage 473
Polygamy
Monogamy is the most common
marriage form worldwide, but it is
not the preferred form in a majority
of the world’s cultures. That distinc-
tion goes to polygamy (one indi-
vidual having multiple spouses) and
specifically to polygyny, in which
a man is married to more than one
woman ((gyne is Greek for “woman”
and “wife”). Favored in about 80 to
85 percent of the world’s cultures,
polygyny is commonly practiced
in parts of Asia and much of sub-
Saharan Africa (Lloyd, 2005).
Although polygyny is the fa-
vored marriage form in these places,
© AP Photo/Ben Curtis
monogamy exceeds it, but for eco-

nomic rather than moral or legal
reasons. In many polygynous soci-
eties, in which a groom is usually
expected to compensate a bride’s
family in cash or kind, a man must Figure 19.4 Polygyny
be fairly wealthy to be able to af- Polygynous marriages are common in many parts of the world, including numerous
ford more than one wife. Multiple African countries. Here we see a Senegalese businessman having dinner with his three
surveys of twenty-five sub-Saharan wives and some of his children. Defying expectations that Western influences and
African countries where polygyny is urbanization would gradually do away with plural marriages, polygyny remains common
common show that it declined by among Muslims in Senegal and other parts of West Africa.
about half between the 1970s and
2001. There are many reasons for this dramatic decline, significantly below that for males. In fact, this marriage
but one is due to families making an economic transition pattern is frequently found in societies in which violence,
from traditional farming and herding to wage labor in including war, is common, and many young males die in
cities. Nonetheless, polygyny remains highly significant battle. Their high combat mortality results in a population
in that part of the world, with an overall average of in which women outnumber men.
25 percent of married women in such unions (Lloyd, By contrast, in societies in which men are more
2005) (Figure 19.4). heavily involved in productive work, generally only a
Polygyny is particularly common in traditional small minority of marriages are polygynous. Under these
food-producing societies that support themselves by circumstances, women are more dependent on men for
herding grazing animals or growing crops and in which support, so they are valued as child bearers more than for
women do the bulk of cultivation. Under these condi- the work they do. This is commonly the case in pastoral
tions, women are valued both as workers and as child nomadic societies in which men are the primary owners
bearers. Where the labor of wives in polygynous house- and tenders of livestock. This makes women especially
holds generates wealth and little support is required from vulnerable if they prove incapable of bearing children,
husbands, the wives have a strong bargaining position which is one reason a man may seek another wife.
within the household. Often, they have considerable Another reason for a man to take on secondary wives
freedom of movement and some economic independence is to demonstrate his high position in society. But where
through the sale of crafts or crops. Wealth-generating men do most of the productive work, they must work
polygyny is found in its fullest elaboration in parts of sub- extremely hard to support more than one wife, and few
Saharan Africa and Southwest Asia, though it is known actually do so. Usually, it is the exceptional hunter or male
elsewhere as well (White, 1988). shaman (“medicine man”) in a food-foraging society or a
In societies practicing wealth-generating polygyny,
most men and women do enter into polygynous mar-
polygamy A marriage form in which one individual has multiple spouses
riages, although some are able to do so earlier in life at the same time.
than others. This is made possible by a female-biased sex polygyny A marriage form in which a man is married to two or more
ratio and/or a mean age at marriage for females that is women at the same time; a form of polygamy.
particularly wealthy man in a horticultural, agricultural, As I see it, if this lifestyle didn’t already exist, it
or pastoral society who is most apt to practice polygyny. would have to be invented to accommodate career
When he does, it is usually of the sororal type, with the co- women. (Johnson, 1991, p. A22)
wives being sisters. Having lived their lives together before
In some polygynous societies, if a man dies, leaving
marriage, the sisters continue to do so with their husband,
behind a wife and children, it is customary that one of
instead of occupying separate dwellings of their own.
his brothers marries the widowed sister-in-law. But this
Polygyny also occurs in a few places in Europe. For ex-
obligation does not preclude the brother having another
ample, English laws concerning marriage changed in 1972
wife then or in the future. This custom, called the levirate
to accommodate immigrants who traditionally practiced
(from the Latin levir, which means “husband’s brother”),
polygyny. Since that time polygamous marriages have
provides security for the widow (and her children). A
been legal in England for some specific religious minori-
related polygynous tradition is the sororate (Latin soror
ties, including Muslims and Sephardic Jews. According to
means “sister”), in which a man has the right to marry a
one family law specialist, the real impetus behind this law
sister (usually younger) of his deceased wife. In some soci-
change was a growing concern that “destitute immigrant
eties, the sororate also applies to a man who has married
wives, abandoned by their husbands, [were] overburden-
a woman who is unable to bear children. This practice
ing the welfare state” (Cretney, 2003, pp. 72–73).
entitles a man to a replacement wife from his in-laws. In
About 100,000 people currently live in polygynous
societies that have the levirate and sororate—customary
households in the United States. Of these, about 20,000
in many traditional foraging, farming, and herding cul-
are Mormons belonging to the Fundamentalist Church
tures—the in-law relationship between the two families is
of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, many of whom reside
maintained even after the spouse’s death and secures an
in the Utah–Arizona border towns of Hildale and Colo-
established alliance between two groups.
rado City. They uphold a 19th-century Mormon doctrine
Although monogamy and polygyny are the most com-
that plural marriage brings exaltation in heaven—even
mon forms of marriage in the world today, other forms
though the practice was officially declared illegal in the
do exist. Polyandry, the marriage of one woman to two
United States in 1862 and was officially renounced in
or more men simultaneously, is practiced in only a few
1890 by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints,
societies. The extreme rarity of polyandry could be due
the mainstream Mormon church headquartered in Salt
to longer life expectancy for women or to slightly lower
Lake City.
female infant mortality, either of which might produce a
The other 80,000 or so people in polygynous house-
society with a surplus of women.
holds in the United States are primarily immigrants
Fewer than a dozen societies are known to have fa-
(mostly Muslim) originating from Asian and African coun-
vored this form of marriage, but they involve people as
tries in which the practice is culturally embedded and le-
widely separated from one another as the Marquesan
gal. Polygynous households are also growing among Black
Islanders of Polynesia and Tibetans in Asia (Figure 19.5).
Muslim orthodox households in several major U.S. cities
In Tibet, where inheritance is in the male line and arable
(McDermott, 2011; Schilling, 2012). Ways in which laws
land is limited, the practice of brothers sharing one wife
prohibiting polygamy are circumvented include marriage
(fraternal polyandry) keeps the land together by preventing
of one spouse under civil law and others in religious cer-
it from being repeatedly subdivided among sons from one
emonies only. Individuals, usually males, may also marry
generation to the next. Unlike monogamy, it also holds
additional spouses in different countries (Hagerty, 2008).
down population growth, thereby avoiding increased
Despite its illegality and concerns that the practice can
pressures on resources. Finally, among Tibetans who prac-
jeopardize the rights and well-being of women, regional
tice a mixed economy of farming, herding, and trading in
law enforcement officials have adopted a “live and let
the Himalayas, fraternal polyandry provides the house-
live” attitude toward religious-based polygyny in their
hold with an adequate pool of male labor for all three
region. Women involved in the practice are sometimes
subsistence activities (Levine & Silk, 1997).
outspoken in defending it. One woman—a lawyer and
one of nine co-wives—expresses her attitude toward po-
lygyny as follows:
I see it as the ideal way for a woman to have a

Other Forms of Marriage
career and children. In our family, the women can Notable among several other marriage forms is group
help each other care for the children. Women in marriage. Also known as co-marriage, this is a rare arrange-
monogamous relationships don’t have that luxury. ment in which several men and women have sexual access
to one another. Until a few decades ago, Inupiat Eskimos
in northern Alaska, for instance, engaged in “spouse ex-
polyandry A marriage form in which a woman is married to two or more
men at the same time; a form of polygamy. change” (nuliaqatigiit)
nuliaqatigiit) between non-kin, with two conjugal
nuliaqatigiit
group marriage A marriage form in which several men and women have husband–wife couples being united by shared sexual ac-
sexual access to one another; also called co-marriage. cess. Highly institutionalized arrangements, these intimate
Choice of Spouse 475
Figure 19.5 Polyandrous Marriage

Polyandry—marriage between one
woman and two or more men—occurs in
fewer than a dozen societies, including
among the Nyinba people living in
northwest Nepal’s Nyinba Valley in
the Humla district near Tibet. Pictured
here, from right: the older husband
Chhonchanab with first daughter
Dralma, the wife Shilangma, the younger
husband KaliBahadur, and the second
daughter Tsering.
© Michele Borzoni/TerraProject
relationships implied ties of mutual aid and support across such spouses are absent in the flesh yet believed to exist in
territorial boundaries and were expected to last throughout spirit form, anthropologists refer to these fictive unions as
the lifetime of the participants (Chance, 1990). The ties ghost marriages (Evans-Pritchard, 1951).
between the couples were so strong that their children
retained a sibling relationship to one another (Spencer,
1984).
There are also arrangements anthropologists cate-
Choice of Spouse
gorize as fictive marriage—marriage by proxy to the The egalitarian ideal that individuals should be free to
symbols of someone not physically present in order to marry whomever they choose is an arrangement that,
establish a social status for a spouse and heirs. One major although common in much of Europe and the western
reason for such a marriage is to control rights to property hemisphere, certainly is not universally embraced. In many
in the next generation. Various types of fictive marriages societies, marriage and the establishment of a family are
exist in different parts of the world. In the United States, considered far too important to be left to the desires of
for example, proxy marriage ceremonies accommodate young people. The individual relationship of two people
physically separated partners, such as seafarers, prisoners, who are expected to spend their lives together and raise
and military personnel deployed abroad. their children together is viewed as incidental to the more
In several traditional African societies—most famously serious matter of allying two families through the marriage
among Nuer cattle herders of South Sudan—a woman may bond. Marriage involves a transfer of rights between fami-
marry a man who has died without heirs. In such situa- lies, including rights to property and rights over children,
tions the deceased man’s brother may become his stand-in, as well as sexual rights. Thus, marriages tend to be arranged
or proxy, and marry a woman on his behalf. As in the case for the economic and political advantage of the family unit.
of the marriage custom of the sororate discussed previ-
ously, the biological offspring will be considered as having
fictive marriage A marriage form in which a proxy is used as a symbol
been fathered by the dead man’s spirit. Recognized as his of someone not physically present to establish the social status of a
legitimate children, they are his rightful heirs. Because spouse and heirs.
Although arranged marriages are rare in North American schools and carefully steering them toward appropriate
society, they do occur. Among ethnic minorities, they may spouses. The Original Study illustrates how marriages may
serve to preserve traditional values that people fear might be arranged in cultures in which such traditional practices
otherwise be lost. Families of wealth and power may orches- remain commonplace.
trate such marriages by segregating their children in private
NAL
ORIGI
S T U DY Arranging Marriage in India BY SERENA NANDA
TIBET
Six years after my first field trip to India, I re
re- Originally from North (CHINA)
PAKISTAN BHUTAN
turned to do research among the middle class in Bombay, India, my friend’s family NEP
AL
a modern, sophisticated city. Planning to include a study had lived for forty years in
of arranged marriages in my project, I thought I might Bombay, where her hus- INDIA
even participate in arranging one myself. An opportunity band owned a business. MYANMAR
BANGLADESH
presented itself almost immediately. A friend from my The family had delayed in Mumbai
(Bombay)
previous Indian trip was in the process of arranging for the seeking a match for their
Indian
© Cengage Learning
marriage of her eldest son. Because my friend’s family was eldest son because he had Ocean
eminently respectable and the boy himself personable, been an air force pilot for
SRI
well educated, and nice looking, I was sure that by the several years, stationed in LANKA
end of my year’s fieldwork, we would have found a match. such remote places that
The basic rule seems to be that a family’s reputation is it had seemed fruitless to try to find a girl who would be
most important. It is understood that matches would be willing to accompany him. In their social class, a military
arranged only within the same caste and general social career, despite its economic security, has little prestige and
class, although some crossing of subcastes is permissible if is considered a drawback in finding a suitable bride. . . .
the class positions of the bride’s and groom’s families are The son had recently left the military and joined his
similar. Although dowry is now prohibited by law in India, father’s business. Because he was a college graduate, mod-
extensive gift exchanges took place with every marriage. ern, and well traveled, from such a good family, and, I
Even when the boy’s family does not “make demands,” thought, quite handsome, it seemed to me that he, or
every girl’s family nevertheless feels the obligation to give rather his family, was in a position to pick and choose. I
the traditional gifts—to the girl, to the boy, and to the said as much to my friend. Although she agreed that there
boy’s family. Particularly when the couple would be living were many advantages on their side, she also said, “We
in the joint family—that is, with the boy’s parents and his must keep in mind that my son is both short and dark;
married brothers and their families, as well as with un- these are drawbacks in finding the right match.” . . .
married siblings, which is still very common even among An important source of contacts in trying to arrange
the urban, upper-middle class in India—the girl’s parents her son’s marriage was my friend’s social club in Bombay.
are anxious to establish smooth relations between their Many of the women had daughters of the right age, and
family and that of the boy. Offering the proper gifts, even some had already expressed an interest in my friend’s son.
when not called “dowry,” is often an important factor I was most enthusiastic about the possibilities of one par-
in influencing the relationship between the bride’s and ticular family who had five daughters, all of whom were
groom’s families and perhaps, also, the treatment of the pretty, demure, and well educated. Their mother had told
bride in her new home. my friend, “You can have your pick for your son, which-
In a society where divorce is still a scandal and the di- ever one of my daughters appeals to you most.” I saw a
vorce rate is exceedingly low, an arranged marriage is the match in sight. “Surely,” I said to my friend, “we will find
beginning of a lifetime relationship not just between the one there. Let’s go visit and make our choice.” But my
bride and groom but between their families as well. Thus, friend did not seem to share my enthusiasm.
although a girl’s looks are important, her character is When I kept pressing for an explanation of her reluc-
even more so because she is being judged as a prospective tance, she admitted, “See, Serena, here is the problem. The
daughter-in-law as much as a prospective bride. . . . family has so many daughters, how will they be able to pro-
My friend is a highly esteemed wife, mother, and daugh- vide nicely for any of them?...Because
them? this is our eldest son,
ter-in-law. She is religious, soft-spoken, modest, and defer- it’s best if we marry him to a girl who is the only daughter,
ential. She rarely gossips and never quarrels, two qualities then the wedding will truly be a gala affair.” I argued that
highly desirable in a woman. A family that has the reputa- surely the quality of the girls themselves made up for any
tion for gossip and conflict among its womenfolk will not deficiency in the elaborateness of the wedding. My friend
find it easy to get good wives for their sons. . . . admitted this point but still seemed reluctant to proceed.
Choice of Spouse 477
son or daughter, but we have spoiled the repu-

tation of our family as well. And that will make
it much harder for their brothers and sisters to
get married. So we must be very careful.”
What she said was true and I promised my-
self to be more patient. I had really hoped and
expected that the match would be made before
my year in India was up. But it was not to be.
When I left India my friend seemed no further
along in finding a suitable match for her son
Sophie Elbaz/Anzenberger/Redux
than when I had arrived.
Two years later, I returned to India and still
my friend had not found a girl for her son. By
this time, he was close to 30, and I think she was
a little worried. Because she knew I had friends
all over India, and I was going to be there for a
year, she asked me to “help her in this work”
and keep an eye out for someone suitable. . . .
“Is there something else,” I asked her, “some factor I It was almost at the end of my year’s stay in India that
have missed?” “Well,” she finally said, “there is one other I met a family with a marriageable daughter whom I felt
thing. They have one daughter already married and living might be a good possibility for my friend’s son. . . . This new
in Bombay. The mother is always complaining to me that family had a successful business in a medium-sized city in
the girl’s in-laws don’t let her visit her own family often central India and were from the same subcaste as my friend.
enough. So it makes me wonder, will she be that kind of The daughter was pretty and chic; in fact, she had studied
mother who always wants her daughter at her own home? fashion design in college. Her parents would not allow her
This will prevent the girl from adjusting to our house. It to go off by herself to any of the major cities in India where
is not a good thing.” And so, this family of five daughters she could make a career, but they had compromised with
was dropped as a possibility. her wish to work by allowing her to run a small dress-mak-
Somewhat disappointed, I nevertheless respected my ing boutique from their home. In spite of her desire to have
friend’s reasoning and geared up for the next prospect. This a career, the daughter was both modest and home-loving
was also the daughter of a woman in my friend’s social and had had a traditional, sheltered upbringing.
club. There was clear interest in this family and I could see I mentioned the possibility of a match with my friend’s
why. The family’s reputation was excellent; in fact, they son. The girl’s parents were most interested. Although their
came from a subcaste slightly higher than my friend’s own. daughter was not eager to marry just yet, the idea of living
The girl, an only daughter, was pretty and well educated in Bombay—a sophisticated, extremely fashion-conscious
and had a brother studying in the United States. Yet, after city where she could continue her education in clothing
expressing an interest to me in this family, all talk of them design—was a great inducement. I gave the girl’s father my
suddenly died down and the search began elsewhere. friend’s address.
“What happened to that girl as a prospect?” I asked one Returning to Bombay on my way to New York, I told
day. “You never mention her anymore. She is so pretty my friend of this newly discovered possibility. She seemed
and so educated, what did you find wrong?” to feel there was potential but, in spite of my urging,
“She is too educated. We’ve decided against it. My hus- would not make any moves herself. She rather preferred
band’s father saw the girl on the bus the other day and to wait for the girl’s family to call upon them.
thought her forward. A girl who ‘roams about’ the city by A year later I received a letter from my friend. The family
herself is not the girl for our family.” My disappointment had visited, and her daughter and their daughter had become
this time was even greater, as I thought the son would very good friends. During that year, the two girls had fre-
have liked the girl very much. . . . I learned that if the fam- quently visited each other. I thought things looked promising.
ily of the girl has even a slightly higher social status than Last week I received an invitation to a wedding: My
the family of the boy, the bride may think herself too friend’s son and the girl were getting married. Because I had
good for them, and this too will cause problems. . . . found the match, my presence was particularly requested at
After one more candidate, who my friend decided was the wedding. I was thrilled. Success at last! As I prepared to
not attractive enough for her son, almost six months had leave for India, I began thinking, “Now, my friend’s younger
passed, and I had become anxious. My friend laughed at son, who do I know who has a nice girl for him . . . ?”
my impatience: “You Americans want everything done so
quickly. You get married quickly and then just as quickly Adapted from Nanda, S. (1992). Arranging a marriage
get divorced. Here we take marriage more seriously. If a in India. In P. R. De Vita (Ed.), The naked anthropologist
mistake is made we have not only ruined the life of our (pp. 139–143). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
= = = = =
Father’s Father’s Father’s Father’s Father Mother Mother’s Mother’s Mother’s Mother’s
sister’s sister brother’s brother sister sister’s brother brother’s
husband wife husband wife
© Cengage Learning
Cross cousins Parallel cousins Brother EGO Sister Parallel cousins Cross cousins
Figure 19.6 Kinship Relationships

Anthropologists use diagrams of this sort to illustrate kinship relationships. This one shows
the distinction between cross cousins and parallel cousins. In such diagrams, males are
always shown with triangles, females with circles, marital ties with an equal sign (5), sibling
relationships with a horizontal line, and parent–child relationships with a vertical line. Terms are
given from the perspective of the individual labeled EGO, who can be male or female.
Cousin Marriage in the female line, for instance, property and other im-
portant rights usually pass from a man to his sister’s son;
Cousin marriage is prohibited in some societies, but par- under cross-cousin marriage, the sister’s son is also the
ticular types of cousins are the preferred marriage partners man’s daughter’s husband.
in others. Anthropologists distinguish between parallel For this reason, there is no single word for cousin in
and cross cousins. A parallel cousin is the child of a many cultures. In Arabic, for example, there are eight dif-
father’s brother or a mother’s sister (Figure 19.6). In some ferent terms, distinguishing cousins not only by gender
societies, the preferred spouse for a man is his father’s but also by whether the person is related through his or
brother’s daughter (or, from the woman’s point of view, her mother’s sister, mother’s brother, father’s brother, or
her father’s brother’s son). This is known as patrilateral father’s sister:
parallel-cousin marriage.
Although not obligatory, such marriages have been ibn al khaˉla mother’s sister’s son
favored historically among Arabs, the ancient Israelites, ibnat khaˉla mother’s sister’s daughter
and the ancient Greeks. In all of these societies male ibn khaˉl mother’s brother’s son
dominance and descent are emphasized, but sons as well ibnat khaˉl mother’s brother’s daughter
as daughters may inherit property of value. Thus, when a ibn ‘ama father’s sister’s son
man marries his father’s brother’s daughter (or a woman ibnat ‘ama father’s sister’s daughter
marries her father’s brother’s son), property is retained ibn ‘am father’s brother’s son
within the single male line of descent. Generally, in these ibnat ‘am father’s brother’s daughter
societies the greater the property, the more this form of
parallel-cousin marriage is apt to occur.
A cross cousin is the child of a mother’s brother or a Same-Sex Marriage
father’s sister (see Figure 19.6). Some societies favor ma- As noted earlier in this chapter, our cross-cultural definition
trilateral cross-cousin marriage—marriage of a man to his of marriage refers to a union between “people” rather than
mother’s brother’s daughter or a woman to her father’s sis- between “a man and a woman” not only because it includes
ter’s son. This preference exists among food foragers (such polygamy but also because it includes marriages between
as the Aborigines of Australia) and some farming cultures individuals of the same gender. Since the 1990s, “same-sex
(including various peoples of southern India). Among marriages” are culturally acceptable and officially allowed
food foragers, who inherit relatively little in the way of by law in a growing number of societies. This right to mar-
property, such marriages help establish and maintain ties riage affords same-sex spouses the same economic benefits
of solidarity between social groups. In agricultural societ- and rights as other married couples. These may range from
ies, however, the transmission of property is an important family health insurance to Social Security spousal benefits.
determinant. In societies that trace descent exclusively Marriages between individuals of the same gender may
provide a way of dealing with problems for which oppo-
parallel cousin The child of a father’s brother or a mother’s sister. site-sex marriage offers no satisfactory solution. This is the
cross cousin The child of a mother’s brother or a father’s sister. case with woman–woman marriage, a practice documented
Marriage and Economic Exchange 479
in about forty traditional cultures in achieves near equality with men, who otherwise occupy a
sub-Saharan Africa (Green, 1998). far more favored position in Nandi society than women.
However, where it does occur, A woman who marries a female husband is usually one
it only involves a small who is unable to make a good marriage, often because she
minority of women who SOUTH
(the female husband’s wife) has lost face as a consequence
take the role of a female SUDAN of premarital pregnancy. By marrying a female husband,
husband. Lake ETHIOPIA she too raises her status and also secures legitimacy for
Turkana
her children. Moreover, a female husband is usually less
Woman–Woman harsh and demanding, spends more time with her, and
SOMALIA
UGANDA
Marriage among allows her a greater say in decision making than a male
ley
Val
the Nandi
Nandi husband does. The one thing she may not do is engage in
ift
Hills KENYA
tR
sexual activity with her marriage partner. In fact, female
ea
Gr
Details differ from one
Lake Nairobi husbands are expected to abandon sexual activity alto-
society to another, but
© Cengage Learning
Victoria
gether, including with their male husbands to whom they
woman–woman mar-
remain married even though the women now have their
riages among the Nandi TANZANIA Indian
Ocean own wives.
of western Kenya may
be taken as representa-
tive of such practices in
Same-Sex Marriage Around the World Today
Africa (Oboler, 1980). The Nandi are cattle herders who In contrast to woman–woman marriages among the
also do considerable farming. Control of most significant Nandi are same-sex marriages that include sexual activ-
property and the primary means of production—livestock ity between partners. Over the past decades, the legal
and land—is exclusively in the hands of men and may be recognition of such unions has become a matter of vig-
transmitted only to their male heirs, usually their sons. orous debate in some parts of the world. Nearly twenty
Because polygyny is the preferred form of marriage, a countries—including Argentina, Belgium, Brazil, Canada,
man’s property is normally divided equally among his Denmark, France, Iceland, Luxembourg, the Netherlands,
wives for their sons to inherit. Within the household, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, South Africa, Spain,
each wife has her own home in which she lives with her Sweden, the United Kingdom, the United States, and
children, but all are under the authority of the husband, Uruguay—have legalized same-sex marriage, and numerous
who is a remote and aloof figure within the family. In other countries are moving toward doing so (Figure 19.7).
such situations, the position of a woman who bears no Despite these major shifts, the issue of same-sex mar-
sons is difficult; not only does she not help perpetuate riage remains taboo, controversial, or unsettled in many
her husband’s male line—a major concern among the parts of the world, with official policies sometimes swing-
Nandi—but also she has no one to inherit the proper ing back and forth. This situation illustrates that cultures
share of her husband’s property. are dynamic and capable of change.
To get around these problems, a woman of advanced
age who bore no sons may become a female husband by
marrying a young woman. The purpose of this arrange-
ment is for the young wife to provide the male heirs her
female husband could not. To accomplish this, the wo-
Marriage and Economic
man’s wife enters into a sexual relationship with a man Exchange
other than her female husband’s male husband; usually
it is one of his male relatives. No other obligations exist Marriages in many human societies are formalized by
between this woman and her male sex partner, and her some sort of economic exchange. This may take the form
female husband is recognized as the social and legal father of a gift exchange known as bridewealth (sometimes
of any children born under these conditions. called bride-price), which involves payments of money
In keeping with her role as female husband, this or valuable goods to a bride’s parents or other close kin.
woman is expected to abandon her female gender identity This usually happens in patrilineal societies in which the
and, ideally, dress and behave as a man. In practice, the bride will become a member of the household in which
ideal is not completely achieved, for the habits of a life- her husband grew up; this household will benefit from her
time are difficult to reverse. Generally, it is in the context labor as well as from the offspring she produces. Thus,
of domestic activities, which are most highly symbolic of her family must be compensated for their loss.
female identity, that female husbands most completely Bridewealth is not a simple buying and selling of
assume a male identity. women; rather, it can contribute to the bride’s household
The individuals in woman–woman marriages enjoy
several advantages. By assuming male identity, a barren bridewealth The money or valuable goods paid by the groom or his
or sonless woman raises her status considerably and even family to the bride’s family upon marriage; also called bride-price
bride-price.
Figure 19.7 Same-Sex

Marriage in the United
States
Tory receives a celebratory
kiss from her father alongside
her new spouse, Monica, at
their wedding in Connecticut,
where same-sex marriage
became legal in 2008.
© Marie Labbancz
(through purchases of furnishings, for example) or can One of the functions of dowry is to ensure a woman’s
help finance an elaborate and costly wedding celebration. support in widowhood (or after divorce), an important
It also enhances the stability of the marriage because it consideration for societies in which men carry out the
usually must be refunded if the couple separates. Other bulk of productive work and women are valued for their
forms of compensation are an exchange of women be- reproductive potential rather than for the work they do.
tween families—“My son will marry your daughter if In such societies, women incapable of bearing children are
your son will marry my daughter.” Yet another is bride especially vulnerable, but the dowry they bring with them
service, a period of time during which the (prospective) at marriage helps protect them against desertion. Another
groom works for the bride’s family (sometimes several function of dowry is to reflect the economic status of the
years, as among ancient Israelites). woman in societies in which differences in wealth are
In a number of societies, especially those with an ag- important. It also permits women, with the aid of their
riculturally based economy, women often bring a dowry parents and kin, to compete through dowry for desirable
with them at marriage. A dowry is a woman’s share of (that is, wealthy) husbands.
parental property that, instead of passing to her upon her
parents’ deaths, is given to her at the time of her marriage
(Figure 19.8). This does not mean that she retains control
of this property after marriage. In some European and Divorce
Asian countries, for example, a woman’s property tra-
Like marriage, divorce in most societies is a matter of great
ditionally falls exclusively under her husband’s control.
concern to the couple’s families because it impacts not
Having benefited by what she has brought to the mar-
only the individuals dissolving their marital relationship
riage, however, he is obligated to look out for her future
but also offspring, in-laws, other relatives, and sometimes
well-being, including her security after his death. In North
entire communities. Indeed, divorce may have social,
America today, a form of dowry persists with the custom
political, and economic consequences far beyond the
of the bride’s family paying the wedding expenses.
breakup of a couple and their household.
Across cultures, divorce arrangements can be made
for a variety of reasons and with varying degrees of dif-
bride service A designated period of time when the groom works for the
bride’s family. ficulty. Among the Gusii farmers of western Kenya, for
dowry A payment at the time of a woman’s marriage that comes from instance, sterility and impotence are grounds for a divorce.
her inheritance, made to either her or her husband. Among certain aboriginal peoples in northern Canada and
Family and Household 481
Caroline Penn/Encyclopedia/Corbis
Figure 19.8 Dowries in Traditional Rural Societies
A young Kyrgyz bride sits in front of colorful stacks of woven and richly embroidered blankets and
other textiles that she brings into the new household as part of her sep (dowry). The sep also includes
cutlery, dishes, clothes, pillows, wall hangings, and beautiful felt carpets. Notice the exquisitely carved
and painted wooden dowry chest on the left, which indicates her parental family’s high social status.
Chenchu foragers in central India, divorce is traditionally

discouraged after children are born; couples usually are
Family and Household
urged by their families to accept their differences. By con- Dependence on group living for survival is a basic human
trast, in the southwestern United States, a traditional Hopi characteristic. We have inherited this from primate ances-
Indian woman in Arizona could divorce her husband at tors, although we have developed it in our own distinctly
any time merely by placing his belongings outside the door human way—through culture. However each culture de-
to indicate he is no longer welcome. Among the most com- fines what constitutes a family, this social unit forms the
mon reasons for divorce across cultures are infidelity, steril- basic cooperative structure that ensures an individual’s
ity, cruelty, and desertion (Betzig, 1989; Goodwin, 1999). primary needs and provides the necessary care for chil-
Although divorce rates may be high in various parts of dren to develop as healthy and productive members of the
the world, they have become so high in Western indus- group and thereby ensure its future.
trial and postindustrial societies that many worry about Comparative historical and cross-cultural studies re-
the future of what they view as traditional and familiar veal a wide variety of family patterns, and these patterns
forms of marriage and the family. It is interesting to note may change over time. Thus, the definition of family is
that although divorce was next to impossible in Western necessarily broad: two or more people related by blood,
societies between 1000 and 1800, in those centuries few marriage, or adoption. The family may take many forms,
marriages lasted more than about ten or twenty years, ranging from a single parent with one or more children, to
due to high mortality rates caused in part by inadequate a married couple or polygamous spouses with offspring, to
healthcare and poor medical expertise (Stone, 2005). With several generations of parents and their children.
increased longevity, separation by death has diminished
and separation by legal action has grown. In the United
family Two or more people related by blood, marriage, or adoption.
States divorce rates have leveled off since peaking in the
The family may take many forms, ranging from a single parent with one
1980s, but over 40 percent of marriages still do not survive or more children, to a married couple or polygamous spouses with or
(Morello, 2011). without offspring, to several generations of parents and their children.
Figure 19.9 Household

Versus Family
Households can include
many individuals not related
to one another biologically
or through marriage, as shown
in this photo of nuns gathered
together for a meal at the
Sakyadhita Thilashin Nunnery
School in Sagaing, near
Mandalay, Myanmar.
© Melvyn Longhurst/Corbis
Family members may form a residential group or an Israeli kibbutz (a collectively owned and operated agri-
household, but not all households consist of family cultural settlement). So it is that family and household are
members. For purposes of cross-cultural comparison, an- not always synonymous (Figure 19.9).
thropologists define the household as a domestic unit of
one or more persons living in one residence. In the vast
majority of human societies, most households are made
Forms of the Family
up of families, but there are many other arrangements. To discuss the various forms families take in response to
For instance, among the Mundurucu Indians—an in- particular social, historical, and ecological circumstances,
digenous ethnic group subsisting on hunting, fishing, and we must first distinguish between a conjugal family
food gardens in the heart of Brazil’s Amazon rainforest— (in Latin conjugere means “to join together”), which is
married men and women are members of separate house- formed on the basis of marital ties, and a consanguineal
holds, meeting periodically for sexual activity. At age 13, family (based on the Latin word consanguineus, literally
boys join their fathers in the men’s house. Meanwhile, meaning “of the same blood”), which consists of related
their sisters continue to live with their mothers and the women, their brothers, and the women’s offspring.
younger boys in two or three houses grouped around Consanguineal families are not common, but exam-
the men’s house. Thus, the men’s house constitutes one ples include the classic case of the Nayar described earlier
household inhabited by adult males and their sexually in the chapter, as well as the Mosuo of southwestern
mature sons, and the women’s houses are inhabited by China, and the Tory Islanders—a Roman Catholic, Gaelic-
adult women and prepubescent boys and girls. speaking fishing people living on a small island off the
An array of other domestic arrangements can be found coast of Ireland. Typically, Tory Islanders are all close
in other parts of the world, including situations in which neighbors and do not marry until they are in their late
co-residents of a household are not related biologically or 20s or early 30s. By then, commented one local woman,
by marriage—such as the service personnel in an elaborate
It’s too late to break up arrangements that you have
royal household, apprentices in the household of craft
already known for a long time. . . . You know, I have
specialists, or groups of children being raised by paired
my sisters and brothers to look after, why should I
teams of adult male and female community members in
leave home to go live with a husband? After all, he’s
got his sisters and his brothers looking after him.
household A domestic unit of one or more persons living in one (Fox, 1978, n.p.)
residence. Other than family members, a household may include
nonrelatives, such as servants. Notably, because the community numbers but a few hun-
conjugal family A family established through marriage. dred people, husbands and wives are within easy commut-
consanguineal family A family of blood relatives, consisting of related ing distance of each other. According to a cross-cultural
women, their brothers, and the women’s offspring. survey of family types in 192 cultures around the world, the
Family and Household 483
extended family is most common, present in nearly half of Interestingly, the nuclear family
those cultures, compared to the nuclear family at 25 percent is also likely to be prominent in
and the polygamous family at 22 percent (Winick, 1970). traditional foraging societies such
as that of the Eskimo peo-
The Nuclear Family ple who live in the bar- SIBERIA
The most basic family unit is the nuclear family, made ren Arctic environments (RUSSIA)
of eastern Siberia (Russia), North Pole
up of one or two parents and dependent offspring, which
Artic
may include a stepparent, stepsiblings, and adopted chil- Alaska, Greenland, and Ocean
dren (Figure 19.10). Until recently, the term nuclear family Canada (where Eskimos ALASKA GREENLAND
(UNITED
referred only to the mother, father, and child(ren) unit— are known as Inuit). In STATES)
the family form that most North Americans, Europeans, the winter the traditional
Pacific Ocean
and many others regard as the normal or natural nucleus Inuit husband and wife,
of larger family units. with their children, roam CANADA
© Cengage Learning
In the United States, traditional mother, father, the vast Arctic Canadian
child(ren) nuclear family households reached their high- snowscape in their quest
est frequency around 1950, when 60 percent of all house- for food. The husband UNITED STATES
holds conformed to this model (Stacey, 1990). Today, such hunts and makes shelters.
families make up about 20 percent of U.S. households, The wife cooks, is responsible for the children, and makes
and the term nuclear family is used to cover the social real- the clothing and keeps it in good repair. One of a wife’s
ity of several types of small parent–child units, including traditional chores is to chew her husband’s boots to soften
single parents with children and same-sex couples with the leather for the next day so that he can resume his quest
children (Babay, 2013; U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). for game. The wife and her children could not survive
Industrialization and market capitalism have played without the husband, and life for a man is unimaginable
a historical role in shaping the nuclear family most of without a wife.
us are familiar with today. One reason for this is that Similar to nuclear families in industrial societies, those
factories, mining and transportation companies, ware- living under especially harsh environmental conditions
houses, shops, and other businesses generally pay indi- must be prepared to fend for themselves. Such isolation
vidual wage earners only for the jobs they are hired to comes with its own set of challenges, including the difficul-
do. Whether these workers are single, married, divorced, ties of rearing children without multigenerational support
or have siblings or children is really not a concern to the and a lack of familial care for the elderly. Nonetheless, this
profit-seeking companies. Because jobs may come and go, form of family is well adapted to a mode of subsistence that
individual wage earners must remain mobile to adapt to requires a high degree of geographic mobility. For the Inuit
the labor markets. And because few wage earners have the in Canada, this mobility permits the hunt for food (Figure
financial resources to support large numbers of relatives 19.11); for other North Americans, the hunt for jobs and im-
without incomes of their own, industrial or postindustrial proved social status require that the family unit be mobile.
societies do not favor the continuance of larger extended
families (discussed below), which are standard in most
The Extended Family
societies traditionally dependent on pastoral nomadism, When two or more closely related nuclear families clus-
agriculture, or horticulture. ter together in a large domestic group, they form a unit
known as the extended family. This larger family unit,
common in traditional horticultural, agricultural, and
pastoral societies around the world, typically consists of
= siblings with their spouses and offspring, and often their
parents. All of these kin, some related by blood and some
Husband/ Wife/
Mother by marriage, live and work together for the common good
Father
and deal with outsiders as a single unit. Extended family
households exist in many parts of the world—from the
Maya of Central America and Mexico to Pashtun tribes in
Afghanistan and neighboring Pakistan.
© Cengage Learning
Because members of the younger generation bring

Daughter/ EGO Son/
Sister Brother their husbands or wives to live in the family, extended
nuclear family A group consisting of one or two parents and dependent

Figure 19.10 The Nuclear Family offspring, which may include a stepparent, stepsiblings, and adopted children.
This diagram shows the relationships in a traditional nuclear Until recently this term referred only to the mother, father, and child(ren) unit.
family, a form that is common but declining in North America extended family Two or more closely related nuclear families clustered
and much of Europe. together in a large domestic group.
Figure 19.11 Nuclear Families

in the Canadian Arctic
Among Inuit people in Canada
who still hunt for much of their
food, nuclear families, such as
the one shown here, are typical.
Their isolation from other relatives
is usually temporary. Much of the
time they are found in groups of
at least a few related families.
© Eastcott-Momatiuki/The Image Works

families have continuity through time. As older members more than a third of all births occur outside of marriage (Stein
die off, new members are born into the family. Extended & St. George, 2009). The proportion of U.S. single-parent
families do involve particular challenges, however. Among households is still rising and now surpasses 13 percent, while
these are difficulties that the in-marrying individual is the number comprised of married couples with children
likely to have in adjusting to the spouse’s family. stands at about 25 percent. Although single-parent house-
holds account for about 13 percent of all U.S. households,
Nontraditional Families and Nonfamily they are home to about 30 percent of all children (under
Households 18 years of age) in the country (U.S. Census Bureau, 2015).
In North America and parts of Europe, increasing numbers In the vast majority of cases, a child in a single-parent
of people live in nonfamily households, either alone or household lives with the mother. Single-parent households
with people who are not relatives. In fact, about one-third headed by women are neither new nor restricted to industrial
of households in the United States fall into this category or postindustrial societies. They have been studied for a long
(Figure 19.12). Many others live as members of what are time in Caribbean countries, where men historically have
often called nontraditional families. been exploited as a cheap source of labor for sugar, coffee, or
Increasingly common are cohabitation households, made banana plantations. In more recent decades, many of these
up of unmarried couples. Since 1960, such households have men are now also working as temporary migrant laborers
increased dramatically in number especially among young in foreign countries, primarily in the United States—often
couples in their 20s and early 30s in North America and parts living in temporary households composed of fellow laborers.
of Europe. In Norway, for example, over half of all live births Also significant today are the high numbers of blended
now occur outside marriage. One reason for this is that Nor- families. These are families composed of a married couple
wegian couples who have lived together for at least two years together raising children from previous unions.
and who have children have many of the same rights and
obligations as their married counterparts (Noack, 2001). For
many, however, cohabitation represents a relatively short-
term domestic arrangement because most cohabiting cou-
Residence Patterns
ples either marry or separate within two years (Forste, 2008). Anthropologists distinguish several residence patterns
Cohabitation breakup has contributed to the growing adopted by newly married couples across cultures. These
number of single-parent households—as have increases in arrangements are part of a cultural system’s adaptation
divorce, sexual activity outside marriage, declining marriage to ecological or labor market circumstances and various
rates among women of childbearing age, and the number of other factors.
women preferring single motherhood. In the United States, Patrilocal residence is a pattern in which a married
couple lives in the husband’s father’s place of residence.
patrilocal residence A residence pattern in which a married couple This arrangement is most often found in cultural situa-
lives in the husband’s father’s place of residence. tions where men play a predominant role in subsistence,
Residence Patterns 485
Percent Distribution of U.S. Households by Type, 1940–2015 Figure 19.12 Household Change
in the United States
Family Households
A household comprises all the
1940 42.9 33.4 4.3 9.4
people who occupy a single housing
unit—such as a family, a group
1960 44.3 30.5 4.1 6.2 of roommates, or an unmarried
couple. Over the past 75 years,
1980 30.7 30.2 7.2 5.6 there have been dramatic changes
in U.S. household structure. In
2000 23.5 28.1 9.2 7.1 1940, married couples with children
represented about 43 percent of all
2010 20.2 28.2 9.6 8.5 households, compared to married
couples without children (33 percent),
2015 25.5 22.7 13.4 5.0 single-parent families (4 percent),
and other types of family households
(9 percent). Nonfamily households
Nonfamily Households
made up only 10 percent of
1940 7.8 2.2
households nationwide, and most of
those were persons living alone. Today,
1960 13.4 1.7 only 25 percent of U.S. households
are comprised of married couples with
1980 22.6 3.8 children, and the number of single-
Married couples Married couples parent households now surpasses

2000 25.8 6.1 with children without children 13 percent (three-quarters of which
Single parents are single-mother households). The
with children Other family
2010 26.7 6.8 number of people living alone now
One person Other nonfamily exceeds all of the other categories.
2015 28.0 6.0 Note that percentages for subcategories may
not sum to category totals due to rounding.
0 20 40 60 80 100 Sources: Jacobsen, Mather, & Dupuis,

2012; U.S. Census, 2015.
particularly if they own property that can be accumulated; groom’s family. Less common, but also found in matrilineal
where polygyny is customary; where warfare is promi- societies, is avunculocal residence, in which the couple lives
nent enough to make cooperation among men especially with the husband’s mother’s brother.
important; and where an elaborate political organization In neolocal residence, a married couple forms a
exists in which men wield authority. These conditions are household in a separate location. This occurs where the
most often found together in societies that rely on animal independence of the nuclear family is emphasized. In
husbandry and/or intensive agriculture for subsistence. industrial societies such as the United States—where most
Where patrilocal residence is customary, the bride often economic activity occurs outside rather than inside the
must move to a different band or community. In such family and it is important for individuals to be able to
cases, her parents’ family is not only losing the services of move where jobs can be found—neolocal residence is bet-
a useful family member, but they are losing her potential ter suited than any of the other patterns.
offspring as well. Hence, usually there is some kind of Also noteworthy is ambilocal residence (ambi in Latin
compensation to her family, most commonly bridewealth. means “both”). In this arrangement, the couple can join
Matrilocal residence, in which a married couple lives either the groom’s or the bride’s family, living wherever
in the wife’s mother’s place of residence, is likely if cultural the resources are best or their presence is most needed or
ecological circumstances make the role of the woman pre- appreciated. This flexible pattern is particularly common
dominant for subsistence. It is found most often in horti- among food-foraging peoples; if resources are scarce in the
cultural societies where political organization is relatively territory of the husband’s family group, the couple may
uncentralized and cooperation among women is important. join the wife’s relatives for more readily available food
The Hopi Indians provide one example. Although Hopi supplies in their domain.
men do the farming, the women control access to land and
“own” the harvest. Men are not even allowed in the grana-
matrilocal residence A residence pattern in which a married couple
ries. Under matrilocal residence, men usually do not move
lives in the wife’s mother’s place of residence.
very far from the family in which they were raised, so they
neolocal residence A residence pattern in which a married couple
are available to help out there from time to time. Therefore, establishes its household in a location apart from either the husband’s
marriage usually does not involve compensation to the or the wife’s relatives.
Marriage, Family,
and Household in
Our Technological
and Globalized
World
Large-scale immigration, modern tech-
nology, and multiple other factors in the
emerging political economy of global
capitalism also impact the cross-cultural
mosaic of marriage, family, and house-
hold. For instance, electronic and digital
communication by way of fiber-optic
cables and satellites has transformed how
Reuters/Bobby Yip/Landov
individuals express sexual attraction and

engage in romantic courtship.
Today, local, cross-cultural, and trans-
national love relations bloom via the Inter-
net. Numerous online companies provide
dating and matchmaking services, permit- Figure 19.13 Factory Dormitory in China
ting individuals to post personal profiles Many of China’s 260 million migrant laborers work in factories and live in dormitories
and search for romantic partners or future such as this. Here we see workers eating lunch outside their dorm at a factory
district in the southern Chinese city of Shenzhen in Guangdong Province.
spouses in a secured Internet setting. Such
services also appeal to individuals in eth-
nic or religious diasporas seeking others with compatible child to have a relationship with both the biological and
personal, ethnic, or religious backgrounds. Indian matrimo- the adoptive parents.
nial websites, for instance, are now also used for purposes Among other contributing factors to today’s diver-
of arranged marriages, allowing parents to upload a video sity of families and households is new reproductive
profile of their child, screen potential suitors, and settle on technology (NRT), including various forms of in vitro
the right match. fertilization (IVF) in which an egg is fertilized in a labo-
Social media also permit the pursuit of traditionally ratory. The embryo is then transferred to the uterus to
prohibited relationships through clandestine text mes- begin a pregnancy or is frozen for future use. In cases
saging of forbidden desires and taboo intimacies—for of IVF with a surrogate mother using donor egg and
example, across castes in India and between young sperm, a newborn essentially has five parents: the birth
unmarried men and women in traditional Muslim parents who provided the egg and sperm, the surrogate
communities. mother who carried the baby, and the parents who will
raise the baby.
Adoption and New Reproductive Migrant Workforces

Technologies Also of note in terms of new residential patterns is the
Although it has not been uncommon for childless cou- ever-growing number of households composed of tempo-
ples in many cultures throughout human history to rary and migrant workers. Today, China has 260 million
adopt children, including orphans and even captives, of them, mostly young people who have quit the peasant
today it is a transnational practice for adults from in- villages of their childhood and traveled to fast-growing
dustrial and postindustrial countries to travel across the cities to work in factories, shops, and restaurants. Some
world in search of children to adopt, regardless of their pile into apartments with friends or coworkers; others
ethnic heritage (see the Globalscape). Also increasingly live in factory dormitories—new, single-generation house-
common is open adoption, which makes it possible for a holds that stand in stark contrast to the multigenerational
extended family households in which they were raised
(Figure 19.13). Although many countries have passed
new reproductive technology An alternative means of reproduction, legislation intended to provide migrants with protections
such as in vitro fertilization. concerning housing, as well as work conditions and pay
GLOBALSCAPE
Arctic
Ocean
RUSSIA
ASIA
NORTH UKRAINE
EUROPE
AMERICA Waltham
Boston CHINA
KOREA
Massachusetts
Pacific
Atlantic INDIA
VIETNAM Ocean
Ocean
AFRICA
PHILIPPINES
cific GUATEMALA
Pacific Addis Ababa
Ocean
Ocea ETHIOPIA
SOUTH
AMERICA Indian
© Courtesy of Wide Horizons for Children, Inc. www.whfc.org
Ocean
Tahiti AUSTRALIA
© Cengage Learning
ANTARCTICA
Transnational Child Exchange? Since the early 1970s, about 500,000 foreign children have
Settling into her seat for the flight to Boston, Kathryn cradled been adopted into families in the United States alone. A nearly
the sleepy head of her newly adopted son, Mesay. As the plane equal number have ended up in other wealthy countries. The global
lifted away from African soil and presented a sweeping view of flow to the United States peaked in 2004 when nearly 23,000
Ethiopia’s capital, tears slid down her cheeks. Were the tears for arrived—most from China (30 percent), Russia (25 percent), Gua-
Ethiopia’s loss of a boy, a boy’s loss of Ethiopia, or her profound temala (14 percent), and Korea (7 percent), with 5,500 flown in
joy for the gift of adoption? from other poor countries such as India, the Philippines, Ukraine,
Child exchange is a universal phenomenon, taking place and Vietnam. Statistics vary and shift according to adoption rules.
across the world and throughout human history. Just as marriage Some countries have shut the door on foreign adoptions
and kinship mean different things in different cultures, so does due to accusations of exporting or even selling children. Others
child exchange, referred to in the English language as adoption. restrict or prohibit it for religious reasons. Sudan, for example,
In some cultures, adoption is rare, whereas in others, such as in forbids foreign adoption of Muslim children and automatically
Polynesian communities in the Pacific Islands, it is very common. classifies religiously unidentified orphans as Muslim. A country
For instance, in a small village in Tahiti over 25 percent of children that does not discriminate on the basis of religion is its neigh-
are raised by adoptive parents. bor Ethiopia, which has gained popularity as an infant-provider
A cross-cultural understanding of adoption is vital now that country. One of six U.S. agencies officially approved to do foreign
child exchange has become part of the global flow—especially adoptions from Ethiopia is Wide Horizons for Children in Waltham,
from poor countries in Africa, Latin America, Southeast Asia, Massachusetts, which has placed many Ethiopian children with
and eastern Europe—to affluent countries in North America and U.S. families. Among them is Mesay (pictured in the family photo
western Europe. The global exchange of children initially involved above), now settled into his new life with Kathryn, her husband,
war orphans after World War II. In recent decades, extreme pov- and their four other children, including a sister about his age,
erty has become a major factor, as mothers confronting serious adopted from China as an infant.
deprivation may feel forced to abandon, give away, or sometimes
sell their children. Whether brokered by government or nongov- Global Twister
ernmental agencies, by for-profit or nonprofit enterprises, global How do you compare a European or North American woman who
child exchange has become a big business—legal and illegal, accepts a surrogate pregnancy fee of $115,000 to $150,000 to
moral and amoral, joyful and sorrowful. This is especially true in cover the costs of bearing a child for someone else to a Third
poor countries where most workers earn less than a dollar a day, World mother living in poverty, who decides to give up her child
and a foreign adoption nets $12,000 to $35,000 in broker fees. for adoption for a price?
487
(such as the 1983 Migrant and Seasonal Agricultural family, and household forms, each in correspondence with
Worker Protection Act in the U.S.), the living situations related features in the social structure and conforming to
for these workers are often miserable (Chang, 2005). the larger cultural system. In the face of new challenges,
we explore and tinker in search of solutions, sometimes
As the various ethnographic examples in this chapter illus- finding completely new forms and other times returning
trate, our species has invented a wide variety of marriage, to time-tested patterns of more traditional varieties.
How do different cultures regulate sexual ✓ Preferred marriage partners in many societies are
particular cross cousins (mother’s brother’s daughter if
relations? a man; father’s sister’s son if a woman) or, less
✓ Every society has rules and customs concerning sexual commonly, parallel cousins on the paternal side
relations, marriage, household and family structures, (father’s brother’s son or daughter). Cross-cousin
and childrearing practices. These play important roles marriage is a means of maintaining and reinforcing
in establishing and maintaining the social alliances solidarity between related groups.
and continuity that help ensure a society’s overall
✓ A growing number of societies support same-sex
well-being.
marriages. In some African cultures, traditional
✓ Most cultures are sexually permissive or semi-permissive woman–woman marriages provide a socially approved
and do not sharply regulate personal sexual practices. way to deal with problems for which heterosexual
Others are restrictive, prohibiting all sexual activity marriages offer no satisfactory solution.
outside of marriage. Of these, a few punish adultery by
✓ In many cultures, marriages are formalized by
imprisonment, social exclusion, or even death, as
economic exchange: Bridewealth is the payment of
traditionally prescribed by some religious laws.
money or other valuables from the groom’s to the
✓ Incest taboos forbid marriage and sexual relations bride’s kin. Bride service occurs when the groom is
between certain close relatives. Such taboos are related expected to work for a period of time for the bride’s
to the practices of endogamy (marrying within a family. A dowry is the payment of a woman’s
group) and exogamy (marrying outside a group). inheritance at the time of marriage to her or to her
husband.
What is marriage? ✓ Divorce is possible in all societies. Reasons and
✓ Marriage is a culturally sanctioned union between two frequency vary, but the most common reasons across
or more people that establishes certain rights and cultures are infidelity, sterility, cruelty, and desertion.
obligations between them, them and their children,
and them and their in-laws. How do family and household differ, and
✓ Marriage falls into several broad categories. Monogamy, what is the relationship between them?
having one spouse, is most common. Serial ✓ The family may take many forms, ranging from a single
monogamy, in which a person marries a series of parent with one or more children, to a married couple
partners, is common among Europeans and North or polygamous spouses with or without offspring, to
Americans. several generations of parents and their children.
✓ Polygamy (one individual having multiple spouses) ✓ A family is distinct from a household, which is a
comes in two forms: polygyny and polyandry. domestic unit of one or more people living in one
Although few marriages in a given society may be residence. Other than family members, a household
polygynous, it is a preferred form of marriage in the may include nonrelatives, such as servants. In the vast
majority of the world’s cultures. majority of human societies, most households are
✓ Because few communities have a surplus of men, made up of families or parts of families, but there are
polyandry (a woman having several husbands) is many other household arrangements.
uncommon. Also rare is group marriage, in which ✓ The most basic domestic unit is the nuclear family—a
several men and several women have sexual access to group consisting of one or more parents and
one another. dependent offspring, which may include a stepparent,
✓ In Western industrial and postindustrial countries, stepsiblings, and adopted children. Until recently, the
marriages are generally based on ideals of romantic term referred solely to the mother, father, and
love. In non-Western societies, economic considerations child(ren) unit.
are of major concern in arranging marriages, and ✓ The nuclear family is common in the industrial and
marriage serves to bind two families as allies. postindustrial countries of North America and Europe
489
and also in societies living in harsh environments. It is ✓ In North America and parts of Europe, increasing
well suited to the mobility required in food-foraging numbers of people live in nonfamily households,
groups and in industrial societies where job changes either alone or with nonrelatives. This includes
are frequent. unmarried cohabiting couples. Many others live in
nontraditional families, including single-parent
✓ The extended family consists of several closely related
households and blended families.
nuclear families living and often working together in a
single household.
How do globalization and technology
What kinds of marital residence patterns impact marriage and family?
exist across cultures? ✓ New reproductive technologies, surrogacy, and
international adoptions are adding additional
✓ Three common residence patterns are patrilocal (married
dimensions to familial relationships.
couples living in the locality of the husband’s father’s
place of residence), matrilocal (living in the locality of the ✓ Another phenomenon changing the makeup of
wife’s mother’s place of residence), and neolocal (living households and families worldwide is the ever-growing
somewhere apart from the husband’s or wife’s parents). population of temporary and migrant workers.
1. According to Hindu and Muslim tradition in South Asia 3. Although most women in Europe and North America
and North Africa, a bride’s mehndi evening is a lively probably view polygyny as a marriage practice
female-only gathering with special food, singing, and exclusively benefiting men, women in cultures where
lovemaking instructions, along with hand painting. Does such marriages are traditional may stress more positive
your culture have similar gender-segregated pre-wedding aspects of sharing a husband with several co-wives.
events? If so, what is the purpose of such a celebration? Are there conditions under which you think polygyny
2. Members of traditional communities in countries could be considered relatively beneficial for women?
where the state is either weak or absent depend on 4. Many children in Europe and North America are
consanguineal and affinal relatives to help meet raised in single-parent households. In contrast to
the basic challenges of survival. In such traditional the United States, where most children living with
societies, why would it be risky to choose marriage their unmarried mothers grow up in economically
partners exclusively on the basis of romantic love? disadvantaged households, relatively few children
Can you imagine other factors playing a role if the raised by unmarried mothers in Norway face poverty.
long-term survival of your community is at stake? Why do you think that is?
Sex Rules?
Every culture has rules concerning sexual and international). Next, analyze how these
relationships. However, the rules vary across relationships are viewed within your family and
cultures and are not always sharply defined and your wider community. Which are socially accepted,
applied. Digging into your own culture, make which are prohibited by law or faith, and what is
an inventory of six distinctive sets of sexual the punishment for those who ignore or violate
relationships you have observed in the media, the rules? Formulate three questions about the
noting the number of individuals involved, social reasons and moral justifications for the
their age (including minors and seniors), their prescriptions, prohibitions, and punishments in your
gender preference (including same sex and third community and present these questions to three
gender), genetics (degree of family relation), people who are likely to have different opinions.
marriage (including premarital, extramarital, Compare their answers, noting which answers are
postdivorce), and religion, racial, or ethnic identity similar and which are not, and try to explain why.
(including interreligious, interethnic, interracial, Conclude with a summary of your findings.
CHALLENGE ISSUE
All humans face the challenge of creating and maintaining a social network that reaches
beyond close relatives or a single household to provide additional security and support.
The most basic social network is arranged by kinship, often extending to more dis-
tantly related individuals claiming descent from the same ancestor. For many traditional
peoples around the world, including Scottish highlanders, large kin-groups called clans
have been important. There are several dozen Scottish clans, with members often shar-
ing the same family name. Pictured here is the opening parade of the international Clan
Grant summer games in Spey Valley, Scotland. Like members of other clans, the Grants
publicly show their collective identity by wearing kilts and shawls with the distinct tar-
tar
tan (plaid) of their clan. Over several centuries, thousands of Scots were deported, fled,
or emigrated from their homelands, settling overseas, especially in Australia, Canada,
and the United States. Many, including people from the Grant clan, married into North
American Indian tribes. Today, their widely scattered offspring can be found across the
globe, including among Cherokee and Muskogee Indians. Aided by the Internet, many
seek to reestablish social ties of shared descent, traveling long distances to clan gather-
ings to celebrate their cultural heritage with traditional dancing, piping, games, and food.
Kinship and Descent 20
All societies rely on some form of family and household organization to meet In this chapter you
basic human needs: securing food, fuel, and shelter; protecting against danger; will learn to
coordinating work; regulating sexual relations; and organizing childrearing. Al- ● Explain how kinship
though they may be efficient and flexible, family and household organizations is the basis of social
may not be sufficient to handle all the challenges and opportunities people face. organization in every
culture.
For example, members of one independent local group often need some means
of interacting with people outside their immediate circle for defense against
● Apply kinship
terminology as a
enemies or natural disasters such as floods. A wider circle may be necessary in
cross-cultural code
forming a cooperative workforce for tasks that require more participants than for analyzing social
close relatives alone can provide. networks.
Humans have come up with many ways to widen their circles of societal ● Contrast cultures in
interaction. One is through a formal political system, with personnel to make which ancestry is traced
and enforce laws, keep the peace, allocate scarce resources, and coordinate other
through foremothers,
forefathers, or both.
cultural functions. But the predominant way to organize in cultures that have
not politically developed as state societies—especially foraging, crop-growing,

● Distinguish the
characteristics of
and herding communities—is by means of kinship, a network of relatives into lineages and clans from
which individuals are born and married, and with whom they cooperate based those of kindreds.
on customarily prescribed rights and obligations. The more that individuals ● Identify three kinship
become enmeshed in larger networks, as happens in political states, the less terminology systems
they depend on kinship for survival. Still, as explained in this chapter, kinship and the significance
of their distinct
remains fundamental in the organization of any society, past and present.
classifications of close
relatives for family
attitudes and behavior.
Descent Groups
● Interpret totemism as a
A common way of organizing a society along kinship lines is by creating descent cultural phenomenon.
groups. Found in many societies, a descent group is any kin-group whose ● Discuss the significance
members share a direct line of descent of kinship in the
from a real (historical) or fictional
kinship A network of relatives into which contexts of adoption
individuals are born and married, and with
whom they cooperate based on customarily and new reproductive
common ancestor. Members of such a
prescribed rights and obligations. technologies.
group trace their shared connections descent group Any kin-group whose members
share a direct line of descent from a real
back to an ancestor through a chain of (historical) or fictional common ancestor.
491
492 CHAPTER 20 Kinship and Descent
Maori Origins: Ancestral Genes and Mythical Canoes

Anthropologists have been fascinated arrived in a great fleet of sailing canoes controversial because Maori equate an
to find that the oral traditions of Maori from Hawaiki, their mythical homeland individual’s genes to his or her genealogy,
people in New Zealand fit quite well with sometimes identified with Tahiti where the which belongs to one’s iwi or ancestral
scientific findings. New Zealand, an is- native language closely resembles their community. Considered sacred and en-
land country whose dramatic geography own. According to chants and genealogies trusted to the tribal elders, genealogy is
served as the setting for the Lord of the passed down through the ages, this fleet traditionally surrounded by tapu (“sacred
Rings film trilogy, lies in a remote corner consisted of at least seven (perhaps up to prohibitions”).c The Maori term for gene-
of the Pacific Ocean about 1,900 kilome- thirteen) seafaring canoes. Each of these alogy is whakapapa (“to set layer upon
ters (1,200 miles) southeast of Australia. large dugouts, estimated to weigh about layer”), which is also a word for gene.
Named by Dutch seafarers who landed on 5 tons, had a single claw-shaped sail and This Maori term captures something of
its shores in 1642, it was claimed by the carried 50 to 120 people, plus food sup- the original genous, the Greek word for
British as a colony about 150 years later. plies, plants, and animals. “begetting offspring.” Another Maori word
Maori, the country’s indigenous people, As described by Maori anthropologist for gene is ira tangata (“life spirit of mor-
fought back but were outgunned, out- Te Rangi Hiroa (Peter Buck), the sea- tals”), and for them, a gene has mauri (a
numbered, and forced to lay down their faring skills of these voyagers enabled “life force”). Given these spiritual asso-
arms in the early 1870s. Today, nearly them to navigate by currents, winds, ciations, genetic investigations of Maori
600,000 of New Zealand’s 4.1 million and stars across vast ocean expanses.a DNA could not proceed until the Maori
citizens claim some Maori ancestry. Perhaps escaping warfare and tribute themselves became actively involved in
Maori have an age-old legend about payments in Hawaiki, they probably made the research.
how they came to Aotearoa (“Land of the five-week-long voyage around 1350, Together with other researchers, Maori
the Long White Cloud”), their name for although there were earlier and later geneticist Adele Whyte has examined sex-
New Zealand: More than twenty-five gen- canoes as well. linked genetic markers, namely mitochon-
erations ago, their Polynesian ancestors Traditional Maori society is organized drial DNA in women and Y chromosomes
into about thirty different iwis (“tribes”), in men.d She recently calculated that the
grouped into thirteen wakas (“canoes”), number of Polynesian females required
each with its own traditional territory. to found New Zealand’s Maori population
Today, prior to giving a formal talk, Maori ranged between 170 and 230 women. If
still introduce themselves by identifying the original fleet sailing to Aotearoa con-
their iwi, their waka, and the major sacred sisted of seven large canoes, it probably
places of their ancestral territory. Their carried a total of about 600 people (men,
TAIWAN genealogy connects them to their tribe’s women, and children).
Pacific
Ocean founding ancestor who was a crewmember A comparison of the DNA of Maori with
or perhaps even a chief in one of the giant that of Polynesians across the Pacific
canoes mentioned in the legend of the Ocean and peoples from Southeast Asia
Great Fleet.b reveals a genetic map of ancient Maori
ME
LA
© Cengage Learning
AUSTRALIA Tahiti Maori oral traditions about their ori- migration routes. Mitochondrial DNA,
NE
NESIA
POLY
SIA
gins mesh with scientific data based on which is passed along virtually unchanged
anthropological and more recent genetic from mothers to their children, provides a
NEW ZEALAND research. Study by outsiders can be genetic clock linking today’s Polynesians
parent–child links. Typically, a set of culturally meaning- structure, they are still organized in about thirty large
ful obligations and taboos helps hold the structured social descent groups known as iwi (“tribe”), which form part of
group together. larger social and territorial units known as waka (“canoe”).
Even when a society becomes politically organized as Descent group membership must be sharply defined in
a state, elements of such kin-groups may continue. We order to operate effectively in a kin-ordered society. If mem-
see this with many traditional indigenous societies that bership is allowed to overlap, it is unclear where someone’s
have become part of larger state societies yet endure as primary loyalty belongs, especially when different descent
distinctive ethnic groups. So it is with the Maori of New groups have conflicting interests. Membership can be de-
Zealand, featured in this chapter’s Biocultural Connec- termined in a number of ways. The most common way is
tion. Retaining key elements of their traditional kinship what anthropologists refer to as unilineal descent.
Descent Groups 493
Peter Kingsford/LatitudeStock Images/AGE Fotostock

The canoes the ancient Maori used probably looked similar to this contemporary Maori sea canoe.
to southern Taiwan’s indigenous coastal by anthropological as well as molecular Cultural Survival Quarterly 20 (2). https://
peoples, showing that female ancestors biological data. www.culturalsurvival.org/ourpublications
originally set out from that island off the /csq/article/genealogy-sacredness-and-
southeastern coast of China about 6,000 Biocultural Question commodities-market (retrieved December 4,
years ago.e In the next few thousand Why do you think the Maori view genealogy as 2015)
years, they migrated by way of the Phil- sacred and attach certain prohibitions to it? d
Whyte, A. L. H. (2005). Human evolution
ippines and then hopped south and east in Polynesia. Human Biology 77 (2),
from island to island. Adding to their gene a
Buck, P. H. (1938). Vikings of the Pacific. 157–177.
pool in the course of later generations, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. e
Wilford, J. N. (2008, January 18). Pacific
Melanesian males from New Guinea and b
Hanson, A. (1989). The making of the Islanders’ ancestry emerges in genetic
elsewhere joined the migrating bands be- Maori: Culture invention and its logic. study. New York Times. http://www.nytimes
fore arriving in Aotearoa. American Anthropologist 91 (4), 890–902. .com/2008/01/18/world/asia/18islands
In short, Maori cultural traditions in c
Mead, A. T. P. (1996). Genealogy, .html (retrieved December 4, 2015)
New Zealand are generally substantiated sacredness, and the commodities market.
Unilineal Descent females are culturally recognized as socially significant

because they are considered responsible for the descent
Unilineal descent (sometimes called unilateral descent
descent) group’s continued existence. In patrilineal societies, this
establishes group membership based on descent traced
exclusively through either the male or the female line unilineal descent Descent traced exclusively through either the male or
of ancestry. Traditionally, unilineal descent groups are the female line of ancestry to establish group membership; sometimes
called unilateral descent.
common in many parts of the world. Each newborn be-
matrilineal descent Descent traced exclusively through the female line
comes part of a specific descent group, traced through of ancestry to establish group membership.
the female line (matrilineal descent) or through the patrilineal descent Descent traced exclusively through the male line of
male line (patrilineal descent). In matrilineal societies ancestry to establish group membership.
revolution that radically changed Chinese society, remnants

= of the old patrilineal clan system persist—especially in
FF FM China’s rural areas and on the neighboring island of Taiwan.
= = = Patrilineal Descent among Han Chinese

FZ FZH FB FBW F M Over the past few millen-
nia, the basic social unit
for economic cooperation
= =
among the Han Chinese
FZS FSD FBS FBD ZH Z EGO W WB
has been the large ex-
© Cengage Learning
tended family, typically
including aged parents RUSSIA
ZS ZD S D and their sons, their

MONGOLIA
sons’ wives, and their
Figure 20.1 Tracing Patrilineal Descent sons’ children. Histori-
Only the individuals symbolized by a blue circle or triangle are cally, with patrilocal res-
© Cengage Learning
in the same descent group as EGO (the central person from CHINA
idence (defined in the Han
whom the degree of each kinship relationship is traced). The previous chapter) being NE
PAL
abbreviation F stands for father, B for brother, H for husband, S the norm, Han children INDIA Pacific
MYANMAR
for son, M for mother, Z for sister, W for wife, D for daughter. In Ocean
have grown up in a
English, the word cousin covers both FZS and FSD.
household dominated by their father and his male rela-
responsibility falls on the male members of the descent tives. Children have customarily maintained a respectful
group, thereby enhancing their social importance. social distance from their fathers, who represent authority.
The two major forms of a unilineal descent group are With brothers and their sons being part of the same
the lineage and the clan. A lineage is a unilineal kin- household, a Han boy’s paternal uncle is like a second
group descended from a common male or female ancestor father. He is treated with the same obedience and respect as
or founder who lived four to six generations ago and in the father, and his sons are like brothers. Thus, the Han dis-
which relationships among members can be exactly stated tinguish between cousins who are children of one’s father’s
in genealogical terms. A clan is an extended unilineal brother (tahng-shoong)
tahng-shoong) and cousins who are the offspring of
tahng-shoong
kin-group, often consisting of several lineages, whose one’s father’s sister, mother’s sister, and mother’s brother,
members claim common descent from a remote ancestor, who are lumped together as beo-shoong. (This practice
usually legendary or mythological. remains evident in the Han language even among those
who no longer live in traditional patrilocal households.)
Patrilineal Descent and Organization Traditionally, when extended families become too large and
unwieldy, one or more sons establish separate households—
Patrilineal descent is the more widespread of the two
but the tie to their household of birth remains strong.
unilineal descent systems. Members of a patrilineal
Although family membership was and is important for
group trace their descent from a common male ancestor
each Han individual, the traditional primary social unit is the
(Figure 20.1). Brothers and sisters belong to the descent
lineage, or in Han terms, the tsu. Each tsu is a corporate kin-
group of their father’s father, their father, their father’s
group, a collective whose members trace their ancestry back
siblings, and their father’s brother’s children. A man’s son
about five generations exclusively through the male line to a
and daughter also trace their descent back through his an-
common ancestor. A woman belongs to her father’s tsu, but
cestor. In the typical patrilineal group, authority over the
traditionally, for all practical purposes, she is absorbed by the
children rests with the father or his elder brother. A wom-
tsu of her husband, with whom she lives after marriage.
an’s children are born into her husband’s descent group,
The tsu can be counted on to help its members eco-
while she remains part of her own father’s descent group.
nomically, and it functions as a legal body, passing judg-
Patrilineal kinship organization is traditionally embedded
ment on misbehaving members. People affiliated with
in many cultures worldwide and often endures despite radi-
the same tsu come together on ceremonial occasions,
cal political and economic changes. So it is among the Han,
including weddings, funerals, and rituals honoring their
China’s ethnic majority. Even after the 1949 communist
ancestors. Recently deceased ancestors, up to about three
generations back, are given offerings of food and paper
lineage A unilineal kin-group descended from a common ancestor or money on the anniversaries of their births and deaths,
founder who lived four to six generations ago and in which relationships
whereas more distant ancestors are collectively worshiped
among members can be exactly stated in genealogical terms.
five times a year. Each tsu maintains its own shrine for
clan An extended unilineal kin-group, often consisting of several
lineages, whose members claim common descent from a remote storage of ancestral tablets on which the names of all
ancestor, usually legendary or mythological. members are recorded (Figure 20.2).
Descent Groups 495
Figure 20.2 An Ancestral Temple in Zhejiang

Province, China
Among the Han, the ethnic majority in China,
almost all ancestral temples, or clan houses,
are dedicated to male forebears, reflecting the
country’s long-established patrilineal rules of
descent and cultural values. Clan members
affirm their place in the kin-group by making
offerings to the ancestors in special temples
such as the one pictured here, located in a
family home.
© Li jianhui/Panorama/The Image Works

Just as families periodically split up into new ones, Han Chinese maintain the traditions of children obeying
larger descent groups periodically splinter along the lines of and respecting their fathers and older patrilineal relatives.
their main family branches. Causes for this include disputes As the Han example suggests, males dominate in a
among brothers over management of landholdings and patrilineal society. No matter how needed and valued
suspicion of unfair division of profits. Even after such splits, women may be, they find themselves in a challenging
a new tsu continues to recognize and honor its lineage position. Far from resigning themselves to being subordi-
tie to the old tsu. Thus, over many generations, a whole nate, however, they actively work the system to their own
hierarchy of descent groups comes into being, with all advantage as best they can.
persons having the same surname considering themselves
to be members of a great patrilineal clan. With this comes Matrilineal Descent and Organization
the rule that individuals bearing the same clan surname Matrilineal descent is traced exclusively through the fe-
cannot marry each other. This marriage rule is still widely male line (Figure 20.3). In a matrilineal system, brothers
practiced today. and sisters belong to the descent group of the mother, the
Traditionally, owing obedience and respect to their mother’s mother, the mother’s siblings, and the mother’s
fathers and older patrilineal relatives, Han children marry
whomever their parents choose for them, and sons are
required to care for their elderly parents and to fulfill
ceremonial obligations to them after their death. In turn, =
inheritance passes from fathers to sons, with an extra MM MF
share going to the eldest because he ordinarily makes the
greatest contribution to the household. = = =
Han women, by contrast, traditionally have no claims
F M MBW MB MZH MZ
on their families’ heritable property. Once married, a
woman is in effect cast off by her own tsu in order to
produce children for her husband’s family and tsu. Yet, = =
members of her birth tsu retain some interest in her after WB BW B EGO W MBD MBS MSD MZS
© Cengage Learning
her departure. For example, her mother typically assists

her in the birth of her children, and her brothers or some
other male relative may intervene if her husband or other BD BS D S
members of his family treat her badly.
Although tsu bonds have weakened in communist Figure 20.3 Tracing Matrilineal Descent
China, some of the obligations and attitudes of the tradi- This diagram can be compared with patrilineal descent in
tional corporate kin-group persist there today, as well as Figure 20.1. The two patterns are virtually mirror images. Note
on the island of Taiwan. At a minimum, contemporary that a man cannot transmit descent to his own children.
Corbis Wire/Corbis
Figure 20.4 Matrilineal Family among the Mosuo
Unlike the Han, the ethnic majority in China who are patrilineal, several ethnic minorities in
southwestern China are matrilineal, including the Mosuo. The women in the Mosuo family
shown here are blood relatives of one another, and the men are their brothers. Mosuo
husbands live apart from their wives, in the households of their sisters.
sisters’ children. Thus, a man’s own children belong to his than his own son is the designated heir to his property
wife’s descent group, not his. and status. Thus, because sibling relations remain strong
In such arrangements, a woman may have consider- and marital ties are culturally less significant, divorce in
able power but rarely exercises exclusive authority in her unsatisfying marriages is more easily obtained in matrilin-
descent group. Typically, she shares power with her broth- eal than in patrilineal societies.
ers, rather than husband. For example, among the Mosuo,
one of several matrilineal ethnic minorities in southwest- Matrilineal Descent among Hopi Indians
ern China, women are heads of their households. They Among the Hopi Indians, a farming people whose ances-
usually make the family’s business decisions, and property tors have lived for many centuries in pueblos (“villages”)
passes through the female line of descent. Yet, political in the desert lands of northeastern Arizona, society is di-
power in Mosuo communities tends to be in the hands of vided into a number of clans based strictly on matrilineal
males (Mathieu, 2003) (Figure 20.4). descent (Connelly, 1979). At birth, a Hopi baby is assigned
Matrilineal systems are usually found in horticultural to his or her mother’s clan. This affiliation is so important
societies in which women perform much of the work in that, in a very real sense, a per-
the house and nearby food gardens. Matrilineal descent son has no social identity in
in part prevails because women’s labor as crop cultivators the community apart from
U.S.
Arizona
is vital to the society. A major function of matrilineal sys- it. Two or more clans to-
tems is to provide continuous female solidarity within the gether constitute larger
female work group. supra-clan units, which UTAH COLORADO
Though not true of all matrilineal systems, a common NEVADA

anthropologists refer to as
feature is the relative weakness of the social tie between phratries (discussed later
ARIZONA Hopi Indian
wife and husband. A woman’s husband lacks authority in this chapter). Reservation
NEW
in the household they share. Instead, one of her brothers Phratries and clans are CALIFORNIA
MEXICO
distributes goods, organizes work, settles disputes, super-
© Cengage Learning
the major kinship units

vises rituals, and administers inheritance and succession in Hopi culture, but the
rules. Meanwhile, the husband fulfills the same role in his basic functional social UNITED STATES
own sister’s household. Furthermore, his sister’s son rather units consist of lineages, MEXICO
Descent Within the Larger Cultural System 497
and there are several in each village. A senior woman (usu- Across the globe, several other forms of descent have
ally the eldest) heads each Hopi lineage, with her brother been developed in the course of cultural evolution. Among
or mother’s brother keeping the sacred “medicine bundle” Samoan Islanders (and many other cultures in the Pacific as
(objects of spiritual power considered essential for peoples’ well as in Southeast Asia), for instance, a person tradition-
well-being) and playing an active role in running lineage af- ally has the option of affiliating with either the mother’s
fairs. The senior woman may act as mediator to help resolve or the father’s descent group. Known as ambilineal descent,
disputes among group members. Also, although her brother such a kin-ordered system provides a measure of flexibility.
and mother’s brother have the right to offer her advice However, this flexibility also introduces a possibility of dis-
and criticism, they are equally obligated to listen to what pute and conflict as unilineal groups compete for members.
she has to say, and she does not yield her authority to them. This problem does not arise under double descent, or double
Most female authority, however, is exerted within the unilineal descent, a rare system in which descent is matri-
household, and here men clearly take second place. These lineal for some purposes and patrilineal for others.
households consist of the women of the matrilineage with Generally, where double descent is traced, the ma-
their husbands, daughters, and unmarried sons, all of trilineal and patrilineal groups take action in different
whom used to live in sets of adjacent rooms in single large spheres of society. For example, among the Yakö of eastern
buildings. Today, nuclear families often live (frequently Nigeria, property is divided into both patrilineal and ma-
with a maternal relative or two) in separate houses, but trilineal possessions (Forde, 1968). The patrilineage owns
motorized vehicles enable related households to maintain perpetually productive resources, such as land, whereas
close contact and cooperation as before. the matrilineage owns consumable property, such as
Hopi lineages function as landholding corporations, livestock. The legally weaker matriline is somewhat more
allocating land for the support of member households. important in religious matters than the patriline. Through
“Outsiders,” the husbands of the women whose lineage double descent, a Yakö might inherit grazing lands from
owns the land, farm these lands, and the harvest belongs the father’s patrilineal group and certain ritual privileges
to these women. Thus, Hopi men spend their lives labor- from the mother’s matrilineal group.
ing for their wives’ lineages, and in return they are given Finally, when descent derives equally from the mother’s
food and shelter. and father’s families, anthropologists use the term bilateral
Sons learn from their fathers how to farm, yet a man descent. In such a system individuals trace descent through
has no real authority over his son. When parents have dif- both of their parents’ ancestors. We recognize bilateral de-
ficulty with an unruly child, the mother’s brother is called scent when individuals apply the same genealogical terms
upon to mete out discipline. A man’s loyalties are therefore to identify similarly related individuals on both sides of the
divided between the households of his wife and his sisters. family. For instance, when they speak of a grandmother
According to tradition, if a man is perceived as being an un- or grandfather, no indication is given as to whether these
satisfactory husband, his wife merely has to place his per- relatives are on the paternal or maternal side of the family.
sonal belongings outside the door, and the marriage is over. Bilateral descent exists in various foraging cultures
In addition to their economic and legal functions, ma- and is also common in many contemporary state societies
trilineages play a role in Hopi ceremonial activities. A lin- with agricultural, industrial, or postindustrial economies.
eage owns a special house where the “clan mother” stores For example, although most people in Europe, Australia,
and cares for the clan’s religious paraphernalia. Together and Latin America typically inherit their father’s family
with her brother, the clan’s “big uncle,” the clan mother name (indicative of a culture’s history in which patrilineal
helps manage ceremonial activities. descent is the norm), they usually consider themselves as
much a member of their mother’s as their father’s family.
Other Forms of Descent

Whatever form of descent predominates, the kin of both
mother and father are important components of the so-
Descent Within the Larger
cial structure in all societies. Just because descent may be Cultural System
traced matrilineally, this does not mean that patrilineal
relatives are necessarily unimportant. By way of example, There is a close relationship between the descent system
among the matrilineal Trobriand Islanders in the southern and a cultural system’s infrastructure. Generally, patrilin-
Pacific, discussed in previous chapters, children belong to eal descent predominates when male labor is considered
their mother’s descent groups, yet fathers play an impor- of prime importance, as among herders and farmers. As
tant role in their upbringing. Upon marriage, the bride already noted, matrilineal descent predominates mainly
and groom’s paternal relatives contribute to the exchange
of gifts, and throughout life a man may expect his pater-
nal kin to help him improve his economic and political
bilateral descent Descent traced equally through father and mother’s
position in society. Eventually, sons may expect to inherit ancestors; associating each individual with blood relatives on both sides
personal property from their fathers. of the family.
in horticultural societies in which female work in food weakly developed. Such is the case in many countries of
gardens is especially important. Numerous matrilineal so- the world today, especially in remote mountainous or
cieties are found in southern Asia, one of the world’s ear- desert villages difficult to reach by state authorities. In
liest cradles of food production. They are also prominent those societies an individual has no legal or political status
in parts of indigenous North America, South America’s except as a lineage member. Citizenship is derived from
tropical lowlands, and parts of Africa. lineage membership and legal status depends on it, so
A lineage endures over generations because new mem- political powers are derived from it as well.
bers are continually born into it, replacing those who Because the ideas, values, and practices associated
die. Its ongoing existence enables it to act like a corpora- with traditional descent groups may be deeply embedded,
tion—owning property, organizing productive activities, such cultural patterns often endure in diasporic commu-
distributing goods and labor power, assigning status, and nities among immigrants who have relocated from their
regulating relations with other groups. As a repository of ancestral homelands and retain distinct identities as eth-
religious traditions, the descent group solidifies social co- nic minority groups in their new host countries. In such
hesion. Ancestor worship, for example, is often a powerful situations, it is not uncommon for people to seek familiar,
force acting to enhance group solidarity. Thus, a lineage is kin-ordered cultural solutions to challenges faced in un-
a strong, effective base of social organization. familiar state-organized settings. We see an example of
The descent group often endures in state-organized this in the Original Study on honor killing among Turkish
societies in which political institutions are ineffective or immigrants in the Netherlands.
ORIGI
NAL Honor Killing in the Netherlands
STU YD BY CLEMENTINE VAN ECK
When I first told my anthropology profes profes- DENMARK

sors I wanted to write my dissertation on honor killing
NETHERLANDS
among Turkish immigrants in the Netherlands, they
told me no way. It was the mid-1990s, and everyone GERMANY
seemed to feel that writing negative things about strug- BELGIUM
gling immigrants was discriminatory. Better to choose a FRANCE
Atlantic
subject that would help them deal with the challenges Ocean
of settling in Dutch society, such as the problems they Black Sea
© Cengage Learning
experienced as foreigners in school or at work. But
TURKEY
I was quite determined to investigate this issue and
Mediterranean Sea
finally found a professor who shared my interest— SYRIA
Dr. Anton Blok. He himself was specialized in Italian
mafia,a so was quite used to violence of the cultural sort. European workers who stayed on as immigrants and suc-
Before getting into some of the details of my research, cessfully assimilated into Dutch society, many of the Mus-
I need to set the stage. Until the 1960s, the Netherlands lim newcomers formed isolated, diasporic communities.
was a relatively homogeneous society (despite its colonial During the past several decades, these communities
past). The major differences among its people were not have multiplied and rapidly expanded in size and are con-
ethnic but religious, namely their distinct ties to Cathol- centrated in certain areas of various cities. Today, the Turk-
icism or Protestantism (of various kinds). The country’s ish population in the Netherlands is about 450,000. Most
population makeup began to change dramatically after of them have become Dutch citizens, but they maintain
the economic boom of the 1960s created a need for some key cultural features of their historical “honor-and-
cheap labor and led to an influx of migrants from poor shame” traditions. And this is what is at stake when we are
areas in Mediterranean countries seeking wage-earning dealing with the problem of honor killing.
opportunities. Anthropologists have identified honor-and-shame tra-
These newcomers came not as immigrants but as ditions in many parts of the world, especially in remote
“guest laborers” ((gastarbeiders) expected to return to their traditional herding and farming societies where the power
countries of origin, including Italy, Yugoslavia, Turkey, of the political state is either absent or ineffective. People
and Morocco. Although many did go back home, numer- in such areas, my professor, Dr. Blok, explained,
ous others did not. In contrast to most of the guest work-
ers from southern European nations, those from Turkey cannot depend on stable centers of political control for
and Morocco are mainly Muslim. And unlike southern the protection of life and patrimony. In the absence
gastarbeiders
of effective state control, they have to rely on their author and film director Theo van Gogh, well known for
own forces—on various forms of self-help. These his critical, often mocking, views on Islam. Although his
conditions . . . put a premium on self-assertive quali-
quali murder was not an honor killing, it had key elements of
ties in men, involving the readiness and capacity to use that cleansing ritual: It occurred in a public place (on the
physical force in order to guarantee the immunity of life street) in front of many people, the victim had to die (in-
and property, including women as the most precious and jury would not suffice), the killer used many shots (or knife
vulnerable part of the patrimony of men. The extremes thrusts), the killing was planned (it was not the product of
of this sense of honour are reached when even merely a sudden outburst), and the killer had no remorse.
glancing at a woman is felt as an affront, an incursion Let me tell you about a recent and quite typical case. On
into a male domain, touching off a violent response.b a Friday evening the local police in an eastern Dutch com-
munity called in the help of our police team. A 17-year-old
Beyond serving as a means of social control in isolated
Turkish girl had run away to the family home of her Dutch
areas, honor-and-shame traditions may be used in situations
boyfriend, also 17. Her father, who had discovered that
where state mechanisms are alien to a certain group of peo-
peo
this boy had a police record, telephoned his parents and
ple, as among some Turkish and Moroccan migrants in the
asked them to send the daughter home. The parents tried
Netherlands. Focusing on the latter, I tried to make sense of
to calm him down and told him his daughter was safe at
certain cultural practices that often baffle indigenous Dutch
their house. But as he saw it, she was in the most danger-
citizens accustomed to a highly organized bureaucratic state
ous place in the world, for she was with the boy she loved.
in which our personal security and justice are effectively
This could only mean that her virginity was in jeopardy
managed by social workers, police, courts, and so on. Most
and therefore the namus of the whole family.
of all, I wanted to understand honor killings.
My colleagues and I concluded that the girl had to be
Honor killings are murders in the form of a ritual, and
taken out of her boyfriend’s home that same night: The
they are carried out to purify tarnished honor—specifically
father knew the place, he did not want the boy as a son-in-
honor having to do with something Turks refer to as namus.
law, and he believed his daughter was not mature enough
Both men and women possess namus. For women and girls
to make a decision about something as important as mar-
namus means chastity, whereas for men it means having
riage. (“Just having a boyfriend” was not allowed. You ei-
chaste family members. A man is therefore dependent for
ther marry or you do not have a boyfriend, at least not an
his namus on the conduct of the womenfolk in his family.
obvious one.) Because of my honor killing research, I was
This means in effect that women and girls must not have
well aware of similar situations that ended in honor kill-
illicit contact with a member of the opposite sex and must
ings. To leave the girl where she was would invite disaster.
avoid becoming the subject of gossip because gossip alone
After we persuaded the prosecutor that intervention
can impugn namus. The victim of an honor killing can be
was necessary, the girl was taken from her boyfriend’s
the girl or woman who tarnished her honor, or the man
house and brought to a guarded shelter to prevent her
who did this to her (usually her boyfriend). The girl or
from fleeing back to him the next day. This is anthropol-
woman is killed by her family members, the man is killed by
ogy-in-action. You cannot always just wait and see what
the family of the girl/woman whose honor he has violated.
will happen (although I admit that as a scholar this is very
As I was wrapping up my PhD in 2000, Dutch society
tempting); you have to take responsibility and take action
still did not seem quite ready to acknowledge the phe-
if you are convinced that a human life is at stake.
nomenon of honor killing. That year a Kurdish boy whose
When I took up the study of cultural anthropology, I did
parents were born in Turkey tried to shoot the boyfriend of
so just because it intrigued me. I never imagined that what I
his sister. Because the attempt took place in a high school
learned might become really useful. So, what I would like to
and resulted in injury to several students and a teacher,
say to anthropology students is: Never give up on an inter-
authorities focused on the issue of school safety rather than
esting subject. One day it might just matter that you have
on the cultural reasons behind the murder attempt.
become an expert in that area. At this moment I am analyz-
A shift in government and public awareness of honor
ing all kinds of threatening cases and drawing up genealo-
killing took place in 2004. That year three Muslim Turkish
gies of the families involved—all in the effort to deepen our
women were killed by their former husbands on the street.
understanding of and help prevent honor killings.
Coming in quick succession, one after the other, these mur-
ders did not escape the attention of government officials Written expressly for this text, 2011. Updated demographics
or the media. Finally, honor killing was on the national 2016.
agenda. In November of that year I was appointed as cul-
tural anthropologist at the Dutch police force in The Hague a
Blok, A. (1974). The mafia of a Sicilian village 1860–1960. New
district and began working with law enforcers on honor York: Harper & Row.
killing cases there (and soon in other areas of the country). b
Blok, A. (1981). Rams and billy-goats: A key to the
On November 2, 2004, the day I gave an opening speech Mediterranean code of honour. Man 16 (3), 427–440; see also
about honor killings to colleagues at my new job, a radical Van Eck, C. (2003). Purified by blood: Honour killings amongst Turks
Muslim migrant from Morocco shot the famous Dutch in the Netherlands. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.
Lineage Exogamy Celtic word meaning “son of”), such as MacDonald, Mc-
Gregor, and Maclean.
A common characteristic of lineages is exogamy. As defined Because clan membership is often dispersed rather
in the previous chapter, this means that lineage members than localized, it usually does not involve a shared hold-
must find their marriage partners in other lineages. One ing of tangible property. Instead, it involves collective
advantage of exogamy is that competition for desirable participation in ceremonial and political matters. Only on
spouses within the group is reduced, promoting the group’s special occasions will the membership gather together for
internal cohesiveness. Lineage exogamy means that each specific purposes.
marriage is more than a union between two individuals; it However, clans may handle important integrative
is also a new alliance between lineages. This helps to main- functions. Like lineages, they may regulate marriage
tain them as components of larger social systems. Finally, through exogamy. Because of their dispersed membership,
lineage exogamy promotes open communication within clans give individuals the right of entry into associated
a society, facilitating the diffusion of knowledge and ex- local groups no matter where they are. Members usually
change of goods and services from one lineage to another. are expected to give protection and hospitality to others
In contemporary North American Indian commu- in the clan. Lacking the residential unity of lineages, clans
nities, kinship and descent still play an essential role in frequently depend on symbols—of animals, plants, natu-
tribal membership—as illustrated in this chapter’s Anthro- ral forces, colors, and special objects—to provide members
pology Applied. with solidarity and a ready means of identification. These
symbols, called totems, often are associated with the clan’s
mythical origin and reinforce for clan members an aware-
From Lineage to Clan ness of common descent.
The word totem comes from the Ojibwa American In-
In the course of time, as generation succeeds generation
dian word ototeman, meaning “he is a relative of mine.”
and new members are born into the lineage, the kin-
Totemism was defined by British anthropologist A. R.
group’s membership may become too large to manage or
Radcliffe-Brown (1930) as a set of customary beliefs and
may outgrow the lineage’s resources. When this happens,
practices “by which there is set up a special system of re-
as we have seen with the Chinese tsu, fission occurs; that
lations between the society and the plants, animals, and
is, the original lineage splits into new, smaller lineages.
other natural objects that are important in the social life.”
Usually, the members of the new lineages continue to
For example, Aborigines in central Australia such as the
recognize their original relationship to one another. The
Arunta traditionally believe that each clan descends from
result of this process is the appearance of a larger kind of
a mythological spirit animal.
descent group: the clan.
Native Americans in northwest Canada such as the
As already noted, a clan—typically consisting of sev-
Tsimshian on the Pacific Coast also use totemic animals
eral lineages—is an extended unilineal descent group
to designate their exogamous matrilineal clans but do
whose members claim common descent from a distant
not claim these creatures are mythological clan ancestors.
ancestor (usually legendary or mythological) but are un-
Among these coastal Indians, individuals inherit their
able to trace the precise genealogical links back to that an-
lineage affiliations from their mothers. As such, every
cestor. This stems from the great genealogical depth of the
Tsimshian forms part of a matrilineal “house group,”
clan, whose founding ancestor lived so far in the past that
a corporate kin-group known as a waap (the plural is
the links must be assumed rather than known in detail. A
wuwaap). Typically, each village consists of about twenty
clan differs from a lineage in another respect: It lacks the
such houses, ranked according to importance. Each Tsim-
residential unity that is generally (although not always)
shian house group forms part of a larger exogamous ma-
characteristic of a lineage’s core members.
trilineal clan, of which there are four. And each matriclan
As with the lineage, clan descent may be patrilineal,
is symbolically represented by an animal: Wolf, Eagle,
matrilineal, or ambilineal. Hopi Indians are an example
Raven and Blackfish (Killer Whale). Carvings of these
of matrilineal clans (matriclans), whereas Han Chinese
crest animals, along with several other animal and human
and Scottish highlanders pictured in this chapter’s open-
images symbolically marking the mythology and history
ing, provide examples of patrilineal clans ((patriclans).
of the lineage and validating its claims and privileges,
Tracing descent exclusively through men from a found-
are displayed on monumental cedar totem poles in front
ing paternal ancestor, Scottish highland clans are often
of the large wooden dwellings inhabited by the wuwaap
identified with the prefix “Mac” or “Mc” (from an old
(Anderson, 2006) (Figure 20.5).
We can see a reductive variation of totemism in con-
temporary industrial and postindustrial societies in which
fission In kinship studies, the splitting of a descent group into two or
more new descent groups. sports teams are often given the names of such powerful
totemism The belief that people are related to particular animals, plants, wild animals as bears, lions, and wildcats. In the United
or natural objects by virtue of descent from common ancestral spirits. States, this extends to the Democratic Party’s donkey
Resolving a Native American Tribal Membership Dispute

By Harald E. L. Prins
In autumn 1998, I received a call from At the time, they formed a poor and landless Flush with federal funding and rapidly
the tribal chief of the Aroostook Band of community not yet officially recognized as expanding its activities, the 500-member
Micmacs (now also spelled Mi’kmaq) in a tribe. During that decade, we helped the band became overwhelmed by complex
northern Maine asking for help in resolv- band define its political strategies, which bureaucratic regulations now governing their
ing a bitter tribal membership dispute. The included petitioning for federal recognition existence. Without formally established
conflict centered on the fact that several of their Indian status; claiming their tradi- ground rules determining who could apply
hundred individuals had become tribal tional rights to hunt, trap, and fish; and even for tribal membership, and overlooking fed-
members without proper certification of demanding return of lost ancestral lands. erally imposed regulations, hundreds of new
their Mi’kmaq kinship status. Traditional- To generate popular support for the names were rather casually added to its
ists in the community argued that their effort, I coproduced a film about the com- tribal rolls.
tribe’s organization was being taken over munity (“Our Lives in Our Hands”).a Most By 1997, the Aroostook band pop-
by “non-Indians.” With the formal status important, we gathered oral histories and ulation had ballooned to almost 1,200
of so many members in question, the detailed archival documentation to address members, and Mi’kmaq traditionalists were
tribal administration could not properly kinship issues and other government crite- questioning the legitimacy of many whose
determine who was entitled to benefit ria for tribal recognition. The latter included names had been added to the band roster.
from the available health, housing, and important genealogical records showing With mounting tension threatening to de-
education programs. After some hostile that most Mi’kmaq adults in the region stroy the band, the tribal chief invited me to
confrontations between the factions, tribal were at least “half-blood” (having two of evaluate critically the membership claims
elders requested a formal inquiry into the their grandparents officially recorded as of more than half the tribe. In early 1999, I
membership controversy, and I was called Indians). reviewed the kinship records submitted by
in as a neutral party with a long history of Based on this evidence, we effectively hundreds of individuals whose membership
working with the band. argued that the Aroostook Mi’kmaq could on the tribal rolls was in question. Several
My involvement as an advocacy anthro- claim aboriginal title to lands in the region. months later, I offered my final report to the
pologist began in 1981 when this Mi’kmaq Also, we were able to convince politicians in Mi’kmaq community.
band first employed me, along with Bunny Washington, DC, to introduce a special bill After traditional prayers, sweetgrass
McBride, to help them achieve U.S. gov gov- to acknowledge their tribal status and settle burning, drumming, and a traditional meal
ernment recognition of their Indian status. their land claims. When formal hearings of salmon and moose, I formally presented
were held in 1990, I my findings. Based on the official criteria,
testified in the U.S. about 100 lineal descendants of the origi-
Senate as an expert nal members and just over 150 newcomers
witness for the band. met the minimum required qualifications
The following year, for membership; several hundred others
the Aroostook Band would have to be removed from the tribal
of Micmacs Settle- roster. After singing, drumming, and closing
ment Act became prayers, the Mi’kmaq gathering dispersed.
federal law. This Today, two decades later, the band’s
made the band eligi- membership has grown beyond 1,200, due
ble for the financial to verified applications, as well as procre-
assistance (health, ation. Faring well, it has purchased about
housing, education, 3,200 acres of land, including a small res-
© Donald Sanipass
and child welfare) idential reservation near Presque Isle, now

and economic devel- home to about 300 Mi’kmaq. Also located
opment loans that here are tribal administration offices, a
are available to all health clinic, and a cultural center.
The Sanipass-Lafford family cluster in Chapman, Maine, represent
federally recognized
a traditional Mi’kmaq residential kin-group. Such extended families Written expressly for this text.
tribes in the United
typically include grandchildren and bilaterally related family
States. Moreover, the
members such as in-laws, uncles, and aunts. Taken from the
law provided the band a
“Our lives in our hands.” (1986). DER doc-
Sanipass family album, this picture shows a handful of members
in the mid-1980s: Marline Sanipass Morey with two of her with funding to buy a umentary, produced by H. E. L. Prins & K.
nephews and uncles. 5,000-acre territorial Carter. http://www.der.org/films/our-lives-in
base in Maine. -our-hands.html (retrieved January 2, 2016)
© Bob Rowan; Progressive Image/Corbis
Figure 20.5 Tshimshian People Raising a Totem Pole
The tradition of erecting totem poles to commemorate special events endures in several Native
American communities in the Pacific Northwest. Carved from tall cedar trees, these spectacular
monuments display a clan or lineage’s ceremonial property and are prominently positioned as
posts in the front of houses, as markers at gravesites, and at other places of significance.
Often depicting legendary ancestors and mythological animals, the painted carvings symbolically
represent a descent group’s cultural status and associated privileges in the community. Noted
carver David Boxley, a member of the Eagle clan, gifted this pole to the community.
and the Republican Party’s elephant, and to the Elks, the it through definitive genealogical links. As a rule, the feel-
Lions, and other fraternal and social organizations. These ings of kinship among members of lineages and clans are
animal emblems, or mascots, however, do not involve stronger than those of members of phratries and moieties.
the notion of biological descent and the strong sense of This may be due to the much larger size and more diffuse
kinship that they symbolize for clans, nor are they linked nature of the latter groups.
with the traditional ritual observances associated with Because feelings of kinship are often weaker
clan totems. between people from different clans, the moiety system
is a cultural invention that keeps clan-based communities
Phratry and Moiety together by binding the clans into a social network of
obligatory giving and receiving. By institutionalizing reci-
Two larger kinds of descent groups are the phratry and the procity between groups of clans, the moiety system joins
moiety (Figure 20.6). A phratry (after the Greek word for together families who otherwise would not be sufficiently
“brotherhood”) is a unilineal descent group composed of
at least two clans that supposedly share a common ances-
try, whether or not they really do. Like individuals in the
Moiety
clan, phratry members cannot trace precisely their descent
links to a common ancestor, although they firmly believe
such an ancestor existed. Phratry
If the entire society is divided into only two major
descent groups, whether they are equivalent to clans or Clan
© Cengage Learning
phratries, each group is called a moiety (after the French

word moitié, for “half”). Members of the moiety believe Lineage
themselves to share a common ancestor but cannot prove
Figure 20.6 Descent Groups

phratry A unilineal descent group composed of at least two clans that
This diagram shows the organizational hierarchy of the moiety,
supposedly share a common ancestry, whether or not they really do. phratry, clan, and lineage. Each moiety is subdivided into
moiety A group, usually consisting of several clans, which results from a phratries, each phratry is subdivided into clans, and each clan
division of a society into two halves on the basis of descent. is subdivided into lineages.
Bilateral Kinship and the Kindred 503
invested in maintaining the

commonwealth.
Like lineages and clans,
phratries and moieties are often
exogamous, and so are bound
together by marriages between
their members. And like clans,
they provide members rights of
access to other communities.
In a community that does not
include one’s clan members,
one’s phratry members are still
there to turn to for hospital-
© Ray Roberts Brown/Smithsonian Institution

ity. Finally, moieties may per-
form reciprocal services for one
another. Among them, indi-
viduals look to members of
the opposite “half” in their
community for the necessary
mourning rituals when a mem-
ber of their own moiety dies.
Such interdependence between
moieties serves to maintain the Figure 20.7 Village Life in Moieties
cohesion of the entire society. Many Amazonian Indians in South America’s tropical woodlands traditionally live in circular
villages socially divided into moieties. Here we see the Canela Indians’ Escalvado village as
The principle of institu-
it was in 1970. The village is 300 meters (165 feet) wide. The community’s “upper” moiety
tionalized reciprocity between
meets in the western part. Nearly all of the 1,800 members of the Canela tribe reside in the
groups of matrilineal clans
village during festival seasons, but otherwise they are largely dispersed into their smaller, farm-
organized into two equal
centered circular villages. Behind the larger-circle village is a smaller abandoned village where
halves, or moieties, is beauti-
part of the tribe lived before uniting under one chief. Missionaries built the landing strip that
fully illustrated in the circu- runs through it.
lar settlement pattern of many
traditional Indian villages in
the tropical forests of South America’s Amazon region of extended family group known as the kindred—a
(Figure 20.7). Dwellings located in half of the village grouping of blood relatives based on bilateral descent.
are those of clans belonging to one exogamous moiety, The kindred is laterally rather than lineally organized—
and those on the opposite side are the dwellings of clans that is, it includes all relatives with whom EGO (the
belonging to the other. Because their clans are often central person from whom the degree of each relation-
matrilineal, the institutionalized rules of reciprocity in ship is traced) shares at least one grandparent, great-
this kin-ordered community traditionally require that a grandparent, or even great-great-grandparent, on his or
woman marry a man from a clan house on the opposite her father’s and mother’s side. Thus, depending on how
side of the village, who then moves into her ancestral many generations back one reckons, someone’s kindred
clan house. Their son, however, will one day have to find may include the entire direct-line offspring of his or
a wife from his father’s original moiety and will have to her eight great-grandparents, or sometimes even sixteen
move to his father’s mother’s side of the village. In this great-great-grandparents (Figure 20.8).
way, the moiety system of institutionalized reciprocity In societies in which small domestic units (nuclear
functions like a social “zipper” between clans engaged in families or single-parent households) are of primary
a repetitive cycle of exchange relations. importance, bilateral kinship and kindred organization
are likely to result. This can be seen in modern industrial
Bilateral Kinship
and the Kindred kindred A grouping of blood relatives based on bilateral descent;
includes all relatives with whom EGO shares at least one grandparent,
great-grandparent, or even great-great-grandparent on his or her father’s
Important as patrilineal or matrilineal descent groups and mother’s side.
are in many cultures, such kin-groups do not exist EGO In kinship studies, the central person from whom the degree of
in every society. In some, we encounter another type each kinship relationship is traced.
(financial reparation for the

Great
Great great Great loss of a murdered relative) is
great great great
First First
Second cousin great grandparent great cousin Second
involved, such “next of kin”
3 times aunt 5 uncle 3 times
Third cousin
twice removed 6 6 removed
cousin
twice
Third would be entitled to a share
cousin Great
Great cousin
once removed 7
First Great great
great Great
7
First
removed once of it. In such societies, a trad-
Fourth removed 8 grandparent
grandpar 8 removed Fourth
great great
cousin 9 Second
cousin
twice aunt 4 uncle
cousin
twice Second 9 cousin ing or raiding party may be
10 cousin cousin 10
once
removed 5 5 removed
once composed of a kindred, with
Fourth
Four removed 6 Great
Great 6 removed Fourth
Four
Third Third
cousin
cousin 7 First grandpar
grandparent First 7 cousin
cousin the group coming together
once Great Great once
cousin 3 cousin
removed
moved 8
once
aunt uncle
once
8 removed
moved to perform a particular func-
11 Third
Thi rd removed 4 4 removed Third
Thir 11
Fourth
Four
cousin Second
5 5
Second cousin
Fourth
Four
tion, share in the results, and
once cousin cousin once
Grandpar
Grandparent
cousin
twice
removed
moved 6
2
6 removed
moved cousin
twice
then disband. The kindred
removed
moved 9 Aunt Uncle 9 removed
moved
Second
cousin
First
3 3
First Second
cousin
may also act as a ceremo-
12 Third
Third cousin cousin Third
Thir 12
once once
Four
Fourth
cousin
twice removed
moved 4 Parent
Parent 4 removed
moved
cousin
twice Fourth
Four nial group for initiations and
cousin cousin
3 times
removed
moved 7 First
cousin Sister
1
Brother
First
cousin
7 removed
moved
3 times other rites of passage. Finally,
removed
moved 10 Second Second 10 removed
moved
once once
13 Third
Thi rd cousin removed
moved 2 2 removed
moved cousin Third
Thir 13
kindreds may play a role in
cousin twice EGO
EG twice cousin
Four
Fourth 3 times removed
moved 5 5 removed
moved 3 times Fourth
Four regulating marriage through
cousin removed
moved 8 First First 8 removed
moved cousin
4 times 11 cousin Niece Nephew cousin 11 4 times exogamy.
removed
moved Second twice twice Second removed
moved
14 Third
Thi rd cousin
3 times
removed
moved 3
Child
3 removed
moved cousin
3 times
Third
Thir 14 Because kindreds are EGO-
cousin 6 6 cousin
4 times removed
moved 1 removed
moved 4 times centered, each is unique,
removed
moved 9 First Grand Grand First 9 removed
moved
12 Second
cousin
3 times
niece nephew cousin
3 times Second 12 except among full siblings.
cousin 4 Grand 4 cousin
4 times
removed
moved
child
removed
moved
4 times Beyond being in the middle of
removed
moved 7 7 removed
moved
2
10 First
Great
Gr eat
grand
Great
Great
grand First 10
one’s own kindred, a person
cousin cousin
4 times
niece nephew
4 times belongs to several kindreds
removed
moved 5 Great
Great 5 removed
moved
8 Great
Gr eat
grandchild
Great
Gr eat 8
centered on other individu-
great
great 3 great
great
© Cengage Learning
grand grand als with memberships that
niece nephew
6
Great
Gr eat
great
great 6
overlap to various degrees.
grandchild
4
Thus, the social function of
this system is that each per-
son can turn to his or her
Figure 20.8 EGO and the Kindred
own kindred for aid, or may
The kindred designates a person’s exact degree of blood relatedness to other members of
be called upon by others, by
the family. This determines not only one’s social obligations toward relatives, but also one’s
virtue of being a member of
rights. For instance, when a wealthy widowed great-aunt without children dies without a will,
their kindreds.
specific surviving members of her kindred will be legally entitled to inherit from her.
and postindustrial societies, in regions with emerging

market economies, and in still-existing food-foraging
Kinship Terminology
societies across the globe.
Most Europeans and peoples of European descent in
and Kinship Groups
other parts of the world are familiar with the kindred; The system of organizing people who are relatives into
those who belong to it are simply referred to as “rela- different kinds of groups—whether kindreds, lineages,
tives.” Typically, it includes those blood relatives on both or clans—influences how relatives are labeled. Kinship
sides of the family who are seen on important occasions, terminology systems vary considerably across cultures,
such as family weddings, reunions, and funerals. In reflecting the positions individuals occupy within their
Ireland, Puerto Rico, or the United States, for example, respective societies and helping to differentiate one
nearly everyone can identify the members of their kin- relative from another. Distinguishing factors include
dred up to grandparents (or even great-grandparents) gender, generational differences, or genealogical differ-
and to their first cousins, nephews, and nieces. Some can ences. In the various systems of kinship terminology,
even identify second cousins in their kindred, but few any one of these factors may be emphasized at the ex-
can go beyond that. pense of others.
In traditional societies with bilateral descent, kin- By looking at the terms a particular society uses for
dreds play a significant role in a variety of situations. their relatives, an anthropologist can determine the struc-
Kindred members (“next of kin”) may be called upon ture of kin-groups, discern the most important relation-
to seek justice or revenge for harm done to someone ships, and sometimes interpret the prevailing attitudes
in the group. They might raise bail, serve as witnesses, concerning various relationships. For instance, a number
or help compensate a victim’s family. If blood money of languages use the same term to identify a brother and
© Uriel Sinai/GettyImages
Figure 20.9 Inuit Family in Greenland
The Inuit in Greenland are one of several large Eskimo groups inhabiting Arctic regions from
Alaska to Canada, Greenland, and eastern Siberia. Although they speak different languages and
dialects, they share a traditional way of life primarily based on hunting and fishing in which the
nuclear family is the primary social unit. As such, their kinship terminology system specifically
identifies EGO’s mother, father, brother, and sister and lumps all other relatives into a few broad
categories that do not distinguish the side of the family from which they derive. Here we see an
Inuit family having a seal meat barbeque on an island near the village of Ilimanaq, Greenland.
a cousin, and others have a single word for cousin, niece, each named after the ethnographic example first or best
and nephew. Some cultures find it useful to distinguish described by anthropologists. The last five of these sys-
the eldest brother from his younger brothers and have tems are fascinating in their complexity and are found
different words for them. And unlike English, many lan- among only a few of the world’s societies. However, to
guages distinguish between an aunt who is a mother’s illustrate some of the basic principles involved, we will
sister and one who is a father’s sister. focus our attention on the first three systems.
Regardless of the factors emphasized, all kinship
terminologies accomplish two important tasks. First,
they classify similar kinds of individuals into single
The Eskimo System
specific categories; second, they separate different kinds The Eskimo system, which is comparatively rare among
of individuals into distinct categories. Generally, two all the world’s systems, is the one used by most contem-
or more kin are merged under the same term when the porary Europeans, Australians, and North Americans. It
individuals have more or less the same rights and ob- is also used by a number of indigenous food-foraging
ligations with respect to the person referring to them peoples, including Arctic peoples such as the Inuit and
as such. This is the case among most English-speaking other Eskimos—hence the name (Figure 20.9).
North Americans, for instance, when someone refers to Sometimes referred to as the lineal system, the Eskimo
a mother’s sister and a father’s sister both as an aunt. As system emphasizes the nuclear family by specifically
far as the speaker is concerned, both relatives possess a
similar status.
Several different systems of kinship terminology re-
Eskimo system Kinship reckoning in which the nuclear family is
sult from the application of the previously discussed
emphasized by specifically identifying the mother, father, brother, and
principles—including the Eskimo, Hawaiian, Iroquois, sister, while lumping together all other relatives into broad categories
Crow, Omaha, Sudanese, Kariera, and Aranda systems, such as uncle, aunt, and cousin; also known as the lineal system.
system
= = = = =
Aunt Uncle F M Aunt Uncle
© Cengage Learning
Cousins Cousins B EGO Z Cousins Cousins
Figure 20.10 The Eskimo Kinship System

Kinship terminology in this system emphasizes the nuclear family (circled). EGO’s father and
mother are distinguished from EGO’s aunts and uncles, and siblings are distinguished from
cousins. However, no distinction is made between father's siblings and mother's siblings, nor
between their offspring.
identifying mother, father, brother, and sister while lump- together other kin on both sides of the family (such as
ing together all other relatives into a few large categories aunts, uncles, cousins).
(Figure 20.10). For example, the father is distinguished
from the father’s brother (uncle), but the father’s brother
is not distinguished from the mother’s brother (both are
called uncle). The mother’s sister and father’s sister are
The Hawaiian System
treated similarly, both called aunt. In addition, all the The Hawaiian system of kinship terminology, common
sons and daughters of aunts and uncles are called cousin, (as its name implies) in Hawaii and other islands in the
thereby making a generational distinction but without central Pacific Ocean but found elsewhere as well, is the
indicating the side of the family to which they belong or least complex system in that it uses only a few terms. Also
even their gender. called the generational system, it refers to all relatives of the
Unlike other terminologies, the Eskimo system same generation and sex by the same term (Figure 20.11).
provides separate and distinct terms for nuclear fam- For example, in one’s parents’ generation, the term used
ily members. This is probably because the Eskimo to refer to one’s father is used as well for the father’s
system is generally found in bilateral societies where brother and mother’s brother. Similarly, one’s mother,
the dominant kin-group is the kindred, in which only mother’s sister, and father’s sister are all grouped together
immediate family members are important in day-to- under a single term. In EGO’s generation, male and female
day affairs. This is especially true of modern European cousins are distinguished by gender and are equated with
and North American societies, in which many families brothers and sisters.
are independent—living apart from and not directly The Hawaiian system reflects the absence of strong
involved with other relatives except on special occa- unilineal descent, and members on both the father’s and
sions. Thus, these peoples generally distinguish be- the mother’s sides are viewed as more or less equal. The
tween their closest kin (parents and siblings) but lump siblings of EGO’s father and mother are all recognized as
1 = 2 = 3 = 4 5 = = 6
M F F M M F
© Cengage Learning
7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
B Z B Z B EGO Z B Z B Z
Figure 20.11 The Hawaiian Kinship System

In this kinship system the men numbered 2 and 6 are called by the same term as father (3);
the women numbered 1 and 5 are called by the same term as mother (4). All cousins of EGO’s
own generation (7 through 16) are considered brothers (B) and sisters (Z).
1 = 2 = 3 = 4 = 5 = 6
FZ F F M M MB
© Cengage Learning
7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
Cousins B Z B EGO Z B Z Cousins
Figure 20.12 The Iroquois Kinship System

According to the Iroquois system of kinship terminology, EGO’s father’s brother (2) is called
by the same term as the father (3); the mother’s sister (5) is called by the same term as
the mother (4); but the people numbered 1 and 6 are each referred to by a distinct term.
Those people numbered 9 through 14 are all considered siblings, but 7, 8, 15, and 16 are
considered cousins.
being similar relations and are merged under a single term person who is recognized as a relative, with all the specific
appropriate for their gender. In like manner, the children rights and obligations that come with being a daughter,
belonging to the siblings of EGO’s parents are related to son, brother, or sister to someone else in that kin-group.
EGO in the same way as are the brother and sister. Falling That is what “being related” is all about and what gives it
under the incest taboo, they are ruled out as potential symbolic meaning with practical consequences. Each kin
marriage partners. term marks out a specific set of rights and obligations for
individuals socially identified by such a cultural label. In
The Iroquois System state societies governed by law, these rights may even be
legally spelled out in detail.
In the Iroquois system of kinship terminology, the
father and father’s brother are referred to by a single
term, as are the mother and mother’s sister; however, the Fictive Kin by Ritual Adoption
father’s sister and mother’s brother are given separate terms
One example of making relatives of individuals who are not
(Figure 20.12). In one’s own generation, brothers, sisters,
biologically related is adoption—as discussed in the previ-
and parallel cousins (offspring of parental siblings of the
ous chapter’s Globalscape on the transnational adoption
same sex—that is, the children of the mother’s sister or
of children. Adoption is a longstanding and widespread
father’s brother) of the same sex are referred to by the same
cultural practice in many societies all around the world.
terms, which is logical enough considering that they are the
Historically, families and clans facing exceptional chal-
offspring of people who are classified in the same category
lenges to their survival sometimes went to war to obtain hu-
as EGO’s actual mother and father. Cross cousins (offspring
man captives from other societies—sometimes young men,
of parental siblings of opposite sex—that is, the children of
but usually women and children. These captives would
the mother’s brother or father’s sister) are distinguished by
then be adopted. This occurred among Iroquois Indians
terms that set them apart from all other kin. In fact, cross
in northeastern America. In the 17th and 18th centuries,
cousins are often preferred as spouses, for marriage to them
they often incorporated specially selected war captives and
reaffirms alliances between related lineages or clans.
other valued strangers, including European colonists, into
Iroquois terminology, named for the Iroquois Indians
their kin-groups in order to make up for population losses
of North America’s woodlands, is in fact very widespread
due to warfare and disease. As soon as these newcomers
and is usually found with unilineal descent groups. It was,
for example, the terminology in use until recently in rural
Chinese society.
Hawaiian system Kinship reckoning in which all relatives of the same
sex and generation are referred to by the same term: also known as the
generational system.
Making Relatives Iroquois system Kinship reckoning in which a father and father’s
brother are referred to by a single term, as are a mother and a mother’s
sister, but a father’s sister and a mother’s brother are given separate
Many societies may stress the biological in kinship, as the
terms. Parallel cousins are classified with brothers and sisters, whereas
English term blood relative demonstrates, but what ulti- cross cousins are classified separately but not equated with relatives of
mately matters is the culturally defined social status of a some other generation.
© Peter Turnley for Harper’s/Corbis

Figure 20.13 Godparents at Baby’s Baptism
In addition to being born into a family, people may gain relatives through adoption. Godparenting
is a form of ritual adoption in which a person accepts certain lasting obligations toward
someone else’s child. Typically, it includes sponsoring the child’s baptism ceremony, indicating
a spiritual relationship. A variation of this institution is compadrazgo, or “coparenthood,”
especially common in Latin America. Here a Catholic priest in a small church in Bolivia is
baptizing a baby in the company of the child’s parents and godparents.
were ceremonially naturalized, they acquired essentially One of the many variations of this institution is com-
the same birthright status as those actually born into one padrazgo, or “coparenthood.” Especially common in Latin
of the families and were henceforth identified by the same America, compadrazgo involves a child’s father and/or
kin term as the member being replaced. mother and godfather and/or godmother becoming linked
Even today, in some traditional societies a type of to one another through the ritual of a Roman Catholic bap-
ritual adoption might occur. For instance, especially in tism; they thereby agree to certain mutual rights and obli-
kin-ordered communities, the head of a clan or family gations. In compadrazgo, the main emphasis is placed not
may adopt an outsider, especially when such an individ- on the child–godparent relationship but on the fictive kin-
ual is valued as a contributing member because of unique ship between the child’s parents and the sponsor who be-
skills or contacts with the outside world. comes a ritual coparent, or compadre. Historically common
Becoming a godparent is a form of ritual adoption tradi- in South Europe and Latin America, such quasi-kinship is
tionally practiced in many parts of Europe—and spreading
to other parts of the world through European colonization a pact for mutual support between the two compadres,
or settlement. Generally, this involves the parent(s) of co-parents, involved. Such a pact can be entered into
a newborn child inviting another adult, whether or not between two compadres who are each other’s equals in
already a relative, to sponsor their child when he or she is social and economic standing. Very often, however, it
baptized and formally named. This creates a spiritual rela- is formed between people, of whom one is wealthier,
tionship in which the godfather and godmother assume of higher social standing and more powerful politically
co-responsibility for the child’s well-being (Figure 20.13). than the other. (Wolf & Hansen, 1972, pp. 131–132)
Kinship and New Reproductive implanted in another woman’s womb, to be raised by yet
another woman, who is the child’s mother? To compli-
Technology cate matters even further, the egg may have been fertil-
Advances in reproductive technology also pose new op- ized by sperm from a donor not married to, or in a sexual
portunities for kin-making. As defined in the previous relationship with, any of these women. Indeed, it has
chapter, new reproductive technology (NRT) is an alternative been suggested that about a dozen different modern kin-
means of reproduction, such as in vitro fertilization. Since type categories are embraced in the concepts of mother
1978, when the world’s first test-tube baby was created, and father in today’s changing societies (Stone, 2005).
thousands of babies have been created outside the womb, Clearly, new reproductive technology challenges pre-
without sexual intercourse—and all kinds of new tech- viously held notions of parenthood and kinship. These
nologies have become part of the reproductive repertoire. techniques force us to rethink what being biologically
These technologies have opened up a mind-boggling related to others really means. Moreover, they drive home
array of reproductive possibilities and social relations. the point that the human capacity for securing relatives
For example, if a child is conceived from a donor egg, is not only impressive and ingenious but also fascinating.
What is kinship, and what role does it play genealogical terms) and the clan (an extended kin
group, often consisting of several lineages, whose
in social organization? members claim common descent from a remote
✓ Kinship is a network of relatives into which individuals ancestor, usually legendary or mythological).
are born and married, and with whom they cooperate
✓ Double descent (matrilineal for some purposes,
based on customarily prescribed rights and obligations.
patrilineal for others) is rare. Ambilineal descent
✓ In nonindustrial societies, kin-groups commonly deal provides a measure of flexibility in that an individual
with challenges that families and households cannot has the option of affiliating with either the mother’s or
handle alone—defense, resource allocation, cooperative father’s descent group. Bilateral descent derives from
labor. In larger and more complex societies, formal both the mother’s and father’s families equally.
political systems take over many of these matters.
What role does descent play within the
What is a descent group, and what are its larger cultural system?
various forms? ✓ Because lineages are commonly exogamous, sexual
✓ A descent group is any kin-group whose members share competition within the group is largely avoided, and
a direct line of descent from a real (historical) or marriage reinforces alliances between lineages. Lineage
fictional common ancestor. exogamy also serves to maintain open communication
within a society and fosters the exchange of
✓ Unilineal descent establishes kin-group membership
information between lineages.
exclusively through the male line (patrilineal) or
female line (matrilineal). In all societies the kin of both ✓ Unlike lineages, clan residence is usually dispersed. In
mother and father are important elements in the social the absence of residential unity, totems (symbols from
structure, regardless of how descent group membership nature that remind members of their common
is defined. However, unlike the patrilineal pattern, ancestry) often reinforce clan identification.
matrilineal descent does not automatically confer
✓ A phratry is a unilineal descent group of two or more
gender authority.
clans that supposedly share a common ancestry. When
✓ There is a close relationship between a culture’s a society is divided into two halves, each half
infrastructure and its descent system. Generally, consisting of one or more clans, these two major
patrilineal descent predominates when male labor is descent groups are called moieties.
considered of prime importance, as it is among
✓ In a bilateral descent system, individuals are affiliated
pastoralists and agriculturalists. Matrilineal descent
equally with the mother’s and father’s families. Such a
predominates mainly among horticulturalists where
large group is socially impractical and is usually
female subsistence work is vital.
reduced to a small circle of paternal and maternal
✓ The two major forms of a unilineal descent group relatives called the kindred. A kindred is never the
(patrilineal or matrilineal) are the lineage (a kin group same for any two people except siblings. Bilateral
descended from a common ancestor whose kinship and kindred organization predominate in
relationship to members can be exactly stated in societies where nuclear families are common.
What does kinship terminology reveal ✓ The Hawaiian system is the simplest system of kinship
terminology, with all relatives of the same generation
about human relations?
and gender referred to by the same term.
✓ Kinship terminology varies across cultures and reveals
✓ In the Iroquois system, a single term is used for a
the organizational structure of kinship groups, the
father and his brother and another for a mother and
importance of certain relationships, and prevailing
her sister. Parallel cousins are equated with brothers
attitudes about specific kin. Some languages use the
and sisters but distinguished from cross cousins.
same term to identify a brother and a cousin,
suggesting that these kin are of equal importance to an ✓ Adoption and the practice of godparenting establish
individual. Kin merged under the same term have the additional kin categories.
same basic rights and obligations with respect to the
person referring to them as such. ✓ New reproductive technologies separating conception
from sexual intercourse and eggs from wombs
✓ The Eskimo system emphasizes the nuclear family and challenge traditional notions of kinship and gender
merges all other relatives in a given generation into a and create new social categories.
few large, generally undifferentiated categories.
1. Thousands of Scots and people of Scottish descent be considered unsociable and even dangerously
from across the globe travel annually to traditional selfish?
events to gather together with their clans. Do you care 3. In some North American Indian languages, the
about your own distant relatives or ancestors, and English word for loneliness is translated as “I have
what will you pass on from your cultural heritage to no relatives.” What does that tell you about the
the next generation? importance of kinship in traditional cultures?
2. People in modern industrial and postindustrial 4. Today, many people use social media to stay in touch
societies generally treasure ideas of personal with relatives, friends, schoolmates, and colleagues. In
freedom, individuality, and privacy as essential to your social media network, where are these individuals
their happiness. Considering the social functions geographically located? How often do you see them in
of kinship relations in traditional non-state real space, and is your interaction with them different
societies, why do you think that such ideas may in person than online?
What’s in a Name?
A culture’s kinship terminology system offers not all live in the same neighborhood, region,
a quick but crucially important insight into the or even country. Interview that person (“EGO”)
group’s social structure. This is especially true for with the purpose of mapping that individual’s
traditional communities of foragers, herders, and kin-group. Identify how EGO is related to each
farmers, but remains important in industrial and member and note why these other people are
postindustrial societies in the age of globalization. significant in EGO’s life. Next, ask the informant
By means of computers and mobile devices linked for the kin terms he or she uses to distinguish
to the Internet, migrant workers, refugees, foreign these relatives from one another. Finally, match
students, members of diasporic communities, and each of these kin terms with the kin types (such
others with relatives dispersed across the world as mother’s father’s sister’s son or brother’s wife’s
stay involved in family affairs. Identify someone in daughter and so on). Finally, analyze the system
your own family, neighborhood, or circle of friends and apply the relevant anthropological concepts as
whose consanguineal and/or affinal relatives do reviewed in this chapter.
Johannes Eisele/AFP/Getty Images
CHALLENGE ISSUE
Beyond ties of kinship and household, people extend their social networks to cope with multi-
ple challenges of human survival. They form groups based on shared identities, interests, or
objectives, with memberships that may be compulsory or voluntary. Together, individuals inter
inter-
act, collaborate, and overcome obstacles. Collective action strengthens ties that bind and
reduces tensions that divide. Playing games, including sports, has a similar effect. Athletes
show off superior mental or physical skills within and between teams while revealing or act-
ing out some of their culture’s core values. Many sports have their origins in warfare, with
rivals demonstrating skills and endurance. Here we see Afghan horsemen playing buzkashi
(“goat-grabbing”). In this traditional game, sometimes up to 200 riders fiercely compete for
possession of a headless body of a goat. Players from rival teams pick up and carry the car
car-
cass around a marker at one end of the field and then throw it into the scoring circle at the
opposite end. Competing for glory and prize money on special holidays, all the players—and
spectators—in this national sport are male, reflecting gender segregation in Afghan cultures.
Grouping by Gender,
Age, Common
Interest, and
21
Social Status In this chapter you
will learn to
● Explain how social
groups are formed
based on age
Anthropologists have given considerable attention to kinship and marriage,
and gender, with
which operate as organizing principles in all societies and are usually the prime anthropological
basis of social order in stateless societies. Yet, because ties of kinship and house- examples of each.
hold are not always sufficient to handle all the challenges of human survival, ● Identify different types
people also form groups based on gender, age, common interest, and social status. of common-interest
groups, noting their
function in expanding
an individual’s social
Grouping by Gender network beyond
relatives, friends, and
As shown in preceding chapters, division of labor along gender lines occurs neighbors.
in all human societies. In some cultures, many tasks that men and women ● Distinguish between
undertake may be shared, or people may perform work normally assigned to egalitarian and
another gender without much ado. In others, however, men and women are stratified societies, with
examples of each.
rigidly gender segregated in what they do. Such is the case in many maritime
cultures, where seafarers aboard fishing, whaling, and freight ships are usually
● Describe the possibilities
and limitations of
men. For instance, we find temporary all-male communities aboard ships of
upward and downward
coastal Basque fishermen in Spain, Yupik Eskimo whalers in Alaska, and Swahili social mobility.
merchants sailing along the East African coast. These seafarers commonly leave ● Evaluate the structural
their wives, mothers, and daughters behind in their homeports, sometimes for similarities and
months at a time. differences between
class, caste, and race
Clearly demarcated grouping by gender also occurs in many traditional
in a stratified society.
food-gardening societies. For instance, among the Mundurucu Indians of Brazil’s
● Recognize the
Amazon rainforest, men and women work, eat, and sleep separately. From age 13
challenges and
onward, males live together in one large house, whereas women, girls, and pre- opportunities of social
teen boys occupy several houses grouped around the men’s house: Men associate mobility in different
with men, and women with women. types of societies.
513
514 CHAPTER 21 Grouping by Gender, Age, Common Interest, and Social Status
Figure 21.1 Sacred

Trumpets of the Amazon
Gender-based groups
are common among the
Mundurucu and numerous
other Amazonian Indian
nations such as the
Yawalapiti pictured here,
who live on the Tuatuari
River in Brazil’s upper Xingu
region. Gender issues are
symbolically worked out
in their mythologies and
ceremonial dances. One
common theme concerns
ownership of the sacred
trumpets, which represent
spiritual power. The
tribesmen zealously guard
REUTERS/Paulo Whitaker/Landov
these trumpets, and only
men are allowed to play
them. Traditionally, women
were even forbidden to see
them.
Organized in patrilineal clans, the Mundurucu believe cultures, but each one provides distinctive social roles and
their guardian spirits dwell in sacred trumpets (karökö) comes with certain cultural features such as specific pat-
made of hollow wooden cylinders. The spirits are thought terns of activity, attitudes, obligations, and prohibitions.
to protect the community from harm and help secure In contrast to many industrial and postindustrial societ-
plenty of game animals. Exclusively controlled by men, ies where senior citizens are often isolated and looked down
the trumpets are phallic in form and are a central feature upon, old age in many traditional societies is a person’s
of exclusive men’s cults. As the repositories of male power, period of greatest respect (for women it may mean the first
these trumpets are carefully guarded and hidden in a sa- social equality with men). Rarely are the elderly shunted
cred hut next to the large men’s house. aside or abandoned. Even the Inuit of the Canadian Arctic,
According to Mundurucu myth, gender roles were who are often cited as a migratory people who traditionally
once reversed. Women ruled over men and controlled the abandoned their old and infirm relatives, did so only in
trumpets, which symbolized female reproductive capaci- truly desperate circumstances, when the traveling group’s
ties and power. But because women could not hunt, they physical survival was at stake. In all oral tradition societies,
could not supply the meat demanded by the spirits inhab- elders are the repositories of accumulated wisdom for their
iting the trumpets. Ever since taking the trumpets from people. Recognized as such and no longer expected to carry
the women and keeping them secret, men have ritually es- out many subsistence activities, they play a major role in
tablished their dominance (Murphy, 1959) (Figure 21.1). passing on cultural knowledge to their grandchildren.
In many cultures, the social position of an individual
in a specific life stage is also marked by a distinctive out-
Grouping by Age ward appearance in terms of dress, hairstyle, body paint,
tattoos, insignia, or some other symbolic distinction.
Like gender, grouping by age is based on human biology Typically, these stages are designed to help the transition
and as such is a cultural universal. All human societies from one age to another, to teach needed skills, or to lend
recognize a number of life stages. Even in its most min- economic assistance. Often they are taken as the basis for
imal form—marking distinctions among immature, ma- the formation of organized groups.
ture, and older people—age classification is significant.
The demarcation and duration of these stages vary across
Institutions of Age Grouping
An organized category of people with membership on
age grade An organized category of people based on age; every individual the basis of age is known as an age grade. Entry into
passes through a series of such categories over his or her lifetime. and transfer out of age grades may be accomplished
Grouping by Age 515
individually, either by a biological distinction, such as pu-

berty, or by a socially recognized status, such as marriage
or childbirth.
Members of an age grade may have much in common—
engaging in similar activities and sharing the same orien-
tation and aspirations. In many cultures, a specific time
is established for ritually moving from a younger to an
older grade. Among many examples of this is the tradi-
tional Jewish ceremony of the bar mitzvah (a Hebrew term
meaning “son of the commandment”), marking that a
13-year-old boy has reached the age of religious duty and
responsibility. Bat mitzvah (“daughter of the command-
ment”) is the term for the equivalent ritual for a girl.
Although members of senior groups commonly expect
Nigel Pavitt/John Warburton-Lee Photography/Alamy

respect from and acknowledge certain responsibilities to
their juniors, this does not necessarily mean that one grade
is seen as better, or worse, or even more important than an-
other. There can be standardized competition (opposition)
between age grades, such as that traditionally between
first-year and second-year students on college campuses.
In addition to age grades, some societies feature age
sets (sometimes referred to as age classes). An age set is a
formally established group of people born during a certain
timespan who move together through the series of age-
grade categories. Members of an age set usually remain Figure 21.2 Maasai Warrior Age-Grade Ceremony
closely associated throughout their lives. This is akin to Like the Tiriki and some other pastoralists in East Africa, the
but distinct from the broad and informal North American Maasai form age sets—established groups of people born
practice of identifying generation clusters composed of all during a similar timespan who move together through the series
of age-grade categories. The opening parade, shown here, of the
individuals born within a particular time frame—such as
elaborate eunoto ceremony begins the coming of age of morans
baby boomers (1946–1960), gen-Xers (1961–1981), and
(“warriors”) for Maasai subclans of western Kenya. At the end
the millennial or Internet generation (1982–2000) (year
of the ceremony, these men will be in the next age grade—
spans approximate).
junior adults—ready to marry and start families. Members of
The notion of an age set implies strong feelings of
the same age set, they were initiated together into the Warrior
loyalty and mutual support. Because such groups may
age grade as teenagers. They spent their Warrior years raiding
possess property, songs, shield designs, and rituals and are cattle (an old tradition that is now illegal but nonetheless still
internally organized for collective decision making and practiced) and protecting their community homes and animal
leadership, age sets are distinct from simple age grades. enclosures (from wild animals and other cattle raiders). The
eunoto ceremony includes a ritual in which mothers shave the
heads of the Warriors, marking the end of many freedoms and
Age Grouping in East Africa the passage to manhood.
Although age is a criterion for group membership in many
parts of the world, its most varied and elaborate use is with the closing of the oldest age set and the opening of
found in several pastoral groups in East Africa, such as the a new one.
Maasai, Samburu, and Tiriki in Kenya (Sangree, 1965). All Each age group has its own particular duties and re-
of these groups have similar rituals that mark the transi- sponsibilities. Traditionally, the first age grade, the War-
tion from one age group to the next (Figure 21.2). riors, served as guardians of the country, and members
In Tiriki society, each boy born within a 15-year pe- gained renown through fighting. Under British colonial
riod joins a particular age set. Seven named age sets exist, rule, however, this traditional function largely fell by the
but only one is open for membership at a time. When it wayside with the decline of intergroup raiding and war-
closes, the next one opens. And so it continues until the fare. Today, individual members of this age grade may find
passage of 105 years (7 times 15), when the first set’s mem- excitement and adventure by leaving their community for
bership is gone due to death, and it opens once again to extended employment or study.
take in new recruits.
Members of Tiriki age sets remain together for life as
age set A formally established group of people born during a certain
they move through four successive age grades. Advance- timespan who move together through the series of age-grade categories;
ment in age grades occurs at 15-year intervals, coinciding sometimes called age class.
Figure 21.3 Common-

Interest Associations
Among countless common-
interest associations
around the world is
the Shriners, a secret
fraternal order of middle-
class males committed
to “fun, fellowship, and
service.” Founded in the
United States in 1870, the
group was named after
the Ancient Arabic Order
of Nobles of the Mystic
Shrine. Today, it is an
international organization
with 200 chapters across
North and South America,
Europe, and Southeast
Asia.
© Todd Gipstein/Corbis
The next age grade, the Elder Warriors, had few spe- many of these traditional functions have been lost, and
cialized tasks in earlier days beyond learning skills they no new ones have arisen to take their places. Nonethe-
would need later on by assuming an increasing share of less, Ritual Elders continue to hold the most important
administrative activities. For example, they would chair positions in the initiation ceremonies, and their power as
the postfuneral gatherings held to settle property claims sorcerers and expungers of witchcraft is still recognized.
after someone’s death. Traditionally, Elder Warriors also
served as envoys between elders of different communities.
Nowadays, they hold nearly all of the administrative and
executive roles opened up by the creation and growth of
Grouping by Common
a centralized Tiriki administrative bureaucracy.
Judicial Elders, the third age grade, traditionally han-
Interest
dled most tasks connected with the administration and The rise of urban, industrialized societies in which in-
settlement of local disputes. Today, they still serve as the dividuals are often separated from their kin has led to
local judiciary body. a proliferation of common-interest associations—
Members of the Ritual Elders, the senior age grade, associations that result from an act of joining and are
used to preside over the priestly functions of ancestral based on sharing particular activities, objectives, values,
shrine observances on the household level, at subclan or beliefs (Figure 21.3). Some groups are rooted in com-
meetings, at semiannual community appeals, and at rites mon ethnic, religious, or regional background. Such
of initiation into the various age grades. They also were associations help people meet a range of needs from
credited with access to special magical powers. With the companionship to safe work conditions to learning a
decline of ancestor worship over the past several decades, new language and customs upon moving from one coun-
try to another.
Common-interest associations are also found in many
common-interest association An association that results from the
traditional societies, and there is some evidence that they
act of joining, based on sharing particular activities, objectives, values,
or beliefs, sometimes rooted in common ethnic, religious, or regional arose with the emergence of the first horticultural villages.
background. Notably, associations in traditional societies may be just as
Dave Sanders/The New York Times/Redux

Todd Heisler/The New York Times/Redux
Figure 21.4 Induction of an Ashanti Chief in New York City

Today, about a quarter-million African-born immigrants live in New York City, and more come from
Ghana than from any other country on that continent. Many are part of Ghana’s Ashanti ethnic
group and are members of the Asanteman Association of the USA and its New York branch. They
swear allegiance to their traditional king in Ghana (the Asantehene) and elect a local chief, who
carries the title of Asantefuohene. New York’s newest Ashanti chief, formally addressed as Nana
Okokyeredom Owoahene Acheampong Tieku, works in the Bronx as an accountant and goes by the
name Michael. The king sent a high-ranking chief from Ghana for his 2012 swearing-in ceremony.
complex and highly organized as those found in industri- media, Ghanaians manage to maintain regular contact
alized countries. with relatives, friends, and others back home. Many
of them are Ashanti, a large ethnic group historically
Kinds of Common-Interest powerful as an independent nation politically organized
since the 1670s as a kingdom with a confederation of
Associations thirty-seven paramount chiefdoms. Known as Asanteman,
The variety of common-interest associations is aston- this kingdom is governed to this day by a ruler who car-
ishing. In the United States, they include sport, hobby, ries the royal title of Asantehene and resides in the royal
and civic service clubs; religious and spiritual organi- palace of his ancestors. His sacred power is symbolized by
zations; political parties; labor unions; environmental the “golden stool,” believed to have floated down from
organizations; urban gangs; private militias; immigrant heaven into the lap of his forefather and containing the
groups; academic organizations; women’s and men’s spirit-soul (sunsum) of the Ashanti nation. The current
clubs of all sorts—the list goes on and on. Their goals king is a British-educated business professional with inter-
may include the pursuit of friendship, recreation, and national executive experience.
the promotion of certain values, as well as governing, For purposes of mutual support and to maintain their
seeking peace on a local or global scale, and defending cultural identity in the diaspora, Ashanti migrants in
economic interests. New York City formed the Asanteman Association of the
Some associations aim to preserve traditional songs, USA in 1982, which now has numerous branches across
history, language, moral beliefs, and other customs among country. Members swear allegiance to their king in Ghana
members of various ethnic minorities. So it is among and elect local chiefs in the cities where they now live
many immigrant groups from Africa who live in major (Figure 21.4).
cities around the world, including in the United States. Jews, another ethnic minority group, sometimes estab-
Today, about 250,000 African-born immigrants live in the lish a sense of traditional community by means of symbolic
New York metropolitan area. geographic boundary markers. This chapter’s Original
The city’s largest African group hails from Ghana, a Study provides a detailed example of how Orthodox Jews
former British colony in West Africa. Using electronic maintain their cultural identity, even within a modern city.
ORIGI
NAL The Jewish Eruv: Symbolic Place in Public Space
S T U DY BY SUSAN LEES
Cultural anthropologists are interested in how a As an anthropologist, I was intrigued by explanations

geographic space becomes a culturally meaningful place— place given for certain practices because they heightened aware-
an area that we may think of as “our territory” or that we ness of the uniqueness of Jewish identity in a world where
designate for one particular purpose or another, such as temptations to assimilate with the larger, dominant culture
pasturing animals, playing sports, gardening, or worshiping. were strong. The eruv captured my interest because it seemed
There are certain boundaries to such places. We may mark to create, not just prohibit something. It transformed a
them off with lines or symbols not readily comprehensible group of diverse urban households into one common house-
to outsiders. hold, not just a community but a real “private” home. The
At times, different cultural groups may occupy the same symbolic “walls” around this collective domain were erected
geographic space, but each will see and divide it differently not to keep others out but to enclose its members and thus
in terms that are meaningful only within their group. We erase the actual walls of each individual household.
see this on maps where international borders cut through The ritual that creates an eruv requires that one member
traditional tribal or ethnic group territories. And we see it take a loaf of bread and make other members co-owners
in various urban communities that may divide up their of that loaf; the symbolism of a household is shared
city spaces in ways perceptible only to themselves. ownership (not consumption) of this most symbolically
An example can be found among Orthodox Jews who meaningful food. The boundaries of the eruv “house-
ritually define the boundaries of their communities for hold” they co-inhabit must be contiguous, broken only
the purpose of Sabbath observance: Once a week, on the by symbolic doorways through which they can pass as if
seventh day religiously reserved for worship and obliga- through doorways of their individual homes. As long as
tory rest, the area enclosed by the boundaries becomes, the contiguity is maintained, they can extend the eruv to
by definition, a single shared symbolic domain. This sym- incorporate hundreds or even thousands of other houses.
bolically enclosed space is called an eruv, which means The majority of North American Jews who are members of
“combination” of the private spaces of the household religious congregations belong to Reform synagogues (the
and the public areas of the sidewalks, streets, and perhaps other major groups are Conservative and Orthodox), and
parks. On the Sabbath, these spaces are ritually converted American Reform Judaism officially abandoned the eruv as
into one big communal household. a Sabbath practice in 1846. When I first became interested
The purpose of the eruv for Orthodox communities is in the subject, there were rather few eruvin anywhere.
to accommodate one of the many Sabbath prohibitions But in the early 1970s, on the heels of the 1960s civil
on religiously defined “work”: the work of “carrying” ob- rights movement in the United States, a shift in Jewish
jects from a private domain to a public one, or vice versa, identity issues occurred, and some younger generation
or carrying objects for any distance in a public domain.
On the Sabbath, if there is an eruv, observant Jews may
carry within the entire eruv enclosure as if they were in W A S H I N G T O N , D. C.
their own homes. For instance, they are permitted to push
Washington
a baby stroller or a wheelchair within the ritually enclosed National
Cathedral National
neighborhood. This makes it possible for whole families— Zoological Eruv
including small children and disabled individuals—to Park boundary
attend religious services in the synagogue or to socialize
with one another and still be faithful to traditional law. National
Mall
Historically, eruv boundaries were the walls of houses White
House Supreme Library
and courtyards and city walls within which communities Court of
Kennedy Center Congress
were enclosed. But today, where there are no walls, com- Lincoln Memorial RFK
munities sometimes erect thin strings or wires, or just use Stadium
U.S. Capitol
Po
Jefferson
Jefferson
to
wires already there on utility poles (such as phone or elec-

© Cengage Learning
m
VIRGINIA Memorial
ac
tricity wires) to demarcate the boundaries. These are known Pentagon

R iv
to members of the community but usually are invisible to

er
outsiders because they are part of the urban landscape.

I was first drawn to the subject of the eruv three decades
This map illustrates the eruv boundaries in Washington, DC—one
ago, when I leafed through my mother’s copy of the Code of
of many symbolically enclosed spaces created by Orthodox Jews in
Jewish Law still found in many American Jewish households. cities around the world.
Much of this text concerns rules about observing the Sabbath.
Jews began to turn to traditional practices that distin- distin first developing the laws of the eruv more than 2,000 years
guished them from mainstream society and more assim- assim ago, this problem of how Jews could maintain a communal
ilated Jews. It was in this context that a proliferation of identity while living as a diasporic group (dispersed from their
new eruvin occurred in both urban and suburban contexts. ancestral homeland) was among their primary concerns.
Most eruvin have been established without conflict, but The eruv is one symbolic device to reinforce commu-
a few have been highly controversial. In my research, I was nity as neighborhood—to establish a meaningful place
interested to find that Jews are among the principal parties for a distinct group in a diverse society. Neighborhood
on both sides of eruv conflicts. Opponents of the eruv appear identities like these can be the basis for disputes about
to fear the creation, or re-creation, of ghettos of inassimilable exclusivity, but they can also ease the maintenance of
Jews who neither conform to nor respect the ideals of the cultural traditions and humanize life in the city.
dominant or mainstream culture—who appear “foreign” in
appearance and practices. When Jewish religious leaders were Written expressly for this text, 2008.
Men’s and Women’s Associations especially Western markets. Others take advantage of the
ever-growing number of tourists looking for adventure in
In some societies women have not established for- travel to remote areas (Figure 21.5).
mal common-interest associations to the extent that
men have, either because women are restricted by their
male-dominated culture or because women are absorbed
on the domestic front with a host of activities compatible
with childrearing. Moreover, some functions of men’s
associations—such as military combat duties—often are
culturally defined as fit only for adult males or are re-
pugnant to women. Still, as cross-cultural research makes
clear, women often play important roles in associations of
their own as well as in those in which men predominate.
Notably, an ever-expanding feminist movement has di-
rectly or indirectly inspired and promoted the formation
of professional organizations for women.
Women’s rights organizations, consciousness-raising
groups, and professional clubs are examples of some
of the associations arising directly or indirectly out
of feminist movements. These groups cover the entire
range of association formation, from simple friendship
and support groups to associations centered on poli-
tics, sports, the arts, spirituality, charity, and economic
endeavors—on a national and even international scale.
One example of a global female youth movement is
the World Association of Girl Guides and Girl Scouts.
Founded in England in 1928, this association supports
young-female scouting organizations with a total mem-
bership of over 10 million girls and young women in © jdandrews/earthXplorer.com
145 countries.
In some parts of the developing world—notably
Africa—women’s social clubs complement the men’s.
These clubs offer mutual support and spiritual counsel-
ing, as well as information on economic opportunities;
they are also concerned with educating women and with
charitable and wealth-generating activities. Increasingly, Figure 21.5 Women’s Weaving Cooperative in Peru
women’s clubs are devoted to politics. Established in a small Andean highland village about halfway
In rural areas all around the world, women’s craft as- between Písac and the ancient Inca royal capital Cuzco, this co-op
sociations and cooperatives are increasingly common and is committed to spinning, dying, and weaving wool from llamas and
economically productive. Many are enhanced through In- alpacas as women here have done for many generations—completely
ternet marketing opportunities, which make it possible for by hand using only natural materials and dyes. Most of the men in
the cooperatives to sell directly to buyers in far-off places, Ccaccaccollo, Peru, work as carriers for tourists hiking the Inca Trail.
Figure 21.6 Constant Communication

High-speed wireless networks in
affluent Japan, as in many other
parts of the world, make it possible
for people to continually tap into
information and exchange messages
and images by means of portable
computers or, increasingly, web-enabled
mobile telephones. For Japanese
commuters, who spend hours staring
at tiny screens on their mobiles while
riding the world’s most extensive
network of subways and commuter
trains, microblogging is especially
popular.
David Sacks/Getty Images

A striking example on the economic front is the text message and exchange images with “friends” as they
Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA), headquar- continually update their personal or other information
tered in Ahmedabad, India. With close to 1.5 million (Statistica, 2016).
members, it is the largest union of informal sector workers As noted in the chapter on language and communi-
in the country. Working with more than 250 cooperatives cation, at the start of 2016 there were nearly 3.8 billion
and thousands of individual artisans and small-scale farm- mobile phone users worldwide—more than half the hu-
ers from poor rural areas, SEWA has helped to establish man population. (Mobile cellular subscriptions were twice
support services vital to helping women achieve the goals that number due to various factors, such as individuals
of full employment and self-reliance—services in areas purchasing multiple sim cards and having both private
such as savings and credit, healthcare, child care, insur- and business phones) (GSMA Intelligence, 2016). Notably,
ance, legal aid, capacity building, and communication. about 90 percent of the world’s population is within mo-
SEWA’s Trade Facilitation Centre has grown into a global bile coverage (Figure 21.6) (Ericsson, 2016).
network aimed at making women’s voices and contribu- Social media tools are now also used by office man-
tions significant factors in world trade decisions. agers, city mayors, law enforcers, physicians, and school
principals for purposes of quick communication and
have become instrumental in the functioning of many
Associations in the Digital Age social groups. Importantly, in highly mobile societies and
Despite the diversity and vitality of common-interest globally interconnected cultures, social media makes it
associations, nowadays people across the globe spend less possible to build and expand social networks regardless of
time socializing with others in person. Instead, hundreds geographic distance and across international boundaries.
of millions spend their time with an ever-growing array
of electronic and/or digital devices, communicating with
others, entertaining themselves, and shopping.
Whether accessed by computer or mobile phone, Grouping by Social Status
social networking platforms—such as Facebook (with
over 1.5 billion active users worldwide), Gmail (900 in Stratified Societies
million), Instagram (400 million), Twitter (300 million),
Social stratification is a common and powerful structur-
and China’s WeChat (650 million)—enable individuals to
ing force in many of the world’s societies. Basically, a
stratified society is one in which people are hierar-
chically divided and ranked into social strata, or layers,
stratified society A society in which people are hierarchically divided
and ranked into social strata, or layers, and do not share equally in the and do not share equally in the basic resources that sup-
basic resources that support income, status, and power. port income, status, and power. Members of the bottom
Grouping by Social Status in Stratified Societies 521
Anthropologists and Social Impact Assessment

Anthropologists frequently do a type of of a diversion dam and an extensive canal Not surprisingly, Jacobs discovered
policy research called a social impact system for irrigation on the Rio Grande. widespread community opposition to this
assessment, which entails collecting data The project would affect twenty-two com- project, and her report helped convince
about a community or neighborhood for munities primarily inhabited by Hispanic Congress that any positive impact was
planners of development projects. Such Americans, as well as two Indian pueblos. far outweighed by negative effects. One
an assessment seeks to determine a pro- Unemployment was high in the region, and of the major objections to the construc-
ject’s effect by determining how and upon the project was seen as a way to promote tion project was that it would obliterate
whom its impact will fall and whether the urbanization, which theoretically would be the centuries-old irrigation system. Project
impact is likely to be positive or negative. associated with industrial development and planners had not recognized the antiquity
In the United States, any project requir
requir- would also bring new land into production and cultural significance of these tra-
ing a federal permit or license or using for intensive agriculture. ditional irrigation structures, referring to
federal funds by law must be preceded by What the planners failed to take into them as “temporary diversion structures.”
a social impact assessment as part of the account was that both the Hispanic and The fact that the old dams associated with
environmental review process. Examples of Indian populations were heavily committed the ditches were attached to local descent
such projects include highway construction, to farming for household consumption groups was simply not acknowledged in the
urban renewal, water diversion schemes, (with some surpluses raised for the mar
mar- government documents.
and land reclamation. Often, such projects ket), using a system of irrigation canals Beyond infringing on local control, the
are sited so that their impact falls most that had been established for 300 years. project threatened the community with a
heavily on neighborhoods or communities These canals are maintained by elected range of negative side effects: problems
inhabited by people in low socioeconomic supervisors familiar with the communi- linked to population growth and relocation,
strata—sometimes because the projects ties and knowledgeable about water laws, a loss of fishing and other river-related re-
are viewed as a way of improving the lives ditch management, and sustainable crop sources, and new health hazards, including
of poor people and sometimes because production. Such individuals can resolve increased threat of drowning, insect breed-
the poor people have less political power conflicts concerning water allocation and ing, and airborne dust.
to block these proposals. land use, among other issues. Under the
As an illustration of this kind of work, proposed project, this system was to be Based in part on Van Willigen, J. (1986).
U.S. anthropologist Sue Ellen Jacobs was given up in favor of one in which fewer Applied anthropology (p. 169). South
hired to do a social impact assessment people would control larger tracts of land Hadley, MA: Bergin & Garvey. See also Van
of a water diversion project in New Mexico and water allocation would be in the hands Willigen, J. (2002). Applied anthropology: An
introduction. Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey.
planned by the Bureau of Land Reclamation of a government technocrat. One of the
in cooperation with the Bureau of Indian strongest measures of local government
Affairs. This project proposed construction would be lost.
strata (“have-nots”) typically have fewer resources, lower rank and power and about the same access to basic resources.
prestige, and less power than those in top-ranked strata In these societies, social values of communal sharing are cul-
(the “have-lots”). In addition, they usually face greater turally emphasized and approved; wealth hoarding and elit-
or more oppressive restrictions and obligations and ist pretensions are despised, belittled, or ridiculed. As we saw
must work harder for far less material reward and social in earlier chapters, foraging societies are characteristically
recognition. egalitarian, although there are some exceptions.
In short, social stratification amounts to culturally
institutionalized inequality. In the United States, certain
ethnic (or racial) minorities—in particular Hispanic, Afri-
Social Class and Caste
can American, and American Indian groups—are among A social class may be defined as a category of indi-
those who have been historically marginalized, posing viduals in a stratified society who have equal or nearly
a challenge for individuals born into these low-ranked equal prestige according to the system of evaluation. The
strata to move up the social ladder. As profiled in this
chapter’s Anthropology Applied feature, their needs are
egalitarian society A society in which people have about the same rank and
often ignored in development efforts. share equally in the basic resources that support income, status, and power.
A stratified society stands in sharp contrast to an social class A category of individuals in a stratified society who enjoy equal
egalitarian society, in which everyone has about equal or nearly equal prestige according to the hierarchical system of evaluation.
qualification “nearly equal” is important because a certain

amount of inequality may occur even within a given class.
Class distinctions are not always clear-cut and obvious in Brahman
Brahman
societies that have a wide and continuous range of differ- (priests &
ential privileges. teachers)
A caste is a closed social class in a stratified society
in which membership is determined by birth and fixed Kshatriya
T
Twice-
for life. The opposite of the principle that all humans are (rulers & warriors)
born
born equal, the caste system is based on the principle that groups
Varnas
r
rnas
humans are born and remain unequal until death. Castes
are strongly endogamous, and offspring are automatically
Vaisya
members of their parents’ caste.
(farmers, merchants, & artisans)
The Traditional Hindu Caste System

The classic ethnographic example of a caste system is the Sudra
traditional Hindu caste system of India (also found in (laborers)
some other parts of Asia), which encompasses a complex
© Cengage Learning
hierarchy of closed social groups ranking from “ritual
Untouchables
purity” at the top to “filth” at the bottom. Each of some Outcastes
(“polluted” laborers)
2,000 different castes considers itself as
a distinct community higher or lower
than other castes, although their Figure 21.7 The Hindu Caste System
particular ranking varies across geo- Hindu castes are organized into four “grades of being” called
graphic regions and over varnas (“colors”) that determine what members are permitted
time. to do, touch, or eat; where they live; how they dress; and whom
The different castes they can marry. The highest-ranking order Brahman is associated
TIBET
are associated with spe- (CHINA) with the color white, below which are Kshatriya (red) and Vaisya
PAKISTAN BHUTAN
cific occupations and NEP (brown). Below these three are Sudra (black), who make a living as
AL
customs, such as food INDIA
laborers. Lower still are the “polluted” laborers, the Untouchables,
habits and styles of dress, INDIA
who are charged with cleaning the streets and with the collection
along with rituals involv- MYANMAR and disposal of garbage, animal carcasses, and sewage.
BANGLADESH
ing notions of purity and Mumbai
pollution. Ritual pollu- which traditional Hindus consider to be the highest au-
Indian
tion is the result of con-
© Cengage Learning
Ocean thority on their cultural institutions. It defines the Brah-

tact such as touching, mans as the purest and therefore highest varna.
SRI
accepting food from, or LANKA As priests and teachers, Brahmans represent the world
having sex with a mem- of religion and learning. Next comes the order of rulers
ber of a lower caste. To and warriors, known as the Kshatriyas. Graded below
remain pure, traditional Hindus are taught to follow the them are the Vaisyas (farmers, merchants, and artisans)
ritual path of duty, or dharma, of the specific caste into who are engaged in trade, cultivation, and skilled crafts.
which they are born, and to avoid everyone and every- At the bottom are the Sudras (laborers), an order required
thing considered taboo to their caste. For this reason, to serve the other three varnas. Members born into these
castes are always endogamous. Differences in caste rank- four varnas are believed to have been reincarnated from a
ings are traditionally justified by the religious doctrine morally correct earlier life in a lower-ranked order.
of the transmigration of the soul, or karma—a belief that Falling outside the varna system is a fifth category of
one’s status in this life is determined by one’s deeds in degraded individuals. These outcastes, known as Untouch-
previous lifetimes. ables or as Dalits (a Sanskrit name meaning “crushed” or
All of these castes, or jatis, are organized into four “suppressed”), are tasked with doing the dirty work in
ranked orders, or varnas (literally meaning “colors”), dis- society—collecting garbage, removing animal carcasses,
tinguished partly by occupation and ranked in order of cleaning streets, and disposing of dung, sewage, and other
descending religious status of purity (Figure 21.7). The refuse (Figure 21.8). Brahmans and members of other var-
religious foundation for this social hierarchy is found in nas avoid direct contact with Untouchables, believing that
a 2,000-year-old sacred text known as the Laws of Manu, touching or accepting food from them would result in rit-
ual pollution. Commonly associated with filth, outcastes
caste A closed social class in a stratified society in which membership constitute a large pool of cheap labor at the beck and call
is determined by birth and fixed for life. of those controlling economic and political affairs.
Sagar Kaul/Barcroft Media via Getty Images

Figure 21.8 Doing the Dirty Work
Cleaning sewers is a task that falls to Dalits (Untouchables) in India’s traditional hierarchical
caste system. They are also responsible for collecting and disposing of rubbish and animal
dung, as well as removing human excrement from public toilets. Here we see a young Dalit
man stepping out of the sewage drain he has been cleaning in New Delhi. Every day many
thousands of Dalits all across India manually unplug the dirtiest sewers and drains without
any safety equipment or protection. Injuries and serious health problems come with this work,
claiming many lives.
India’s national constitution of 1950 sought to abolish Other Stratified Systems

the caste system, but the traditional hierarchy remains Similar caste-like situations exist elsewhere in the world.
deeply entrenched in Hindu culture and is still widespread In several other South and Central American countries,
throughout southern Asia. In what has been called India’s for example, the wealthy upper class remains almost ex-
hidden apartheid, entire villages in many Indian states clusively of European descent and rarely intermarries with
remain completely segregated by caste. people of American Indian or African descent.
Dalits represent about 15 percent of India’s Most European stratified societies were historically or-
population—over 200 million people—and must endure ganized in closed social classes known as estates—ranked
social isolation, humiliation, and discrimination based as clergy, nobility, and citizens—each with distinctive
exclusively on their birth status. Even their shadows are political rights (privileges). Titles and forms of address
seen as polluting. They may not drink water from pub- hierarchically identified these estates, and they were pub-
lic wells or visit the same temples as the higher castes. licly distinguished by dress and codes of behavior. Not
Their children are still often made to sit at the back of unlike the lowest castes in the Hindu caste system, a large
classrooms, and in rural areas some are denied access to underclass of millions of serfs ranked at the bottom of the
education altogether. More than 60 percent of all Dalits European hierarchy. Prohibited from owning land or a
are illiterate. However, over the past half-century, Dalits, business, serfs could not vote and did not enjoy the rights
in concert with the lowest-ranking Sudra castes, have built of free citizens. Often dirt poor, they worked on large
a civil rights movement—described later in this chapter farms and houses owned by the elite. Unlike slaves, they
(Kanti, 2014; Thompson, 2014). could not be traded as personal property of their masters,
but they were restricted in their right to free movement status than a medical specialist); wealth (rich people
and required their master’s consent to marry. are generally in a higher social class than poor people);
Serfdom existed for many centuries in much of Eu- dress (“white collar” versus “blue collar”); form of rec-
rope. Russia was that continent’s last country to abolish reation (people in the upper class are expected to play
this system in 1861—just four years before slavery was golf rather than shoot pool down at the pool hall—but
abolished in the United States. It was several more decades they can shoot pool at home or in a club); residential
before the slave system officially ended in Brazil, China, location (people in the upper class do not ordinarily live
and other countries. in slums); kind of car; and so on. Class rankings do not
fully correlate with economic status or pay scales. The
local garbage collector or unionized car-factory laborer
Historical Racial typically make more money than an average college pro-
Segregation in South Africa fessor with a doctorate.
Symbolic indicators involve factors of lifestyle, but
and the United States differences in life chances may also signal differences in
Other than social class, caste, and estate, the hierarchy in class standing. Thus there is also a tendency for greater
a stratified society may be based on ethnic origin or skin physical stature and better overall health among people
color. For instance, dark-skinned individuals culturally of the upper class—the result of healthier diet and pro-
classified as colored or black may encounter social rules tection from serious illness in their growing-up years.
excluding them from certain jobs or neighborhoods and This correlates with a lower infant mortality and longer
making it difficult if not impossible to befriend or marry life expectancy for the upper class. See the Biocultural
someone with a lighter skin color. (As discussed earlier in Connection feature for a tragic description of such insti-
our text, the terms race, black, and white are purely social tutionalized racism.
constructions, with no basis in biology. For simplicity, we
use them here without quotation marks.)
One of the best-known historical examples of a plural-
istic country with social stratification based on the notion Maintaining Stratification
of race is South Africa. From 1948 to 1992, a minority of In any system of stratification, those who dominate
4.5 million people of European descent sought to protect proclaim their supposedly superior status by means of
its power and “racial purity” by means of a repressive a powerful ideology. Typically, they assert this ideology
regime of racial segregation and discrimination against through intimidation or propaganda (in the form of
25 million indigenous black Africans. Known as apartheid gossip, media, religious doctrine, and so forth) that
(an Afrikaans Dutch term meaning “segregation” or “sepa- presents their position as normal, natural, divinely
ration”), this white superiority ideology officially relegated guided, or at least well deserved. With the aid of cul-
indigenous dark-skinned Africans to a low-ranking stratum. turally institutionalized thought structures, religious
Similar to the Hindu caste system with its concepts of ritual and otherwise, those in power seek to justify their own
purity and pollution, South African whites feared pollution privileges and hope that members of the lower classes
of their purity through direct personal contact with blacks. will “know their place” and accept their subordinated
Until the mid-20th century, institutionalized racial seg- status.
regation prevailed in the United States, where the country’s India’s traditional caste system with its Hindu doc-
ruling upper class was historically comprised exclusively of trines assigns people to a particular position in the social
individuals of European (Caucasian or white) descent. For hierarchy. It carries the idea that if individuals faithfully
generations, it was against the law for whites to marry blacks perform the duties appropriate to their caste in this life-
or American Indians. Even after black slavery was abol- time (dharma), then they can expect to be reborn into a
ished in the United States in 1865, such interracial mixing higher caste in a future existence (karma). Thus, in the
prohibitions remained in force in many states from Maine minds of orthodox Hindus, one’s caste position is some-
to Florida. Despite significant steps toward equality since thing earned rather than the accident of birth that it ap-
enactment of civil rights laws in the 1960s, elements of pears to be to outside observers.
officially prohibited race-based segregation and race-based In contrast, the principle of human equality is fun-
discrimination persist (Boshara, 2003; Kennickell, 2003). damental to the American worldview articulated in the
U.S. Declaration of Independence, which declares “that
all men are created equal [and] endowed by their Creator
Indicators of Social Status with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life,
Social classes are manifested in various ways, including Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” The founding prin-
symbolic indicators. For example, in the United States ciple prevails—despite this stratified society’s history of
certain activities and possessions are indicative of class: racial and gender discrimination and its stark differences
occupation (a garbage collector has a different class in wealth, status, and power.
African Burial Ground Project BY MICHAEL BLAKEY
In 1991, construction work-

ers in lower Manhattan un-
earthed what turned out to
be part of a 6-acre burial
ground containing remains
of an estimated 15,000
enslaved African captives
brought to New York in the
17th and 18th centuries
to build the city and pro-
vide the labor for its thriv-
ing economy. The discovery
© A. J. Giordano/Corbis SABA
sparked controversy as the
African American public held
protests and prayer vigils to
stop the part of a federal
building project that nearly
destroyed the site. In 1993,
the site was designated a The excavation site of the African Burial Ground in Lower Manhattan in New York City now features a
National Historic Landmark, distinctive memorial that commemorates this important historical archaeological project. Now a national
which opened the door to monument, the site is managed by the National Park Service.
researching and protecting
the site.
As a biological anthropologist and Afri- characterized by poor nutrition, grueling Individuals in this deeply troubling
can American, I had a unique opportunity physical labor that enlarged and often tore burial ground came from warring African
to work together with the descendant muscles, and death rates that were unusu- states including Calibar, Asante, Benin,
African American community to develop a ally high for 15- to 25-year-olds. Many of Dahomey, Congo, Madagascar, and many
plan that included both extensive biocul- these young adults died soon after arriving others—states that wrestled with the
tural research and the humane retention on slaving ships. Few Africans lived past European demand for human slaves.
of the sacred nature of the site, ultimately 40 years of age, and less than 2 percent They resisted their enslavement through
through reburial and the creation of a fit- lived beyond 55. Church records show rebellion, and they resisted their dehu-
ting memorial. The research also involved strikingly different mortality trends for the manization by carefully burying their dead
archaeological and historical studies that Europeans of New York: About eight times and preserving what they could of their
used a broad African diasporic context for as many English as Africans lived past 55 cultures.
understanding the lifetime experiences of years of age, and mortality in adolescence
these people who were enslaved and bur bur- and the early 20s was relatively low. Biocultural Question
ied in New York. Skeletal research also showed that Although few question that slavery is an
Studying a sample population of 419 those Africans who died as children and inhuman system of labor exploitation, was
individuals from the burial ground, our were most likely to have been born in it economically rational for slave owners
team used an exhaustive range of skeletal New York exhibited stunted and disrupted to mistreat their “human chattel,” as indi-
biological methods, producing a database growth and exposure to high levels of lead cated by the poor health, low fertility, and
containing more than 200,000 observa- pollution—unlike those who had been high mortality of African slaves in colonial
tions of genetics, morphology, age, sex, born in Africa (and were distinguishable New York?
growth and development, muscle devel- because they had filed teeth). Fertility
opment, trauma, nutrition, and disease. was very low among enslaved women in Adapted from Blakey, M. (2003). African
The bones revealed an unmistakable link New York, and infant mortality was high. Burial Ground Project. Department of An-
between biology and culture: physical wear In these respects, this northern colonial thropology, College of William & Mary.
and tear of an entire community brought city was very similar to South Carolina and Revised and updated by the author. See
on by the social institution of slavery. the Caribbean to which its economy was also Blakey, M. (May, 2010). African Burial
We now know, based on this study, that tied—regions where conditions for African Ground Project: Paradigm for cooperation?
life for Africans in colonial New York was captives were among the harshest. Museum International 62 (1–2), 61–68.
Figure 21.9 The Gulabi

Gang
Sometimes referred to as
“pink vigilantes,” these
poor rural women are part
of a movement challenging
their country’s repressive
status quo. Most of them
are Dalits (Untouchables).
Dressed in pink saris
(gulabi
gulabi means “pink” in
Hindi), they demand justice
by shaming and intimidating
abusive men as well as
corrupt officials who deny
them equal access to water,
Jonas Gratzer/Getty Images

farming supplies, and other
resources.
Social Mobility moving up or down only a notch; if this continues in a

family over several generations, however, it may add up to
Most stratified societies offer at least some social mobility
mobility— a major change. Nonetheless, U.S. society makes much of
an upward or downward change in one’s social class posi- the relatively rare examples of great upward mobility con-
tion. The prospect of improving status and wealth helps to sistent with its cultural values (rags to riches) and tends to
ease the strains inherent in any system of inequality. overlook the numerous cases of little or no upward (not to
Social mobility is most common in societies made up mention downward) mobility.
of independent nuclear families where individuals are Caste societies exemplify closed-class societies because
closely tied to fewer people, especially when neolocal of their severe institutionalized limits on social mobil-
residence is the norm, and it is assumed that individuals ity. Yet, even the Hindu caste system, with its guiding
will leave their family of birth when they become adults. ideology that all social hierarchies within it are eternally
In such social settings—through hard work, occupational fixed, has a degree of flexibility and mobility. Individuals
success, opportune marriage, and dissociation from the may not move up or down the caste hierarchy, but whole
lower-class family in which they grew up—individuals can groups can do so depending on claims they assert for
more easily move up in status and rank. higher ranking and on how well they can convince or
In societies in which the extended family or lineage manipulate others into acknowledging their claims.
is the usual form, upward social mobility is more dif- During the past half-century, political activism has
ficult because each individual is strongly tied to many stirred among members of India’s vast underclass of Dal-
relatives (both close and more distant); those climbing its, now numbering about 250 million scattered all across
the social ladder are culturally obliged to leave none in this massive South Asian country of 1.2 billion people. A
the kin-group behind. In all likelihood, many relatives growing political force, Dalits are now organizing them-
of the highly successful Côte d’Ivoire soccer players de- selves on local, regional, and even national levels. Their
scribed in this chapter’s Globalscape have collectively movement for civil rights is facilitated by increased access
experienced upward mobility through their kinship ties to to digital communication technology.
these newly wealthy athletes. In recent years, Dalit women in many parts of India
Societies that permit a great deal of upward and have joined hands with the intention of claiming social
downward mobility are referred to as open-class societies— justice. Perhaps best known among them is a group in
although the openness is apt to be less in practice than India’s northern province of Uttar Pradesh who vigorously
members hope or believe. In the United States, regardless protest government discrimination and official corruption
of its ideology of human equality, most mobility involves and strive to create opportunities for women. Dressed in
vibrant pink saris and wielding traditional Indian fight-
ing sticks known as lathi, they are the Gulabi (“Pink”)
Gang (Figure 21.9). They demand justice—shaming and
social mobility An upward or downward change in one’s social class
position in a stratified society. intimidating abusive men and corrupt officials who deny
GLOBALSCAPE
Arctic
Ocean
Montreal, CANADA ASIA
GERMANY
Chelsea, ENGLAND Istanbul, TURKEY
NORTH EUROPE
AMERICA BELGIUM
Marseille, FRANCE
Shanghai, CHINA
Cairo, EGYPT
AFRICA Pacific
Pacific
cific Ocean
Ocean
Abidjan,
SOUTH CÔTE D’IVOIRE
AMERICA Indian
Ocean
Atlantic
Ocean AUSTRALIA
Suhaib Salem/Reuters/Landov
SOUTH AFRICA
© Cengage Learning
ANTARCTICA
Playing Football for Pay and Peace? With the average Ivoirian earning less than $1,000 per year, it
The world’s most popular sport is football (called soccer in the United is not surprising that athletic talents like Drogba venture across the
States), with countless amateur and professional clubs and associ- globe for fortune and fame. In fact, all members of the Côte d’Ivoire
ations on every continent. The game originated in the British Isles, national football team normally play abroad, most for wealthy Euro-
where youth at schools and adults with money and leisure time com- pean clubs. Meanwhile, their home country has been wracked by a
peted for championships—a luxury out of reach for the working class. brutal civil war pitting southern ethnic groups against northern ones.
This changed about 150 years ago, when tournaments turned Ninety percent of Côte d’Ivoire’s foreign exchange earnings
into commercial spectacles with clubs earning revenues from come from cocoa beans. As a world-renowned sports star, Drogba
ticket and advertising sales. Initially opposed by upper-class tradi- began appearing in ads promoting the international sale of Iv Iv-
tionalists defending the sport as a healthy and character-building oirian chocolate. He also began to promote peace: During the
activity for amateurs (amator, Latin for “lover”), the emergence of 2006 World Cup games in Germany, enthusiastically watched on
professional clubs made it possible for athletes from the British television by millions of fellow Ivoirians back home, team captain
working class to play for pay. Drogba and his teammates (representing both southern and
Today, most professionals playing for the world’s top football northern Côte d’Ivoire) pleaded that the unity of the Elephants in
clubs are young millionaires such as Didier Drogba (pictured here), the stadium should inspire fellow Ivoirians to settle their conflict
a striker best known for his years with England’s champion club, and reunite as a country. In 2007, a peace agreement was signed
Chelsea, and as captain of his own country’s national team—the after Drogba helped move the Elephants’ African Cup of Nations
Côte d’Ivoire “Elephants.” Born in Abidjan, the major city in this for
for- qualifier match to the rebel stronghold of Bouaké, where warring
mer French West African colony, Drogba is a southerner belonging leaders found themselves celebrating their national team together.
to the Bete, one of the country’s sixty-five ethnic groups. Recruited Fighting broke out again in early February 2011 over contested
at an early age for a Belgian club, he was drafted by a French club in political elections. Soon thereafter, Drogba joined the Truth, Reconcili-
Marseille for $8 million. Chosen French Player of the Year in 2004, ation, and Dialogue Commission as a representative—his eye still on
after just one season, he signed with England’s champion team, the goal of bringing lasting peace to his home nation. In 2014, having
Chelsea, for a record $42-million multi-year contract (not counting captained the Côte d’Ivoire team for nine years and inspired his team-
endorsements). In 2012, he left Chelsea and gave a year apiece to mates in that year’s World Cup, Drogba retired from the Elephants.
clubs in China and Turkey, only to return to Chelsea for another two He had scored 65 goals across 104 matches—more than double
years. In 2014, England’s football fans voted him the club’s best the scoring output of any other player in the national team’s history.
ever player. He holds Chelsea’s record for goals made by a foreign
player and is that team’s fourth highest goal scorer of all time. In Global Twister
2015, he made the move to Montreal Impact. His earnings over the How realistic is Drogba’s idea that a national multi-ethnic soccer
years make him one of the world’s highest paid footballers. team can help unite his country’s rival factions in a lasting way?
527
them equal access to water, farming supplies, and other re- persist and even grow in many parts of the world, but
sources. As one of these “pink vigilantes” puts it, “On my there are notable social changes in the opposite direction.
own I have no rights, but together, as the Gulabi Gang, we In the course of the 19th century, slavery was abolished
have power” (Dunbar, 2008). and declared illegal nearly everywhere in the world. And
The Dalit women’s movement in India illustrates that in the last century, civil rights, women’s rights, and other
even long-established and culturally entrenched hierar- human rights movements resulted in social and legal
chical orders are not immune to challenge, reform, or rev- reforms, as well as changes in ideas and values regarding
olution. Great disparities in wealth, power, and privilege hierarchical social orders in many countries.
Beyond kinship, what kinds of groups do resources that support income, status, and power.
Societies may be stratified by gender, age, social class,
humans form and why? or caste.
✓ Because ties of kinship and household are not always
✓ A social class is comprised of individuals who enjoy
sufficient to handle all the challenges of human
equal or nearly equal prestige according to a society’s
survival, people also form groups based on gender, age,
system of evaluation.
common interest, and social status.
✓ A caste is a closed social class with membership
✓ Grouping by gender separates men and women to
determined by birth and fixed for life. A classic
varying degrees in different societies; in some they may
example is the traditional Hindu caste system of India.
be together much of the time, whereas in others they
It encompasses a complex ranking of 2,000 castes
may spend much of their time apart, even to the
associated with specific occupations and customs, and
extreme of eating and sleeping separately.
organized into four basic orders or varnas.
✓ Age grouping may augment or replace kinship
✓ The hierarchy in a stratified society may also be based
grouping. An age grade is a category of people
on ethnic origin or notions of race. In South Africa, for
organized by age. Some societies also have age sets,
example, people of European descent maintained
which are composed of individuals who are initiated
power through apartheid—a repressive regime of racial
into an age grade at the same time and move together
segregation and discrimination against indigenous
through a series of life stages.
black Africans from 1948 to 1992. A racist regime also
✓ Common-interest associations are based on sharing existed in the United States.
particular activities, objectives, values, or beliefs.
✓ Most stratified societies offer at least some social
Linked to social change and urbanization, their roots
mobility—upward or downward change in one’s social
may be found in the first horticultural villages.
class position. Even in caste societies, which impose
✓ The Internet has lessened face-to-face interaction while severe institutionalized limits on social mobility, there
opening up new forms of virtual communication is some flexibility through group action, as seen in the
through social media. Dalit movement in India.
✓ In contrast to a stratified society is an egalitarian one

What is a stratified society, and what are in which people have about the same rank and share
the possibilities and limitations of upward equally in the basic resources that support income,
and downward social mobility? status, and power.
✓ A stratified society is divided into two or more

categories of people who do not share equally in basic
1. Soon after domesticating wild horses more than 5,000 Which core values do you think are reflected or expressed
years ago, tribesmen in Central Asia herded their flocks of in the sport most popular in your own country?
sheep and goats on horseback. Highly mobile, they also 2. When young adults leave their parental home to go
launched swift surprise attacks on enemies. This tradition to college or find employment in a distant part of
is reflected in buzkashi, Afghanistan’s national sport.
529
the country, they face the challenge of establishing 4. Slavery in the United States was officially abolished in
new social relationships—ones that are not based on 1865. Almost a century later, race-based segregation
kinship but on common interest. To which common- was officially outlawed in the United States, about
interest associations do you belong and why? the same time as caste-based discrimination of
3. Do you think that members of an upper class or caste Untouchables was constitutionally outlawed in
in a socially stratified system have a greater vested India. Do you think that these laws have ended
interest in the idea of law and order than those forced discrimination against historically repressed groups?
to exist on the bottom of such societies? Why or why If not, what do you think is required to end social
not? injustice?
Comfortable Connecting?
Choose a social media platform (such as Facebook, space, and is your interaction with them different
Twitter, Pinterest, LinkedIn, or Instagram) that you in person than online? (If you don’t use social
use regularly. Make a list of the ways you use it media, find someone you know well who does
with relatives, friends, schoolmates, colleagues, or and interview the person to find answers to these
associates. Then make a list noting the geographic questions.) Analyze your findings, and draw some
locations of the twenty individuals in your conclusions about how your social media self (or
digital social network with whom you most often that of the interviewee) may be different from your
communicate. How often do you see them in real face-to-face self.
Photo by United Nation Relief and Works Agency via Getty Images
CHALLENGE ISSUE
Maintaining peace and order is a daily challenge in every society, especially when different
ethnic and religious communities coexist under the same political umbrella. Pluralistic
societies such as Switzerland, a republic with four national languages, have long enjoyed
peace and prosperity. But others risk sectarian violence among factions divided by ethnic-
ity, religion, language, or region. When the cultural fabric that keeps a society together is
fragile or unravels, the state may fail, collapsing into conflict and chaos. Escaping the peril,
refugees flee in search of safety, shelter, and food. Millions end up in camps, condemned
to a hopeless existence. Such was the case with British-controlled Palestine in 1947 when
the United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution for that territory to be partitioned
between Jews and Arabs. It allowed for the formation of the Jewish state of Israel in 1948,
but some 700,000 Muslims and Christians were forced into exile. Many Palestinians ended
up in Yarmouk Camp on the outskirts of Syria’s capital city of Damascus. Eventually, more
than 160,000 sought refuge there, creating a ghetto in that 2-square-kilometer (500-acre)
area. In this photograph, we see that neighborhood, which in 2013 came under siege in
Syria’s civil war. Most managed to flee, but 20,000 remained, stuck in a wasteland of
despair. Those who fled are now among the 4 million Syrian refugees displaced throughout
the Middle East, about half of whom have escaped to Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, and beyond.
Politics, Power, War,
and Peace 22
In all societies, from the largest to the smallest, people face the challenge of In this chapter you
maintaining social order, securing safety, protecting property, and resolving con-
con- will learn to
flicts. This involves mobilizing, contesting, and controlling power. All human ● Analyze how the issue
relations entail a degree of power, which refers to the ability of individuals or of power is crucially
groups to impose their will upon others and make them do things even against important in every
society.
their own wants or wishes.
Ranging from persuasion to violence, power drives politics—a term that

● Recognize the
difference between
derives from the Greek word polis, referring to a self-governing “city.” Many
authority and coercion.
definitions have been proposed, but one of the most basic is that politics is
● Distinguish and discuss
the process determining who gets what, when, and how (Lasswell, 1990). In
types of political
the political process, coalitions of individuals and groups defend or dispute an organization and
established economic, social, or ideological order as they negotiate or fight with leadership.
rival factions and foreign neighbors. Political organization takes many forms, of ● Determine how
which the state is just one. politics, economics,
Ironically, the political ties that facilitate human coexistence and coopera-
and maintenance of
(in)equality are linked.
tion also create the dynamics that may lead to social tension and sometimes to
violent conflict within and between groups. We see this in a wide range of situa-
● Contrast systems of
justice and conflict
tions, from riots to rebellions to revolutions. Therefore, every society must have
resolution across
ways and means for resolving internal conflicts and preventing the breakdown cultures.
of its social order. Moreover, each society must possess the capacity to deal with ● Recognize major causes
neighboring societies in peaceful or troubled times. of violent conflict, past
Today, state governments and international political coalitions play a central and present.
role in maintaining social order across the globe. Despite the predominance of ● Identify the role of
state societies, there are many groups in which political organization consists of ideology in justifying
aggression versus
flexible and informal kinship systems.
power The ability of individuals or groups to nonviolent resistance.
impose their will upon others and make them
Between these two polarities of kin-
do things even against their own wants or
wishes.
● Evaluate the importance
ordered and state-organized political
politics The process determining who gets of diplomacy and
systems lies a world of variety. what, when, and how. treaties in restoring and
maintaining peace.
531
532 CHAPTER 22 Politics, Power, War, and Peace
Systems of Political Uncentralized Political Systems

Organization Until recently, many non-Western peoples have had
neither chiefs with established rights and duties nor any
The term political organization refers to the way fixed form of government, as those who live in modern
power is accumulated, arranged, executed, and structur- states understand the term. Instead, marriage and kinship
ally embedded in society, whether in organizing a whale have formed their principal means of social organization.
hunt, managing irrigated farmlands, collecting taxes, or The economies of these societies are primarily of a subsis-
raising a military force. In short, it is the means through tence type, and populations are typically small.
which a society creates and maintains social order. It Power in this egalitarian form of political organiza-
assumes a variety of forms among the peoples of the tion is shared, with nobody exercising exclusive control
world, but anthropologists have simplified this complex over collective resources or public affairs. Important de-
subject by identifying four basic kinds of political sys- cisions are usually made in a collective manner by agree-
tems: bands, tribes, chiefdoms, and states (Figure 22.1). ment among adults. Leaders do not have real power to
The first two are uncentralized systems; the latter two force compliance with the society’s customs or rules, but
are centralized. if individuals do not conform, they are likely to become
TYPES OF POLITICAL ORGANIZATION

ANIZA
ANIZATION
The symbol indicates that the attribute varies between less and mor
more complex societies of that type.
BAND TRIBE CHIEFDOM STATE
MEMBERSHIP
Number of people Dozens and up Hundreds and up Thousands and up Tens of thousands and up
T
Settlement
Settlement pat
patte
tern Mobile Mobile or fixed: 1 or Fixed: 2 or more villages Fixed: Many villages
more villages and cities
Basis of relationships Kin Kin, descent groups Kin, rank, and residence Class and residence
Ethnicities and languages 1 1 1 1 or more

GOVERNMENT
Decision making, leadership Egalitarian Egalitarian or Big Man Centralized, hereditary Centralized
Bureaucracy None None None, or 1 or 2 levels Many levels
Monopoly of force No No No Yes Yes

and information
Conflict resolution Informal Informal Centralized Laws, judges
Hierarchyy of set
settlement No No No Paramount village Capital
or head town
ECONOMY
Food production No No Yes Yes
Yes Intensive Intensive
Labor specialization No No No Yes Yes
Exchanges Reciprocal Reciprocal Redistributive (tribute) Redistributive (taxes)
Control of land Band Descent group Chief Various

SOCIETY
Stratified No No Yes, ranked by kin Yes, by class or caste
Slavery No No Some, small-scale Some, large-scale

© Cengage Learning
Luxury goods for elite No No Yes Yes
Public architecture No No No Yes Yes
Indigenous literacy No No No Some Of n

Ofte
Figure 22.1 Four Types of Political Systems

This figure outlines the four basic types of political systems: bands, tribes, chiefdoms, and
states. Bands and tribes are uncentralized political organizations; chiefdoms and states are
centralized.
Systems of Political Organization 533
targets of scorn and gossip—and may even be banished

or killed.
Bands
The band is a relatively small and loosely organized
kin-ordered group that inhabits a common territory and
that may split periodically into smaller family groups that
are politically and economically independent. Bands are
found among food foragers and other small-scale migra-
tory communities in which people organize into polit-
ically autonomous extended family groups that usually
Documentary Educational Resources

camp together as long as environmental and subsistence
circumstances are favorable. Bands periodically break up
into smaller groups to forage for food or visit other rela-
tives. The band is the oldest form of political organization
because all humans were once food foragers and remained
so until the development of farming and pastoralism over
the past 10,000 years.
Given their foraging mode of subsistence, band popu- Figure 22.2 Band Leadership
lation densities are usually less than one person per square Toma Tsamkxao was the headman of a Ju/’hoansi band. Lightly
mile. Because bands are egalitarian and small, numbering armed, he led his migratory community of hunters and gatherers
at most a few hundred people, there is no real need for in the Kalahari Desert. They ranged the region freely much
formal, centralized political systems. Everyone is related as their ancestors did for almost 40,000 years. About half a
to—and knows on a personal basis—everyone else with century ago, outsiders imposed radical changes on Bushmen
whom dealings are required, so there is high value placed bands. Some, guided by wise leaders like Tsamkxao, survived
on getting along. Conflicts that do arise are usually settled the upheaval and now subsist on a mix of livestock and crop
farming, crafts and tourism, and some traditional foraging.
informally through gossip, ridicule, direct negotiation,
or mediation. When negotiation or mediation are used,
the focus is on reaching a solution considered fair by all When local resources are no longer adequate to sustain
concerned parties, rather than on conforming to some a band, the leader coordinates and leads the move, select-
abstract law or rule. ing the new campsite. Except for the privilege of having
Decisions affecting a band are made with the par- first choice of a spot for his or her own fire, the leader of
ticipation of all its adult members, with an emphasis the band has few unique rewards or duties. For example,
on achieving consensus—a collective agreement—rather a Ju/’hoansi head is not a judge and does not punish
than a simple majority. Individuals become leaders by other band members. Troublemakers and wrongdoers are
virtue of their abilities and serve in that capacity only judged and held accountable by public opinion, usually
as long as they retain the confidence of the community. expressed by gossip, which can play an important role in
They have no real power to force people to abide by their curbing socially unacceptable behavior.
decisions. A leader who tries to coerce quickly runs into Through gossip—talking behind someone’s back and
resistance and loses followers. spreading rumors about behavior considered disruptive,
An example of the informal nature of band leadership shameful, or ridiculous—people accomplish several ob-
is found among the Ju/’hoansi Bushmen of the Kalahari jectives while avoiding the potential disruption of open
Desert, mentioned in earlier chapters. Each Ju/’hoansi confrontation. First, gossip underscores and reinforces the
band is composed of a group of families that live together, cultural standards of those who abide by the unwritten
linked through kinship ties to one another and to the rules of proper conduct. At the same time, the gossip dis-
headman (or, less often, headwoman). The head, called the credits those who violate standards of socially acceptable
kxau, or “owner,” is the focal point for the band’s claims
on the waterholes in the territory through which it tradi-
tionally ranges as a migratory community (Figure 22.2). political organization The way power, as the capacity to do something,
He or she does not personally own the waterholes and is accumulated, arranged, executed, and structurally embedded in
society; the means through which a society creates and maintains social
surrounding lands but symbolically represents the ances-
order and reduces social disorder.
tral rights of band members to them. If the head leaves
band A relatively small and loosely organized kin-ordered group that
the area to live elsewhere, people turn to someone else to inhabits a specific territory and that may split periodically into smaller
lead them. extended family groups that are politically and economically independent.
behavior. Furthermore, because gossip can damage a per- acts within the community or for the community in
son’s reputation and is often fueled by hidden jealousy or dealings with outsiders. Because clan members usually do
a secret desire to retaliate against someone considered too not all live together in a single local community, clan or-
accomplished or successful, it may function as a leveling ganization facilitates joint action with members of related
mechanism to reduce a real or perceived threat of an indi- communities when necessary.
vidual becoming too dominant. Leadership in tribal societies is relatively informal. The
Another prime technique in small-scale societies for Big Man common in Melanesian cultures in the South Pa-
resolving disputes, or even avoiding them in the first cific illustrates this. Heading up localized descent groups
place, is fission, meaning that anyone unable to get along or a territorial group, such a leader combines a measure
with others of their group may feel pressured to split off of interest in his community’s welfare with a great deal
and move to a different group in which existing kinship of cunning and calculation for his own personal gain. His
ties give them rights of entry. power is personal, for the Big Man holds no political office
in any formal sense, nor is he elected. His prestige as a
Tribes political leader is the result of strategic acts that raise him
The second type of uncentralized authority system is the above most other tribe members and attract loyal follow-
tribe. In anthropology, the term tribe refers to a wide ers who benefit from or depend on his success.
range of kin-ordered groups that are politically integrated The Kapauku in the west central high-
by some unifying factor and whose members share a com- lands of New Guinea typify this form of
political organization. Among them, WEST
mon ancestry, identity, culture, language, and territory. PAPUA
Typically, a tribe has an economy based on some form the Big Man is called the tonowi
of crop cultivation or livestock raising. Tribes develop (“rich one”). To achieve
Pa c i fi c O c e a n
when a number of culturally related bands come together, this status, one must be
peacefully settle disputes, participate in periodic visiting male, wealthy, generous,
and communal feasting, and intermarry for purposes of and eloquent. Physical WEST PAPUA
PAPUA
economic exchange and/or collective self-defense against bravery and an ability NEW
(INDONESIA) GUINEA
© Cengage Learning
common enemies. For this reason, tribal membership is to deal with the super-
usually larger than band membership. Moreover, tribal natural are also common
population densities generally far exceed that of migratory tonowi characteristics, Coral
AUSTRALIA Sea
bands and may be as high as 100 people per square kilo- but they are not essential
meter (250 people per square mile). Greater population (Figure 22.3).
density introduces a new set of problems, as opportunities A Kapauku Big Man functions as the headman of the
for bickering, begging, adultery, and theft increase mark- village unit in a wide variety of situations within and be-
edly, especially among people living in permanent villages. yond the community. He represents his group in dealing
Each tribe consists of one or more self-supporting and with outsiders and other villages and acts as negotiator
self-governing local communities (including bands) that and/or judge when disputes break out among his fol-
may then form alliances with others for various purposes. lowers. As a tonowi, he acquires political power by giving
As in the band, political organization in the tribe is often loans. Villagers comply with his requests because they are
informal and temporary. Whenever a situation arises rein his debt (often interest free), and they do not want to
quiring political integration of all or several groups within have to repay their loans. Those who have not yet bor-
the tribe—perhaps for defense, to carry out a raid, to pool rowed from him may wish to do so in the future, so they,
resources in times of scarcity, or to capitalize on a windfall too, want to keep his goodwill. A tonowi who refuses to
that must be distributed quickly lest it spoil—groups come lend money to fellow villagers may be shunned, ridiculed,
together to deal with the situation in a cooperative man- and, in extreme cases, even killed by a group of warriors.
ner. When the problem is satisfactorily solved, each group Such unfavorable reactions ensure that individual eco-
then resumes autonomy. nomic wealth is dispersed throughout the community.
In many tribal societies, the organizing unit and seat A Big Man gains further support from his relatives and
of political authority is the clan, composed of people who from taking into his household young male apprentices
claim descent from a common ancestor. Within the clan, who receive business training along with food and shel-
elders or headmen and/or headwomen regulate members’ ter. He also gives them a loan that enables them to marry
affairs and represent their clan in interactions with other when the apprenticeship ends. In return, they act as mes-
clans. The elders of all the clans may form a council that sengers and bodyguards. After leaving, they remain tied to
the tonowi by bonds of affection and gratitude.
Because a Big Man’s wealth comes from his success at
breeding pigs (the focus of the entire Kapauku economy,
tribe In anthropology, the term for a range of kin-ordered groups that are
politically integrated by some unifying factor and whose members share as described in the chapter on patterns of subsistence), it
a common ancestry, identity, culture, language, and territory. is not uncommon for a tonowi to lose his fortune rapidly
provide another example of decentralized political organi-

zation. Periodically, groups of male elders, each representing
their kinfolk, gather to deal with collective challenges. In
such a political assembly, known as a jirga, these Pashtun
tribal leaders make joint decisions by consensus—from set-
tling disputes, working out treaties, and resolving trade issues
to establishing law and order in their war-torn homelands.
Centralized Political Systems

When populations grow, individuals specialize, division
of labor increases, and surplus is exchanged in expanding
trade networks, political authority may become concen-
trated in a single individual (the chief) or in a body of
individuals (the state). In centralized systems such as chief-
doms and states, political organization relies more heavily
on institutionalized power, authority, and even coercion.
Chiefdoms
A chiefdom is a politically organized territory centrally
ruled by a chief heading a kin-based society with prestige
George Holton/Science Source
ranking and a redistributive economy. Rank in such a hi-

erarchical political system is determined by the closeness
of one’s relationship to the chief. The position of the chief
is usually for life and often hereditary. In patrilineal soci-
eties, the title passes from a man to his younger brother,
a son, or his sister’s son, but it in some cultures it may
Figure 22.3 Big Man from West Papua, New Guinea pass to widows, sisters, or daughters. Unlike the headman
Wearing his official regalia, the tonowi is recognizable among or headwoman in bands and tribes, the leader of a chief-
fellow Kapauku and neighboring Papua highlanders as a man of dom is generally a true authority figure with the power to
wealth and power. command, settle disputes, punish, and reward. This chief
serves to maintain peace and order within and between
allied communities.
due to poor management or simple bad luck with his pigs.
Chiefdoms have a recognized hierarchy consisting of
Thus, the Kapauku political structure shifts frequently: As
leaders who control major and minor subdivisions. Such an
one man loses wealth and consequently power, another
arrangement is a chain of command, linking leaders at every
gains it and becomes a tonowi. These changes prevent any
level, with each owing personal loyalty to the chief. It serves
single Big Man from holding political power for too long.
to bind groups in the heartland to the chief’s headquarters,
Political Integration Beyond the Kin-Group whether it is a large tent, wood house, or stone hall.
Chiefs usually control the economic activities of those
Age sets, age grades, and common-interest groups
who fall under their political rule. Typically, chiefdoms
are among the political integration mechanisms used
involve redistributive systems, and the chief has control
by tribal societies. Cutting across territorial and kin-
over surplus goods and perhaps even over the communi-
groupings, these organizations link members from dif-
ty’s labor force. Thus, the chief may demand a share of the
ferent lineages and clans. For example, among the Tiriki
harvested crop from farmers, which may then be redistrib-
of East Africa (as discussed in the previous chapter), the
uted throughout the domain. Similarly, manpower may
Warrior age grade guards the village and grazing lands,
be periodically drafted to form battle groups, build fortifi-
whereas Judicial Elders resolve disputes. The oldest age
cations, dig irrigation works, or construct ceremonial sites.
grade, the Ritual Elders, advise on matters involving the
The chief may also amass a great amount of personal
well-being of all the Tiriki people. With the tribe’s po-
wealth and pass it on to offspring. Land, cattle, and luxury
litical affairs in the hands of the various age grades and
goods produced by specialists can be collected by the
their officers, this type of organization enables the largely
independent kin-groups to solve conflicts and sometimes
avoid feuding between the lineages.
The Pashtun, a large ethnic group with tribes on both chiefdom A politically organized society in which several neighboring
sides of the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan, communities inhabiting a territory are united under a single ruler.
Figure 22.4 Traditional Trial,

Kpelle Tribal Village Court
A Kpelle chief in Liberia, West
Africa, listens to a dispute in his
district. Settling disputes is one
of several ongoing traditional
tasks that fall to paramount
chiefs among Kpelle people.
Jacques Jangoux/Science Source

chief and become part of the power base. Moreover, high- Liberia, a pluralistic West African coun-
coun
ranking families of the chiefdom may engage in the same try inhabited by about thirty eth- eth
practice and use their possessions as evidence of superior nic groups. Traditionally, the Kpelle
social status. are politically divided in LIBERIA
Traditionally, chiefdoms in all parts of the world have several independent par-
been unstable, with lesser chiefs trying to take power from amount chiefdoms, each
MALI
higher-ranking chiefs or rival chiefs vying for supreme comprising an alliance GUINEA
power as paramount chiefs. In precolonial Hawaii, for exam- of smaller chiefdoms. In
A F R I C A
ple, where war was the way to gain territory and maintain the 1800s, freed slaves
SIERRA
power, great chiefs set out to conquer each other in an from the United States LEONE CÔTE
effort to become paramount chief of all the islands. When colonized the country. D’IVOIRE
one chief defeated another, the loser and all his nobles Independent since 1847,
LIBERIA
were dispossessed of property and were lucky if they es- and long dominated by
© Cengage Learning
caped alive. The new paramount chief then appointed his their descendents, Liberia
Atlantic
own supporters to positions of political power. never became politically Ocean
The political distinction between a paramount chief- centralized. Paramount
dom, princely state, or kingdom by whatever name cannot chiefs among the Kpelle
be sharply drawn. As an intermediary form of political and their neighbors retained political, administrative, and
organization between tribes and states, most chiefdoms, legal control of regional affairs as salaried state officials, me-
paramount chiefdoms, and kingdoms have disappeared in diating between the inhabitants in their districts (traditional
the course of time. However, many hundreds still exist in chiefdoms) and Liberia’s central government (Figure 22.4).
parts of Asia and Africa, for example—albeit no longer as
politically independent or sovereign domains. In English, States
the title paramount chief is often equated with “king,” a
The state is a political institution established to manage
term also used to cover a range of indigenous royal titles
and defend a complex, socially stratified society occupying
such as maharaja (in Hindi), emir or sultan (in Arabic), and
a defined territory. The most formal of political systems,
fürst (in Germanic Europe).
it is organized and directed by a government that has the
An example of this form of political organization may
capacity and authority to manage and tax its subjects, make
be seen among the Kpelle, the largest ethnic group in
laws and maintain order, and use military force to defend
or expand its territories. Two of the smallest states today
measure less than 2.5 square kilometers (1 square mile),
state A political institution established to manage and defend a whereas the largest covers about 17 million square kilome-
complex, socially stratified society occupying a defined territory. ters (6.6 million square miles).
Often states are ruled by coalitions of well-

RUSSIA Caspian
connected and wealthy individuals or groups Black Sea GEORGIA Sea
that have accumulated and fought over power.

Possessing the resources (including money,
ARMENIA AZERBAIJAN
weapons, and manpower), these ruling elites Ankara TURKEY
exercise power through institutions, such as a
Population
government and its bureaucracy, which allow 14.5 m
them to arrange and rearrange a society’s social Diyarbakir
and economic order.
A large population in a state-organized so- Pop. Pop.
2m 6.5 m IRAN
ciety requires increased food production and
wider distribution networks. Together, these lead Erbil
SYRIA Kirkuk
to a transformation of the landscape by way of Population
irrigation and terracing, carefully managed crop Sulaymaniyah 8m
rotation cycles, intensive competition for clearly Areas of high
© Cengage Learning
Kurdish population IRAQ Baghdad
demarcated lands and roads, and enough farm-
ers and other rural workers to support market Kurdish control
systems and a specialized urban sector.
Under such conditions, corporate groups
that stress exclusive membership multiply rap- Figure 22.5 The Kurdish Nation Across State Borders
idly, ethnic differentiation and ethnocentrism The Kurds—most of whom live in Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria—are an example
become more pronounced, and the potential of a nation without a state. This map indicates their politically divided ancestral
for social conflict increases dramatically. Given homeland (Kurdistan), where the majority of Kurds remain and notes their
these circumstances, state institutions—which population in the adjoining states where their numbers are highest. Kurds also
live outside the demarcated areas. About 60,000, mainly Yazidis, reside in
minimally involve a bureaucracy, a military,
Armenia and Azerbaijan. Many others are dispersed in a global diaspora: Some
and (often) an official religion—provide the
750,000 have moved to Germany; 150,000 to France; 80,000 to Sweden; and
means for numerous and diverse groups to
75,000 to Lebanon. Thousands more have migrated elsewhere in the world.
function together as an integrated whole.
An important aspect of the state is its dele-
gation of authority to maintain order within and outside or nationalities are politically organized into one terri-
its borders. Police, foreign ministries, war ministries, and torial state but maintain their cultural differences. Typi-
other bureaucracies function to control and punish dis- cally, smaller nations (including tribes) and other groups
ruptive acts of crime, dissension, and rebellion. By such find themselves at the mercy of one or more powerful
agencies the state asserts authority impersonally and in a nations or ethnic groups gaining political control over
consistent, predictable manner. the state.
States first began to emerge over 5,000 years ago. Often Frequently facing discrimination or repression, some
unstable, many have disappeared in the course of time, minority nations seek to improve their political position
some temporarily and others forever. Some were annexed by seceding and founding an independent state. So it is
by other states, and others collapsed or fragmented into with the Kurds, an Iranian-speaking Sunni Muslim na-
smaller political units. Although some present-day states tion whose ancestral homeland of about 200,000 square
are very old—such as Japan, which has endured as a state kilometers (77,000 square miles) has been subdivided
for almost 1,500 years—few are older than the United among the modern states of Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran.
States, an independent country since 1783. With a population of about 35 million, they are much
A key distinction to make at this point is between more numerous than Australians, for example. In fact,
state and nation. A nation is a people who share a col- the total population of the four Scandinavian countries—
lective identity based on a common culture, language, Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden—is less than
territorial base, and history (Clay, 1996). Today, there that of the Kurds. For decades, they have been fighting
are roughly 5,000 nations (including tribes and ethnic for their independence. As a result of the civil wars in
groups) throughout the world, many of which have ex- Iraq and Syria, where the centralized power of the state
isted since before recorded history. By contrast, there are has weakened, Kurds have gained political autonomy in
almost 200 independent states in the world today, most of regions internationally still considered part of these two
which did not exist before the end of World War II (1945). failing states (Figure 22.5 and Figure 22.6).
As these numbers imply, nation and state do not
always coincide, as they do, for example, in Iceland,
Japan, and Swaziland. In fact, about 75 percent of the
world’s states are pluralistic societies, defined in an earlier nation A people who share a collective identity based on a common
chapter as societies in which two or more ethnic groups culture, language, territorial base, and history.
her anthropological research con-

cerning issues of power, including
cultural control.
Also basic to the political process
is the concept of authority, claiming
and exercising power as justified
by law or custom of tradition.
Unlike coercion, which imposes
obedience or submission by force or
intimidation, authority is based on
the socially accepted rules, collective
ideas, or codified laws binding people
together as a society. Without these
rules, ideologies, and laws, however
different in each culture, political rule
lacks legitimacy and will be interpreted
© Eddie Gerald/Alamy Stock Photo

and perhaps openly challenged as
unjust and wrong, opening the door
to forced removal.
In a monarchy
monarchy—a state headed
by a single ruler—political authority
can be based on different sources of
Figure 22.6 Kurdish Fighters Struggling for Independence legitimacy, including divine will,
For decades, the Kurds have been fighting for political independence in their ancestral birthright in a royal lineage, or an
homeland. Here we see female guerrilla combatants of the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ election held among free citizens or
Party) in the Qandil Mountains, near the Iranian border of northern Iraq. a wealthy upper class (nobles). In a
theocracy—a state ruled by a priestly
theocracy
elite headed by a supreme priest claiming holy or even
Political Systems and the divine status—legitimacy is embedded in sacred doctrine.
Question of Authority In an aristocracy, on the other hand, the ruling noble elite
claims legitimacy traditionally rooted in a ritual mixture
of high-status ancestry and class endogamy, military dom-
Whatever a society’s political system, it must find some
inance, economic wealth, and ceremonial capital.
way to obtain and retain the people’s allegiance. In uncen-
Finally, in a democracy rulers claim legitimacy based on
tralized systems, in which every adult participates in all
the idea that they act as representatives of the free citizens
decision making, loyalty and cooperation are freely given
who elected them into office with the mandate to act on
because each person is considered a part of the political
the basis of collectively approved rules in the form of law.
system. However, as the group grows larger and the orga-
A democracy may have a king or queen as symbolic head.
nization becomes more formal, the problem of obtaining
With an elected president as titular head, such a state is
and keeping public support becomes greater.
usually identified as a republic.
Centralized political systems may rely upon coercion
as a means of social control, imposing obedience or sub-
mission by force or intimidation. This, however, can be
risky because the large numbers of personnel needed to
apply force may themselves become a political power.
Politics and Religion
Also, the emphasis on force may create resentment and Frequently, religion legitimizes the political order and
lessen cooperation. Thus, hardfisted regimes such as dic- leadership. Religious beliefs may influence or provide
tatorships are generally short-lived; most societies choose authoritative approval to customary rules and laws. For
less extreme forms of social coercion. In the United instance, acts that people believe to be sinful, such as
States, this is reflected in the increasing emphasis placed murder, are often illegal as well.
on cultural controls, discussed later in this chapter. Laura In both industrial and nonindustrial societies, belief in
Nader (see the Anthropologist of Note) is well known for the supernatural is important and is reflected in people’s
political institutions. Politics and religion mesh in many
countries, including the United States where the newly
coercion Imposition of obedience or submission by force or intimidation. elected president takes the oath of office by swearing on
authority Claiming and exercising power as justified by law or custom a Bible, the holy book of Christianity. Other instances
of tradition. of the use of religion to legitimize political power in the
Politics and Religion 539
Laura Nader (b. 1930)
Laura Nader has stood situation: Never before have a few, by their actions and inactions,
out among her peers had the power of life and death over so many members of the
from the start of her ca- species.”c
reer in 1960, when she To date, the results of Nader’s own research have appeared
became the first woman in over a hundred publications. Among these are her numerous
faculty member in the books, including Naked Science: Anthropological Inquiry into
Courtesy of Dr. Laura Nader

Anthropology Department Boundaries, Power, and Knowledge (1996), The Life of the Law:
at the University of Cali- Anthropological Projects (2002), Plunder: When the Rule of
fornia, Berkeley. Law Is illegal (coauthored with Ugo Mattei, 2008), and Culture
Nader and her three and Dignity: Dialogues Between the Middle East and the West
siblings grew up in Win- (2013).
Laura Nader, a cultural anthropology sted, Connecticut, chil- Playing a leading role in the development of the anthropology
professor at the University of dren of immigrants from of law, Nader has taken on specialists in the fields of law, chil-
California, Berkeley, specializes Lebanon. As she recalls, dren’s issues, nuclear energy, and science (including her own
in law, dispute resolution, and “My dad left Lebanon profession), critically questioning the basic assumptions (“central
controlling processes. for political reasons, and dogmas”) under which these experts operate. She presses her
when he came to the students to do the same—to think critically, question authority,
land of the free, he took it seriously. So we were raised to believe and break free from the “controlling processes” of the power
that you should be involved in public issues.”a They were also elite. In 2000, Nader accepted one of the highest honors of the
taught to question assumptions. American Anthropological Association—an invitation to give the
Both Nader and her younger brother Ralph have made careers distinguished lecture at its annual gathering.
of doing this. She is an anthropologist noted for her cross-cultural Today, at age 85, Nader still teaches at Berkeley. In a recent
research on law, justice, and social control and their connection interview she said this about the discipline she has been commit-
to power structures. He is a consumer advocate and former U.S. ted to for so many years:
presidential candidate who is well known for being a watchdog on
For me anthropology is the freest of scientific endeavors
issues of public health and the safety and quality of life.
because it potentially does not stop at boundaries that
Laura Nader’s undergraduate studies included a study-abroad
interfere with the capacity of the mind for self-reflection.
year in Mexico. Later, while earning her doctorate in anthropology
This is a moment for new syntheses in a world that is both
at Radcliffe College, she returned to Mexico to do fieldwork in a
interconnected and disconnected, on a planet where long
Zapotec Indian peasant village in the Sierra Madre Mountains of
term survival is at risk. Anthropologists should not shrink
Oaxaca. Reflecting on this and subsequent research, she says,
from the big questions. We have a large part to play.d
In the 1950s, when I went to southern Mexico, I was studying
how the Zapotec organize their lives, what they do with their
problems, what they do when they go to court. And when a
“Conversation with Laura Nader.” (2000, November). California
I came back to this country, I started looking at American Monthly.
equivalents, at how Americans solve their consumer and b
Ibid.
service complaints.b c
Nader, L. (1972). Up the anthropologist: Perspectives gained from
Nader’s first decade of teaching at Berkeley coincided with the studying up. In D. Hymes (Ed.), Reinventing anthropology (p. 284).
Vietnam War, an era when the campus was in a perpetual state New York: Pantheon Books.
of turmoil with students demonstrating for peace and civil rights. d
De Lauri, A. (2013, December 18). Think like an anthropologist: A
Becoming a scholar-activist, she called upon colleagues to “study conversation with Laura Nader. Allegra Lab. http://allegralaboratory
up” and do research on the world’s power elite. “The study of .net/think-like-an-anthropologist-a-conversation-with-laura-nader/
man,” she wrote in 1972, “is confronted with an unprecedented (retrieved January 4, 2016)
United States are the phrases “one nation, under God” There, two chief rabbis (Jewish priests) alternate as pres-
in the Pledge of Allegiance, “In God We Trust” etched in ident of the country’s Chief Rabbinate. Recognized as
coins, and “so help me God,” which is routinely used in the supreme authority for Judaism in that country, it
legal proceedings. claims jurisdiction over many aspects of Jewish life and
Religious legitimization of government is more clearly supervises rabbinical courts. Managed by the Ministry
defined in Israel, which defines itself as a Jewish state. of Religious Services, the Chief Rabbinate court is part of
© K. Prose/Pressnet/Tophan/The Image Works

© Reuters/Corbis
Figure 22.7 Church and State in Iran and Great Britain

In contrast to countries such as the United States, where religion and state are constitutionally
separated, countries such as Iran and Great Britain permit a much closer relationship between
political and religious affairs. For instance, since 1989, a grand ayatollah named Ali Khamenei
has held the title of Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, serving as the country’s
highest-ranking religious and political authority. In England, Queen Elizabeth is not only her
country’s nominal head of state but also the Supreme Governor of the Church of England, which
entitles her to appoint the Anglican bishops in that state.
Israel’s judicial system, and its verdicts are carried out and
enforced by the police.
Politics and Gender
Another example of religious legitimization of gov- Historically, irrespective of cultural configuration or
ernment is seen in Kano in the savannahs of northern type of political organization, women have held impor-
Nigeria, where the emir governs a traditional kingdom tant positions of political leadership far less often than
inhabited by the Hausa and Fulani ethnic groups. The men. But there have been many significant exceptions,
emir rules by Shariah, a moral and legal code based on including some female chiefs heading American Indian
what traditional Muslims accept as God’s infallible law. chiefdoms in the Caribbean and southeastern United
In an annual festival marking the end of the Muslim holy States. Traditionally, there were also female rulers of
month of Ramadan, regional chiefs heading cavalry regi- Polynesian chiefdoms and kingdoms in the Pacific,
ments showcase their horsemanship at a military parade including Tonga, Samoa, and Hawaii. Moreover, there
in a public display of loyalty to their ruler. were numerous powerful queens heading monarchies
Since 1979, when the Islamic revolution toppled the and even empires in Asia, Africa, and Europe during
dictatorship of the shah (“emperor”) in Iran, that coun- the past few thousand years (Linnekin, 1990; Ralston &
try has been a theocratic republic, with a democratically Thomas, 1987; Trocolli, 2006).
elected president and parliament subordinate to the Perhaps the most notable example among historical
supreme religious authority of the most holy of all Shia female rulers was Queen Victoria, the long-reigning
Muslim holy men—the grand ayatollah. Numerous other queen of England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland. Also
examples in which political and religious institutions recognized as monarch in a host of colonies all over the
are intricately intertwined can be found across the globe world, Victoria even acquired the title Empress of India.
(Figure 22.7). Ruling the British empire for nearly sixty-four years
Cultural Controls in Maintaining Order 541
(1837–1901), she was perhaps the world’s wealthiest and Just as the obi had a council of dignitaries to advise
most powerful leader. In 2015, Victoria’s great-great- him and act as a check against any arbitrary exercise of
granddaughter Queen Elizabeth II surpassed the duration power, a council of women served the omu. The duties
of her reign. Crowned ruler of England and Scotland, of the omu and her advisors involved tasks such as estab-
Elizabeth is also the symbolic head of the Common- lishing rules and regulations for the community market
wealth, an intergovernmental organization of fifty-four (marketing was a woman’s activity) and hearing cases
independent states (almost all former British colonies), involving women brought to her from throughout the
collectively promoting free trade, rule of law, human town or village. If such cases also involved men, then
rights, and world peace. she and her council would cooperate with the obi and
High-profile female leadership is becoming more his council.
common, and in most contemporary societies women In the Igbo system, women managed their own affairs.
have gained the same political rights and opportu- They had the right to enforce their decisions and rules
nities as men. In recent years, a growing number of with sanctions similar to those employed by men, includ-
women have been elected as their country’s presidents, ing strikes, boycotts, and “sitting on” someone, including
chancellors, or prime ministers across the globe. Oth- a man:
ers lead political opposition parties, sometimes head-
To “sit on” or “make war on” a man involved
ing mass movements. Among the latter is Aung San
gathering at his compound, sometimes late at
Suu Kyi in Myanmar, profiled toward the end of this
night, dancing, singing scurrilous songs which
chapter.
detailed the women’s grievances against him
Although there have been and continue to be many
and often called his manhood into question,
societies in which women have lower visibility in
banging on his hut with the pestles women used
the political arena, that does not necessarily indicate
for pounding yams, and perhaps demolishing
that they lack power in political affairs. For example,
his hut or plastering it with mud and roughing
among the six allied Iroquois Indian nations in north-
him up a bit. A man might be sanctioned in this
eastern America, only men were appointed to serve as
way for mistreating his wife, for violating the
high-ranking chiefs on the confederacy’s grand council;
women’s market rules, or for letting his cows eat
however, they were completely beholden to women, for
the women’s crops. The women would stay at his
only their “clan mothers” could select candidates to this
hut throughout the day, and late into the night if
high political office. Moreover, women actively lobbied
necessary, until he repented and promised to mend
the men on the council, and the clan mothers had the
his ways. (Van Allen, 1997, p. 450)
right to depose a chief representing their clan whenever
it suited them.
As for women having more vis-
ible roles in traditional societies,
one example is the dual-gender Cultural Controls
in Maintaining Order
government system of
the Igbo in Nigeria, MALI
West Africa. Among NIGER CHAD Every society has cultural controls—means of ensuring
the Igbo, each political
BURKINA that individuals or groups conduct themselves in ways
unit traditionally had FASO
BENIN that support the social order. We may distinguish between
separate political in- NIGERIA internal and external forms of cultural control.
stitutions for men and
GHANA
TOGO
A F R I C A
women, so that both
© Cengage Learning
genders had an autono-

mous sphere of author-
CAMEROON Internalized Control
Atlantic
ity as well as an area Ocean As discussed in an earlier chapter, individuals raised in
of shared responsibility a particular culture undergo a process of enculturation
(Njoku, 1990; Okonjo, during which ideas, values, and associated structures of
1976). At the head of each political unit was a male obi, emotion are internalized, impacting their thoughts, feel-
considered the head of government although he pre- ings, and behavior. The internalization of cultural control
sided over only the male community, and a female omu, leads to what we know as self-control—a person’s capacity
the acknowledged mother of the whole community but to manage his or her spontaneous feelings and to restrain
in practice concerned with the female section. Unlike impulsive behavior.
a queen (though both she and the obi were crowned),
the omu was neither the obi’s wife nor the previous obi’s cultural control Control through beliefs and values deeply internalized
daughter. in the minds of individuals.
Self-control may be motivated by ideas or emotions would he have been guilty of breaking the law—formal
associated with positive cultural values such as self-denial rules of conduct that, when violated, effectuate negative
for the common good. For example, many cultures honor sanctions.
traditions of charity, self-sacrifice, or other good deeds. For sanctions to be effective, they must be applied
Performed out of a desire to help those in need, such acts consistently, and they must be generally known among
of kindness or generosity may spring from a spiritual or members of the society. Even if some individuals are not
religious worldview—the collective body of ideas mem- convinced of the advantages of social conformity, they are
bers of a culture generally share concerning the ultimate still more likely to obey society’s rules than to accept the
shape and substance of their reality. consequences of not doing so.
Self-control may also be motivated by negative ideas
and associated emotions such as shame, guilt, fear of
bad luck or evil spirits, or terror of divine punishment—
concepts that are culturally relative and variable. For ex-
Cultural Control: Witchcraft
ample, Wape hunters in Papua New Guinea believe that In societies with or without centralized political systems,
their ancestral spirits roam the woods and will sabotage witchcraft sometimes functions as an agent of cultural
any hunter who has wronged them or their descendants control and involves both self-control and social controls.
by preventing him from finding game or hitting his An individual will think twice before offending a neighbor
mark. Like devout Christians who avoid sinning for fear if convinced that the neighbor could retaliate by resorting
of hell, Wape hunters avoid quarrels and maintain tran- to black magic. Similarly, individuals may not wish to be
quility within the community for fear of supernatural accused of practicing witchcraft, and so they behave with
punishment, even though no one in their village may greater circumspection (Figure 22.8).
be aware of their bad deed. Tied to adversity—bad harvests, sickness, death—
accusations of sorcery or witchcraft (“black magic”) are
typically directed at low status or marginal persons.
Often, older women and widows are targeted, especially in
Externalized Control male-dominated villages in the rural backlands of rapidly
Because internalized controls are not wholly sufficient changing societies. Charged with causing misfortune by
even in bands and tribes, every society develops external- casting evil spells, they are viewed a threats to the moral
ized social controls. One type of such control is known order.
as a sanction—a social directive designed to encourage Among the Azande of South Sudan, people who think
or coerce conformity to cultural standards of acceptable they have been bewitched may consult an oracle, who,
social behavior. after performing the appropriate mystical rites, may es-
Sanctions may be positive or negative. Positive sanc- tablish or confirm the identity of the offending witch
tions consist of incentives to conform, such as awards, (Evans-Pritchard, 1937; Films Media Group, 1981). Con-
titles, promotions, and other demonstrations of approval. fronted with this evidence, the witch will usually agree to
Negative sanctions consist of threats such as ridiculing, cooperate in order to avoid any additional trouble. Should
humiliating, fining, flogging, banishing, jailing, and even the victim die, the relatives of the deceased may choose
killing for violating the standards. to make magic against the witch, ultimately accepting the
Furthermore, sanctions may be formal or informal, death of some villager as evidence of both guilt and the
depending on whether or not a customary law or legal efficacy of their magic.
statute is involved. In the United States, a man who goes For the Azande, witchcraft provides not only a
shirtless to a church service may be subject to a variety sanction against antisocial behavior but also a means
of informal sanctions, ranging from disapproving glances of dealing with natural hostilities and death. No one
from the clergy to the chuckling of other parishioners. If, wishes to be thought of as a witch, and surely no one
however, he were to show up without any clothing at all, wishes to be victimized by one. By institutionalizing
he would be subject to the formal negative sanction of their emotional responses, the Azande successfully
arrest for indecent exposure. Only in the second instance maintain social order.
Today, witch hunts are on the rise in many parts of
sub-Saharan Africa, but also in Papua New Guinea, north-
worldview The collective body of ideas members of a culture generally east India, Nepal, and other parts of the world. In the
share concerning the ultimate shape and substance of their reality.
past fifteen years, about 2,500 accused witches in India
social control External control through open coercion.
have been murdered—commonly being tortured into a
sanction An externalized social control designed to encourage
conformity to social norms. confession and then being burned alive or butchered with
law Formal rules of conduct that, when violated, effectuate negative knives, axes, or stones (McCoy, 2014; United Nations Hu-
sanctions. man Rights, 2009).
Holding Trials, Settling Disputes, and Punishing Crimes 543
beyond the family. A dispute between

two people will interfere with the ability
of members of separate families to come
to one another’s aid when necessary and
is consequently a matter of wider social
concern. By collectively evaluating the
situation and determining who is right
or wrong, community members focus
on restoring social harmony rather than
punishing offenders. Without binding
legal authority, they customarily settle a
dispute through a song duel in which the
individuals insult each other with songs
specially composed for the occasion. The
audience is the jury, and their applause
settles the conflict. If, however, social
harmony cannot be restored—and that is
the goal, rather than assigning and pun-
UB Photos/Barcroft India
ishing guilt—one or the other disputant
may move to another band (Figure 22.9).
By contrast, in most modern state
societies someone who commits an of-
fense against another person may become
Figure 22.8 Witch-Hunting in the 21st Century subject to a series of complex legal pro-
In many parts of the world today—including regions in Africa, South Asia, and ceedings. In criminal cases the primary
Melanesia—people are accused of being witches. The targets can be men and even concern is to assign and punish guilt
children, but most often they are women, especially those who are widowed and rather than to help out the victim. The
poor, or outspoken and seen as a threat to a male-dominated social order. Their offender will be arrested by the police;
cases are remarkably similar: Sickness, death, or some other misfortune strikes their tried before a judge and perhaps a jury;
community, and these individuals are blamed, punished, banished, driven to suicide, and, depending on the severity of the
or even killed. The woman pictured here, brutally murdered and buried in a rice paddy crime, may be fined, imprisoned, or even
field, was a victim of witch-hunting in India’s state of Assam. Her tragic case is not executed. Rarely does the victim receive
unusual. Every year since 1995, 150 to 200 women accused of witchcraft have been restitution or compensation. Throughout
killed in India. Beyond witch hunts prompted by escalating tension, marking women as this chain of events, the accused party is
witches has become a common ploy to grab land, settle scores and grudges, or mete dealt with by police, judges, jurors, and
out punishment for rejected sexual advances. Witch-hunters are rarely reported to jailers, who typically have no personal ac-
authorities, and of those who are, barely 2 percent are convicted (Sharma, 2012).
quaintance whatsoever with the plaintiff
or the defendant. The judge’s work is dif-
Holding Trials, ficult and complex. In addition to sifting through evidence

presented in a courtroom trial, he or she must consider a
Settling Disputes, wide range of norms, values, and earlier rulings to arrive at
a decision that is considered just, not only by the disputing
and Punishing Crimes parties but by the public and other judges as well.
In many chiefdoms, incorruptible supernatural, or at
State societies make a clear distinction between offenses least nonhuman, powers are thought to make judgments
against an individual and those against the state. In non- through a trial by ordeal. For example, among the Kpelle
state societies such as bands and tribes, however, all of Liberia discussed earlier in this chapter, when guilt is in
offenses are viewed as transgressions against individuals or doubt, a licensed “ordeal operator” may apply a hot knife
kin-groups (families, clans, and so on). Disputes between to a suspect’s leg. If the leg is burned, the suspect is guilty;
individuals or kin-groups may seriously disrupt the social if not, innocence is assumed. But the operator does not
order, especially in small communities where the dispu- merely heat the knife and apply it. After massaging the
tants, though small in absolute numbers, may represent a suspect’s legs and determining the knife is hot enough,
large percentage of the total population. the operator then strokes his own leg with it without be-
Among traditional Inuit bands in northern Canada, for ing burned, demonstrating that the innocent will escape
example, there is no effective domestic or economic unit injury. The knife is then applied to the suspect.
urged their federal government to reform justice services

to make them more consistent with indigenous values and
traditions (Criminal Code of Canada, §718.2e). In partic-
ular, they have pressed for restorative justice techniques
such as the Talking Circle. For this, parties involved in a
conflict come together in a circle with equal opportunity
to express their views—one at a time, free of interruption.
Usually, a “talking stick” (or an eagle feather or some other
symbolic object) is held by whoever is speaking to signal
that she or he has the right to talk at that moment, and
others have the responsibility to listen.
Violent Conflict
Flicker Alley LCC

and Warfare
Figure 22.9 Inuit Song Duel Regulation of a society’s internal affairs is an important
Among Inuit of northern Canada, the traditional way of settling function of any political system, but it is by no means
a dispute in the community is through a song duel, in which the sole function. Another is the management of its ex-
the individuals insult each other in songs composed for the ternal affairs—relations not just among different states
occasion. The applause of onlookers determines the winner, and but among different bands, lineages, clans, or whatever
the affair is considered closed; no further action is expected. the largest autonomous political unit may be. And just as
force, threatened or actual, may be used to maintain or
restore order within a society, such powerful pressures are
also used in the conduct of external affairs.
Up to this point—consciously or unconsciously—the
Humans have a grim track record when it comes to
operator has read the suspect’s nonverbal cues: gestures,
violence. Far more lethal than spontaneous and indi-
the degree of muscular tension, amount of perspiration.
vidual outbursts of aggression, organized violence in
From this the operator can judge whether the anxiety
the form of war is responsible for enormous destruc-
exhibited by the accused indicates probable guilt; in
tion of life and property. In the past 5,000 years or so,
effect, a psychological stress evaluation has been made.
some 14,000 wars have been fought, resulting in many
As the knife is applied, it is manipulated to either burn
hundreds of millions of casualties. In the 20th century
or not burn the suspect, once this judgment has been
alone, an estimated 150 million people lost their lives
made. The operator does this manipulation easily by
due to human violence.
controlling how long the knife is in the fire, as well as
The scope of violent conflict is wide. It ranges from
the pressure and angle at which it is pressed against the
individual fights, local feuds, raids, and piracy (see the
leg (Gibbs, 1983).
Globalscape), to rebellions, insurgencies, guerrilla attacks,
The use of the lie detector (polygraph) in the United
and formally declared wars fought by professional armed
States is a similar example of assessing guilt, although
forces.
the guiding ideology is scientifically grounded rather
than metaphysical. This machine is thought to establish
objectively who is lying and who is not, but in reality
the polygraph operator cannot just “read” the needles
Why War?
of the machine. He or she must judge whether they are Different motives, strategic objectives, and political or
registering a high level of anxiety brought on by the test- moral justifications for war exist. Some societies engage
ing situation, as opposed to the stress of guilt. Thus, the in defensive wars only and avoid armed confrontations
polygraph operator has something in common with the with others unless seriously threatened or actually at-
Kpelle ordeal operator. tacked. Others initiate aggressive wars to pursue particular
Punitive justice, such as flogging or jailing, may be the strategic goals, including material benefits in the form of
most common approach to justice in state societies, but it precious resources such as oil, as well as territorial expan-
has not proven to be an effective way of changing criminal sion or control over trade routes. Competition for scarce
behavior. In North America over the past four decades, resources may turn violent and lead to war, but aggressive
there has been significant movement away from the courts wars may also be waged for ideological reasons, such as
in favor of outside negotiation and mediation. For exam- spreading one’s worldview or religion and defeating “evil”
ple, indigenous communities in Canada have successfully and “wrongdoers” elsewhere.
GLOBALSCAPE
Arctic
Ocean
DENMARK
CANADA UKRAINE
London ASIA
FRANCE
EUROPE
USA
Toronto
CHINA
Minneapolis
Atlantic SAUDI Pacific
INDIA
Ocean ARABIA Ocean
AFRICA Dubai Mumbai
YEMEN
Pacific
Pacifi
cific
Ocea
Ocean Eyl, Puntland
SOMALIA
SOUTH KENYA
AMERICA Nairobi Indian
Ocean
AUSTRALIA
Veronique de Viguerie/Edit by Getty Images

Melbourne
© Cengage Learning
ANTARCTICA
Pirate Pursuits in Puntland? companies covering the ships took in $635 million, and private
Abshir Boya, a towering Somali pirate, is active in the coastal wa- armed security forces earned $530 million. About thirty countries
ters off the Horn of Africa, which juts deep into the Arabian Sea. spent a total of $1.3 billion on military operations. These and
He lives in the old fishing port of Eyl in Puntland, an autonomous numerous other antipiracy expenses totaled nearly $7 billion.a
territory in Somalia. By 2009, Eyl had become a pirate haven, hold- At their peak of success in 2009, Somali pirates held dozens
ing a dozen hijacked foreign ships and their multinational crews. of captured ships and nearly a thousand seamen. By mid-2012,
Like Boya, most of the few hundred other pirates based in Punt
Punt- those numbers were down to about a dozen vessels and several
land are Darod clansmen pressed out of their traditional fisheries by hundred crew, due to an increase in foreign naval patrols and
foreign commercial fleets polluting their coasts and depleting their prosecutions. Earlier that year, the European Union toughened
fish stocks. Since 1991, Somalia has been splintered by rebellions, its antipiracy mandate to allow forces patrolling the Indian Ocean
clan rivalries, and armed foreign interventions. It no longer has a to attack bases in Somalia. Numerous Somali pirates have been
centralized power system maintaining law and order for its citizens, killed or captured. Nonetheless, piracy continues; there is still no
who survive on an average annual income of $600. With a national international consensus on how to handle it, so there are still ran-
economy in tatters, Boya and his clansmen spied the wealth pass- soms to be claimed by the most daring pirates.b Although criminal
ing through the Arabian Sea and decided to grab a share. prosecution of piracy in international waters is problematic due to
Bankrolled by emigrated Somali investors living in cities such jurisdiction questions, many pirates are now in jails in half a dozen
as Melbourne, Dubai, Nairobi, London, Toronto, and Minneapolis, foreign countries, including the United States.
pirate gangs are equipped with radios, cell phones, and GPS,
plus semi-automatic pistols, assault rifles, and rocket-propelled Global Twister
grenade launchers, often bought in Yemen. Speeding across What is justice for Somali fishermen pressed into piracy?
open sea in skiffs, they chase cargo ships, oil tankers, and cruise
ships from around the world, including the United States, Canada, a
Oceans Beyond Piracy: One Earth Future Foundation. (2015). The
Denmark, France, Saudi Arabia, India, and China. economic cost of Somali piracy 2011. http://oceansbeyondpiracy
Some pirate captains have banked success, including Boya, .org/publications/economic-cost-somali-piracy-2011 (retrieved
who claims to have led over twenty-five hijackings. Ship owners pay December 9, 2015)
huge ransoms—thirty-one of them in 2011, averaging $5 million b
Anyimadu, A. (2015, July 21). With Somali pirates, pay the ransom
each. Somali sea bandits—about a thousand in total—are obliged until there’s a global consensus. New York Times. http://www
to pay their backers and share earnings with many poor relatives .nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2013/08/07/when-ransoms-pay
in their large clans. Notably, ransoms represented only about -for-terrorism/with-somali-pirates-pay-the-ransom-until-theres-global
2 percent of piracy costs for shippers in 2011. Insurance -consensus (retrieved January 1, 2016)
Medyan Dairieh/ZUMA Press/Corbis

Figure 22.10 Islamic State Militants
Fighters of the self-proclaimed Islamic State, also known as Daesh (the acronym of its Arabic name), have been waging a brutal
jihad (“holy war”) to expand Sunni Muslim fundamentalism across the globe. Declaring a worldwide caliphate, this fanatical militant
group pledges allegiance to a leader who has claimed the ancient title of caliph—the divinely appointed successor to the prophet
Muhammad. They enforce a radical interpretation of Shariah law drawn from the Quran, a copy of which is held up by the fighter on the
right side of this photo. Another jihadist raises his right index finger in a symbolic gesture alluding to their belief in the oneness of God,
while a third holds the group’s black banner, a flag flown by the Prophet in Islamic tradition. Representing the Prophet’s seal, the white
circle encloses the Arabic text for “Muhammad is the prophet of God.” This banner is a symbol in Islamic tradition announcing the
advent of the Mahdi, a spiritual leader who will rule before the end of the world and triumph over injustice. The Islamic State now holds
territory in large parts of Syria and Iraq and is expanding terrorist operations.
Religious and other ideological justifications for war Some argue that males of the human species are naturally
are rooted in a society’s worldview. They range from the aggressive. As evidence they point to aggressive group
Christian Crusades targeting Muslims in Palestine and behavior exhibited by chimpanzees in Tanzania, where
surrounding Islamic territories about 700 to 900 years researchers observed one group systematically destroy
ago to the more recent brutal jihad (“holy war”) waged another and take over their territory. And there is ample
by fanatic Islamic fundamentalists in North Africa evidence that armed conflicts in the form of deadly feuds
and Southwest Asia. Militant extremists, such as ad- and raids between groups of fishers, hunters, herders, and
Dawlah al-Islāmı̄yah (abbreviated to Daesh), often direct food producers have been going on for thousands of years.
this modern-day Islamic fundamentalism. Better known However, warfare among humans is not a universal
in the English-speaking part of the world as the Islamic phenomenon and not an unavoidable expression of
State (IS), this radical splinter group of al-Qaeda based in genetic predisposition for violent behavior (see this
Iraq and Syria aims to restore what it believes to be “pure” chapter’s Biocultural Connection). In fact, in various parts
Islam. Toward that end, it seeks to expel so-called infidels of the world there are societies that do not practice war-
(nonbelievers) from ancestral soil; to topple regimes that fare as we know it. Examples include people as diverse as
it thinks promote or tolerate religious “corruption”; and the Ju/’hoansi Bushmen and Pygmy peoples of southern
to destroy statues, shrines, and temples dedicated to what Africa, the Arapesh of New Guinea, and the Jain of India,
it sees as false gods (Figure 22.10). as well as the Amish of North America. Moreover, among
Beyond such explanations for warfare, is there some- societies that do practice warfare, levels of violence may
thing in our genetic makeup that makes it inevitable? differ dramatically.
Violent Conflict and Warfare 547
Sex, Gender, and Human Violence

At the start of the 21st century, war and will be considerably larger than females, positive directions only by a coattails pro-
violence are no longer the strictly male and aggression will serve males well. In cess whereby females were “pulled along”
domains that they were in many societies monogamous species, males and females toward improved biological states by virtue
in the past. War has become embedded will be of similar sizes. of the progress of the genes they shared
in civilian life in many parts of the world, Primatologist Richard Wrangham has with males.c Wrangham’s more recent
and it impacts the daily lives of women taken the idea of sexual selection even Demonic Males theory is similarly shaped
and children. Moreover, women now serve further. In his book Demonic Males, he by culture. It incorporates the dominant
in the military forces of several states, explores the idea that both male aggres- world order (military states) and the gen-
although their participation in combat is sion and patriarchy have an evolutionary der norms (aggressive males) it values. In
often limited. Some female soldiers in the basis. He states that humans, like our both cases, the putatively scientific theory
United States argue that gender should close cousin the chimpanzee, are “party has created a natural basis for a series of
not limit their participation in combat gang” species characterized by strong social conventions.
as they consider themselves as strong, bonds among groups of males who have This does not mean that biological
capable, and well trained as their male dominion over an expandable territory. differences between the sexes cannot be
counterparts. Others believe that biolog- These features “suffice to account for studied in the natural world. Instead, scien-
ically based sex differences make war a natural selection’s ugly legacy, the ten- tists studying sex differences must be es-
particularly male domain. dency to look for killing opportunities pecially sensitive to how they may project
Scientists have long argued that males when hostile neighbors meet.”a Violence, cultural beliefs onto nature. Meanwhile,
are more suited to combat because natu- in turn, generates a male-dominated so- the attitudes of some women soldiers
ral selection has made them on average cial order: “Patriarchy comes from biology continue to challenge generalizations re-
larger and stronger than females. Darwin in the sense that it emerges from men’s garding “military specialization” by gender.
first proposed this idea, known as sexual temperaments out of their evolutionarily
selection, in the 19th century. At that time derived efforts to control women and at Biocultural Question
he theorized that physical specializations the same time have solidarity with fellow All across the world, males are far more
in animal species—such as horns, vibrant males in competition against outsiders.”b likely to serve as warriors than females
plumage, and, in the case of humans, Although Wrangham allows that evolution- and, consequently, are far more likely to
intelligence and tool use—demonstrate ary forces have shaped women as well, lose their lives on the battlefield. Do you
selection acting upon males to aid in the he suggests that females’ evolutionary think that there is any structural relation-
competition for mates. In these scenarios, interests cannot be met without coopera- ship between high male combat mortality
male reproductive success is thought to be tion with males. rates and polgyny as the preferred mar-
optimized through a strategy of “spreading Feminist scholars have pointed out riage type in most traditional cultures?
seed”—in other words, by being sexually that these scientific models are gen-
active with as many females as possible. dered in that they incorporate the norms a
Wrangham, R., & Peterson, D. (1996).
Females, on the other hand, are con- derived from the scientists’ culture. Dar
Dar- Demonic males (p. 168). Boston: Houghton
sidered gatekeepers who optimize their win’s original model of sexual selection Mifflin.
reproductive success through caring for incorporated the Victorian gender norms b
Ibid., p. 125.
individual offspring. According to this the- of the passive female and active male. c
Fedigan, L. M. (1986). The changing role
ory of sexual selection, in species where Primatologist Linda Fedigan suggests that of women in models of human evolution.
male–male competition is high, males in Darwinian models women evolved in Annual Review of Anthropology 15, 25–66.
Evolution of Warfare About a century ago, tens of thousands of soldiers on

the French-German frontline in World War I experienced
We have ample reason to suppose that war—not to be chemical warfare for the first time in history. Although
confused with more limited forms of deadly violence such other poison gases had been used a few years earlier,
as raids—has become a problem only in the last 10,000 troops in the trenches in 1917 were attacked by mustard
years, since the invention of food-production techniques gas—a chemical poison that causes blindness, large blis-
and especially since the formation of centralized states ters on exposed skin, and (if inhaled) bleeding and blis-
5,000 years ago. It has reached crisis proportions in the past tering in the mouth, throat, and lungs. The development
200 years, with the invention of modern weaponry and of weapons of mass destruction has been horrendously
increased direction of violence against civilian populations. effective.
Today, the chemical, biological, and nuclear weapon

arsenals stockpiled by many states are sufficient to wipe
Ideologies of Aggression
out all life on the planet, many times over. Because dan- Whatever may be possible in terms of military technology,
gerous poisons, such as the anthrax bacterium or the it takes ideas and motivation to turn humans into killers,
nerve gas Sarin, are cheap and easy to produce, non-state and that stems from culture. As noted earlier in this chap-
groups, including terrorists, also seek to acquire to them, ter, justifications for war are fixed in a society’s worldview.
if only to threaten to use them against more powerful It is said that war dehumanizes others—an ideological
opponents. process that usually begins with degrading opponents to a
The evolution of warfare continues to be driven by lower status as barbaric, evil, ugly, worthless, or otherwise
new inventions in military technology, with weapons inferior. Having thus dehumanized their adversaries, hu-
becoming increasingly complex and effective—from mans conjure justifications for slaughter and pillage, often
machine guns, supersonic jet fighters, and atomic raping vanquished women, mutilating enemy bodies for
bombs to high-energy laser beams, pilotless drones, trophies, and turning captives into slaves.
and computer viruses. Precision killing in modern No matter how extreme and negative the emotions
warfare, however, is an illusion as casualties among may be when confronting the enemy, warriors are usually
civilians far outnumber the casualty rate of soldiers physically and mentally trained for combat. In preparing
(Figure 22.11). and conditioning young men (and sometimes women)
Heather Ainsworth/The New York Times/Redux
Figure 22.11 Drone Pilot Operator

From his computer console at a military command post in New York State, this U.S. Attack Wing
airman remotely operates a drone aircraft in support of U.S. ground troops battling enemies in
tribal territories of Afghanistan and neighboring Pakistan. Equipped with Hellfire missiles, his
drone surveys the terrain with powerful cameras beaming live video via satellite. Drones can
be thought of as modern versions of dangerous spirits magically directed by invisible warlords.
U.S. forces have used Predator drones since 1995, targeting enemies primarily in Muslim
insurgencies across western Asia and North Africa. During that same period, the entertainment
industry has provided opportunities for “child soldiers” across the globe to play telewarfare
video games in arcades or at home.
Violent Conflict and Warfare 549
for the battlefield, they are indoctrinated by an ideology Feeling divinely directed to liberate her homeland
justifying war, which may come wrapped in magic and from evil and found a Christian theocracy based on the
other metaphysics. There are all too many examples of Ten Commandments, Alice recruited 8,000 Acholi and
how religious and ideological justifications for war are other northern warriors for a crusade to free Uganda from
entrenched in a society’s worldview. So-called holy wars all enemies of God. She called her militant cult the Holy
can flare up across the religious spectrum. The following Spirit Mobile Force. In late 1987, supernaturally aided by
example from East Africa provides a more detailed look. Lakwena and his phantom army of 144,000, Alice led
7,000 of her warriors southward, aiming to capture Ugan-
Case Study: A Christian Holy War in Uganda da’s capital city, Kampala.
Once described as the pearl of Africa, Filled with malaika, Alice’s troops marched in cross-
Uganda is a pluralistic country with shaped battle formations, carrying Bibles and singing
about 34 million inhabitants di- hymns. They had smeared their bodies with holy oil ex-
vided into more than a dozen ethnic tracted from wild shea nuts, assured it would shield them
groups, including the Acholi. Dur- UGANDA from bullets. They were armed with rifles, plus magic sticks
ing the colonial and stones blessed to explode when hurled at the enemy.
period, British SOUTH SUDAN In the first few battles, they scored victories when terrified
Garamba
missionaries con- National Park ETHIOPIA government troops ran away. But 80 kilometers (50 miles)
verted a large ma- east of Kampala, the Holy Spirit Mobile Force was mas-
jority of Ugandans DEM. REP. Acholi sacred, mowed down in a barrage of mortar attacks and
to Christianity. OF CONGO UGANDA machine-gun fire. Convinced that bullets could not pierce
Since gaining A F R I C A the purified, Alice interpreted this defeat as evidence that
Kampala
independence in KENYA evil spirits had gained control over many in her own army.
1962, Uganda has RWANDA Lake Abandoning the battlefield, she escaped into Kenya where
suffered numerous she died in a refugee camp twenty years later.
© Cengage Learning
Vi c t o r i a
regional insurgen- Hundreds of Holy Spirit warriors who survived the
cies, civil wars, ordeal joined other rebel groups, including the Lord’s
and interethnic BURUNDI TANZANIA Resistance Army (LRA) formed by Joseph Kony, an Acholi
clashes, resulting witchdoctor. A former Roman Catholic altar boy related
in death or displacement for millions. During the to Alice, Kony adopted some of her spiritual repertoire
1981–1986 Ugandan Bush War, Acholi soldiers fought in founding a militant cult based on a mixture of in-
with the losing faction, suffering huge losses and digenized Christian and Muslim beliefs and practices.
humiliation. After growing to a force of 4,000 warriors, his insurgency
By 1986, many Acholi Christians believed the apoca- degenerated into a murderous campaign based on terror
lypse described in the Bible’s Book of Revelation was upon tactics. The LRA also kidnapped many thousands of chil-
them. One such Acholi was Alice Auma, a 30-year-old dren, indoctrinating them to become merciless fighters
woman who had been married and divorced twice for be- (Figure 22.12).
ing barren. Alice found inspiration in the biblical promise By 2006, LRA troops had dwindled to about 600, and
of a “new earth” free of suffering and death. Through a the Uganda army had forced them across the border into
vision she believed was divine, she learned that a holy the Democratic Republic of Congo. The rebels hid out in
messenger had chosen her as his spirit-medium. Some- Garamba National Park—a vast wilderness inhabited by
times this powerful spirit took possession of Alice. She elephants, giraffes, hippos, rare white rhinoceroses, and
named him Lakwena—the Acholi word for “apostle” or many other animals.
“messenger from God”—and claimed that he commanded Since then and despite peace talk efforts, Kony’s sol-
the heavenly force of 144,000 redeemed men described in diers continue to carry out periodic raids. For instance, in
Revelation. a June 2008 foray into South Sudan, they forcibly added
In 1986, spiritually empowered by Lakwena, Alice some 1,000 new recruits, including hundreds of abducted
became a nebi (Acholi translation for a “biblical children. In air and ground military offensives throughout
prophet”). At séances, she gave herself over to malaika the following six months, Ugandan soldiers attacked rebel
(Swahili for “angels”), who filled her with power to heal camps in the Garamba forest, killing more than 150 LRA
people diagnosed as victims of evil spirits. Gaining a troops, capturing another 50 (including several low-level
reputation as a witchdoctor, she became known as Alice commanders), and rescuing many of the kidnapped chil-
Lakwena. Her patients included many Acholi soldiers dren and other forced recruits. The LRA retaliated with
who believed they were possessed by cen—the polluting killing raids, capturing replacement recruits, including
spirits of killed enemies seeking revenge. To keep their more children.
soul and body clean, Alice ordered them to abstain from In the past few years, nearly half a million people
alcohol and sex. have fled their villages for fear of attack—not only in the
a deliberate act or as the accidental outcome of activities

carried out by one people with little regard for their im-
pact on others. All genocides contain eight recognizable
stages: classification, symbolization, dehumanization, or-
ganization, polarization, preparation, extermination, and
denial (Stanton, 1998).
The most widely known act of genocide in recent
history was the attempt of the Nazis during World War
II to wipe out European Jews and Roma (Gypsies) in the
name of racial superiority and improvement of the hu-
man species. Reference to this mass extermination as the
Holocaust—as if it were unique—tends to blind us to the
fact that genocide is an age-old and ongoing phenom-
enon, with many examples from across the globe and
throughout human history. Less known are the mass
killings of some 1.5 million Armenians. Historically, this
large ethnic group with its own language formed a king-
dom in the West Asian highlands now divided between
the republics of Armenia, Iran, and Turkey. As a Christian
minority, Armenians were incorporated within the
Ottoman empire for centuries but were targeted for ex-
termination or deportation in 1915. Many of those who
survived the subsequent massacres in what is now Turkey
fled abroad, transforming “the Armenians into one of
Helen Margaret Giovanello
the world’s largest diaspora peoples—estimated at up to

10 million people, more than three times [the Republic of]
Armenia’s population” (Herszenhorn, 2015).
Among numerous more contemporary examples
of genocide, government-sponsored terrorism against
Figure 22.12 Young Acholi Soldier in the Lord’s indigenous communities in Guatemala reached its
Resistance Army height in the 1980s, the same decade in which Saddam
After Alice Lakwena’s crusade ended in a bloodbath, her relative Hussein’s government used poison gas against the
Joseph Kony adopted some of her ideas, forming the Lord’s Kurdish ethnic minority in northern Iraq. In 1994,
Resistance Army (LRA). Unlike Alice, he often forced children Hutus in the African country of Rwanda slaughtered
into service. In 2006 he and his fighters, including the armed
about 800,000 of their Tutsi neighbors (Human Rights
teenager pictured here, retreated into the Democratic Republic
Watch Report, 1999). Estimates vary, but during the 20th
of Congo’s vast Garamba National Park and staged raids from
century, as many as 83 million people may have died
there. Wanted for war crimes and accused of being a demon,
of genocide (White, 2003). The horrors continue in the
Kony remains in hiding.
current century, particularly in Africa and Asia, but also
in other parts of the world.
Democratic Republic of Congo, but also in neighboring
South Sudan and the Central African Republic. Kony, the
rebel army’s charismatic Christian cult leader, remains
at large, still believing in his divinely guided insurgency Armed Conflicts Today
(Allen, 2006; Behrend, 1999; Finnström, 2008). Since the last decade of the 20th century, several dozen
wars have raged around the globe. They occur not only
Genocide between states but primarily within pluralistic countries
where interethnic conflicts abound and/or where the
As these cross-cultural examples of violent conflict in- political leadership and government bureaucracy are cor-
dicate, warfare often involves a complex dynamic of rupt, ineffective, or without popular support. A contem-
economic, political, and ideological interests. This is es- porary example is Syria, noted in this chapter’s opening
pecially true when violence escalates into genocide—the page. The population of this West Asian country is about
physical extermination of one people by another, either as 60 percent Arabs, 10 percent Kurds, and 2 percent Turk-
men—all Sunni Muslims. The Alawites and Ismaili sects
represent a Shia Muslim minority of 16 percent, whereas
genocide The physical extermination of one people by another, either as
a deliberate act or as the accidental outcome of activities carried out by the rest are Druse (2 percent) or belong to various Chris-
one people with little regard for their impact on others. tian denominations (10 percent, down from 30 percent in
Peacemaking 551
the 1920s). An estimated 500,000 are Palestinian refugees, evidence of their official status and mission as envoys or
and another 2 million are Iraqis who fled fighting in their diplomats.
homeland. Since 2011 when the Syrian civil war erupted, A formally binding agreement between two or more
about 250,000 inhabitants have been killed (40 percent of groups that are independent and politically self-governing
whom were women and children). More than 4 million (such as tribes, chiefdoms, and states) is a contract known
Syrians are now refugees with many seeking a new life in as a treaty. Determining issues of war and peace and
northwestern Europe. influencing the survival and well-being of multitudes,
Foreign military intervention is a hallmark of many treaty making is ritually concluded with a ceremonial
long-lasting wars in regions that are strategically impor- performance.
tant or that are rich in natural resources, including the In different cultures across the globe, a wide range of cer-
Democratic Republic of Congo, a failed state in mineral- emonial artifacts have been used in diplomatic protocol—
rich Africa. There, a violent war erupted in 1998 that such as special shell-beaded belts (wampum) presented by
ultimately involved eight neighboring countries and about Iroquois chiefs and long-stemmed tobacco pipes smoked by
twenty-five armed forces. Claiming the lives of nearly Lakota leaders and numerous other Plains Indian peoples.
6 million people and forcing millions more to flee their Thus equipped, delegates participate in formal rituals
home villages, this gruesome war with mass murder and brokering terms of agreement, including mutually bind-
mass rape is known as Africa’s World War. Beyond massa- ing rules to prevent or end conflict and live in friendship
cres, it led to large-scale destruction of roads, bridges, and and peace. These terms so negotiated may secure rights
buildings, dooming survivors to an insecure existence of of access or claims to tracts of disputed land, water, other
daily hardship. natural resources, safe passage across territorial boundaries
Notably, many armies around the world recruit chil- for trade or pilgrimages to sacred sites, and a host of other
dren. Experts estimate that some 250,000 child soldiers, issues setting rules to maintain order and avoid conflict.
many as young as 12 years old, are participating in armed Today, many indigenous nations who could not resist more
conflicts around the world, especially in Africa (“Child powerful states claiming political control or ownership
soldiers global report 2008,” 2009; “5th report on children over their ancestral lands are appealing to international or-
and armed conflict in the DR Congo,” 2014; see also UN ganizations for support in their struggle against repression,
News Centre, 2014). respect for their human rights and cultural freedom, and
Beyond these wars there are numerous so-called restoration of their political rights of self-determination in
low-intensity wars involving guerrilla organizations, rebel their homeland.
armies, resistance movements, terrorist cells, and a host
of other armed groups engaged in violent conflict with
official state-controlled armed forces. Every year, confron- Politics of Nonviolent
tations result in hundreds of hot spots and violent flash
points, most of which are never reported in the world’s
Resistance
major news media. There are other options for resolving major political
conflicts besides fighting with deadly weapons or interna-
tional diplomacy. In 1947, India and Pakistan gained po-
litical independence from their British colonial overlords
Peacemaking in part due to a nonviolent resistance movement led by
Mohandas Gandhi.
Throughout history, people have tried to prevent con- Born into the Vaisya caste in Gujarat, in 1869, Gandhi
flicts from escalating into violence, just as they have was the son of a high-ranking district official. In 1888,
endeavored to end existing violence and restore peaceful he sailed to London, where he completed his law stud-
relations. Thus, diplomacy and nonviolent resistance are ies. Failing to establish himself as a lawyer in India, the
a vital part of this chapter’s discussion. 23-year-old accepted a position in Johannesburg, South
Africa. There, like fellow dark-skinned Indians, he experi-
enced racist discrimination.
Peace Through Diplomacy Making a decision to fight colonial repression and in-
justice, Gandhi built a movement founded on the concept
Most societies have established diplomatic procedures
of satyagraha, which he conceived while serving as a legal
to resolve conflicts, and some have been more suc-
advisor for Indian traders and laborers working in British
cessful than others at implementing them to maintain
South Africa in 1906. The term is based on the Sanskrit
peace. Typically, politically organized groups designate
high-ranking trusted individuals to discuss a mutually
acceptable agreement to secure peace. Authorized as rep-
treaty A contract or formally binding agreement between two or more
resentatives acting on behalf of their tribal elders, chief, groups that are independent and self-governing political groups such as
king, or other sovereign head, these people usually carry tribes, chiefdoms, and states.
words satya (“truth”), implying love, and agraha (“firm- In 1988 Suu Kyi founded the National
ness”). As he described it in 1908, applying satyagraha League for Democracy (NLD) as a MYANMAR
to the pursuit of truth required weaning one’s opponent coordinating body for nonviolent
from the error of injustice: resistance. Two years later, after
winning a majority of
by patience and sympathy. . . . And patience
the national votes and
means self-suffering. So the doctrine came to mean
gaining 81 percent of the INDIA
vindication of truth, not by infliction of suffering on CHINA
seats in the Myanmar Par-
the opponent, but on one’s own self. . . . A satyagrahi
liament, she was placed
enjoys a degree of freedom not possible for others,
under house arrest and MYANMAR
for he becomes a truly fearless person. Once his mind LAOS
isolated from the public,
is rid of fear, he will never agree to be another’s slave.
as well as from her hus-
© Cengage Learning
Bay of
(Gandhi, 1999, vol. 19, p. 220, & vol. 8, p. 151) Bengal THAILAND
band and two children.
ANDAMAN
Returning to India in 1915, Gandhi mobilized the first of Refusing to compromise ISLANDS
many mass protests against colonial injustices applying her principles and accept (INDIA)
satyagraha as a “weapon of the strong” that “admits no exile, she endured in

violence under any circumstance” (Gandhi, 1999). solitude and periodically
The journey toward independence was long and full went on hunger strikes. She became one of the world’s
of losses for Gandhi and his satyagrahis, but they emerged most prominent political prisoners and was awarded the
victorious in 1947. Tragically, six months later, as Gandhi Nobel Peace Prize and many other international honors for
strove to maintain peace between religious factions, a her courageous human rights activism.
Hindu extremist assassinated the 79-year-old hero. In 2011, having been confined for fifteen of the
Gandhi’s triumphant example lives on. Among the previous twenty-one years and widowed, she finally
many current examples of nonviolent resistance is the regained her freedom and resumed her public role as
National League for Democracy (NLD), a popular mass head of the opposition movement. Six months later, the
movement to end the military grip on power in Myanmar, NLD Party won most of the vacant seats in the House
formerly known as Burma. Its founder and leader, Aung of Representatives, with Suu Kyi taking her long-denied
San Suu Kyi, is an Oxford University-trained political leader seat in Myanmar Parliament. In 2015, the NLD won an
raised in the Buddhist tradition like most of her followers. absolute majority in both houses of Parliament, fortifying
She is the daughter of a freedom fighter who led the coun- the democratic influence of its founder and chairperson
try to its 1947 independence from British colonial rule. Suu Kyi (Figure 22.13).
Figure 22.13 Myanmar’s

New Parliament
Pro-democracy leader Aung
San Suu Kyi attends the
first day of a new parliament
session in Naypyitaw,
Myanmar, on February 1,
2016. Suu Kyi’s National
League for Democracy now
holds a majority of seats
after the party’s landslide
victory in the November
2015 election. The previous
parliament was dominated
by army-backed candidates,
in a country that had spent
nearly five decades under
military rule.
© U Aung/Xinhua/Alamy Live News
Peacemaking 553
William Ury: Dispute Resolution and the Anthropologist

In an era when disputes quickly escalate government officials in negotiation skills. title, The Power of a Positive No. His 1999
into violence, conflict management is of It has four key goals: (1) design, imple- book, Getting to Peace: Transforming Conflict
growing importance. A world leader in this ment, and evaluate better dispute resolu- at Home, at Work, and in the World, he exam-
profession is U.S. anthropologist William tion practices; (2) promote collaboration ines what he calls the “third side,” which is
L. Ury, an independent negotiations spe- among practitioners and scholars; (3) de- the role that the surrounding community can
cialist who has wide-ranging experience velop education programs and materials play in preventing, resolving, and containing
working out conflicts—from family feuds for instruction in negotiation and dispute destructive conflict between two parties.a
to boardroom battles to ethnic wars. resolution; (4) increase public awareness His books have been translated into more
In his first year at graduate school, Ury and understanding of successful conflict than thirty languages.
began looking for ways to apply anthropol- resolution efforts. Like others in this field, Ury aims to
ogy to practical problems, including con- In 1982, Ury earned his doctorate in create a culture of negotiation in a world
flicts of all dimensions. He wrote a paper anthropology from Harvard with a disserta- where adversarial, win–lose attitudes are
about the role of anthropology in peace- tion titled “Talk Out or Walk Out: The Role out of step with the increasingly interde-
making and on a whim sent it to Roger and Control of Conflict in a Kentucky Coal pendent relations among people.b In writ-
Fisher, a law professor noted for his work Mine.” Afterward, he taught for several ing and action, he challenges entrenched
in negotiation and world affairs. Fisher, in years while maintaining a leadership role ideas that violence and war are inevitable,
turn, invited the young graduate student to at PON. In particular, he devoted himself offering convincing evidence that human
coauthor a kind of how-to book for interna- to PON’s Global Negotiation Initiative. With beings have as much inherent potential for
tional mediators. The book they researched former U.S. president Jimmy Carter, he cooperation and coexistence as they do for
and wrote together turned out to have a cofounded the International Negotiation violent conflict. Certain that violence is a
far wider audience because it presented Network, a nongovernmental body seeking choice, Ury says, “Conflict is not going to
basic principles of negotiation that could to end civil wars around the world. end, but violence can.”c
be applied to household spats, manager– Utilizing a cross-cultural perspective
a
employee conflicts, or international crises. sharpened through years of anthropolog- Pease, T. (2000, Spring). Taking the third
Titled Getting to Yes: Negotiating Agreement ical research, Ury has specialized in eth- side. Andover Bulletin 93 (3), 24. Ury also
Without Giving In, it sold millions of copies, nic and secessionist disputes, including covers this topic in his 2010 talk for the
was translated into twenty-one languages, those between white and black South noted TED series: http://www.ted.com/talks
and earned the nickname “the negotiator’s Africans, Serbs and Croats, Turks and /william_ury
b
bible.” Kurds, Catholics and Protestants in North- See Weber, L. (2015, January 23). Your own
While working on Getting to Yes, Ury and ern Ireland, and Russians and Chechens worst enemy in a negotiation? Look in the
Fisher cofounded the Program on Negoti- in the former Soviet Union. The Russian mirror. Wall Street Journal. http://blogs.wsj.com
ation (PON) at Harvard Law School, pull- Parliament awarded him a Distinguished /atwork/2015/01/23/your-worst-enemy-in
ing together an interdisciplinary group of Service Medal for his work on resolving -a-negotiation-look-in-the-mirror/ (retrieved
academics interested in new approaches ethnic conflicts. January 4, 2016); see also the Program on
to and applications of the negotiation Among the most effective tools in Ury’s Negotiation website: http://www.pon.harvard
process. Today, this applied research cen- applied anthropology work are the books he .edu/
c
ter is a multi-university consortium that continues to write on dispute resolution— Ury, W. L. (2002, Winter). A global immune
trains mediators, businesspeople, and from his 1993 Getting Past No to his 2007 system. Andover Bulletin 95 (2).
Throughout the world, liberation, civil rights, and and ideological factors. Military technology has led to the
pro-democracy movements have successfully applied the launching of ever-more effective killing machines operating
politics of nonviolent action in their struggles against po- in factories of death. The challenge of eliminating human
litical repression, racist discrimination, and dictatorships violence has never been greater than it is in today’s world—
(Sharp, 1973, 2010; Stolberg, 2011). And some anthropol- nor has the cost of not finding a way to do so. Throughout
ogists have made significant contributions in the arena of history and across the globe, individuals and groups have
peaceful conflict resolution, as chronicled in this chapter’s created, adopted, and applied ways to avoid and resolve
Anthropology Applied feature. conflicts by means of nonviolence. As we will see in the
As the cross-cultural examples featured in this chapter next chapter, the search for peace and harmony crosses
show, the political challenges of maintaining order and re- political and chronological boundaries and is among the
solving conflicts are complex, involving economic, political, challenges humans engage through religion and spirituality.
What is power, and why is it a vital issue ✓ States are inherently unstable and transitory and differ
from nations, which are communities of people who
in every society? share a collective identity based on a common culture,
✓ Power is the ability of individuals or groups to impose language, territorial base, and history.
their will upon others and make them do things even
against their own wants and wishes. Ranging from How do political organizations establish
persuasion to violence, power drives politics—the authority?
process of determining who gets what, when, and how.
✓ Authority—claiming and exercising power as justified
✓ A society’s political organization establishes how power by law or custom of tradition—is basic to the political
is accumulated, arranged, executed, and structurally process. Unlike coercion, which imposes obedience by
embedded in that society. force or intimidation, authority is based on the socially
accepted rules or codified laws binding people together
What are the different types of political as a society.
organization? ✓ Most governments use some measure of ideology,
✓ Political organizations, which can be uncentralized or including religion, to legitimize political power.
centralized, include bands, tribes, chiefdoms, and
✓ Historically, far fewer women than men have held
states.
important positions of political leadership, but there
✓ The band is a relatively small (a few hundred people at have been significant exceptions. Today, high-profile
most) and loosely organized kin-ordered group that female leadership is increasingly common.
inhabits a specific territory and that may split into
smaller extended family groups that are politically and How do political systems maintain social
economically independent. order and handle misconduct, crime, and
✓ Typically, bands are found among food foragers and conflict within a society?
other nomadic societies where people organize into
✓ There are two kinds of cultural control. Internalized or
politically autonomous family groups. Political
self-control is comprised of deeply ingrained sentiments
organization in bands is democratic, and informal
about what is proper and what is not. Externalized
control is exerted by public opinion in the form of
control includes sanctions or social directives designed
gossip and ridicule.
to encourage or coerce conformity to cultural standards
✓ In anthropology, a tribe is a kin-ordered group of acceptable behavior.
politically integrated by a unifying factor and whose
✓ Law is formal rules of conduct that, when violated,
members share a common ancestry, identity, culture,
lead to negative sanctions. In centralized political
language, and territory. With an economy usually
systems, this authority rests with the government and
based on crop cultivation or herding, the tribe’s
court system, whereas uncentralized societies give this
population is larger than that of the band. Political
authority directly to the injured party.
organization is transitory, and leaders have no coercive
means of maintaining authority. ✓ All societies use negotiation to settle individual
disputes. In negotiation, the parties to the dispute
✓ In many tribal societies, the organizing political unit is
reach an agreement themselves, with or without the
the clan, comprised of people who consider themselves
help of a third party. Typically, in non-state societies,
descended from a common ancestor. Another type of
efforts to resolve disputes focus on restoring social
tribal leadership is the Big Man, who builds up his
harmony. Punitive justice (such as imprisonment)
wealth and political power until he must be reckoned
stands in contrast to restorative justice.
with as a leader.
✓ As societies grow and become more complex socially, Why war and how did it evolve?
politically, and economically, leadership becomes more
centralized. ✓ Violent conflict—ranging from individual fights to
local feuds to formally declared international wars
✓ A chiefdom is a politically organized society in which fought by professional armed forces—may be waged
several neighboring communities inhabiting a territory over scarce resources, territorial expansion, or ideology.
are united under a chief who heads a ranked hierarchy
of people. ✓ War, a rather recent phenomenon, became prominent
as populations grew in the wake of the Neolithic
✓ The most centralized political organization is the revolution. In the past 5,000 years, humans have
state—an institution established to manage and defend fought some 14,000 wars resulting in many hundreds
a complex, socially stratified society occupying a of millions of casualties, yet war is not a universal
defined territory. phenomenon. Some societies engage in defensive wars
555
only and try to avoid armed confrontations, and some ✓ Treaties are formally binding agreements between two
societies do not practice warfare as we know it. or more groups that are independent and self-
governing political groups such as tribes, chiefdoms,
✓ New inventions in military technology have
and states.
dramatically increased the complexity of warfare and
the number of civilian casualties. ✓ In 1947, India and Pakistan gained political
independence from their British colonial overlords in
✓ Genocide is the physical extermination of one people
part due to a nonviolent resistance movement led by
by another.
Mohandas Gandhi.
What nonviolent approaches do humans ✓ A present-day example of nonviolent resistance is the

use to resolve conflicts? popular mass movement to end the military grip on
power in Myanmar led by Aung San Suu Kyi.
✓ Throughout history, people have used diplomacy to
prevent conflicts from escalating into violence.
1. In Syria, a pluralistic society with many ethnic and solving conflicts? If so, what is the role of an ideology
religious groups, a civil war has turned into sectarian that asserts national and/or religious righteousness?
violence with numerous factions and splinter groups 3. When your own government commits its military
fighting each other. Can you imagine your own to fight on foreign soil, on what basis does it seek
country becoming a theocracy, dictatorship, or even a to justify the decision to send soldiers into deadly
failed state? What does it take to maintain tolerance combat against a declared enemy opponent?
and peaceful order?
4. Do you think nonviolent resistance is effective as a tactic
2. Do you think there is a relationship between challenging social or political injustice? Can you imagine
a profitable arms industry, promoting military a situation in which such protest is not only effective
dominance, and the pursuit of war as a means of but would also be legitimate? If so, on what grounds?
Politics and Purses
In many countries, political power is concentrated financing, with a focus on major individual,
in the hands of a wealthy elite owning or corporate, or institutional donors. Contact each of
controlling large corporations. Assuming you live these three elected officials and ask them, or their
in a democracy, please select three politicians staffers, to explain what these donors expect to
in your state, province, or district who have get in return for their support. Because actions
successfully run for high public office. Check speak louder than words, check which decisions
newspapers, websites, and other sources of were made that directly or indirectly favor these
information about their election campaign donors.
Josef Polleross/Getty Images
CHALLENGE ISSUE
As self-reflecting beings, humans face the challenge of making sense of our place in the uni-
verse. We puzzle over truly big questions about time and space and wrestle with existential
questions about our own fate, life, and death. For countless generations, our species has cre-
atively engaged in such reflections on the unknown, the mysterious, the supernatural. We do
this through our culture in sacred narratives and rituals—prayers, chants, dances, prostrations,
burnings, and sacrificial offerings—the cornerstones of many religions. In the small Himalaya
kingdom of Bhutan, where many people remain illiterate, Buddhist monks perform religious
legends in theatrical dance while trumpets offer sacred sounds to the divine. Here we see the
ceremonial Stag and Hounds dance, Shawo Shachi, in a centuries-old dzong or fortified monas-
tery. The dog-masked dancer acts out an ancient legend about Guru Rinpoche. This supreme
saint tamed bloodthirsty hunting dogs with songs and pacified their infuriated master, con-
verting him to Buddhism. Subduing demonic forces, the saint bought harmony and happiness
through sacred teachings and inspired many followers. The state religion in Bhutan is a branch
of Tibetan Buddhism established by an ascetic monk in the late 12th century. Achieving liv-
ing sainthood, this monk reincarnated many times in the course of centuries and founded a
spiritual lineage of ruling priest-kings. By collectively commemorating him, present-day monks
reinforce the beliefs and practices that support their nation’s traditional power structure.
Spirituality, Religion,
and Shamanism 23
Religions play an important role in determining cultural identity in many soci-
soci In this chapter you
eties across the globe, sometimes overruling other major identity markers such will learn to
as kinship, social class, and ethnicity or nationality. From an anthropological ● Articulate how religion
point of view, spirituality and religion are part of a cultural system’s superstruc- is related to other parts
ture, earlier defined as the collective body of ideas, beliefs, and values by which of a cultural system.
members of a culture make sense of the world and their place in it. In contrast ● Distinguish a cross-
to theology or other disciplines, anthropology examines the entirety of shared cultural variety of
supernatural beings and
concepts concerning the ultimate shape and substance of reality in terms of a
spiritual forces.
people’s worldview—the collective body of ideas members of a culture generally
● Identify religious
share concerning the ultimate shape and substance of their reality.
specialists and contrast
Notably, just 16 percent of the world’s population is categorized as nonreli- the different rituals they
gious. This broad label covers a range of worldviews—from atheism to secular oversee.
humanism to individually held spiritual beliefs that do not fit any formally ● Recognize why places
institutionalized religion. (Figure 23.1). become sacred sites and
The superstructure of cultural systems is intricately connected with the in-
pilgrimage destinations.
frastructure and social structure. Guided by our barrel model, we therefore ex- ● Explain beliefs in evil
pect adaptations in the superstructure when there are technological, economic,
magic, or witchcraft,
linking this to fear and
social, and/or political changes. Based on that principle, worldwide transforma-
social control.
tions in the ideological landscape are to be anticipated as an integral component
● Interpret why shamanic
of globalization. Reviewing world history for the past few thousand years, schol-
healing is thought to be
ars recognize radical transformations in religious and spiritual beliefs and rituals effective.
everywhere. Taking the long view, we discover that, like political states discussed ● Analyze the connection
in the previous chapter, most religions we know today are, in fact, not that old. between cultural upheaval
And even those that appear to be old are quite different from when they began. and revitalization
movements.
In this chapter we offer a cross-cultural review and comparative historical
perspective on a wide range of spiritual traditions and religions. We explain
how societies have developed worldviews concerning the non-ordinary, myste-
rious, transcendental, or supernatural—cultural superstructures with particular
repertoires of spiritual beliefs, ritual practices, and religious institutions, often
considered sacred or holy.
557
558 CHAPTER 23 Spirituality, Religion, and Shamanism
Buddhism 6% Christianity 33%

Includes Catholic,
Roles of Spirituality
Chinese
Traditional 6%
Other
4%
Protestant, Eastern
Orthodox, Pentecostal,
and Religion
Indigenous 6% AICs, Latter-Day
Among people in all societies, particular spiritual or reli-
Includes African Saints,
Jehovah’s gious beliefs and practices fulfill individual and collective
Traditional/
Diasporic Witnesses, psychological and emotional needs. They reduce anxiety
Quakers, by providing an orderly view of the universe and answers
etc.
Nonreligious 16% to existential questions, including those concerning suf-
Includes agnostic, fering and death. They provide a path by which people
atheist, secular
humanist, and transcend the burdens of mortal existence and attain, if
people with “no Islam 21% only momentarily, hope and relief.
religious preference.” Shia, Spiritual or religious beliefs and practices serve nu-
Half of this group Sunni, etc.
is “theistic” merous cultural purposes. For instance, a religion held
Hinduism 14%
© Cengage Learning
but nonreligious. in common by a group of people reinforces community
values and provides moral guidelines for personal con-
duct. It also offers narratives and rituals used to confirm a
social hierarchy and legitimize political power; conversely,
it may allow for narratives countering the divine claims of
Figure 23.1 Major Religions of the World
This chart shows the world’s major religions with percentages powerholders, even providing justifications and rituals to
of their adherents. The total adds up to more than 100 percent resist and challenge them. In addition, people may turn
due to rounding. Two have enormous followings: Christianity, to religion or spirituality in the hope of reaching a specific
with about 2.2 billion adherents (half of whom are Roman goal, such as restoring health, securing a harvest, ending
Catholic), and Islam, with over 1.5 billion (an overwhelming violence, or being rescued from danger (Figure 23.2).
majority of whom are Sunni). Within both religions are Anthropologists recognize that not everyone believes
numerous major and minor divisions, splits, and sects. in a supernatural force or entity, but they also agree that
Sources: adherents.com; Pew Research Center, 2011. there is no known culture that does not provide some set
AP Images/Ed Way
Figure 23.2 Bugi Sailors Praying, Indonesia

The Bugi of Sulawesi (Celebes) are famous for their oceangoing schooners. For generations,
these Indonesian seafarers have plied the waters between Malaysia and Australia, transporting
spices and other freight. Life at sea is risky—sudden storms, piracy, and other mishaps—and
sailors pray for safety. This prayerful Bugi gathering in Jakarta on Java Island took place on a
holiday ending Ramadan, the Islamic month of fasting. During that time Muslims refrain from
eating, drinking liquids, smoking, and sexual activities, from sunrise to sunset. This taboo
serves to purify thought and build restraint for Allah’s sake.
Myth and the Mapping of a Sacred Worldview 559
of ideas about existence beyond ordinary and empirically plead with high-ranking deities for aid the way members
verifiable reality—ideas concerning the supernatural or of stratified societies more typically do. Their holistic
metaphysical. Because such ideas serve cultural purposes worldview is often referred to as naturalistic, an imprecise
and fulfill emotional and psychological needs, it makes but workable term.
sense that spirituality and religions developed tens of At the other end of our spectrum are state societies
thousands of years ago and occur across the globe. with commercial or industrial economies, sophisticated
In the wake of major technological inventions and technologies, and social stratification based on a com-
new discoveries since the 1600s, European intellectuals plex division of labor. There, high-ranking social groups
predicted that magic, myth, and religion would be re- typically seek to control and manage the construction of
placed by empirical research, proven facts, and scientific a society’s worldview as an ideological means of legitimiz-
theories. Some even forecasted the end of religion alto- ing and reinforcing their vested interests in its hierarchical
gether. But to date, and despite tremendous scientific structure. Usually featuring a ranked order of supernatural
achievements, that has not occurred. Confronted by radi- beings—for instance, God and (in some religions) the
cal cultural changes, and feeling threatened by upheaval, angels, saints, or other holy figures—it simultaneously
many turn to religion and spirituality in search of reassur- reflects and reinforces the stratified system in which it is
ing answers and hope. embedded. In such societies, religious activities are usually
reserved for designated locations, times, and occasions.
Religions provide a powerful ideology justifying in-
equality in a state society, but they may also inspire sub-
Anthropological Approach ordinated peoples to envision an alternative social order
to Spirituality and Religion freeing them from exploitation, repression, and humilia-
tion. Thus, religiously motivated social movements have
challenged political establishments.
Worldwide, people are inspired and guided by strongly
held ideas about the supernatural, putting into practice
what they deeply believe to be true or right. It is not the
responsibility of anthropologists to pass judgment on the Myth and the Mapping
metaphysical truth of any particular faith system, but it
is our task to show how each embodies a number of re- of a Sacred Worldview
vealing facts about humanity and the particular cultural
Because much remains beyond human capacity to actu-
superstructure within which these religious or spiritual
ally observe and explain based on obvious or empirical ev-
beliefs are ideologically embedded.
idence alone, people have creatively worked out narratives
Based on a cross-cultural and comparative historical
explaining the fundamentals of human existence—where
perspective on worldviews, we define religion as an or-
we and everything in our world came from, why we are
ganized system of ideas about the spiritual sphere or the
here, and where we are going. These narratives form part
supernatural, along with associated ceremonial practices
of a people’s worldview or cosmology
cosmology—their understanding
by which people try to interpret and/or influence aspects
of the universe, its form and workings. Falling into the
of the universe otherwise beyond their control. Similar
category of myth (mythos, Greek for “word,” “speech”),
to religion, spirituality is concerned with the sacred, as
these stories play a fundamental role in religious and
distinguished from ordinary reality, but it is often individ-
spiritual beliefs and practices. Myths are believed to be
ual rather than collective and does not require a formal
true, even sacred, by those subscribing to the particular
institution. Both indicate that many aspects of the human
worldview engendering such narratives.
experience are thought to be beyond natural or scientific
Typically, a myth features supernatural forces or beings
explanation.
engaged in extraordinary or miraculous performances.
Spirituality and/or religion continue to play a role
It may offer a morality play, providing an ethical code
in all known cultures. However, considerable variability
exists globally (Figure 23.3). At one end of the anthro-
pological spectrum are food-foraging peoples, who have
limited technological ability and social division of labor religion An organized system of ideas about the spiritual sphere or the
supernatural, along with associated ceremonial practices by which people
to exploit or control their natural environment. Broadly try to interpret and/or influence aspects of the universe otherwise
speaking, they hold that nature is pregnant with the beyond their control.
spiritual. Embedded and manifested in all aspects of their spirituality Concern with the sacred, as distinguished from material
culture, spirituality permeates their daily activities—from matters. In contrast to religion, spirituality is often individual rather
than collective and does not require a distinctive format or traditional
food hunting or gathering to making fires, building
organization.
homes, and conversations about life before or after death.
myth A sacred narrative that explains the fundamentals of human
It also mirrors and confirms the egalitarian nature of so- existence—where we and everything in our world came from, why we are
cial relations in their societies, in that individuals do not here, and where we are going.
ASIA
NORTH
AMERICA EUROPE
Atlantic
Pacific
Ocean
Ocean
AFRICA
Pacific
Ocean
Indian
Ocean
SOUTH
AMERICA AUSTRALIA
Predominant Religions
CHRISTIANITY ISLAM Chinese Religions
Protestant Sunni Muslim Shinto and Buddhism
Roman Catholic Shia Muslim Judaism
Eastern Orthodox Sikhism
© Cengage Learning
Coptic OTHER Indigenous (mostly animism)
Mormon (LDS) Hinduism Indigenous and Christian
Mixed Sects Buddhism Unpopulated Areas
Figure 23.3 Global Distribution of Predominant Religions

This map depicts the global distribution of major religions, indicating where they predominate.
In some areas, the mixture of different religions is such that no single faith is shared by most
of that region’s inhabitants. Not detailed enough to show pockets with significant numbers of a
particular faith (such as Israel’s 6 million Jews), it also omits many religions that are dispersed
or eclipsed by others—including several worldwide ones such as Ahmadiyya (a Muslim sect,
with 10 million adherents), Jehovah’s Witnesses (a Christian sect with 7 million adherents), and
Bahá’í (with 6 million adherents, emphasizing the spiritual unity of all mankind and recognizing
divine messengers from various religions).
for its audience and guidelines for human behavior. For spiritual rituals. Their actions presuppose the existence
example, the Puranas (a body of religious texts, including of spiritual forces that can be tapped into, or supernat-
cosmological myths, considered sacred by Buddhists and ural beings interested in human affairs and available
Hindus) are rich in such material. So are the Bible, Quran, for aid. In many cultures, these supernatural forces or
and Torah, each held sacred in distinct but historically spiritual beings are associated with unique geographic
related religions originating in Southwest Asia. Whether locations valued as sacred sites—extraordinary rock
orally transmitted in poems or stories, musically in songs, formations, lakes, wells, waterfalls, mountains, and so
in dance motions, in pictures or sculptures, or in writing, forth. Supernatural beings can be divided into three cat-
these representations have been passed on from genera- egories: deities (gods and goddesses), ancestral spirits,
tion to generation and inform believers with a sacred map and other sorts of spirit beings.
of the cosmos, or universe, and their place in it.
Gods and Goddesses

Supernatural Beings Not all religions anthropomorphize the divine, but many
do. Symbolically constructing a divine order that mirrors
and Spiritual Forces a society’s gender structure, many religions recognize
male and female deities. Gods and goddesses, or divini-
A hallmark of religion is belief in spiritual forces and ties, are the great and more remote supernatural beings.
supernatural beings. Attempting to control by religious Generally speaking, cultures that subordinate women to
means what cannot be controlled in other ways, hu- men attribute masculine gender to the more powerful
mans turn to prayer, sacrifice, and other religious or gods or to a supreme deity. For instance, in traditional
Supernatural Beings and Spiritual Forces 561
Christian religions believers speak of God as

a father who had a divine son born from a
human mother, but they do not entertain
thoughts of God as a mother or as a divine
daughter. Such male-privileging religions de-
veloped in many societies traditionally based
on the herding of animals or intensive ag-
riculture with frequent warfare, and politics
controlled by men.
Goddesses, by contrast, are likely to be
prominent in societies where women play a
significant role in the economy and enjoy
relative equality with men. Such societies are
most often those that depend on crop cultiva-
tion traditionally carried out solely or mostly
by women. Typically, these may feature fertil-
ity and earth goddesses.
Some religions recognize deities repre-
sented as male–female combinations. For ex-
ample, one of the Greek gods, also recognized
in the Roman empire, was Hermaphroditus,
the beautiful two-sexed son of Hermes (or
Mercury) and Aphrodite (or Venus). Hindus
recognize a similar third-gender divinity when
they worship Ardhanarishvara (“the Lord who
is half woman”) (Figure 23.4).
If a religion recognizes only one supremely
powerful divinity as creator and master of the
universe, we speak of monotheism. If it
acknowledges more than one divinity, each
governing a particular domain, we label it
polytheism. Gods and goddesses of ancient
Greece illustrate the latter: Zeus ruled the sky,
Ephotocorp/Robert Harding
Poseidon the sea, and Hades the underworld
and the dead. In addition to these three
brothers, Greek mythology features a host
of other deities, both male and female, each
similarly concerned with specific aspects of
life and the universe. Athena and Nike, for
Figure 23.4 Ardhanarishvara, a Dual-Gender Divinity
instance, were goddesses of war and victory,
Some religions recognize deities as physically resembling human beings, males
respectively. A pantheon, or a collective of and females. Among the many gods in the Hindu tradition is one that embodies
gods and goddesses worshiped in a society, both genders at once. Pictured here is Ardhanarishvara—a composite androgynous
is common in many religions, today most form of the Hindu god Shiva and his consort Parvati. Having just one female
famously in Hinduism. breast, this divinity represents a synthesis of masculine and feminine energies
Because states typically have grown of the universe.
through conquest, often their pantheons
have expanded, with local deities of con-
quered peoples being incorporated into the official state
Ancestral Spirits
pantheon. A frequent feature of pantheons is the presence Beliefs in ancestral spirits support the idea that human
of a supreme deity, who may be all but totally ignored by beings consist of intertwined components: body/matter
humans. Aztecs of the Mexican highlands, for instance, (physical) and mind/soul (spiritual). This dualistic concept
recognized a supreme duo to whom they paid little at-
tention. Assuming this divine pair was unlikely to be in- monotheism The belief in only one supremely powerful divinity as
terested in ordinary humans, they devoted themselves to creator and master of the universe.
lesser deities thought to be more directly concerned with polytheism The belief in multiple gods and/or goddesses.
human affairs. pantheon A collective of gods and goddesses worshiped in a society.
carries with it the possibility of a spirit being freed from the Animism is typical of those who see themselves as
body—through dream, trance, or death—and even having being a part of nature rather than dominating or su-
a separate existence. Frequently, where a belief in ancestral perior to it. This includes most food foragers and food
spirits exists, these nonphysical beings are seen as retaining gardeners, among others. Deities, if they are believed
an active interest and membership in society. to exist at all in such societies, may be seen as having
Beliefs in ancestral spirits are found in many parts of created the world and perhaps making it fit to live in;
the world, especially among people having unilineal de- but in animism, spirits are the ones to beseech when
scent systems with their associated ancestor orientation. ill, the ones to help or hinder the shaman, and the
In several African cultures, the concept is highly elaborate, ones whom the ordinary hunter may meet when off in
and people believe ancestral spirits behave much like hu- the wilderness.
mans; they are able to feel hot, cold, and pain and may
even die a second death by drowning or burning. Because
spirits sometimes participate in family and lineage events, Animatism
seats will be provided for them, even though they are
Although supernatural power is often thought of as
invisible. If spirits are annoyed, they may send sickness
being vested in spirit beings, it does not have to be.
or death. Eventually, they are reborn as new members of
Such is the case with animatism—the belief that na-
their lineage, so adults need to observe infants closely to
ture is enlivened or energized by an impersonal force
determine just who has been reborn. Such beliefs provide
or supernatural energy, which may make itself mani-
a strong sense of solidarity among members of the same
fest in any special place, thing, or living creature. This
kin-group through the generations.
basic concept, which probably developed well before
the first transition from food foraging to food produc-
tion 10,000 years ago, is still present in many societies
Other Types of Supernatural around the world today. For example, in China it ap-
Beings and Spiritual Forces pears in the form of a concept known as qi (or ch’i),
which may be translated as “vital energy.” Inuit people
In cross-cultural research, anthropologists encounter a
in Arctic Canada think of this force in terms of a “cos-
range of spiritual and religious beliefs or practices in addi-
mic breath-soul” they call sila. In northeastern America,
tion to those in which people worship one or more gods
Algonquian-speaking indigenous peoples refer to imper-
and goddesses and revere ancestral spirits. They also find
sonal spirit power as manitou.
societies in which people believe in numerous other dis-
One of the best-studied examples of animatism can
tinct spirit beings, including many varieties of a belief in
be found in the Pacific where Oceanic peoples inhab-
an impersonal spirit power or supernatural force.
iting hundreds of islands share a concept they refer to
as mana—the idea of a cosmic energy passing into and
Animism through everything. Affecting living and nonliving
One of the most widespread concepts concerning super- matter alike, mana is probably best defined as “super-
natural beings is animism, a belief that nature is enliv- naturally conferred potency” (Keesing, 1992, p. 236)—
ened or energized by distinct personalized spirit beings similar to “the force” in the Star Wars films. Traditional
separable from physical bodies or the material substance Maori, Tahitians, Tongans, and other Oceanic peoples
they inhabit. Spirits such as souls and ghosts are thought typically attribute success—identified by actual achieve-
to dwell in humans, animals, and plants, as well as ments such as triumph in combat, bountiful harvest,
human-made artifacts and natural features such as stones, and abundant fish or game—to mana. As far as they are
mountains, and wells; for animists, the world is filled concerned, belief in this supernatural force rests on prag-
with particular spirits. These beings are a highly diverse matic evidence.
lot. Less remote than gods and goddesses, they may be Animism (a belief in distinct spirit beings) and ani-
benevolent, malevolent, or just plain neutral. Involved in matism (which lacks particular substance or individual
people’s daily affairs, they also may be awesome, terrify- form) are often found in the same culture. This is the case
ing, lovable, or mischievous. Because they may be pleased among the Inuit, who believe in spirit beings known as
or irritated by human actions, people are obliged to be anirniit as well as in the impersonal spirit power they call
concerned about them. sila (Merkur, 1983) (Figure 23.5).
In many religious traditions, certain geographic places
are thought to be spiritually significant or are held sacred
for various reasons, including ideas here discussed in
animism The belief that nature is enlivened or energized by distinct
terms of animism and animatism. Typically, such sites
personalized spirit beings separable from bodies.
are rivers, lakes, waterfalls, islands, forests, caves, and—
animatism The belief that nature is enlivened or energized by an
impersonal spiritual force or supernatural energy, which may make itself especially—mountains. We revisit the topic of sacred sites
manifest in any special place, thing, or living creature. later in the chapter.
Religious Specialists 563
H. Mark Weidman Photography/Alamy

Figure 23.5 Inuit Food Ritual
Inuit of Arctic Canada refer to spirit beings as anirniit (singular anirniq, meaning “breath”) and
still obey certain taboos and perform rituals when killing game animals and dividing the meat.
This is to avoid offending the animal’s spirit (which remains alive and may take revenge on
the hunter). Today, most Inuit are Christians, and their concept of anirniq is akin to “soul.” But
traditional food rituals continue, including the fair distribution of meat from a whale hunt. In this
photo, an Inuit community follows tradition in collecting shares of beluga whale in the Arctic
village of Pangnirtung on Baffin Island.
Religious Specialists Reserving exclusive rights to exercise spiritual power,

groups of priests and/or priestesses bond together in an
Most cultures include individuals who guide others in effort to monopolize the means of sacred practice. This
their spiritual search and ritual practices. Thought to includes controlling holy sites of worship, supervising
be inspired, enlightened, or even holy, they command prescribed rituals, and maintaining possession of regalia,
respect for their skills in contacting and influencing spir- relics, statues, images, texts, and other representations
itual beings and manipulating or connecting to supernat- of holiness. In so doing, they also create, promote, and
ural forces. Often, they display unique personality traits maintain the ideological sources needed to symbolically
that make them particularly well suited to perform these construct the religious authority from which they derive
tasks for which they have undergone special training. their legitimacy.
When deities are identified in masculine terms, it is
not surprising that the most important religious lead-
Priests and Priestesses ership positions are reserved for men. Such is the case
in Judaism and Islam, as well as the Roman Catholic
In societies with resources to support a full-time religious
Church, the latter of which has always been headed by
specialist, a priest or priestess will be authorized to
a male pope and his all-male council, the College of
perform sacred rituals and mediate between fellow hu-
Cardinals.
mans and supernatural powers, divine spirits, or deities. In
many societies, they are familiar figures known by official
titles such as lama, kahuna, imam, priest,
priest minister,
minister rabbi,
swami, or copa pitào. How they dress, what they eat, where
they live, and numerous other indicators may distinguish
priest or priestess A full-time religious specialist formally recognized
them from others in society and symbolically indicate for his or her role in guiding the religious practices of others and for
their special status. contacting and influencing supernatural powers.
Change Your Karma and Change Your Sex?

By Hillary Crane
believe certain behavior—such as dili- (“dharma brother”). They use this linguistic
gently practicing Buddhism—improves change to signal that they identify them-
karma and the chances of attaining spir spir- selves as men and to remind one another
itual goals in this lifetime or coming back to behave like men, particularly like the
in a better birth. Other behavior—such monks at the temple.
East
China as killing a living being, eating meat, de- Monastics also reduce their attach-
Sea siring or becoming attached to things or ments to worldly things like music and
people—accrues bad karma. food. Nuns usually emphasize forsaking
Shanghai One way karma manifests itself is in food and eat as little as possible. Their ap-
one’s sex. Taiwanese Buddhists believe pearance, already quite masculine because
CHINA
that being born female makes it harder to they shave their heads and wear loose,
attain spiritual goals. This idea comes, in gray clothing, becomes even more so when
ait
part, from the inferior status of women in they lose weight—particularly in their hips,
Str
HONG
an
KONG Taiwan and the belief that their “compli- breasts, and thighs. Also, after becoming
iw
Taipei
Ta
cated bodies” and monthly menstruation monastics, they often experience a slowslow-
© Cengage Learning
TAIWAN
cycles can distract them. Moreover, they ing or stopping of their menses. Although
South believe, women are more enmeshed in these physical changes can be attributed
China
Sea Philippine Sea their families than men, and their emo- to change in diet and lifestyle, the nuns
tional ties keep them focused on worldly point to them as signs they are becoming
rather than spiritual tasks. men, making progress toward their spiritual
Taiwanese Buddhists who decide to goals, and improving their karma.
As Mahayana Buddhists, Taiwanese Chan become monks and nuns must break
(Zen) monastics believe that all humans from their families to enter a monastery. Biocultural Question
are able to reach enlightenment and be Because women are thought to be more The Zen Buddhist ideal of enlightenment,
released from reincarnation. But they attached to their families than are men, realized when the soul is released from
believe it is easier for some because of leaving home is seen as a particularly reincarnation, prescribes an extreme as-
the situation into which they are born—for big step for nuns and a sign that they are cetic lifestyle for nuns that makes them
example, if one is born in a country where more like men than most women. In fact, physically incapable of biological repro-
Buddhism is practiced, in a family that a nun’s character is considered mascu- duction. Do you think that their infertility
teaches proper behavior, or with excep- line, unlike the frightened, indecisive, and allows these female monastics to emo-
tional mental or physical gifts. emotional traits usually associated with tionally adapt to a way of life that denies
Chan monastics view contrasting hu- women in Taiwan. When they leave home them motherhood?
man circumstances as the result of the nuns even stop referring to themselves
karma accrued in previous lives. They as women and call one another shixiong Written expressly for this text, 2008.
Female religious specialists are likely to be found only

in societies in which women are acknowledged to signifi-
Spiritual Lineages: Legitimizing
cantly contribute to the economy, and gods and goddesses Religious Leadership
are both recognized (Lehman, 2002). Also, all around the As with political institutions discussed in the previous
world women fully devoted to a religious life have formed chapter, religious organizations are maintained by rules
their own gender-segregated institutions such as all-female that define ideological boundaries, establish membership
convents headed by an abbess. Such nunneries not only criteria, and regulate continuity of legitimate leadership
exist in countries with longstanding Christian traditions, in the faith community. And, like other institutions, reli-
but were also founded in the Himalayas and many other gions have always been challenged by changes. Even in a
Buddhist regions in southern and eastern Asia, including highly stable cultural system, every generation must deal
Taiwan, as described by U.S. anthropologist Hillary Crane
-
with natural transitions in the life cycle, including death

in the Biocultural Connection.
-
of religious leaders. In many religions, spiritual leadership
is thought to be vested in divine authority, representing or proclaim the new pope to be the divinely ordained spir-
even embodying the divine itself. How do religions secure itual heir of St. Peter, Vicar of Christ. Believed by 1.2 bil-
legitimate successors and avoid disruption and confusion? lion Christians to hold the sacred key to heaven, the pope
Several major religions follow a principle of leadership is traditionally addressed as “Holy Father.” The current
in which divine authority is passed down from a spiritual Pope Francis is the 266th holder of this nearly 2,000-year-
founding figure, such as a prophet or saint, to a chain of old religious office.
successors who derive legitimacy as religious leaders from A fourth and final example of spiritual lineage is found
their status in such a lineage. Here identified as spiritual in Tibetan Buddhism, divided into four major orders or
lineage, this principle has been worked out in numerous schools. Each has its own monasteries, monks of various
cross-cultural variations over the course of thousands of ranks from novice to lama, and a wealth of ancient texts,
years. It not only applies to leadership of entire religions ritual practices, meditations, and other sacred knowledge
but to segmental divisions of religions, such as sects and passed on largely by oral tradition. Highest in rank among
orders. the monks are reincarnated saints. These are individuals
Whereas kings in traditional political dynasties derive who, fully emanating the divine Buddha spirit, achieved
legitimacy from their ancestral blood lineage, religious enlightenment during their lifetime; led by compassion,
leaders obtain it from their spiritual line of descent as they chose to give up nirvana (“eternal bliss”) after death
specified in each particular religious tradition. The longer to return to life on earth. To fulfill this role, such a saintly
these lineages have existed, the greater their opportunities person must be recognized. Toward this end, a select
for building up a fund of symbolic capital—ideas and rit- group of high-ranking lamas guided by omens seeks out a
uals, including sacred gestures, dances, songs, and texts. newborn boy believed to be a tulku (“emanated incarna-
This fund also includes regalia, paintings, statues, and tion”) of a recently deceased saintly lama in their spiritual
sacred architecture such as shrines, tombs, and temples, lineage. Once they find the little boy, they ritually induct
along with the land on which they stand. Thus, some and enthrone him and begin grooming him for his desig-
religious leaders and their followers have accumulated a nated spiritual leadership position in the Buddhist order.
considerable amount of material wealth utilized in the ex- Of about 500 tulku lineages in Tibetan Buddhism, the
ercise of religious authority, in addition to the immaterial most famous is the Dalai Lama (“teacher who is spiritually
holdings of traditional knowledge and sacred rituals. as deep as the ocean”). For centuries, this illustrious lin-
Here, to illustrate the cross-cultural range of spiritual eage has been the highest-ranking political and spiritual
lineages, we distinguish four major forms. First, in some position among Tibetan Buddhists. Its origins trace back to
religions, spiritual leaders or high-ranking priests claim a high-ranking monk named Gendun Drup (1391–1474),
divine authority based on recognized biological descent thought to have embodied the Buddha spirit of compas-
from a common ancestor believed to have been a prophet, sion. A few years after the death of the thirteenth Dalai
saint, or otherwise sacred, holy, or even divine being. Such Lama in 1933, high-ranking monks from his order identi-
is the case with kohanim (high-ranking Israelite priests) fied a 2-year-old boy in a small farming village as his rein-
claiming patrilineal descent from the legendary high carnated “wisdom mind.” Renaming him Tenzin Gyatso,
priest Aaron, believed to have lived about 3,500 years ago. they later enthroned the little tulku as His Holiness, the
In other religions, leaders personally groom, train, and fourteenth Dalai Lama (Figure 23.6).
appoint a spiritual heir, a successor tasked with guarding
and continuing the spiritual legacy of the order or sect as
established by its founder. For example, a sect of Muslim Shamans
mystics known as Sufi is widely dispersed across Asia and
Societies without religious professionals have existed
North Africa and historically divided into many dozens of
far longer than those that have them. Although lacking
orders or brotherhoods. A master teacher, known by an
full-time specialists, they have always included individ-
honorific title such as sheikh, heads each brotherhood. The
uals considered capable of connecting with supernatural
sheikh derives his spiritual authority from his position in
beings and forces—individuals such as shamans. That
a silsila (Arabic, meaning “chain”), named after a found-
capacity, partially based on learned techniques, is also
ing saint who originally laid down a particular method of
based on personality and particular emotional experi-
prayer and ritual practiced by followers seeking oneness
ences that could be described as mystical. Supplied with
with God (Abun-Nasr, 2007; Anjum, 2006).
spiritual knowledge in the form of a vision or some other
A third form of legitimizing the authority of a religious
extraordinary revelation, these individuals are believed to
leader is by election. In such cases, a group of leading el-
ders comes together in a ritual gathering at a traditionally
designated location and chooses one of their own to suc-
ceed the deceased leader. One of the best-known examples
spiritual lineage A principle of leadership in which divine authority is
in world history is the election of a pope by a group of passed down from a spiritual founding figure, such as a prophet or saint,
cardinals—“princes” of the Roman Catholic Church who to a chain of successors.
visions of an alternate reality inhabited by spirit beings

such as guardian animal spirits who may assist with heal-
ing. Similar spiritual practices exist in many indigenous
cultures outside Siberia, especially in the Americas. For
that reason, the term shaman is frequently applied to a
variety of part-time spiritual leaders, diviners, and tra-
ditional healers active in many other parts of the world
(Kehoe, 2000).
Anthropologist Michael Harner (see Anthropologist of
Note), a modern-day shamanic practitioner famous for his
participant observation among Shuar (or Jívaro) Indian
shamans in the Amazon rainforest, defines a shaman as
someone who enters an altered state of consciousness “to
contact and utilize an ordinarily hidden reality in order to
acquire knowledge, power, and to help other persons. The
shaman has at least one, and usually more, ‘spirits’ in his
or her personal service” (Harner, 1980, p. 20).
Shamanic Experience
Someone may become a shaman by passing through
stages of learning and practical experience, often involv-
ing psychological and emotional ordeals brought about
by isolation, fasting, physical torture, sensory depriva-
tion, and/or hallucination (Latin for “mental wandering”).
Eyes Wide Open/Getty Images
Hallucinations may occur when one is in a trance state;

they can come about spontaneously, but they can also be
induced by drumming or consuming mind-altering drugs
such as psychoactive vines or mushrooms.
Because shamanism is rooted in altered states of
consciousness and the human nervous system univer-
Figure 23.6 Dalai Lama
sally produces these trance states, individuals experience
Of the 500 or so lineages in Tibetan Buddhism, the most
similarly-structured visual, auditory, somatic (touch), ol-
famous is the Dalai Lama. Here we see the fourteenth Dalai
factory (smell), and gustatory (taste) hallucinations. The
Lama, Tenzin Gyatso, conducting a teaching on “the essence of
refined gold” at the main Tibetan temple in Dharamshala, India. widespread occurrence of shamanism and the remarkable
Dharamshala is the center for the world’s exiled Tibetans. similarities among shamanic traditions everywhere are
Following the 1959 Tibetan uprising, the fourteenth Dalai Lama consequences of this universal neurological inheritance.
fled here, followed by an influx of Tibetan refugees. But the meanings ascribed to sensations experienced in
altered states and made of their content are culturally
determined; hence, despite their overall similarities, indig-
be supernaturally empowered to heal the sick, change the enous traditions typically vary in particular details.
weather, control the movements of animals, and foretell Shamans can be contrasted with priests and priestesses
the future. As they perfect these and related skills, they in that the latter serve deities of the society. As agents of
may combine the role of a diviner and a healer, becoming divine beings, priests and priestesses order believers what
a shaman. to think and do, whereas shamans may challenge or nego-
Originally, the Tungus word shaman referred to a tiate with the spirits. In return for services rendered, sha-
medical-religious specialist, or spiritual guide, among mans may collect a fee—money, fresh meat, or some other
the Tungus people and other Siberian pastoral nomads valuable item. In some cases, shamans are rewarded by the
with animist beliefs. By means of various techniques prestige that comes as a result of a healing or some other
such as fasting, drumming, chanting, or dancing, as well extraordinary feat.
as hallucinogenic mushrooms, these shamans enter into
a trance. In this waking dream state, they experience Shamanic Healing
Shamans are essentially spiritual go-betweens who act on
behalf of a client, often to bring about healing or to fore-
tell a future event. Typically, they enter a trance state, ex-
shaman A person who enters an altered state of consciousness
to contact and utilize an ordinarily hidden reality in order to acquire perience the sensation of traveling to the alternate world,
knowledge, power, and to help others. and see and interact with spirit beings. Shamans may try
Michael J. Harner (b. 1929)
A world-renowned expert on shamanism, U.S. anthropologist they believe are the “true” forces governing sickness and health,
Michael Harner studied at the University of California, Berkeley. life and death.
Starting out in archaeology and collaborating with Alfred Kroeber Harner returned to the Upper Amazon in 1960 for more
on Mojave pottery research, he later switched to ethnography. In- ethnographic fieldwork, this time among the Conibo in eastern
trigued by the Jívaro, legendary for shrinking human heads, he Peru. Seeking greater insight on ayahuasca’s psychological im-
ventured into eastern Ecuador’s tropical forest in 1956, at age 27. pact on the native cosmology, he drank the magic brew. Passing
For nearly a year, he lived among these Amazonian Indians, now through the door of perception into the shamanic view of reality,
better known as Shuar. They still subsisted on food gardens and he found himself in a world beyond his “wildest dreams”: a
by hunting and gathering; they fiercely guarded their freedom and supernatural landscape inhabited by spirit beings. Singing in-
launched raids on enemy tribes. credibly beautiful music, they began to carry his soul away and
Holding an animistic worldview, the Shuar distinguish be- he felt he was dying. Coming out of this experience, and later
tween what Harner has identified as ordinary and non-ordinary ones with Conibo shamans, Harner realized that anthropologists
realities. They believe that supernatural forces govern daily life had seriously underestimated the powerful influence hallucino-
and that spirit beings can be perceived and engaged only by sha- genic drugs traditionally have on Amazonian Indian ideologies
mans capable of entering non-ordinary reality. They access this and practices.
reality by drinking natema, a bitter brew made from a jungle vine In 1963, Harner earned his doctorate at UC Berkeley, and
known as ayahuasca (“vine of the soul”). As they told Harner, the next year went back to Shuar country for additional sha-
drinking this hallucinogenic potion, shamans enter an altered manic experience. In 1966, having taught at UC Berkeley and
state of consciousness in which they perceive and engage what served as associate director of the Lowie Museum of Anthro-
pology, he became a visiting professor at Yale and Columbia
University. In 1969, he did fieldwork among a neighboring
Jivaroan-speaking tribe, the Achuara, and the following year
joined the graduate faculty of the New School for Social
Research in New York City. Over the next few years he published
his monograph, The Jívaro: People of the Sacred Waterfalls, an ed-
ited volume titled Hallucinogens and Shamanism, and numerous
academic articles.
Continuing cross-cultural research on shamanism, Harner
became interested in drumming as an alternative means of
achieving what he now identifies as SSC (shamanic state of
consciousness). Learning and using this method of monotonous
percussive sound (“sonic driving”), he began offering training
workshops and published The Way of the Shaman, a groundbreak-
ing book now translated into a dozen languages.
Collaborating with his wife, clinical psychologist Sandra
Harner, in 1979 he started the Center for Shamanic Studies,
now called the Foundation for Shamanic Studies, a nonprofit
charitable and educational organization dedicated to the
preservation, study, and transmission of shamanic knowledge.
Its indigenous assistance program supports the survival of
shamanic healing knowledge among such peoples as the Ca-
nadian Inuit, Scandinavian Sámi, and Tuvans of Central Asia
and Siberia.
Since resigning from his university professorship in 1987, this
anthropologist has been fully devoted to shamanic studies and
© 2011 France Viana
healing practice, training others, including physicians, psycho-

therapists, and other healthcare professionals. The foundation’s
faculty assists him in this work.
In his most recent book, Cave and Cosmos: Shamanic En-
Michael Harner—anthropologist, shaman, and founder of the counters with Spirits and Heavens (2013), Harner recounts and
Foundation for Shamanic Studies in Mill Valley, California. compares experiences of shamanic “ascension” and offers in-
structions on his core shamanism techniques.
to impose their will upon these spirits, an inherently dan-

gerous contest, considering the superhuman powers that
spirits are thought to possess. A
An example of this can be seen in the trance dances
of the Ju/’hoansi Bushmen of Africa’s Kalahari Desert.
Traditional Ju/’hoansi belief holds that illness and mis-
fortune are caused by invisible arrows shot by spirits.
Healers, who possess the powerful healing force called
n/um (the Ju/’hoansi equivalent of mana), can remove the
arrows. Some healers can activate n/um by solo singing or
MAGIC
instrument playing, but more often this is accomplished
FIELD
through the healing ceremony or trance dance (Figure 23.7).
© Cengage Learning
B C
Figure 23.8 The Shamanic Complex

Shamanic healing takes place within a “magic field” created
when the shaman (A) and patient (B), as well as their community
(C), are all convinced that the shaman is a genuine healing
master using appropriate techniques that are effective and
beneficial. Similar psychological processes are involved in
Western medical treatments.
The precise effects of the shamanic treatment are

not known, but its psychological and emotional impact
is thought to contribute to the patient’s recovery. From
an anthropological perspective, shamanic healings can
be understood by means of a three-cornered model: the
shamanic complex, which is created by the interrelation-
ship of the shaman, the patient, and the community to
which both belong (Figure 23.8). For healing to occur,
Kim Walker/Robert Harding/Newscom
the shaman needs to be convinced of the effectiveness of

his or her spiritual powers and techniques. Likewise, the
patient must see the shaman as a genuine healing master
using appropriate techniques. Finally, to complete this
triangular “magic field,” the community within which
the shaman operates on the patient must view the healing
ceremony and its practitioner as potentially effective and
beneficial.
Figure 23.7 Ju/’hoansi Shaman Healer and Helper in
Shamanic healing ceremonies involve social-
Trance Dance
psychological dynamics also present in Western med-
Ju/’hoansi shamans may find their way into a trance by
dancing around a fire to the pulsating sound of melodies sung
ical treatments. Consider, for example, the placebo
by women. Eventually, sometimes after several hours, “the effect—the beneficial result a patient experiences after
effect
music, the strenuous dancing, the smoke, the heat of the fire, a particular treatment, due to the person’s expecta-
and the healers’ intense concentration cause their n/um to tions concerning the treatment rather than from the
heat up. When it comes to a boil, trance is achieved. At that treatment itself. Notably, some people involved in
moment, the n/um becomes available as a powerful healing contemporary biomedicine work collaboratively with
force to serve the entire community. In trance, a healer lays practitioners of traditional belief systems toward the
hands on and ritually cures everyone sitting around the fire” healing of various illnesses (Harner & Harner, 2000;
(Shostak, 2000, pp. 259–260). Offiong, 1999).
Ritual Performances 569
Ritual Performances sense of inner peace and cosmic harmony), as well as so-
cially, such as by establishing or restoring harmony within
A ritual is a culturally prescribed symbolic act or proce- their family, community, or some other group.
dure designed to guide members of a community in an A cross-cultural comparison of these spiritual or reli-
orderly way through personal and collective transitions. gious ceremonies shows that the four elements of water,
Relieving anxiety and tensions in crises, rituals provide air, fire, and earth have been used in a wide range of
symbolic means of reinforcing a group’s social bonds. Not rituals for thousands of years all across the globe. For in-
all of them concern the sacred (consider, for example, stance, cleansing by water is very common in many forms
student graduation ceremonies in North America). But of baptism, hot steam is used in sweat lodges, and burning
those that do are ideologically linked to beliefs in the su- of fragrant organic matter (such as plant leaves or resins)
pernatural, playing a crucial role as spirituality or religion is used in smoking and smudging ceremonies. The human
in action. Anthropologists have classified several different body and mind may also be subjected to rituals of internal
types of ritual. Among these are rituals of purification, purification by means of prayer, meditation, chanting,
rites of passage, rites of intensification, and magical ritu- fasting, or dancing (Figure 23.9).
als, including witchcraft.
Rites of Passage
Rites of Purification: Taboo A rite of passage is a ritual marking important ceremo-
and Cleansing Ceremonies nial moment when members of a society move from one
distinctive social stage in life to another, such as birth,
In many religious and spiritual traditions, rituals have marriage, and death. When crossing the boundary (limen)
been developed to symbolically restore one’s place in the between such stages, people briefly cease to be part of
cosmic order, removing “dirt,” washing “impurity,” and the stage left behind and have not yet become integrated
making “clean” in body, mind, and soul. In every society, into the next. Like travelers passing through a border
people follow certain culturally prescribed rules about area between two countries not controlled by either of
what is dirty or filthy, or whichever term symbolically them, they are neither here nor there. Guiding people
represents pollution—rules that say what they cannot through such uncertain transit zones, rituals associated
eat, drink, touch, talk, or even think about. For instance, with changing social status unfold in three phases: separa-
many millions of Hindus eat pork but avoid beef because tion (preliminary), transition (liminary), and incorporation
they regard the cow as a sacred animal. On the other (post-liminary).
hand, many millions of Muslims consume beef but avoid Phase one is the ceremonial removal of the individual
pork because in Islam swine is considered unclean. In this from everyday society, phase two is a period of ritual isola-
Muslims have something in common with Jews, who also tion, and phase three is the formal return and readmission
avoid pork. back into society in his or her new status (Van Gennep,
Culturally prescribed avoidances involving ritual pro- 1960). Because certain transitions in the human life cycle
hibitions are known as taboo, a term derived from the are crucially important to the individual as well as to the
Polynesian word tabu (or tapu). Among Pacific Islanders social order of the community, these rituals may involve a
it refers to something that has supernatural power and is religious specialist, such as a priest or priestess.
to be avoided. Especially applied to sacredness, blood and This sequence of phases occurs in a great array of rites
anything associated with sickness and death, taboos are of passage all around the world—from wedding ceremo-
taken very seriously. When a taboo is violated, believers nies marking the transition from single to married status
expect supernatural punishment will follow. This penalty to ceremonies identifying the transference of religious
may come in magical form as misfortune—an unlucky leadership in a spiritual lineage to a designated heir to cer-
accident, resulting in loss, sickness, or death. It is also emonies initiating new members into a distinctive group.
possible that the taboo breaker will be punished by des-
ignated members in the community and may be ordered
to undergo a purification ritual and make a sacrifice. ritual A culturally prescribed symbolic act or procedure designed to
guide members of a community in an orderly way through personal and
Sometimes, the ultimate sacrifice is demanded, and the
collective transitions.
offender is executed. taboo Culturally prescribed avoidances involving ritual prohibitions,
When someone has violated a taboo, or is otherwise no which, if not observed, lead to supernatural punishment.
longer “clean,” in many cultures a rite of purification rite of purification A symbolic act carried out by an individual or a
is used to establish or restore purity. These rites may group to establish or restore purity when someone has violated a taboo
involve one person, but many are group or community or is otherwise unclean.
rite of passage A ritual that marks an important ceremonial moment
ceremonial affairs. As symbolic acts, purification rituals
when members of a society move from one distinctive social stage in life
are filled with spiritual or religious meaning. They impact to another, such as birth, marriage, and death. It features three phases:
participants emotionally and psychologically (restoring a separation, transition, and incorporation.
K. M. Westerman/Documentary/Corbis
Figure 23.9 A Sufi Sema (Prayer Dance) in Aleppo, Syria
Sufism, a mystical Muslim movement that emerged a thousand years ago, emphasizes the
surrender of individual ego and attachment to worldly things in order to be receptive to God’s
grace. Known as whirling dervishes, these Sufi dancers are part of the Mevlevi brotherhood, a
spiritual lineage founded by the Persian Sufi master (mawlana) Jalal ad-Din ar-Rumi in the
13th century. According to Mevlevi tradition, during the sema the soul is freed from earthly
ties and is able to jubilantly commune with the divine. (Dervish literally means “doorway” and
is thought to be an entrance from the material world to the spiritual.) The felt hat represents
personal ego’s tombstone, and the wide skirt symbolizes its shroud.
For instance, when Maasai boys in East Africa’s grasslands dancing, storytelling, and food accompany the ordeal and
move into the Warrior age set; they are ritually removed the training, which produces a strong sense of sisterhood.
from their families and circumcised, returning weeks later The girls emerge from their initiation as women in knowl-
as armed young men with a distinctive hairstyle and dress. edgeable control of their sexuality, eligible for marriage
Another example is the ritual preparation for woman- and childbearing (MacCormack, 1977).
hood experienced by Mende girls in West Africa. Soon af-
ter their first menstruation, they are separated from family
and spend weeks in seclusion. Discarding their childhood
clothes, they learn the moral and practical responsibilities
Rites of Intensification
of motherhood from senior women. Believing circumci- A rite of intensification is a ritual held to reaffirm the
sion enhances a girl’s reproductive potential, these elders ties that bind a group together when crisis threatens the
are tasked with removing each girl’s clitoris (considered social order. Whatever the precise nature of the crisis—a
a female version of a penis). A good deal of singing, death in the family, an earthquake, an epidemic, or a
terrorist attack—community rituals are organized to ease
anxiety, prevent a breakdown, and orient individuals to-
rite of intensification A ritual that takes place during a crisis in the life ward a restoration of collective well-being. A celebratory
of the group and serves to bind individuals together. affirmation of the group’s ideals and values reassures
Ritual Performances 571
people that the upheaval is temporary and that normal

life will continue.
Rites of intensification do not have to be limited to
times of overt crisis. In regions where human activities
change in accordance with seasonal climatic shifts, these
rites may take the form of annual ceremonies. They are
particularly common among horticultural and agricul-
tural peoples. For example, solstice ceremonies are staged
to correspond with the crucially important planting and
harvesting seasons, ritually articulating traditional ideas
about the role of the supernatural in the cyclical return of
rain, the light and warmth of the sun, and other factors
of nature vital to healthy and bountiful crops. A similar
cultural linkage between the annual subsistence cycle and
the ceremonial calendar with its rites of intensification
can be found in societies based on seasonal fishing and
herding or hunting of migratory animals.
Magical Rituals
People in many cultures believe that supernatural powers
can be compelled to act in certain ways for good or evil
purposes by recourse to specified formulas. In short, they
believe in magic and carry out magical rituals. Such
rituals are intended to ensure positive ends such as good
crops, fertility of livestock, replenishment of hunted
game, prevention of accidents, healing of illness, protec-
tion against injury, promise of victory, and the defeat of
enemies, real or imagined. In traditional societies many of
these rituals rely on fetishes—objects believed to possess
© SSPL/The Image Works

magical powers (Figure 23.10).
Magical rituals are also popular in wealthy industri-
alized societies. Individuals commonly seek “good luck”
when the outcome is in doubt or beyond one’s influence—
from lighting a votive candle for someone going through
Figure 23.10 Congolese Fetish
a hard time, to wearing lucky boxers on a hot date, to the
This 100-year-old carving from the Democratic Republic of
curious gesturing baseball pitchers perform on the mound.
Congo is a nkondi, with supernatural power coming in part
Anthropologists distinguish between two fundamental
from magic herbs hidden inside by a diviner. Such fetishes are
principles of magic. The first principle—that like produces
traditionally used to identify wrongdoers, including thieves and
like—is identified as imitative magic or sympathetic
witches responsible for mishaps, diseases, or death. A nkondi
magic. In Myanmar in Southeast Asia, for example, a re-
is activated by provocations (such as hammering nails into it)
jected and spiteful lover might engage a sorcerer to make or invocations urging magic punishment of the suspects.
an image of his would-be love. If this image were tossed
into water, to the accompaniment of certain charms, it
was expected that the girl would go mad and suffer a fate Related to this is the custom in Western societies of trea-
similar to that of her image. suring things that have been touched by special people.
The second principle is that of contagious magic— Such items range from a saint’s relics to possessions of
the idea that things or persons once in contact can in- other admired or idolized individuals, from rock stars to
fluence each other after the contact is broken. The most sports heroes to spiritual gurus.
common example of contagious magic is the permanent
relationship between an individual and any part of his or
magic Specific formulas and actions used to compel supernatural
her body, such as hair, fingernails, or teeth. For instance,
powers to act in certain ways for good or evil purposes.
the Basutos of Lesotho in southern Africa were careful to
imitative magic Magic based on the principle that like produces like;
conceal their extracted teeth to make sure they did not sometimes called sympathetic magic.
fall into the hands of certain mythical beings who could contagious magic Magic based on the principle that things or persons
harm the owners of the teeth by working magic on them. once in contact can influence each other after the contact is broken.
Earl & Nazima Kowall/Corbis
AP Images/ANAT GIVON
Figure 23.11 Divination
The range of traditional divination techniques still practiced in many hundreds of cultures is very
large. Several techniques have become popular far outside the regions where they originated,
including “bone throwing.” On the left, we see Ndebele women healers (“witchdoctors”) known
as sangomas, in Gemsbokspruit, Mpumalanga Province, South Africa, practicing this craft. In the
other photo, a well-known feng shui master in Hong Kong is using his “24 mountains” compass
to determine a building’s energy (ch’i
ch’i or qi) outside a client’s apartment.
Divination: Omens and Oracles in the air, or interpreting colors, ripples, and whirls
Designed to access or influence supernatural powers, in water.
magical rituals have been developed to prepare for the More widely known is the divination technique in-
uncertain future—for the unseen and for the not yet volving palm reading, perhaps most famously practiced
present. Fears of pending dangers—for example, storms, by female Gypsy fortunetellers. So-called mediums are
attacks, betrayals, diseases, and death—call for precau- also popular. In the United States, for example, many
tionary measures, such as what to avoid and where to people believe mediums can contact the spirits of dead
go. How does one find and interpret the signs, or omens, relatives and pass on messages from beyond by means of
foretelling the future? The answer, as developed in many an ancient ritual method known as necromancy.
cultures, is through divination, a magical ritual designed Believed to possess knowledge hidden from ordinary
to discover what is unknowable by ordinary means, in people, diviners are feared in many cultures. However, they
particular signs predicting fate or destiny. are also in high demand among those who believe in a di-
Various ancient methods of divination exist, in- viner’s capacity to predict the future and provide insightful
cluding geomancy (from Greek, geo for “earth” and consultation concerning an important or risky undertaking.
manteia for “divination”), a technique traditionally One example of this is an ancient Chinese divination tech-
considered sacred and practiced by shamans, prophets, nique known as feng shui, literally translated as “wind-wa-
fortunetellers, or other oracles in communication with ter.” This method has gained popularity in North America,
supernatural forces. Skilled to interpret omens, a diviner especially on the Pacific Coast where growing numbers of
practicing geomancy may toss a handful of sand or peb- homebuilders and buyers hire feng shui consultants to help
bles, for example, and then analyze its random patterns, them design or redesign homes and offices to conform to
searching for information hidden to ordinary people. the principle of qi or ch’i (“vital energy”) (Figure 23.11).
Other divination methods include decoding flame or In some religious traditions, including Islam and
smoke patterns in a fire, deciphering cloud formations Christianity, fortunetelling and other divination rituals
have long been viewed with suspicion, and in many places
these practices have been prohibited. Especially when
performed by individuals functioning in other religious or
divination A magical procedure or spiritual ritual designed to discern
what is not knowable by ordinary means, such as foretelling the future by spiritual traditions believed to be false or worse, divination
interpreting omens. is condemned as evil magic, sorcery, or witchcraft.
Sacred Sites: Saints, Shrines, and Miracles 573
Witchcraft: Anxiety and Fears of Evil Magic to his hideaway, transforms again into human form,
Magical rituals intended to cause misfortune or inflict and slips back into his home before dawn (Kluckhohn,
harm are often referred to as sorcery or witchcraft— 1944; Selinger, 2007).
practices by individuals embodying evil spirit power or
those collaborating with malevolent supernatural beings.
In contrast to magic-working experts inclined to do good, Sacred Sites: Saints,
these individuals inspire fear.
Fear of witches is especially prevalent during periods
Shrines, and Miracles
of uncertainty and transition. When mysterious illnesses, Sacred sites are typically positioned in a transitional, or
devastating droughts, accidental deaths, economic un- liminary, zone between the natural and supernatural, the
certainties, and other upheavals disturb the cultural secular and spiritual, earth and heaven. Reaching high
order, confusion may result in a surge of suspicion and into the sky, mountaintops are often considered to be
a focus on disliked, unsociable, isolated individuals. magical places, shrouded in mystery. For instance, the
Especially in patrilineal or patrilocal communities, the Japanese view the snowcapped perfect volcanic cone of
accused is often an older woman, typically single or wid- Mount Fuji (“Ever-Lasting Life”) as a sacred place. Like-
owed and without children. Among matrilineal and ma- wise, the Kikuyu view Mount Kenya as the earthly dwell-
trilocal groups, however, people tend to think of witches ing place of their creator god Ngai.
as male. Not all individuals accused of “evil magic” are Some sites become sacred because they are places
punished, tortured, or killed, but witchcraft accusations where ordinary human beings experienced something
clearly function as a social control mechanism, horribly extraordinary—heard a divine voice or saw a guardian spirit,
reinforcing the moral code. patron saint, or archangel. Often a site is declared sacred
because believers associate it with a miracle-working mystic,
Navajo Skin-Walkers saint, prophet, or other holy person. The tombs of such in-
Beliefs in evil magic are wide-
wide dividuals often turn into shrines (scrinium, Latin for “round
spread and take many forms. box” or “container,” holding relics). For example, stories
One interesting example of miraculous events and special powers emanating from
comes from the Navajo, Navajo
Reservation
Muslim tombs are common wherever Sufism, a far-reaching
Native Americans histori- mystical branch of Islam, is popular (Gladney, 2004).
cally surviving as sheep- Based on the principle of contagious magic, any
herders and small-scale material substance physically linked to a miraculous
UTAH COLORADO
irrigation farmers in the event or individual may itself become revered as holy or
vast deserts of Arizona Navajo Reservation sacred. This may include bones, hair, or any other body
and New Mexico. The part believed to have belonged to a saint, or something
Hopi
Navajo have a substan- Reservation the person wore, possessed, or simply touched. All these
© Cengage Learning
tial repertoire of sacred things may be treasured as holy relics and safeguarded in
rituals for healing vic- a shrine, inspiring the faithful.
tims of sorcery, all re- NEW Burial sites of saints often gain such importance that
ARIZONA MEXICO
lated to accusations of people feel inspired to construct a very large shrine for the
evil magic. saint’s entombment; termed a mausoleum, some of these
Among Navajos, who live in a residence group organized are large enough for the interment of lesser saints and pi-
around a head woman, traditional belief holds that a person ous individuals desiring proximity to the sacred saint after
suffering from severe anxiety disorder, repetitive nightmares, death. However large or small, shrines are religious focal
or delusions is a victim of sorcery. The idea is that a ghost points for prayer, meditation, and sacrifice.
or some other evil spirit, traveling under cover of darkness,
is responsible. And according to the Navajo, the suspect is a
powerful sorcerer, almost always a man, probably someone
Pilgrimages: Devotion in Motion
who has killed a relative and committed incest. Every year, many millions of devotees of many religions—
These dangerous Navajo sorcerers, resembling the including Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, and their
werewolf of European folklore and the Nagual in rural many branches—walk, climb, or even crawl to a sacred or
Mexico, are believed to be able to change themselves into holy site. Whether it is a saint’s tomb, a mountain, lake, river,
animal form. Referred to as a ’ánt’i˛˛ihnii (“skin-walker”), waterfall, or some other particular place believed to be meta-
such a sorcerer stealthily goes to a secluded spot, such as a physically significant, pilgrims (from Latin peregrinus, meaning
cave at night. There, he transforms into a coyote or wolf. “wanderer”) travel there seeking enlightenment, proving
Disguised in animal form, he emerges and runs fast toward their devotion, and/or hoping to experience a miracle.
his victim, bringing on ’ánt’i˛ (“the curse”). Having com-
pleted his accursed mission, the skin-walker swiftly returns witchcraft Magical rituals intended to cause misfortune or inflict harm.
A devotion in motion, a pilgrimage demands per-

sonal sacrifices from the travelers. Enjoying little comfort,
pilgrims may suffer from hunger and thirst, heat and cold,
pain and fear while on the road, sometimes for many days
or even months. During their sacred journey, they partic-
ipate in a religious drama, performing ritually prescribed
acts such as prayers, chants, or prostrations. To identify
their status as spiritually inspired travelers, some wear
special clothes, shave their heads, and carry amulets.
One of the most challenging pilgrimages is the climb up
the slopes of a mountain range in the Himalayas where Mount
Kailash rises 6,700 meters (over 22,000 feet). Located in west-
ern Tibet, this black, snowcapped mountain stands out boldly
in a dramatic landscape sacred to Hindus and Buddhists, as
well as Jains and Bönpos. The latter, who practice an ancient
Tibetan shamanic religion, refer to this hallowed mountain
as Tisé (“Water Peak”) because it is the source of four sacred
rivers. For Hindus, it is the holy abode of Lord Shiva, the de-
stroyer of ignorance and illusion and the divine source of yoga.
Jains view Kailash as the sacred place where their divine cul-
tural hero Rishabha (“Bull”)—an incarnation of Lord Vishnu—
first achieved full enlightenment. Finally, Tibetan Buddhists
revere it as Gangs Rinpoche (“Snow Lord”) and believe it to be
the abode of Khorlo Demchok (“Circle of Bliss”)—a wrathful
deity who uses his power to destroy the three major obstacles
to enlightenment: anger, greed, and ignorance.
For all four of these religious traditions, climbing to
the summit of this holy mountain is taboo. So, pilgrims
Glogowski/laif/Redux
demonstrate their devotion by means of a ritual encircle-
ment, or circumambulation—clockwise by Buddhists and
Hindus, and in reverse by Jains and Bönpos. The rugged,
52-kilometer (32-mile) trek is seen as a sacred ritual that re-
moves sins and brings good fortune. Each year thousands Figure 23.12 Pilgrimage to Mount Kailash in Tibet
follow the ancient tradition of encircling the mountain on Rising 6,700 meters (over 22,000 feet), this mountain has been
foot. The most devout pilgrims turn their circumambula- sacred for many generations to Buddhists and Hindus, as well as
Jains and Bönpos (followers of Tibet's indigenous religion, Bön).
tion into a sacrificial ordeal: Prostrating their bodies full
Every year a few thousand pilgrims make the tortuous 52-kilometer
length, they extend their hands forward and make a mark
(32-mile) trek around it. Some of them crawl the entire distance.
on the ground with their fingers; then they rise, pray, crawl
ahead on hands and knees to the mark, and then repeat
the process again and again (Figure 23.12). with miracles and legendary holy men and women. For
One of the world’s largest pilgrimages is the hajj—a example, for nearly a millennium Christian pilgrims from
performance of piety now made by 1.8 million Muslims all over Europe have made the long and difficult journey
traveling to Mecca in Saudi Arabia each year from all to Santiago de Compostela. Tens of thousands travel
across the globe. The largest contingent of hajjis—about to this Spanish seaport each year—most by foot, some
300,000 a year—comes from Indonesia. One of the five by bicycle, and a few on horseback like their medieval
pillars of Islam, the hajj brings all of these pilgrims to- counterparts. About 180,000 pilgrims walk the final 100
gether for collective prayers and other sacred rituals at the kilometers (62 miles) to the old cathedral with the shrine
Kaaba in Mecca, their religion’s holiest site. containing the sacred remains of the apostle Saint James
Christianity, originating in what was an eastern prov- venerated as Santiago (Santo Iago) since the Middle Ages
ince of the Roman empire about 2,000 years ago, has and recognized as the official patron saint of Spain. Many
created a sacred landscape dotted with dozens of major more Roman Catholics make pilgrimages to shrines de-
pilgrimage sites in Southwest Asia and Europe. As in other voted to Saint Mary, as described in the following section.
ancient religions, these sites are symbolically associated
Female Saints: Divine Protection for the Weak
pilgrimage A devotion in motion; traveling, often on foot, to a sacred or holy Many religions consider the divine to be primarily or
site to reach for enlightenment, prove devotion, and/or experience a miracle. exclusively masculine, as noted earlier. Ideologically
Sacred Sites: Saints, Shrines, and Miracles 575
reproducing the hierarchical social

order dominated by men, this ar-
rangement reflects the worldview of
traditional cultures that revere male
deities, prophets, and saints in offi-
cially sponsored cults and devotions.
But religions are not monolithic, and
some provide flexible spiritual space
for alternatives. We see this in Chris-
tian cults devoted to female saints
such as Mary, the virgin mother of
Jesus Christ, the son of God.
More powerful than the pope
in Rome, Mary has been loved and
adored as a holy mother residing in
heaven. Worldwide, Roman Catholic
multitudes look up to her for di-
vine protection. Like other Christian
saints, she is thought to perform mir-
acles and to be capable of physically
AP Images/Eduardo Verdugo
manifesting herself at places and

times of her choosing. Through the
centuries, many believers claim to
have witnessed such holy moments,
some officially reporting the miracle.
Typically, these believers are young
Figure 23.13 Virgin of Guadalupe Pilgrim, Mexico City
members of the underclass—herders,
On December 9, 1531, Saint Mary appeared to Mexican Indian Juan Diego, a recent
peasants, or housemaids, for exam-
Christian convert, as he passed by Tepeyac Hill in what is now Mexico City. At the
ple. Beyond stories about the female
site of this encounter, the Basilica of Our Lady of Guadalupe was built with a shrine
saint manifesting herself to such
containing sacred evidence of this miraculous apparition. Pictured here are Christian
low-status individuals, the discovery pilgrims walking toward the shrine, which attracts more than 6 million devotees a year,
of sacred relics (such as a drowned or making it one of the largest pilgrimage sites in the world.
buried statue representing Mary) may
also generate excitement and hope in
difficult times. most of the 6 million pilgrims who visit her shrine each
As folk-based popular religious movements, Saint year are indigenous or mestizo Mexicans (Figure 23.13).
Mary cults not only developed across Europe, but also
in Latin America, the Philippines, and other parts of the
world historically colonized and dominated by Roman
Desecration: Ruining Sacred Sites
Catholics originating in Europe. The religious ideas Although popular shrines are destinations for believ-
and rituals of Catholicism changed many indigenous ers from near and far, they are also potential targets of
cultures—and were also changed by them. Of particular desecration. By means of such ideologically inspired
interest in this shifting religious landscape are Black Ma- violation of a sacred site, enemies aim to inflict harm,
donnas: brown or dark-colored clay or wooden statues, if only symbolically, on people judged to have impure,
or painted images, representing the virgin mother. false, or evil beliefs and ritual practices. Desecrations
A popular devotion involving a brown-skinned Saint have occurred across the globe for thousands of years,
Mary concerns the Virgin of Guadalupe. This Mexican as evidenced in archaeological sites and recorded in oral
cult originated in 1531, a decade after a Spanish army had traditions or historical documents.
conquered the Aztec Indian empire. That year, a recently For example, during the Protestant Reformation in the
converted Aztec Christian claimed that a holy woman 16th and 17th centuries, Christian Protestant iconoclasts
miraculously appeared to him in a blaze of light at the campaigning against idolatry in northwestern Europe
foot of a hill—now part of Mexico City. Speaking in his destroyed untold numbers of ancient Roman Catholic
native tongue and resembling an Aztec fertility goddess,
the mysterious brown-skinned woman told him a shrine
desecration Ideologically inspired violation of a sacred site intended to
had to be built in her honor. Known as the Virgin of inflict harm, if only symbolically, on people judged to have impure, false,
Guadalupe, she became the patron saint of Mexico. Today, or even evil beliefs and ritual practices.
statues and other treasures kept in sacred shrines. More to challenging and even destabilizing long-established
recently, militant Muslim fundamentalists in North Af- cultural systems and associated worldviews. Reacting to
rica and West Asia have blown up or bulldozed ancient these challenges, people often turn to the supernatural to
statues of divinities and centuries-old religious shrines allay the anxiety of a world going awry. Some bundle or
they denounce as objects of “false worship.” Intolerance devise their own spiritual beliefs and rituals. Others form
and destruction in the name of religion is not unique or join new spiritual movements.
to Christian or Muslim puritans, as militant Hindus and Typically, these religious movements call for a radical
others also engage in similar desecrations. Desecration can return to traditional foundations prescribed in sacred
also be inspired by antireligious fervor, as occurred with texts and narrowly interpreted by conservative spiritual
China’s Cultural Revolution in the 1960s, when masses leaders. Examples include Islamic fundamentalism in
of activists, swept up in state-sponsored zeal, went on countries such as Nigeria, Egypt, and Iran; Jewish fun-
a rampage destroying religious monuments, sculptures, damentalism in Israel and the United States; and Hindu
carvings, and paintings, as well as a large number of age- fundamentalism in India. Christian fundamentalism is
old sacred shrines. represented in the dramatic growth of evangelical de-
nominations in the United States, Latin America, and
sub-Saharan Africa.
Cultural Dynamics in the With over 2,000 distinctive faiths, the U.S. religious
landscape is highly diversified, and the country has given
Superstructure: Religious birth to many new religions, a few of which have gone
global. Moreover, in the past few decades, Asian immi-
and Spiritual Change grant groups have greatly added to the religious diversifi-
cation in North America as well as in Europe. In response,
New technologies, improved means of transportation, even global finance business is adapting to the changing
internationalization of production and labor markets, and ideological landscape, as illustrated in this chapter’s Orig-
worldwide movements of ideas and practices all contribute inal Study on Shariah-compliant banking.
NAL
ORIGI
S T U DY Sacred Law in Global Capitalism BY BILL MAURER
I will never forget my introduction to Islamic bank reopens tomorrow.” He proceeds to disburse money
banking. It happened at a 1998 conference when I hap- based on people’s stated needs (“Could I have $17.50?”
pened into a darkened room where the founder of an one woman asks meekly) and guaranteed only by his trust
Islamic investment firm was showing a clip from the old in them.
Hollywood classic movie, It’s a Wonderful Life. On the Seconds before 6 o’clock, the last client leaves. George
screen, George Bailey, played by Jimmy Stewart, faces an has just two dollars left. He, his Uncle Billy, and two
anxious crowd of Bedford Falls citizens, who have rushed cousins count down the seconds and then lock the doors.
into his Building and Loan desperate to get their money. They have managed to stay in business for one more day.
There is about to be a run on the bank. They place the two remaining dollars in a tray, and George
One of the townspeople says he wants his money, now. offers a toast: “To Mama Dollar and to Papa Dollar, and if
George protests, “But you’re thinking of this place all you want this old Building and Loan to stay in business
wrong—as if I had the money back in a safe. The money’s you better have a family real quick.” “I wish they were
not here. Why, your money’s in Joe’s house that’s right rabbits,” says Cousin Tilly.
next to yours, and in the Kennedy house . . . and in a At this point in the film, the conference host paused
hundred others. You’re lending them the money to build the video and said, “This is the first lariba movie.” A mur-
and then they’re gonna pay it back. . . . Now, we can get mur went through the crowd. No one quite knew what
through this thing all right. We’ve got to stick together, he meant. Most of the audience was Muslim; this was a
though. We’ve got to have faith in each other.” The peo- Christmas movie. What was our host trying to say?
ple cry, “I’ve got doctor’s bills to pay!” “Can’t feed my I now know that lariba is Arabic for “no increase.” The
kids on faith!” Quran invokes the term riba (increase) twenty times, and
Then Mary, George’s newlywed bride, shouts from the term is often translated as interest or usury (excessive
behind the counter, “I’ve got two thousand dollars!” and interest). Islamic banking and finance aim to avoid riba
holds up a wad of bills. It is the money for their honey- through profit-and-loss sharing, leasing, or other forms of
moon. George chimes in, “This’ll tide us over until the equity- or asset-based financing.
Cultural Dynamics in the Superstructure: Religious and Spiritual Change 577
After that 1998 confer-

ence, I began my study of
global Islamic banking, in-
cluding the efforts of Amer-
ican Muslims to create a
new kind of “Islamic” mort-
gage that enables devout
Muslims to buy a home in
accordance with Islam’s
prohibition of interest. In-
stead of financing a home
purchase with interest-bear-
ing debt, Islamic alterna-
tives rely on either leasing
Palani Mohan /The New York Times/Redux

contracts (a sort of rent-
to-own arrangement where
the bank owns the house
and the purchaser buys out
the bank’s share over time)
or a partnership arrange-
ment (like a joint business
venture). Rather than hav-
Until the early 1990s, millions of Muslims throughout the world had few investment opportunities ing debt and interest at the
due to the ethics derived from Shariah law. Since then, hundreds of Islamic financial institutions have center of the mortgage, as
emerged in over fifty countries. Big U.S. and European banks, including Citibank, have also entered in a conventional loan, the
the Islamic banking business in order to tap into the rising oil wealth. Today, Shariah-compliant banks
house itself and its fair mar-
manage well over $750 billion globally. Here we see three Muslim women in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.
ket rental value are at the
center. The purchaser buys
We are all aware of the recent global financial crisis, out the bank’s share over time. At the center is the
which led to the collapse of major corporations, the na- asset—the real thing—not the debt.
tionalization of big banks and car companies, massive un- Of course, there is no reason why a joint partnership
employment, and unnerving insecurity for many people to own a piece of property is any more “real” or less
in the United States and around the world. One of the “abstract” than bundling together debt. It depends on
leading causes of the crisis was the marketing of debt to one’s point of view, and one’s precommitments to certain
people who probably could not repay, and the packaging values—prohibiting interest and sharing risk, for example,
of those debts into complicated financial instruments that or distributing risk onto others. In Islamic finance, the
were supposed to curb risk but instead increased it. former is seen as “Shariah compliant,” or in accord with
What, you might ask, does anthropology have Islamic law; and the latter, as unjust because it offloads
to contribute to the study of the financial markets, one’s own share of risk onto others.
money, and the wider economy? Quite a lot, actually. At the same time, Islamic mortgages often require rel-
Among other things, anthropologists have repeatedly atively large down payments; this excludes poorer people
demonstrated that economic decisions thought to be from achieving the American dream of homeownership.
purely rational and self-interested are actually deeply So, we need to ask ourselves whether the virtues of adher-
embedded in social relationships, cultural values, and ence to the precepts of one’s religion outweigh broader
religious beliefs. social goals of financial inclusion.
Take securitized debt instruments, for example—loans Global Islamic banking today owes much to the immi-
like mortgages, chopped up and rebundled together into gration of Middle Eastern and South Asian students and
salable commodities. When they started to go sour, many professionals to the United States and western Europe since
commentators blamed the instruments’ complexity and the 1970s, and the consolidation of large U.S.–Muslim orga-
called for a return to an economy based on real things in- nizations. The oil boom in the Middle East during the 1970s,
stead of abstract tradable debt. However, we know from our which sparked renewed interest in Islamic banking in many
research across the globe that peoples in different cultures Muslim-majority countries, also encouraged the develop-
do not always differentiate the real from the abstract in the ment of a loosely knit interconnected network of Muslim
same way. A person’s reputation might be deemed more international businessmen, who, working for oil and chem-
solid and real than a piece of gold. And a piece of gold has ical companies as well as financial firms, gained experience
real value only because people agree to it as a convention. in Western regulatory and business environments.
Islamic home financing expanded greatly after the dream,” and they were eager to demonstrate their com-
2001 terrorist attack on New York’s World Trade Center mitment to that dream.
and the Pentagon; these attacks sent shockwaves through People involved in Islamic banking and finance are con-
the capitalist world system dominated by Wall Street. First tinually engaged in an effort to define precisely what their
of all, Americans in general, Muslims included, took their field is. Is riba simply Arabic for “interest,” or does riba refer
money out of the stock market after the attack and started only to “excessive interest” or usury? Does the prohibition
investing in real estate, buoyed by low interest rates and say something about justice, or does it moralize about proper
feeding the speculative real estate bubble. Second, Islamic market relationships? Like any aspect of culture—economy
mutual funds had been able to maintain their “Islamicity” included—Islamic banking is always a field of debate. And
in part by contributing a portion of their profits to charity more debate, not less, may help us all to find just, peaceful,
in order to religiously “cleanse” the funds; however, as and profitable ways out of the various catastrophes we con-
charities came under governmental suspicion for terrorist tinually make for ourselves, as we create the abstractions and
money laundering, many Muslims withdrew their invest- realities that mutually determine our lives together.
ments from these funds. Third, home financing, American
Muslims told me, is the cornerstone of the “American Written expressly for this text, 2010.
Revitalization Movements Europe, attracted to a naturalistic worldview, now also

practice forms of “ecospiritualism” (Prins, 1996). Often
No anthropological consideration of religion is complete this involves a revival of ancient pre-Christian traditions,
without some mention of revitalization movements— such as Asatru in Scandinavia and Druidry in the British
movements for radical cultural reform in response to Isles. Seeking a sacred relationship with nature, adherents
widespread social disruption and collective feelings of worship the earth, elements of the sky, and spirits they
great stress and despair. As a deliberate effort to construct believe arise from sacred places like rivers and mountains
a more satisfying culture, revitalization movements aim (Figure 23.14).
to reform not just the religious sphere of activity but may
also impact an entire cultural system.
Many such movements developed in indigenous
societies where European colonial exploitation caused
Syncretic Religions
enormous upheaval. They also occurred in 16th-century In Africa, during and following the period of foreign col-
Europe—as evidenced in the emergence of Puritans, onization and missionization, indigenous groups resisted
Mennonites, and other Protestant groups when tradi- or creatively revised Christian teachings and formed cul-
tional societies faced radical transformations triggered turally appropriate religious movements. During the past
by early capitalism and other forces. Likewise, revitaliza- century, thousands of indigenous Christian churches have
tion movements emerged in response to the industrial been founded in Africa. These churches are often born of
revolution triggering similar radical transformations alternative theological interpretations and new divinely
in agrarian societies in the 19th century. These oc- inspired revelations. They also originate from disapproval
curred not only in Europe but also in the northeastern by foreign missionaries concerning the preservation of
United States, where Mormonism, Jehovah’s Witnesses, traditional beliefs and rituals culturally associated with
Seventh-Day Adventists, and others began as Christian animism, ancestor worship, and spirit possession, as well
revitalization movements. as kinship and marriage.
Revitalization movements can be found in many re- Today, the African continent is as religiously and
ligions. They are evident in the revival or introduction spiritually diverse as ever. Although at least 40 percent
of traditional American Indian ceremonies such as the of the population is Christian, and more than another
sweat lodge now common on many tribal reservations 40 percent is Muslim, myriad African indigenous religions
in North America, as well as the spectacular Sun Dance persist and are often merged with Christianity or Islam.
ceremony held each summer at various reservations in
the Great Plains. Similar cultural revivals of “spiritual neo-
traditions” are on the rise in many parts of the world, in- Syncretic Religions Across
cluding Europe (Prins, 1994). Multitudes in northwestern
the Atlantic: Vodou in Haiti
In almost four centuries of trans-Atlantic slave trad-
revitalization movement A social movement for radical cultural reform
in response to widespread social disruption and collective feelings of ing, African captives—stolen from hundreds of towns
great stress and despair. and villages from Mauretania south to Angola and
Carl De Souza/AFP/Getty Images

Figure 23.14 Stonehenge, Wiltshire County, England
In 2010, the neo-tradition of Druidry was officially recognized as a religion in Great Britain.
Stonehenge, a 4,500-year-old Neolithic site, is one of its sacred centers. With 10,000 followers,
modern Druidry is rooted in the pre-Christian tradition of the Celtic peoples indigenous to the
British Isles.
beyond—were shipped across the ocean to labor on cot- Now mostly poor black peasants, they are nominal Roman
ton, sugar, coffee, and tobacco plantations from Virginia Catholics who, like their African ancestors across the
to Brazil. Ripped from family and community, individual Atlantic, believe in spirit possession.
slaves clung to some of their ancestral beliefs and knowl- Vodou rituals center on the worship of what Haitians
edge of rituals. refer to as loas—also known in Creole as saints. This
Sharing a life of forced labor, slaves from different tradition is essentially based on a belief in a reciprocal
ethnic, linguistic, and religious backgrounds formed small relationship between the spirits of the living and those of
communities, pooled remembered religious ideas and ritu- the dead, representing multiple expressions of the divine.
als, and creatively forged a spiritual repertoire of their own. Vodou priests summon spirits of deceased ancestors and
Founded on a mix of Yoruba and other African beliefs and other relatives by drumming in a temple. Dancing to the
practices, their emerging religions also incorporated Chris- beat, worshipers enter into trance. This is when a person’s
tian features, including terminology from the languages spirit temporarily vacates the human body, replaced by
of slave-owning colonists. In some cases, elements from a a loa from the spirit world who takes possession—the
region’s indigenous American cultures were also included. moment of divine grace (Figure 23.15).
Such creative blending of indigenous and foreign
beliefs and practices into new cultural forms is known as
syncretism. Especially after slavery was abolished in the
Secularization and Religious
course of the 1800s, these syncretic spiritual repertoires Pluralism
developed into Afro-Caribbean religions such as Vodou in Although Christianity in Europe is losing ground as a
Haiti and Santería in Cuba, which resemble Candomblé in result of Islam’s rise, a far more substantial decline is due
Brazil. All of these religions are spreading as adherents freely to secularization. In this process of cultural change,
migrate across borders (Fernández Olmos & Paravisini-
Gebert, 2003).
The name vodou (or voodoo) means “divine spirit” in syncretism The creative blending of indigenous and foreign beliefs and
practices into new cultural forms.
the language of the Fon, a large ethnic group in West
secularization A process of cultural change in which a population tends
Africa. Providing an escape from the indignities of poverty toward a nonreligious worldview, ignoring or rejecting institutionalized
and hopelessness, Vodou was developed by former slaves. spiritual beliefs and rituals.
Steve Winter/National Geographic Stock

Figure 23.15 Haitian Women in a Vodou Bathing Ritual
In mid-July every year, thousands of Haitian pilgrims journey to a sacred waterfall in the mountains
north of Port-au-Prince, Haiti, in reverence to a Black Madonna known as Our Lady of Carmel.
This Marian devotion is ritually associated with a major loa, or Vodou spirit, named Erzulie Dantor,
who mysteriously appeared on a palm tree at this waterfall about 150 years ago. Since then, an
important devotional activity is bathing in this sacred water, a deeply spiritual experience in which
Vodou practitioners like these women enter a trance filled with divine grace.
a population tends toward a nonreligious worldview, ig- under 30. Their ranks include more than 13 million
noring or rejecting institutionalized spiritual beliefs and self-described atheists and agnostics—nearly 6 percent of
rituals. Over the last few decades, growing numbers of the U.S. public (Pew Research Center, 2012). As in other
western Europeans have declared themselves to be with- large countries, there are regional contrasts, with the sec-
out religion. ularization trend among New Englanders far outpacing
Secularization is especially noteworthy in a prosperous several areas in the southeastern United States, where 80
capitalist country like Germany, which has been for many to 85 percent claim that religion plays an important role
centuries predominantly Lutheran and Roman Catholic. in their lives.
Today, almost 40 percent of Germans identify themselves
as nonreligious, compared to a mere 4 percent forty As chronicled in this chapter, the quest for metaphysi-
years ago. In contrast, religion is becoming more impor- cal explanations and revelations occurs everywhere in
tant in many parts of eastern Europe where atheism was countless ways—from massive religious gatherings to
communist state ideology for several generations in the the recurrent rise of new spiritual leaders and religious
20th century. movements, growing participation in pilgrimages and
Secularization also takes place in other wealthy in- spiritual healing ceremonies, and persistent efforts to
dustrialized countries. In the United States, for example, safeguard places that people have designated as sacred
20 percent of all adults are religiously unaffiliated—and sites. In this cross-cultural survey of religion and spiritu-
the figure jumps to about 35 percent among adults ality, we explored and contrasted numerous worldviews
with their symbolic constructs of the universe and our but also who they are. The need to find deeper meaning
place in it. Clearly, religion and spirituality are not just in life and to make sense of an increasingly complex,
about spiritual beliefs and rituals, however important uncharted, confusing, and even frightening world drives
these may be. They are also fundamental in the con- humans to continue their explorations—religious and
struction of social identities and motivate people to act spiritual, as well as scientific. All of this makes the anthro-
in prescribed ways. pological study of religion not only fascinating but crucial
Performing religion or spirituality, individually or col- in our efforts to better understand our species in all its
lectively, people not only express what they feel and think creative and destructive cultural capacity.
What are religion and spirituality, how men and women relate to each other in
everyday life.
and what role do they play in a
cultural system? ✓ Monotheism holds that there is one supreme divinity;
polytheism acknowledges more than one deity.
✓ Religion is an organized system of ideas about the
spiritual sphere or the supernatural, and it is a key part ✓ Belief in ancestral spirits is based on the dualistic idea
of every culture’s worldview. Like religion, spirituality that human beings consist of a body and a soul or vital
is concerned with sacred matters, but it is often spirit that continues to participate in human affairs
individual rather than collective and does not require a after death.
distinctive format or traditional organization. ✓ Animism, the belief that nature is enlivened by distinct
✓ Among food-foraging peoples, religion is intertwined personalized spirit beings separable from bodies, is
with everyday life. As societies become more complex, common among peoples who see themselves as part of
it may be restricted to particular occasions. nature rather than superior to it.
✓ Spiritual and religious beliefs and practices fulfill ✓ Animatism, often found alongside animism, is a belief
numerous psychological and emotional needs, such as that nature is enlivened by an impersonal spiritual
reducing anxiety by providing an orderly view of the force, which may make itself manifest in any special
universe and answering existential questions. place, thing, or living creature.
✓ Myths are narratives that explain the fundamentals of

human existence—where we and everything in our
What are the different types of religious
world came from, why we are here, and where we are specialists?
going. ✓ Priests and priestesses are full-time religious specialists
✓ A traditional religion reinforces group norms and authorized to perform sacred rituals and mediate with
provides moral sanctions for individual conduct. Its supernatural powers on behalf of others.
narratives and rituals confirm the existing social order, ✓ Priests and priestesses typically hold their position by
but it may also provide vehicles for challenging that way of spiritual lineage in which divine authority is
order. People often turn to religion or spirituality in passed down from a spiritual founder to a chain of
the hope of reaching a specific goal such as restoring successors.
health.
✓ There are four major forms of spiritual lineage:
What types of supernatural beings biological descent, training and appointment by
religious leaders, election, and recognition of a
and forces are included in the worldview reincarnated saint.
of humans?
✓ Shamans are individuals skilled at entering an altered
✓ Religion is characterized by a belief in supernatural state of consciousness to contact and utilize an
beings and forces that can be appealed to for aid ordinarily hidden reality in order to acquire knowledge
through prayer, sacrifice, and other rituals. and supernatural power to help other people.
Supernatural beings include major deities (gods and
goddesses), ancestral spirits, and other sorts of spirit
beings. What are religious rituals and rites,
✓ Gods and goddesses are great but remote beings
and what purposes do they serve?
that control the universe. Whether people ✓ A religious ritual is a culturally symbolic act or
recognize gods, goddesses, or both has to do with procedure designed to guide members of a
community in an orderly way through personal and ✓ A pilgrimage is a devotion in motion—a journey, often
collective transitions. It is religion in action—the on foot, to a sacred site by individuals reaching for
means through which people relate to the enlightenment, proving devotion, and/or hoping to
supernatural. experience a miracle. Among the largest pilgrimages is
the hajj made by 1.8 million Muslims traveling to Mecca
✓ Rites of purification are rituals performed to establish
in Saudi Arabia each year from all around the world.
or restore purity when someone has violated a taboo or
is otherwise unclean. ✓ Many pilgrimages center on cults of the Virgin Mary.
These include Black Madonnas—dark-colored statues or
✓ Rites of passage are rituals marking an important stage
painted images representing the virgin mother—such
in an individual’s life cycle, such as birth, marriage,
as the Virgin of Guadalupe whose shrine in Mexico
and death. They feature three phases: separation,
City draws 6 million pilgrims a year.
transition, and incorporation.
✓ Sacred sites are potential targets of desecration—
✓ Rites of intensification are rituals that ease anxiety and
ideological violation of a sacred site aimed at harming,
bind people together when they face a collective crisis
if only symbolically, people judged to have impure,
or change. Such rituals may also be staged to mark
false, or evil beliefs and ritual practices.
seasonal changes and subsistence cycles.
What are magic, divination, What are revitalization movements,

and witchcraft? and how are they connected to social
upheaval?
✓ People in many cultures believe in magic: the idea that
supernatural powers can be compelled to act in certain ✓ Revitalization movements arise when people seek radical
ways for good or evil purposes through specified cultural reform in response to widespread social
formulas. disruption and collective feelings of anxiety and despair.
✓ Divination is a magical procedure or spiritual ritual ✓ Revitalization examples include Mormonism in the
designed to find out what is not knowable by ordinary United States, ecospiritualism in many Western nations
means, particularly through signs foretelling fate or (such as the rise of Druidry in England), and the
destiny. revival of traditional American Indian ceremonies.
✓ Witchcraft—magical ritual intended to cause ✓ Syncretism, the creative blending of indigenous and
misfortune or inflict harm and often referred to as foreign beliefs and practices into new cultural forms,
sorcery—is believed to be practiced by people who can be found worldwide. It includes the practice of
embody evil spirit power or collaborate with Vodou among former slaves in Haiti, which features
malevolent supernatural beings. elements of Roman Catholicism and traditional African
beliefs such as spirit possession.
✓ Belief in witchcraft is widespread, takes many forms,
and is especially common during periods of
uncertainty.
What is secularization?
✓ Secularization is a process of cultural change in which
What are sacred sites and pilgrimages? a population tends toward a nonreligious worldview,
ignoring or rejecting institutionalized spiritual beliefs
✓ Sacred sites may be places where ordinary people
and rituals.
experienced something extraordinary or places
associated with a holy person, or they may be ✓ Fairly common in wealthy countries, secularization has
exceptional natural places, especially mountaintops. become especially prevalent in western Europe.
1. For countless generations, humans have creatively representation relate to your own existence? Does it
reflected on the universe and their place in it. have any meaning to you, your family, or others in
Often this is done through sacred rituals—culturally your community?
specific prayers, chants, prostrations, sacrificial
offerings, or dances, such as the Buddhist Stag 2. People in every culture experience anxiety, fear, and
and Hounds dance in Bhutan, pictured at the start social tension, and many attribute accidents, illnesses,
of this chapter. Are you personally familiar with or other misfortunes to evil magic practiced by
a periodic reenactment or visual representation malevolent individuals such as witches or sorcerers.
commemorating a significant historical event Do you believe people really possess such supernatural
in a major religious tradition? How does that powers to inflict harm?
583
3. Do the basic dynamics of the shamanic complex also 4. Revitalization movements occur in reaction to
apply to preachers or priests in modern churches and the upheavals caused by rapid colonization and
medical doctors working in modern hospitals? Can modernization. Do you think that the rise of religious
you think of some similarities among the shaman, fundamentalism among Christians, Muslims, Jews,
preacher, and medical doctor in terms of their and Hindus is a response to such upheavals? If yes,
respective fields of operation? how so?
Going Through a Phase
In every society, people take part in ceremonies, college graduation, marriage, or funeral). Identify
each of which has its own particular rituals. and briefly describe each of its three phases, and
Having read about various ritual practices in summarize why this social event requires the
this chapter, select a rite of passage you have ceremonial staging of a cultural ritual.
personally witnessed or participated in (such as
Sue Cunningham Photographic/Alamy
CHALLENGE ISSUE
Humans in all cultures face the challenge of creatively articulating ideas and emotions
concerning themselves and the world around them. Across the globe, people have devel-
oped art forms—musical, visual, verbal, movement, and so on—that symbolically express
meanings and messages. Art is often personal but may also communicate, stimulate,
and reinforce experiences and feelings of collective cultural identity. So it is with these
Amazonian Indians in traditional ceremonial paint and dress—members of the Kayapo
tribe inhabiting Brazil’s Xingu River area. Their heads are crowned with colorful radiating
feathers that represent the universe. Their faces and bodies are painted with black and
red designs that convey strength—the black dye made of charcoal and genipap fruit juice,
the red of crushed urucu seeds. And they carry age-old tribal weapons—clubs, spears,
bows, and arrows. In this case, they armed and adorned themselves to stage a political
protest in the streets of São Paulo, one of Brazil’s major cities. With dance, song, oratory,
and body ornamentation, they demonstrated against an $18.5 billion hydropower project,
the third largest in the world. For two decades they tried to halt the building of a huge dam
that threatens their health and way of life. Their artful protests attracted worldwide atten-
tion but failed to stop the massive project set to generate cheap electricity for millions.
The Arts 24
Humans in all cultures throughout time have expressed feelings and ideas about In this chapter you
themselves and the world around them through art—the
—the creative use of the hu-
hu will learn to
man imagination to aesthetically interpret, express, and engage life, modifying ex- ● Define art and examine
perienced reality in the process. Art comes in many forms, including visual, verbal, how it is intertwined
musical, and motion—sometimes in combination and in an ever-expanding array with other parts of a
cultural system.
of formats made possible by the continual emergence of new technologies. Most
societies, past and present, have used art to symbolically express almost every part
● Summarize
anthropology’s
of their culture, including ideas about religion, kinship, ethnic identity, and death.
cross-cultural and
From an anthropological perspective, the photo that opens this chapter is far comparative historical
more than a curious image of traditionally painted, feathered, and armed Kayapo perspective on art.
Indians in the Brazilian Amazon. It is an illustration of performance art—a ● Identify different types
creatively expressed promotion of ideas by artful means dramatically staged to of art, each with
challenge opinion and/or provoke purposeful action. In Kayapo culture, dancing
specific anthropological
examples.
combined with the singing of warrior chants is a traditional variation of this art
form. Here we see the warriors in the modern city of Altamira protesting against
● Recognize how art
expresses worldview
a huge hydroelectric dam. Through this particular performance, staged as a public
and analyze its
spectacle in an electronic media environment, they aimed to reach a global audience functions in the
of millions and win widespread support for their political struggle (Conklin, 1997; context of religion and
shamanism.
Prins, 2002). Performance art is not always successful. Although demonstrations
by Kayapo and neighboring tribes of the Xingu River drew international atten-
● Explain and give
examples of the
tion, the dam is now near completion. Soon it will flood 400 square kilometers
relationship between art
(150 square miles) of tropical forest and destroy their habitat. and cultural identity.
Despite daily evidence of political (and commercial) uses of art, most people
● Analyze how art has
living in the industrialized corners of the world think of the arts almost exclu- become a commodity
sively as an aesthetic pleasure for personal or shared enjoyment. From this “art in a market economy,
for art’s sake” perspective, art appears
and critically evaluate
art The creative use of the human
imagination to aesthetically interpret, express, what that means in a
to be confined to a distinctive cultural and engage life, modifying experienced reality globalized environment
in the process.
domain, quite apart from political,
performance art A creatively expressed
of rapid change.
economic, religious, and otherwise promotion of ideas by artful means
dramatically staged to challenge opinion and/
pragmatic or ideological activities. or provoke purposeful action.
585
586 CHAPTER 24 The Arts
But in most traditional cultures, art is so deeply embedded individuals and as members of society. Similarly, people in
in various aspects of life that many of these cultures do all cultures tell stories in which they express their values,
not have a distinctive term for it. hopes, and concerns and in the process reveal much about
For instance, commenting on beautiful ivory figurines themselves and the nature of the world as they see it.
carved by Aivilik Inuit (Eskimo hunters in Arctic Canada), In short, all peoples engage in artistic expression in one
U.S. anthropologist Edmund Carpenter observed: way or another. And, they have been doing this in countless
ways for more than 40,000 years—from painting animals
No word meaning “art” occurs in Aivilik, nor does on ancient rock walls to digital music jamming on iPhones.
“artist.” . . . Art to the Aivilik is an act, not an object; Whether a particular work of art is intended to be
a ritual, not a possession. . . . They are more interested appreciated purely for beauty or to serve some practical
in the creative activity than in the product of that purpose, it requires the same special combination of
activity [and do not differentiate between] works of symbolic representation of form and expression of feeling
art and utilitarian objects: but the two are usually that constitute the creative imagination. Because human
one. (Carpenter, 1959, n.p.) creativity and the ability to symbolize are universal, art is
This intricate link between art and other aspects of an important subject for anthropological study.
life is evident in the way art has been incorporated into
everyday, functional objects—from utensils, pottery, and
baskets used to serve, carry, or store food, to carpets and
The Anthropological
mats woven by nomadic herders to cover the ground in-
side their portable tent dwellings. Designs painted on or
Study of Art
woven or carved into such objects typically express ideas, Anthropologists have found that art often reflects a soci-
values, relationships, and objects that have meaning to an ety’s collective ideas, values, and concerns. Indeed, through
entire community (Figure 24.1). the cross-cultural study of art, we may discover much
Artful expression is as basic to human beings as talking about different worldviews and religious beliefs, as well as
and is by no means limited to a unique category of individ- political ideas, social values, kinship structures, economic
uals specialized as artists. We see this in the way people in relations, and historical memory.
all cultures adorn their bodies in certain ways—and how, In approaching art as a cultural phenomenon, anthropol-
by doing so, make a statement about who they are, both as ogists have the pleasant task of cataloguing, photographing,
Figure 24.1 Functional Art

Traditional bags artfully woven by Ayoreo Indian women are used to carry the food they hunt or gather
(such as tortoises) in the Gran Chaco, their wilderness domain in the borderlands of Paraguay and Bolivia.
The bags are made out of wild pineapple (dajudie) leaf fibers, which the women pull and twist into strong
strands and then dye with natural pigments. Each weaves a pattern distinctive of their clan. The Ayoreo
pictured here stayed remote from the modern world until 2004 when encroachment on their traditional
territory forced them to make contact. They continue to make and use these bags, which can now also be
seen hanging on museum walls and on the shoulders of fashionable women from New York to Paris.
recording, describing, and analyzing all possible forms of enjoying a meal. Although one of the men clutches a bag
imaginative activity in any particular culture. An enormous of money and appears to have knocked over a dish of salt,
variety of forms and modes of artistic expression exists in nothing else in the scene seems out of the ordinary.
the world. Because people everywhere continue to create Aesthetically, our non-Christian observer may admire
and develop in ever-new ways, there is no end to the in- the way the composition fits the space available, how the
teresting process of collecting and describing the world’s attitudes of the men are depicted, and the means by which
ornaments, ceremonial masks, body decorations, clothing the artist conveys a sense of movement. As narrative, the
variations, blanket and rug designs, pottery and basket painting may be seen as a record of customs, table man-
styles, monuments, architectural embellishments, legends, ners, dress, and architecture. But to interpret this picture—
work songs, dances, and other art forms—many of them to perceive its real meaning—the viewer must be aware
rich with religious symbolism. that in Christian symbolic culture money traditionally
To study and analyze art, anthropologists employ a represents the root of all evil, and spilling the salt suggests
combination of aesthetic, narrative, and interpretive ap- impending disaster. But even this is not enough; to fully
proaches. The distinctions among these methods can be understand this work of art, one must know something of
illustrated through a famous work of Western art, Leonardo the beliefs of Christianity. And if one wishes to understand
da Vinci’s painting The Last Supper
Supper, showing Jesus Christ and renditions of the Last Supper made by artists in other cor-
his apostles on their last night together before his arrest and ners of the world, it is necessary to bring insights about
crucifixion. A non-Christian viewing this late 15th-century those cultures into the equation as well (Figure 24.2). In
mural in Italy will see thirteen people at a table, apparently other words, moving to the interpretive level of studying
Figure 24.2 The Last Supper by Marcos Zapata (c. 1710–1773) Courtesy of Erin Erkun
To interpret this painting, one must know about Christianity and the artist’s cultural background.
It depicts the final meal shared by a spiritual leader and his twelve followers the eve before
his execution, an event commemorated by Christians for 2,000 years. For centuries, artists in
many societies have imagined this event in paintings, often copying from others before them.
This artist was an indigenous painter living in Cuzco, once capital of the Inca empire and long
colonized by Spaniards. Baptized as a Christian, he was influenced by European imagery but
made cultural adjustments so fellow Andean Indians coming to the church would understand
its significance. Directly looking at us is St. Peter, showing his sacred key to heaven. At the
center of the table sits Jesus, foretelling his death as a sacrifice, promising he will resurrect and
return as the Messiah. However, instead of lamb, Zapata painted a roasted cui (Cavia porcellus)
on the platter. Traditionally eaten by Andean highlanders, this domesticated guinea pig has
long been used for sacrificial and divining purposes; it is a culturally relevant substitute for the
sacrificial lamb, a traditional Israelite symbol representing their divine rescue from slavery in
Egypt. He also substituted red wine with chicha, an indigenous beer made of fermented maize.
© 1996 The Rock Foundation. Courtesy of Edmund Carpenter
Hanging
Hourglass Limbs Hocker
© Danita Delimont/Alamy Stock Photo

Figure 24.3 Kinship Symbolism in Art
In the figure at left, the top row shows the stylized human figures that are the basic bricks used
in the construction of genealogical patterns. The bottom row shows how these basic figures
are linked arm and leg with diagonally adjacent figures to depict descent. For thousands of
years people all over the world have linked such figures together, creating the familiar geometric
patterns that we see in countless art forms—from pottery to sculpture to weavings—patterns
that informed eyes recognize as genealogical. Pictured in the figure on the right are traditional
wooden shields with kinship designs made by Asmat people in West Papua.
art requires knowledge of the symbols and beliefs of the their basic patterns or arrangements). In some of the Amer-
people responsible for the art (Lewis-Williams, 1990). ican Indian art of the Northwest Coast, for example, ani-
A good way to deepen our insight into the relationship mal figures may be so highly stylized as to be difficult for
between art and the rest of culture is to examine critically an outsider to identify. Although the art appears abstract,
some of the generalizations that have already been made the artist has created it based on nature, even though he or
about specific art forms. Because it is impossible to cover she has exaggerated and deliberately transformed various
all art forms in the space of a single chapter, we will con- shapes to express a particular feeling toward the animals.
centrate on just a few—visual, verbal, and musical. Because artists do these exaggerations and transformations
according to the aesthetic principles of their Indian cul-
Visual Art ture, their meanings are understood not just by the artist
but by other members of the community as well.
For many people, the first thing that springs to mind in This collective understanding of symbols is a hallmark
connection with the word art is some sort of visual image, in traditional art. Unlike modern Western art, which is
such as a painting. Created primarily for visual perception, judged in large part on its creative originality and the
visual art ranges from images rendered on various surfaces unique vision of an individual artist, traditional art is all
to sculptures and weavings made with an array of materials. about community and shared symbolism. Consider, for
In many parts of the world, people have been making example, symbols related to kinship. As discussed in earlier
pictures in one way or another for a very long time— chapters, small-scale traditional societies—hunter-gatherers,
etching in bone; engraving in rock; carving and painting nomadic herders, slash-and-burn horticulturists—are pro-
on wood, gourds, and clay pots; or painting on cave walls, foundly interested in kinship relations. In such societies,
textiles, animal hides, or even their own bodies. Some form kinship may be symbolically expressed in stylized motifs
of visual art is a part of every historically known human and colorful designs etched or painted on human skin,
culture, and extraordinary examples have been found at animal hides or bones, pottery, wood, rocks, or almost any
prehistoric sites dating back more than 40,000 years. other surface imaginable. To cultural outsiders these designs
appear to be purely decorative, ornamental, or abstract,
Symbolism in Visual Art but they can actually be decoded in terms of genealogical
As a type of symbolic expression, visual art may be rep- iconography primarily illustrating social relations of mar-
resentational (imitating closely the forms of nature) or riage and descent (Prins, 1998; Schuster & Carpenter, 1996)
abstract (drawing from natural forms but representing only (Figure 24.3).
Shared symbolism has also been fundamental to
the traditional visual art of tattooing—although that is
visual art Art created primarily for visual perception, ranging from
etchings and paintings on various surfaces (including the human body) changing in some parts of the world, as discussed in this
to sculptures and weavings made with an array of materials. chapter’s Original Study.
NAL
ORIGI
S T U DY The Modern Tattoo Community BY MARGO DEMELLO
As an anthropology graduate student in the persistent and universal forms of body art and may date
early 1990s, I had no idea what (or, more accurately, back as far as the Upper Paleolithic era (10,000–40,000
whom) to study for my field research. Working as an years ago).
animal advocate, I had a house full of creatures to care Tattoos as signs derive their communicative power
for, which left me in no position for long-term travel to a from more than a simple sign-to-meaning correspon-
far-off field site. dence: They also communicate through color, style, man-
Then one of my professors suggested a topic that was ner of execution, and location on the body. Traditionally
literally under my nose—tattooing. I myself had several inscribed on easily viewable parts of the body, tattoos
tattoos and spent quite a bit of time with other tattooed were designed to be “read” by others and were part of a
people, including my husband, who had just become a collectively understood system of inscription. However,
professional tattooist. for many middle-class North Americans today tattoos are
Early on in my research, I, along with my husband, more about private statement than public sign, and these
strove to find a way to “join” what is known as the “tattoo individuals, especially women, tend to favor smaller tat-
community,” finding that it was not as friendly and open toos in private spots.
as we had imagined it to be. As an anthropologist, I came The process by which tattooing has expanded in
to see that the sense of exclusion we felt reflected the the United States from a working-class folk art into a
fact that we were on the lower rungs of a highly stratified more widespread and often refined aesthetic practice is
social group in which an artist’s status is based on such related to a number of shifts in North American culture
features as class, geography, and professional and artistic that occurred during the 1970s and 1980s. This time
credentials, and a “fan” might be judged on the type and period saw the introduction of finely trained artists
extent of his or her tattoos, the artist(s) who created them, into tattooing, bringing with them radically different
the level of media coverage achieved, and more. This backgrounds and artistic sensibilities to draw from.
awareness led to one of the major focuses of my work: More and more middle-class men and women began
how class and status increasingly came to define this once getting tattooed, attracted by the expanded artistic
working-class art form. choices and the new, more spiritual context of body
Ultimately, I spent almost five years studying and writ- decoration.
ing about tattooing, finding my “community” wherever Tattoos have been partially transformed into fine art
tattooed people talked about themselves and each other— by a process of redefinition and framing based on formal
within the pages of tattoo magazines and mainstream qualities (that is, the skill of the artist, the iconic content
newspapers, on Internet newsgroups, and at tattoo-oriented of the tattoo, the style in which the tattoo is executed,
events across the country. I spent countless hours in tattoo and so on) and ideological qualities (the discourses that
shops watching the artists work; I collected what I call surround “artistic” tattoos, discourses that point to some
“tattoo narratives,” which are often elaborate, sometimes higher reality on which the tattoo is based). When it is
spiritual, stories that people tell about their tattoos; and judged that a tattoo has certain formal artistic qualities as
I followed the careers of seminal artists. I even learned to well as expresses a higher, often spiritual, reality, then it
tattoo a bit myself, placing a few particularly ugly images is seen as art.
on my patient husband’s body. Although it may seem as though tattoos are not
Tattoos are created by inserting ink or some other good candidates to be defined as art, due to their lack
pigment through the epidermis (outer skin) into the of permanence (the body, after all, ages and dies) and
dermis (the second layer of skin) through the use of their seeming inability to be displayed within a gallery
needles. They may be beautiful as designs in and of setting, modern tattoo art shows get around these prob-
themselves, but they can also express a multitude of lems by photographing tattoos and displaying them in
meanings about the wearer and his or her place within a way that showcases the “art” and often minimizes
the social group. Whether used in an overt punitive the body. By both literally and figuratively “framing”
fashion (as in the tattooing of slaves or prisoners) or tattoos in a museum or gallery setting, or within an art
to mark clan or cult membership, religious or tribal book, the tattoo is removed from its social function and
affiliation, social status, or marital position, tattoos remade into art.
have historically been a social sign. They have long The basic working-class American tattoo designs (such
been one of the simplest ways of establishing humans as “Mother” or “Donna” inscribed alongside a heart)
as social beings. In fact, tattooing is one of the most have been relegated to the bottom rung of today’s tattoo
hierarchy in the United States. Such tattoos are now

seen by middle-class artists and fans as too literal, too
transparently obvious, and too grounded in everyday
experience and social life to qualify as art.
The modern, artistic tattoos that have increas-
ingly gained favor are less “readable” and no longer
have an easily recognizable function. Often derived
from foreign (or “exotic”) cultures (such as Polyne-
sia) and custom-drawn for the wearer, they tend to
eliminate the social aspect in favor of the highly
individualistic. Some are purely decorative, and
those that are intended to signify meaning often
do so only for the individual or those in his or her
intimate circle.
Tattoos in the United States have traveled a long
way from the tattoo of old: brought to North America
by way of British Captain James Cook’s 18th-century
explorations of the Pacific, moving, over time, from
a mark of affiliation to a highly individual statement
of personal identity, losing and regaining function,
meaning, and content along the way. In our increas-
ingly global world, tattoo designs and motifs move
swiftly and easily across cultural boundaries. As this
happens, their original, communal meanings are
often lost—but they are not meaningless. An animal
crest tattoo traditionally worn by Indians on the
northwest coast of North America to signify clan
membership may now be worn by a non-Native in
Ulrich Doering / Alamy
Boston as an artful, often private, sign of rebellion

against Western “coat and tie” consumer culture.
Written expressly for this text, 2005.
Tattoo artist with a client at the international Southern Ink Xposure

Tattoo Convention.
Rock Art from Southern Africa ferric oxide for red and reddish-brown hues—and mixed
Rock art—paintings and engravings made on large rock the colors with fat, blood, and perhaps water. They ap-
surfaces—is one of the world’s oldest art traditions, dating plied the paint with great skill—with lines and shading
back at least 40,000 years. Bushmen in southern Africa that elegantly captured the contours of the animals’ bod-
practiced this art continually from 27,000 years ago (per- ies and details such as the twist of an eland’s horns or the
haps earlier) until the beginning of the 20th century when black line running along its back.
European colonization led to the demise of their societies. The art shows Bushmen hunting various animals—
Their art depicted humans and animals in sophisticated especially eland, a massive antelope they believed pos-
ways, often in highly animated scenes. It also featured sessed supernatural powers (Figure 24.4). Often male hunt-
what appear to be abstract signs—dots, zigzags, nested ers are outfitted with spears or bows, arrows, and quivers.
curves, and the like. Until fairly recently, non-Bushmen Some scenes show hunting nets and fish traps. Women are
were puzzled by the significance of these abstract features also portrayed—identifiable by their sexual characteristics
and by the fact that new pictures were often created di- and their stone-weighted digging sticks.
rectly over existing images. Researchers, interpreting southern Africa’s prehistoric
These early ancestors of the Bushmen used charcoal rock art in light of ethnographic research among modern-
and specularite (a variety of the mineral hematite) for the day Bushmen communities, suggest certain designs relate to
color black; silica, china clay, and gypsum for white; and the shamanic trance dance. These often include fly whisks
Figure 24.4 Rock Art by

Bushmen in Southern Africa
Bushmen created rock
paintings and engravings
depicting animals they
believed possessed great
supernatural powers,
especially the eland.
Many of these renderings
also featured trance
dancing, sometimes
showing shamans
magically transforming
into birds, appearing
elongated and weightless
as if in flight or water—
imagery based on altered
states of consciousness
experienced in trance.
Prisma/Superstock
(used to extract invisible arrows of sickness) and designs of shamans try to do in trance is to “capture” these envi-
hand-clapping women surrounding dancing men whose sioned elands for purposes of making rain.
bodies are bent forward in the distinctive posture caused by All of this helps us understand why elands are so
the cramping of abdominal muscles as they go into trance. prominent in Bushmen rock art. Moreover, it reveals the
The designs also show dancers’ arms outstretched behind significance of the zigzags, dots, grids, and so forth that
their backs, which present-day Bushmen do to catch more are so often a part of the compositions. The interpretive
n/um (supernatural power). approach makes clear, then, that the rock art of south-
For a more complete interpretation of trance-influenced ern Africa is probably connected with the practices and
art, anthropologists explore a possible linkage with altered beliefs of shamanism. After shamans came out of trance
states of consciousness. Brain research indicates that hu- and reflected on their visions, they painted or engraved
mans typically move through three stages when entering their recollections on the rock faces. A similar interpretive
a trance. First, the nervous system generates images of analysis is needed to fully understand the art of Huichol
luminous, pulsating, revolving, and constantly shifting Indians living in Mexico, as profiled in this chapter’s
geometric patterns known as entoptic phenomena. Usually, Biocultural Connection feature.
these include dots, zigzags, grids, filigrees, nested curves,
and parallel lines, often in a spiral pattern. Next, the brain
tries to make sense of these abstract forms. Here, cultural Verbal Art
influences come into play, so a trancing tribesman in
Verbal art is creative word use on display that includes
southern Africa’s Kalahari region may construe a grid pat-
stories, myths, legends, tales, poetry, metaphor, rhyme,
tern as markings on the skin of a giraffe or nested curves as
a honeycomb (honey is a delicacy in the region). A Cana- chants, rap, drama, cant, proverbs, jokes, puns, riddles,
dian wheat farmer or Chinese shoemaker would construe and tongue twisters.
the patterns in very different ways. Since the 19th century, when Europe’s traditional rural
Finally, during the deepest trance stage, people tend to cultures changed as a result of urbanization and moderni-
feel as if they are at one with their visions, passing into a zation, the historical heritage of communities and regions
rotating tunnel or vortex. Typically, the tunnel has lattice- has been at risk of being forgotten or otherwise lost.
like sides in which iconic images of animals, humans, and Alarmed about these vanishing traditions—including leg-
monsters appear, merging with the entoptic forms of the ends, songs, dances, dress, and crafts—people interested
early trance stages. Trancing individuals usually see things
that have high significance within their own culture. Thus,
verbal art Creative word use on display that includes stories, myths,
Bushmen often see the eland, which they believe carries legends, tales, poetry, metaphor, rhyme, chants, rap, drama, cant,
supernatural powers for making rain. One of the things proverbs, jokes, puns, riddles, and tongue twisters.
Peyote Art: Divine Visions among the Huichol

For generations, Huichol Indians living or eagles soaring high in
in Mexico’s mountainous western Sierra the sky. Having visions
Madre region have created art remarkable extending far across the
for its vibrant colors. They are especially world, they interact di-
noted for their spectacular beadwork and rectly with their gods and
embroidery. Although many people far seek advice on behalf of
and wide appreciate the intricate beauty those who need help in
of Huichol art, most are probably unaware dealing with illness and
that the colorful designs express a reli- other misfortunes.
gious worldview tied to the chemical sub- From a chemical
stance of a sacred plant: a small cactus point of view, peyote
© Daniel Kramer Photography

“button” known as peyote (Lophophora contains a psychotropic
williamsii).a substance identified by
Among the many Huichol gods and god- scientists as an alkaloid.
desses, all addressed in kinship terms, is By consuming some of
Our Grandfather Fire. His principal spirit this toxic organic sub-
helper is Our Elder Brother Deer, a mes- stance, the Huichol move
senger between the gods and humans. into an altered state of Huichol artist Olivia Carrillo makes peyote-inspired art in Real de
Serving the Huichol as their spiritual guide, consciousness. In this Catorce, a town in the mountains of central Mexico. About an
this divine deer is also the peyote cactus dreamlike psychological hour’s horseback ride away from the Huichol sacred mountain
itself. Huichol Indians refer to peyote as state, which is also pro- Wirikúta, the town is located in the peyote heartland.
yawéi hikuri, the “divine flesh of Elder foundly emotional, they
Brother Deer.” Guided by their shamans on experience religiously in-
a pilgrimage to harvest peyote, they “hunt” spired, brilliantly colored visions from their Biocultural Question
this “deer” in Wirikúta, the sacred desert spirit world. In Huichol Indian art we often find vibrantly
highlands where their ancestor deities These are reflected in Huichol art, colored peyote buttons, articulating sha-
dwell. Having found and “shot” the first such as the piece pictured here in which manic visions induced by this psychotropic
cactus button with an arrow, they gather a stylized peyote button and deer have cactus. What was it that inspired traditional
many more, later to be consumed in fresh, been rendered in rainbow-hued beadwork European artists to paint Christian holy men
dried, or liquid form. by Huichol artist Olivia Carrillo, who lives and women with a halo—a silver- or gold-
Participating in a holy communion in the peyote heartland of central Mexico. colored ring around or above their heads?
with the creator god, Huichol shamans The sacred cactus, with its flower or star
star-
consume peyote (the divine flesh) as a like shape, is the most prominent symbolic a
Schaeffer, S. B., & Furst, P. T. (Eds.).
sacrament. Doing so, they enter into an design in Huichol art, beaded onto fabric (1996). People of the peyote: Huichol Indian
ecstatic trance. With the help of peyote, and objects of all kinds or embroidered history, religion, and survival. Albuquerque:
their spiritual guide, they become hawks on clothing. University of New Mexico Press.
in cultural preservation began collecting the unwritten Generally, the narratives that make up the verbal arts
popular stories (and other artistic traditions) of rural have been divided into several basic and recurring catego-
peoples. They coined the word folklore (folk refers to ries, including myth, legend, and tale.
“ethnicity”; lore is “traditional knowledge”) to distinguish
between “folk art” shared by the community and the “fine
Myth
art” collected by the elite.
As discussed in the previous chapter, the term myth
comes from the Greek word mythos, meaning “speech” or
folklore A term coined by 19th-century scholars studying the unwritten “story.” It is a narrative that explains the fundamentals
stories and other artistic traditions of rural peoples to distinguish
of human existence—where we and everything in our
between “folk art” and the “fine art” of the literate elite.
world came from, why we are here, and where we are go-
myth A sacred narrative that explains the fundamentals of human
existence—where we and everything in our world came from, why we are ing. A myth provides a rationale for religious beliefs and
here, and where we are going. practices and sets cultural standards for proper behavior.
A typical creation or origin myth, traditional with the The last work he made was Lake Champlain
western Abenaki Indians of northwestern New England and liked it so well that he climbed onto a rock in
and southern Quebec, is as follows: Burlington Bay and changed himself into stone so he
could sit there and enjoy his masterpiece through the
In the beginning, Tabaldak, “The Owner,” created
ages. He is still there and he is still given offerings of
all living things but one—the spirit being who was
tobacco as Abenakis pass this way. The Abenaki call
to accomplish the final transformation of the earth.
the rock Odzihózo, since it is the Transformer himself.
Tabaldak made man and woman out of a piece of stone,
(Haviland & Power, 1994)
but he didn’t like the result, their hearts being cold and
hard. So, he broke them up, and their remains today Such a myth, insofar as it is believed, accepted, and per-
can be seen in the many stones that litter the landscape petuated in a culture, expresses part of a people’s traditional
of the Abenaki homeland. Then Tabaldak tried again, worldview. This Abenaki myth accounts for the existence of
this time using living wood, and from this came all rivers, mountains, lakes, and other features of the landscape
later Abenakis. Like the trees from which the wood (such as Odzihózo Rock pictured in Figure 24.5), as well
came, these people were rooted in the earth and could as of humans and all other living things. It also sanctions
dance as gracefully as trees swaying in the wind. particular attitudes and behaviors. The myth is a product of
The one living thing not created by Tabaldak was creative imagination and is a work of art, as well as poten-
Odzihózo, “He Makes Himself from Something.” This tially a religious statement.
transformer created himself out of dust, but he wasn’t Extrapolating from the details of this particular
able to accomplish it all at once. At first, he managed Abenaki myth, we may conclude that these Native Amer-
only his head, body, and arms; the legs came later, icans traditionally recognize having a close relationship
growing slowly as legs do on a tadpole. Not waiting with animals and plants, as well as rocks, rivers, and so
until his legs were grown, he set out to transform the on. Such ideas led them to show special respect to the
shape of the earth. He dragged his body about with animals they hunted in order to sustain their own lives.
his hands, gouging channels that became the rivers. For example, before eating meat, they placed an offering
To make the mountains, he piled dirt up with his of grease on the fire to thank Tabaldak.
hands. Once his legs grew, Odzihózo’s task was made A characteristic of myths, such as this one, is that they
easier; by merely extending his legs, he made the reduce the complex or unknown in terms of a basic story
tributaries of the main stream. . . . accepted as explanation in the community. Mythmaking
© Ray Brown
Figure 24.5 Odzihózo Rock, Lake Champlain, Burlington, Vermont

This small granite island is featured in the creation myth of the Abenaki Indians, the original
inhabitants of the region. For untold generations, they have referred to it as Odzihózo after the
mythical transformer who laid out the river channels and lake basins in northeastern North America.
is an extremely significant kind of human creativity, and found in nonliterate societies with some form of state
studying the mythmaking process and its results can offer political organization; they serve to transmit and preserve a
valuable insight into the way people perceive and think culture’s legal and political precedents and practices.
about their world. Legends may incorporate mythological details, espe-
cially when they make an appeal to the supernatural, and
Legend are therefore not always clearly distinct from myth. Leg-
A legend is a story about a memorable event or figure ends may also incorporate proverbs and incidental tales
handed down by tradition and told as true but without ac- and thus be related to other forms of verbal art as well.
tual historical evidence. Legends commonly consist of pseu- For the anthropologist, the secular and apparently realis-
do-historical narratives that account for the deeds of heroes, tic portions of legends, whether long or short, carry particu-
the movements of peoples, and the establishment of local lar significance because of the clues they provide as to what
customs, typically with a mixture of realism and the super- constitutes a culture’s approved or ideal ethical behavior. The
natural or extraordinary. As stories, they are not necessarily subject matter of legends is essentially problem solving and
believed or disbelieved, but they usually serve to entertain mentoring, and the content is likely to include physical and
as well as to instruct and to inspire or bolster pride in family, psychological trials of many kinds. Certain questions may
community, or nation. Legends all around the world tell us be answered explicitly or implicitly: In what circumstances,
something about the cultures in which they are found. if any, does the culture permit homicide? What kinds of be-
A noteworthy example of a popular legend is that havior are considered heroic or cowardly? Does the culture
American Indians at Cape Cod welcomed the English stress forgiveness over retaliation as an admirable trait?
Pilgrims who came to the “New World” seeking religious
freedom—generously sharing their food and helping the Tale
newcomers survive their first winter. Gaining acceptance A third type of creative narrative, the tale, is recognized
in the 19th century, this romantic first-arrival story is often as fiction that is for entertainment but may also draw
told during Thanksgiving, an important national holiday a moral or teach a practical lesson. Consider this brief
in the United States. For Native Americans, it is a false summary of a tale from Ghana in West Africa, known as
representation of what actually happened almost 400 years “Father, Son, and Donkey” (Figure 24.6):
ago—the beginning of a foreign invasion and violent dis-
possession of their ancestral homeland. Thus, many Native A father and his son farmed their corn, sold it, and
Americans do not celebrate Thanksgiving Day. spent part of the profit on a donkey. When the
To a degree, in literate societies the function of legends hot season came, they harvested their yams and
has been taken over by history. The trouble is that history prepared to take them to storage, using their donkey.
does not always tell people what they want to hear about The father mounted the donkey and they all three
themselves, or, conversely, it tells them things that they proceeded on their way until they met some people.
would prefer not to hear. By projecting their culture’s “What? You lazy man!” the people said to the father.
hopes and expectations onto the record of the past, they “You let your young son walk barefoot on this hot
seize upon and even exaggerate some past events while ground while you ride on a donkey? For shame!”
ignoring or giving scant attention to others. Although this The father yielded his place to the son, and they
often takes place unconsciously, so strong is the motiva- proceeded until they came to an old woman. “What?
tion to transform history into legend that states have even You useless boy!” said the old woman. “You ride on
gone so far as to deliberately rewrite it. the donkey and let your poor father walk barefoot on
An epic is a long, dramatic narrative, recounting the this hot ground? For shame!” The son dismounted,
celebrated deeds of a historic or legendary hero, often sung and both father and son walked on the road, leading
or recited in poetic language. In parts of western and Cen- the donkey behind them until they came to an old
tral Africa, people hold remarkably elaborate and formalized man. “What? You foolish people!” said the old man.
recitations of extremely long legends, lasting several hours “You have a donkey and you walk barefoot on the
and even days. These long narratives have been described as hot ground instead of riding?” And so it goes. Listen:
veritable encyclopedias of a culture’s most diverse aspects, When you are doing something and other people
with direct and indirect statements about history, institu- come along, just keep on doing what you like.
tions, relationships, values, and ideas. Epics are typically This is precisely the kind of tale that is of special in-
terest in traditional folklore studies. It is an internation-
ally popular “numbskull” tale. Versions of it have been
legend A story about a memorable event or figure handed down by recorded in India, Southwest Asia, southern and western
tradition and told as true but without historical evidence.
Europe, and North America, as well as in West Africa. It
epic A long, dramatic narrative, recounting the celebrated deeds of a
historic or legendary hero, often sung or recited in poetic language. is classified or catalogued as exhibiting a basic motif or
tale A creative narrative that is recognized as fiction for entertainment story theme—father and son trying to please everyone—
but may also draw a moral or teach a practical lesson. one of the many thousands that have been found to recur
the son, and the donkey originated, the fact that it is

told in West Africa suggests that it states something valid
for that culture. The tale’s lesson of a necessary degree of
self-confidence in the face of arbitrary social criticism is
therefore something that can be found in the culture’s
values and beliefs.
Other Verbal Art

Myths, legends, and tales, prominent as they are in an-
thropological studies, in many cultures turn out to be
no more important than many other verbal arts. In the
culture of the Awlad ‘Ali Bedouins of Egypt’s western des-
ert, for example, poetry is a lively and active verbal art,
especially as a vehicle for personal expression and private
communication. These Bedouins use two forms of poetry.
One is the elaborately structured and heroic poems men
chant or recite only on ceremonial occasions and in spe-
cific public contexts. The other is the ghinnáwas or “little
Jon Sparks/Alamy
songs” that punctuate everyday conversations, especially
of women. Simple in structure, these deal with personal
matters and feelings more appropriate to informal social
Figure 24.6 Father, Son, and Donkey
situations, and older men regard them as the unimportant
A Bedouin father and son wait for tourists to rent their donkey productions of women and youths (Figure 24.7).
in Petra, Jordan. A scene such as this may bring to mind the Despite this official devaluation in the male-dom-
internationally popular “Father, Son, and Donkey” tale. Told inated Bedouin society, “little songs” play a vital part
in different versions, this tale conveys a basic motif or story in people’s daily lives. In these poems individuals are
situation—father and son trying in vain to please everyone. shielded from the consequences of making statements and
expressing sentiments that contravene the moral system.
in tales around the world. Despite variations in detail, Paradoxically, by sharing these “immoral” sentiments
every version follows the same basic structure in the se- only with intimates and veiling them in impersonal tradi-
quence of events, sometimes called the syntax of the tale: tional formulas, those who recite them demonstrate that
A peasant father and son work together, a beast of burden they have a certain control, which actually enhances their
is purchased, the three set out on a short excursion, the moral standing. As is often true of folklore in general, the
father rides and is criticized, the son rides and is criticized, “little songs” of the Awlad ‘Ali provide a culturally appro-
both walk and are criticized, and a conclusion is drawn. priate outlet for otherwise taboo thoughts or opinions
Tales of this sort (not to mention myths and legends) (Abu-Lughod, 1986). The same is true for disaster jokes or
that are found to have wide geographic distribution raise comedic satire in numerous contemporary societies.
some questions: Where did they originate? Did the story In all cultures the words of songs constitute a kind of
arise only once and then pass from one culture to another poetry. Poetry and stories recited with gesture, movement,
(diffusion)? Or did the stories arise independently (inde- and props become drama. Drama combined with dance,
pendent invention) in response to like causes in similar music, and spectacle becomes a public celebration. The
settings, or perhaps as a consequence of inherited prefer- more we look at the individual arts, the clearer it becomes
ences and images deeply embedded in the evolutionary that they often are interrelated and interdependent. The
construction of the human brain? Or is it merely that verbal arts are, in fact, simply differing manifestations of
there are logical limits to the structure of stories, so that, the same creative imagination that produces music and
by coincidence, different cultures are bound to come up the other arts.
with similar motifs and syntax (Gould, 2000)?
The significance of tales for the anthropologist rests
partly in this matter of their distribution. They provide Musical Art
evidence of either cultural contacts or cultural isolation Evidence of humans making music reaches far back
and of limits of influence and cultural cohesion. in time. Archaeologists have found flutes and whistles
Anthropologists are interested, however, in more (resembling today’s recorders) made from the bones of
than these questions of distribution. Like legends, tales mammoths and birds and dating back at least 42,000
very often illustrate local solutions to universal human
ethical problems, and in some sense they state a moral
philosophy. Regardless of where the tale of the father, motif An underlying theme around which a work of art is composed.
Figure 24.7 Bedouin Women

Singing and Making Bread
The ghinnáwas or “little
songs” of the Awlad ‘Ali
Bedouins in Egypt punctuate
conversations carried out
while the people perform
everyday chores. Through
these songs, they can express
what otherwise are taboo
subjects.
© Anthro-Photo
years (Higham et al., 2012). And historically known food- variety of ways. Such factors make it difficult to construct
foraging peoples were not without music. In the Kalahari a definition that satisfies across cultures. Broadly speak-
Desert, for example, a Ju/’hoansi hunter off by himself ing, music may be defined as an art form whose medium
would play a tune on his bow simply to help pass the is sound and silence; a form of communication that in-
time. (Long before anyone thought of beating swords cludes a nonverbal auditory component with elements of
into plowshares, some genius discovered that bows could tonality, rhythm, pitch, and timbre.
be used not just to kill but to make music as well.) In In general, human music is said to differ from nat-
northern New England, Abenaki shamans used cedar ural sounds—the songs of birds, wolves, and whales,
flutes to call game, lure enemies, and attract women. for example—by being almost everywhere perceived
In addition, shamans would use a drum—over which in terms of a repertoire of tones at fixed or regular
two rawhide strings were stretched to produce a buzzing intervals: in other words, a scale. Scale systems and their
sound, representing singing—to allow communication modifications make up what is known as tonality in
with the spirit world. music. These vary cross-culturally, so it is not surprising
The study of music in specific cultural settings, or that something that sounds musical to one group of
ethnomusicology, began in the 19th century with people may come across as noise to another.
the collection of folksongs and has developed into a Humans make closed systems out of a formless range
specialized subfield of anthropological study. Ethnomu- of possible sounds by dividing the distance between a tone
sicologists look at music within its cultural context and and its first overtone or sympathetic vibration (which al-
from a comparative and relativistic perspective (Nettl, ways has exactly twice as many vibrations as the basic
2005). Early ethnomusicologists focused primarily on tone) into a series of measured steps. In the Western or
non-Western musical traditions in tribal cultures. Today, European system, the distance between the basic tone and
some also study folk music or music played and enjoyed the first overtone is called the octave; it consists of seven
in different ethnic communities within industrialized steps—five whole tones and two semitones. The whole
modern states. tones are further divided into semitones, collectively re-
Music is a form of communication that includes a sulting in a twelve-tone musical scale. Interestingly, some
nonverbal auditory component. The information it trans- birds pitch their songs to the same scale as Western music
mits is often abstract and emotional rather than concrete (Gray et al., 2001), perhaps influencing the way these
and objective, and different listeners experience it in a people developed their scale.
One of the most common alternatives to the semi-
tonal system is the pentatonic (five-tone) system, which
ethnomusicology The study of a society’s music in terms of its cultural divides the octave into five nearly equidistant tones.
setting.
Such scales may be found all over the world, including
music Broadly speaking, an art form whose medium is sound and
silence; a form of communication that includes a nonverbal auditory
in much European folk music. Arabic and Persian music
component with elements of tonality, pitch, rhythm, and timbre. have smaller units of a third of a tone with seventeen and
The Functions of Art 597
twenty-four steps in the octave. Even quartertone scales

are used in large parts of South Asia, North Africa, and
the Middle East with subtleties of shading that are nearly
indistinguishable to most Western ears. Thus, even when
Westerners can hear what sounds like melody and rhythm
in these systems, for many the total result may sound
peculiar or “out of tune.”
Pitch is the quality of a sound governed by the rate
of vibrations producing it—in other words, the degree of
highness or lowness of a tone. Timbre, another element of
music, is the characteristic quality of sound produced by
a particular instrument or voice—also known as tone color.
It is what distinguishes one musical sound from another,
even when they have the same pitch and loudness. For ex-
ample, a violin and a flute playing the same note equally
loud have a different timbre.
Another organizing factor in music is rhythm. Involv-
ing tempo, stress, and measured repetition, it may be
more important than tonality. One reason for this may be
our constant exposure to natural pulses, such as our own
heartbeat and patterns of breathing and walking. Even
before we are born, we are exposed to our mother’s heart-
beat and to the rhythms of her movements, and as infants
we experience rhythmic touching, petting, stroking, and
© Zale Seck
rocking (Dissanayake, 2000).
The rhythms of traditional European music are most
often measured into recurrent patterns of two, three,
Figure 24.8 Senegalese Musician Zale Seck
and four beats, with combinations of weak and strong
Like so many other cultural elements, musical instruments and
beats to mark the division and form patterns. Non-Euro-
styles of playing and singing now circulate around the globe, as
pean music is likely to move in patterns of five, seven,
do the artists themselves. One such example is West African
or eleven beats, with complex arrangements of inter-
musician Saliou “Zale” Seck, known for his “funky crisscrossing
nal beats and sometimes polyrhythms: one instrument
rhythms.” A member of the Lébou tribe, Zale was born in the
or singer using a pattern of three beats, for example, old fishing town of Yoff, just north of Senegal’s capital city of
whereas another uses a pattern of five or seven. Poly- Dakar. He performs Wolof percussive music on a traditional skin-
rhythms are frequent in the drum music of West Africa, covered djembe (hand drum) and sabar (played with one hand
which shows remarkable precision in the overlapping of and a stick). Coming from a long line of griots (oral historians-
rhythmic lines (Figure 24.8). Non-European music also traditional storytellers), he transmits his people’s memory
may contain shifting rhythms: a pattern of three beats, for through lyrics of love and humanity. Fluent in French (his country
example, followed by a pattern of two or five beats with was a French colony for many years), Zale has toured Europe
little or no regular recurrence or repetition of any one and played on radio and television in France. Zale has relocated
pattern, although the patterns are fixed and identifiable to French-speaking Quebec in Canada to further pursue his
as units. musical career.
Melody involves both tonality and rhythm. It is a
rhythmical succession of musical tones organized as a
distinct phrase or sequence of phrases. The distinction
between rhythm, melody, poetry, rhyming lyrics, and
speech is not always clear-cut. This is the case, for exam-
The Functions of Art
ple, with rapping (chanted or spoken word poetry per- Beyond adding beauty and pleasure to life, art in all
formed to a beat). Moreover, while musical instruments its many forms has countless functions—from social,
often accompany vocalization, they may also be imitated, economic, and political to emotional, religious, and
as is the case with beatboxing (vocal percussion, using psychological. For anthropologists and others seeking to
mouth, voice, tongue, and lips mimicking sounds of understand cultures beyond their own, art offers insights
drums, rattles, whistles, and so forth). Both rapping and into a society’s worldview, giving clues about everything
beatboxing are popular forms of music associated with from sexuality and gender relations to religious beliefs,
hip-hop culture now spread across the world, a diffusion historical memory, political ideology, and perspectives on
aided by the Internet. nature, both past and present.
Within a society, art may serve to display wealth, so- of this, which is why they routinely employ appealing
cial status, religious affiliation, and political power. An ex- music or seductive images in their advertising—as do pro-
ample of this can be seen in the totem poles of American moters of political, ideological, charitable, or other causes.
Indians living along the Northwest Coast. Carved from As an activity or behavior that contributes to human
tall cedar trees, with stylized animal and human faces or well-being and that helps give shape and significance to life,
bodies, these poles are a symbolic display of a family or art is often intricately intertwined with religion or spiritu-
clan’s prestige and rank in their community’s social hier- ality. In fact, in elaborate ceremonies involving ornamenta-
archy. Similarly, art is used to mark kinship ties, as seen in tion, masks, costumes, songs, dances, and effigies, it is not
the colored patterns of Scottish tartans designed to identify easy to say precisely where art stops and religion begins.
clan affiliation. It can also affirm group solidarity and iden- Often art is created to honor or beseech the aid of a god, pa-
tity beyond local status or kinship lines, as evidenced in the tron saint, or guardian spirit (such as an angel, ancestor, or
stylized renderings of mascots for sports teams displayed animal helper). Shamans drum to help create a trance state
in competitions. Likewise, art depicts national political enabling them to enter the spirt world, Buddhist monks
emblems such as the dragon (Bhutan), bald eagle (United chant to focus their meditation. Christians sing hymns to
States), maple leaf (Canada), crescent moon (Maldives), praise God. Also, since ancient times, rituals and symbols
and cedar tree (Lebanon) that typically appear on coins, concerning death have been infused with artistry—from
flags, and government buildings. evocative funereal music and beautiful sacred objects buried
Playing an important role in traditional manual labor, with a body to detailed mummy portraits in ancient Egypt.
work songs have served (and in some places still do) to Today, in some parts of the world, artisans create coffins
coordinate efforts in heavy or dangerous labor (such as that are so creative that some find their way into museums
weighing anchor and hoisting or reefing sails on ships), to as art (see the Globalscape feature).
synchronize axe or hammer strokes, and to pass time and Sometimes art is used to transmit culturally significant
relieve tedium (Figure 24.9). And music, as well as dance ideas about the origin or mysteries of the world, ancient
and other arts, may also be used, like magic, to “enchant”— struggles and victories, or remarkable ancestors, as in
to take advantage of the emotional or psychological predis- epic poems passed down from generation to generation.
positions of another person or group so as to cause them Myths, a verbal art form, may offer basic explanations
to perceive reality in a way favorable to the interests of the about the world and set cultural standards for proper
enchanter. Indeed, the arts may be used to manipulate a behavior. Other times art is employed to express political
seemingly inexhaustible list of human emotions, including protest and influence events, as with posters or graffiti on
joy, grief, anger, gratitude, pride, jealousy, love, passion, buildings, marching songs in mass demonstrations, and a
and desire. Commercial marketing specialists are well aware host of other public performances.
© R. Todd Hoffman
Figure 24.9 Laborers in Mali, West Africa, Working to the Beat of a Drum
The drumming helps to set the pace of work, unify the workforce, and relieve boredom.
GLOBALSCAPE
Arctic
Ocean
ASIA
NORTH Amsterdam,
AMERICA NETHERLANDS EUROPE
UNITED
STATES Washington, DC
AFRICA Pacific
Pacific Ocean
Ocean Accra, GHANA
Nungua, GHANA
SOUTH
AMERICA Indian
Ocean
Atlantic
Ocean AUSTRALIA
© Cengage Learning
ANTARCTICA
African Voices National Museum of Natural History,
© dpa picture alliance archive/Alamy Stock Photo

Smithsonian. Photography by Donald Hurlbert.
Do Coffins Fly? rest of the world. Its creator, Paa Joe, began working at age 15 for
In his workshop in Nungua, Ghana, master carpenter Paa Joe his cousin Kane Quaye, a carpenter known for designer coffins.
makes unique painted wooden coffins for clients in his Ga society Later, Joe started his own workshop and soon began receiving
and beyond. Some are spectacular, representing richly colored orders from other parts of the world—not only from individuals
tropical fish or even luxury cars, such as Mercedes-Benz. Cele- but also from museums. Using wood, enamel paint, satin, and
brating the life accomplishments of the deceased, these designer Christmas wrapping paper, Joe created this KLM airplane coffin in
coffins show off the family’s prominent status and wealth. 1997 for the Smithsonian National Museum of Natural History in
As a collective expression of culturally shared ideas about Washington, DC, where millions of visitors from all over the globe
the afterlife, a Ga funeral ceremony reminds the mourners of now admire this Ghanaian funereal ritual object.
important values embodied in the departed individual. Seeing the
deceased off on a journey to the afterlife, Ga mourners call out Global Twister
praises to this person, and some may even pour schnapps on
When the Smithsonian Museum purchased one of Paa Joe’s
the coffin. Henceforth, the deceased will continue to be ritually
remarkable coffins for public display, did this West African ritual
honored as an ancestor by descendants.
object transform into a work of art?
The 747 jumbo jet coffin pictured here confers upon the de-
ceased the prestige and mystique of air travel. Its colors, blue
and white, are those of the KLM Royal Dutch Airline, a longtime Based on script for the African Voices Exhibition at NMNH, Smith-
provider of air service between this West African country and the sonian, courtesy of Dr. Mari Jo Arnoldi.
599
Singers who use their art to stir awareness about social

injustice, racism, political repression, or environmental
Art, Globalization,
threats may gain a following in some circles. They may
also incur commercial boycotts, personal threats, or even
and Cultural Survival
imprisonment. There are many examples of this around As members of a highly creative species, humans have
the world. One comes from Russia, where the female developed and shared multiple art forms in the course
punk rock protest group Pussy Riot began staging proof thousands of years, expressing personal or collective
vocative performances in 2011, with feminist, lesbian, emotions, ideas, memories, hopes, or anything else im-
and other lyrical themes challenging the male-dominated portant or entertaining. In this chapter, we have surveyed
political establishment in their homeland. Edited into art traditions across time and cultures, suggesting the
music videos and uploaded on the Internet, their shows vast scope of creative expression. Artistic styles may have
provoked authorities and prompted church leaders to changed over the millenniums, yet there are remarkable
denounce them as handmaidens of the devil. In 2012, correlations between ancient art and that of today. One
three members of the band were arrested, convicted of of countless examples is art created in public spaces, such
delinquency “motivated by religious hatred,” and served as 2,000-year-old petroglyphs painted on massive cliffs
substantial jail time. Fearing the same fate, two others left flanking riverways in China and contemporary graffiti
the country. painted on towering buildings flanking streets in urban
Many minorities or marginalized groups have used centers around the globe (Figure 24.10).
music for purposes of self-identification—as a means of Today, modern telecommunications technology fa-
building group solidarity and distinguishing themselves cilitates a rapid and global spread of art forms, opens
from the dominant culture and sometimes as a channel the door to global artistic collaborations, and makes it
for direct social and political commentary. Music gives possible to share art in unprecedented ways across time
basic human ideas a concrete form, made memorable and and space. In this globalized age, indigenous peoples
attractive through melody and rhythm. Whether a song’s in remote corners of the world can market their artful
content is didactic, satiric, inspirational, celebratory, sa- creations online, and an Internet giant can create an
cred, political, or militant, experiences and feelings that international symphony orchestra: Responding to open
are hard to express in words alone are communicated in auditions hosted by YouTube, musicians from all around
a symbolic and notable way that can be repeatedly per- the world posted videos of themselves playing Internet
formed and shared. This, in turn, shapes and gives mean- Symphony No. 1, Eroica, by Chinese composer Tan Dun.
ing to the community. Winners traveled to New York City for a Carnegie Hall
In the United States there are numerous examples performance comprised of short live pieces plus a mashup
of marginalized social and ethnic groups sharing their of the video auditions.
collective emotions and expressing their pride, protest, Clearly, there is more to art than meets the eye or
or hopes through song. The clearest example may be ear (not to mention the nose and tongue—consider how
African Americans, whose ancestors were captured and burning incense or tobacco is part of the artfulness of
carried across the Atlantic Ocean to be sold as slaves. Out sacred ceremonies, and imagine the cross-cultural array
of their experience emerged spirituals and, ultimately, of smells and tastes in the cooking arts). In fact, art is
gospel, jazz, blues, rock and roll, hip-hop, and rap. These such a significant part of culture that many endangered
forms all found their way into U.S. mainstream culture indigenous groups around the world—those whose
and soon captivated audiences in many other parts of lifeways have been threatened first by colonialism and
the world. now by globalization—are using aesthetic expressions as
All across the globe, one can find musicians giving part of a cultural survival strategy (see the Anthropology
voice to social issues. In Australia, certain ceremonial Applied feature).
songs of the Aborigines have taken on a new legal func- Like the Kayapo Indian warriors in Brazil’s Amazonian
tion, as they are being introduced into court as evidence of rainforest, protesting the environmental destruction as
indigenous land ownership. These songs recount ancient depicted in this chapter’s opening photo, many have
adventures of mythic ancestors who lived in “Dreamtime” found that a traditional art form—a dance, a song, a dress,
and created waterholes, mountains, valleys, and other a basket, a carving, or anything that is distinctly beautiful
significant features in the landscape. The ancestors’ tracks and well made or performed—can serve as a powerful
are known as “songlines,” and countless generations of symbol that conveys the vital message: “We’re still here,
Aborigines have been “singing up the country,” passing and we’re still a culturally distinct people with our own
on sacred ecological knowledge. This oral tradition helps particular beliefs and values.”
Aborigines to claim extensive indigenous landownership, Yet, globalization also poses some threats to traditional
thus allowing them greater authority to use the land, as arts. For example, as discussed in the chapter on language
well as to negotiate and profit from the sale of natural and communication, globalization has fueled language
resources (Koch, 2013). loss. And as languages vanish, the particular myths and
Art, Globalization, and Cultural Survival 601
Keren Su/China Span/Getty Images

© Christer Lindberg
Figure 24.10 Ancient Rock Art and Modern Graffiti

Human beings have creatively altered their visual space by painting, sculpting, or scratching all sorts of images
conveying all sorts of messages—not all of which are approved or understood. What do these pictures or
letters mean? We need to know something about the culture within which symbolic representations originate
to decode meaning and message. This is also true for graffiti—an Italian word for scratches or scribbles. For
thousands of years, people have scratched or painted drawings and inscriptions on walls in public spaces—
cave walls, cliff walls, house walls, and almost any other flat surface. Graffiti may be made to intimidate or
express anger or hate (as between rival gangs). Texts and images may also express beauty and share pleasure
and good feelings. On the left we see a mural of a giant lizard crawling up the wall of an abandoned building in
central Lisbon, Portugal, as photographed by Swedish visual anthropologist Christer Lindberg, who is interested
in street art in urban landscapes. On the right we see ancient Chinese petroglyphs probably made more than
2,000 years ago on the face of Hua Mountain above the Zua River. Located in Guangxi near the Vietnamese
border, these Huashan drawings feature about 1,600 human figures and animals, as well as circular symbols
and drums, swords, and boats.
legends they conveyed are no longer told, and the songs lose their appeal and be forgotten. In fact, throughout the
they carried are no longer sung. There is also the risk that world, the cultural heritage of thousands of communities
when art forms that have been traditionally embedded in remains at risk and a huge repertoire of traditional art—
a culture are commodified, they lose their deep meaning. stories, songs, dances, costumes, paintings, sculptures,
Moreover, with the instant worldwide spread of newer art and so on—has already been lost, often without leaving
forms, such as mashups, traditional songs and dances may a trace.
Bringing Back the Past

By Jennifer Sapiel Neptune
Near the turn of the 20th century, a young museums all over the world.
Penobscot woman sat for a photograph, I dreamed of being able to
wearing a very old and elaborately beaded visit these objects, to study
ceremonial chief’s collar. She was the them up close, and to be
daughter of Joseph and Elizabeth Nicola able to find a way to bring
and the descendant of a long line of tribal them back into our world.
leaders. Her name was Florence Nicola, It was for this reason that
and she would go on to live a long life, I went into anthropology, to
marry Leo Shay, raise a family, and be learn how to research and
remembered as a fine basketmaker and write about my own culture.
dedicated advocate for our tribe. Her I started doing reproductions
efforts brought increased educational op- of the old beadwork designs,
portunities, the right for Native people in became a basketmaker,
Bangor Daily News/Bridget Brown

the state of Maine to vote in state and consulted on museum ex-
federal elections, and the first bridge hibitions, sold my own art-
that would connect our small village of work, and worked with the
Indian Island in the Penobscot River to Maine Indian Basketmakers
the mainland. Alliance promoting the work
Now, over one hundred years later, the of basketmakers and artists
photograph has resurfaced and found its from the four tribes in Maine.
way back to her son, Charles Shay. Char Char- In the spring of 2006 Penobscot artist and cultural anthropologist Jennifer
les brought the photograph of his mother Charles showed me the pho- Neptune hugs tribal elder Charles Shay after giving him
to our tribal historian who recognized the tograph of his mother and the traditional collar he commissioned. Modeled after a
collar as one he had seen in the book asked me if I could make collar owned by his ancestors and now in the Smithsonian
Penobscot Man by Frank G. Speck, and he a reproduction of the collar Institution’s National Museum of the American Indian, the
was then able to trace it to the collections for him. piece took Neptune more than 300 hours to make.
of the Smithsonian Institution’s Museum of As I worked on the collar,
the American Indian. I was struck by how so much had changed There are no words that can express
In the late part of the 19th century since the late 18th century when the orig- how gratifying it was to hand over the fin-
the idea of the “vanishing Indian” took inal collar was made. Back then the wool, ished collar to Charles—and to have played
hold in anthropology—leading to a special- silk ribbon, and beads its maker used had a part in returning to him, his family, and
ized field known as “salvage ethnography,” come by ship, horse, and foot from trade our tribe a part our history.
which sought to save traditional knowledge, or treaty annuities; my materials were or or- One hundred years ago when the collar
life ways, and material culture. Collecting dered over the Internet and came by UPS left my community, anthropology seemed
examples of material culture to be sold into and FedEx. She worked by the light of the to be about taking objects, stories, and
museum collections had become a busi- sun or fire; I worked mostly in the evenings information away. As an anthropologist and
ness for some—which was how the collar with electric lights. Her world had northern artist I believe that I have a responsibility
Florence wore in the photograph came to forests still untouched by logging and filled to use what I have learned to give back to
be purchased by George Heye sometime with caribou and wolves; my world had air air- my community. I have been so fortunate
before 1905 and then joined the collec- planes, cars, and motorboats. to be able to have spent time in museum
tions of the museum. I have always found As I worked some more, I thought about collections visiting objects that most of my
it ironic that we as a people and culture did what had stayed the same. We had lived own people will never have the opportunity
not vanish, but during this time many of our and watched the sun rise and set on the to see. What I learned from my time with
tribes’ most precious material objects did. same island our ancestors had for over the collar was that the objects that left still
As a teenager I spent a lot of time 7,000 years. I wondered if we had stitched have a relationship with us today; they have
in the library at the University of Maine the same prayers into our work and if we a story that wants to be told, and they are
looking through photographs in books of used the same medicinal plants to soothe waiting for someone to listen.
Penobscot beadwork, appliqué ribbon work, our aching hands and shoulders at the end
basketry, and carvings that were now in of the day. Written expressly for this text, 2011.
603
Why do anthropologists study art? American Thanksgiving legend about English Pilgrims
and American Indians.
✓ Anthropologists have found that art often reflects a
society’s worldview. ✓ A tale is a creative narrative that is recognized as
fiction for entertainment but may also draw a moral or
✓ From myths, songs, dances, paintings, carvings, and teach a practical lesson. One example is the “Father,
other art forms, anthropologists may learn how a Son, and Donkey” story, told in different versions
people imagine their reality and understand themselves around the world.
and other beings around them.
✓ Through the cross-cultural study of art and creativity, What are music and ethnomusicology?
we discover much about different worldviews, religious ✓ Ethnomusicology, the study of a society’s music in
beliefs, political ideas, social values, kinship structures, terms of its cultural setting, began in the 19th century
economic relations, and historical memory. with the collection of folksongs from non-Western
musical traditions. Today, it includes music played in
What is art? ethnic communities within industrialized modern
✓ Art is the creative use of the human imagination to states.
aesthetically interpret, express, and engage life, ✓ Music is difficult to define in a way that satisfies across
modifying experienced reality in the process. It comes cultures. Broadly speaking, it as an art form whose
in many forms, including performance, visual, verbal, medium is sound and silence or a form of
and musical. communication that includes a nonverbal auditory
✓ Performance art is a creatively expressed promotion of component with elements of tonality, rhythm, pitch,
ideas by artful means dramatically staged to challenge and timbre.
opinion and/or provoke purposeful action.
What are the functions of art?
✓ Visual art, created primarily for visual perception,
ranges from etchings and paintings on various surfaces ✓ Art in all its many forms has countless functions
(including the human body) to sculptures and beyond providing aesthetic pleasure. Myths, for
weavings made with an array of materials. Key example, may offer basic explanations about the world
approaches in analyzing visual art are aesthetic, and set cultural standards for proper behavior.
narrative, and interpretive. ✓ The verbal arts generally transmit and preserve a
✓ Verbal art is creative word use on display that includes culture’s customs and values. Songs, too, may do this
stories, myths, legends, tales, poetry, metaphor, rhyme, within the structures imposed by musical form.
chants, rap, drama, cant, proverbs, jokes, puns, riddles, ✓ Any art form, to the degree that it is characteristic of a
and tongue twisters. particular society, may contribute to the cohesiveness
or solidarity of that society. Yet, art may also express
How are myths, legends, and tales political themes and be used to influence events and
different from one another? create social change.
✓ A myth is a short story about how the cosmos came ✓ Often art is created for religious purposes, to honor or
about, including the factors that are responsible for the beseech the aid of a divine power, a sacred being, an
way it is and the significant features of the worldview. ancestral spirit, or an animal spirit.
An example is the Abenaki Indian creation story of
✓ Endangered indigenous groups whose lifeways have
Tabaldak and Odzihózo.
been threatened by colonialism and globalization use
✓ A legend is a story about a memorable event or figure aesthetic expressions as part of a cultural survival
handed down by tradition and told as true but without strategy.
historical evidence. A noteworthy example is the
1. In this chapter’s opening photograph, you saw confrontation, would you contemplate performance
indigenous activists, colorfully painted and with art as a means of political action? If so, how and by
feathered headdresses, participating in an important means of which art form?
protest rally. If your livelihood was seriously 2. Among the Maori in New Zealand, tattooing is a
threatened and you wanted to try to avoid violent traditional form of skin art, and their tattoo designs
are typically based on cultural symbols understood by society, and are these concerns reflected in any of your
all members in the community. Are the tattoo designs culture’s art forms?
in your culture based on traditional motifs that have a 4. Many museums and private collectors in Europe and
shared symbolic meaning? North America are interested in so-called tribal art,
3. Because kinship relations are important in small- such as African statues or American Indian masks
scale traditional societies, these relationships are originally used in sacred rituals. Are there sacred
often symbolically represented in artistic designs and objects such as paintings or carvings in your religion
motifs. What are some of the major concerns in your that might also be collected, bought, or sold as art?
A Heart for Art
All across the world, people creatively express and find out about its creative origin, its guiding
ideas and feelings—including both joy and anger, idea, and its purpose or message. Next contact
hope and despair, dreams and fears. They do at least four individuals (who differ in gender,
so through stories, songs, theater, paintings, age, and ethnicity, religion, or class) and ask
dances, and other art forms. Keeping in mind the what they think this art represents. Ask them
performance art of the Kayapo Indians pictured what they think it means to the public and who
on this chapter’s opening page, identify an art ordered, permitted, paid for, or otherwise made
form publicly performed in your own community. this performance happen in a public space. Having
Describe the artful performance, and note where, gathered and organized this information, offer
when, and why it is performed. Identify one of your own observation and opinion in a short essay
the performers (or someone closely involved), on the role of public art in your community.
imageBROKER/Alamy
CHALLENGE ISSUE
Environmental, demographic, technological, and other changes challenge cultures to adjust at an

ever-faster pace. Some peoples confront change on their own terms, welcoming new ideas, prod-
ucts, and practices as improvements. Often, however, outsiders introduce changes. These outsid-
ers may be businesspeople backed by banks, eager to capitalize on economic opportunities, or
governments striving to improve living standards and increase tax revenues. Such was the case
when foreign capitalists introduced railways in India in the mid-1800s while Great Britain ruled
and exploited that vast country as a cotton-producing colony. This occurred during the height of
the industrial revolution, which began with the invention of the steam engine. Steam power was
first harnessed to drive textile machines. Soon thereafter it led to the invention of steamboats
and locomotives, revolutionizing transportation and radically reducing the cost of moving raw
materials and commodities. Railways also provided passenger services, improving mobility of
the labor force. Today, India has one of the world’s largest railway networks, comprising almost
66,000 kilometers (41,000 miles) and carrying well over 8 billion passengers and more than
1 billion tons of freight annually. However, running this mass transportation network smoothly is
a daily challenge, and there are many breakdowns and delays. Here we see passengers stranded
at Allahabad Station in northern India, waiting for their delayed trains. Today, almost everyone
knows what it is like to feel stranded when the modern technology we have come to depend
upon breaks down—whether it is something as big as a train or small enough to fit in our hands.
Processes of
Cultural Change 25
Anthropologists are interested not only in describing cultures and explaining In this chapter you
how they are structured as systems of adaptation, but also in understanding why will learn to
and how cultures change. Because systems generally work to maintain stability, ● Analyze why and how
cultures are often fairly steady and remain so unless there is a critical shift in cultural systems
one or more significant factors such as technology, demographics, markets, the change.
natural environment—or in people’s perceptions of the various conditions to ● Identify the key
which they are adapted. mechanisms of cultural
change, providing
Archaeological studies reveal how elements of a culture may persist for
examples.
long periods. In Australia, for example, the cultures of indigenous inhabitants
● Explain the
remained relatively consistent over many thousands of years because they suc-
consequences of
cessfully adapted to comparatively minor fluctuations in their social conditions unequal power in
and natural environments, making changes from time to time in tools, utensils, culture contact.
and other material support. ● Compare directed and
Although stability may be a striking feature of many traditional cultures, all undirected change.
cultures are capable of adapting to changing conditions—climatic, economic, ● Recognize and discuss
political, or ideological. However, not all change is positive or adaptive, and reactions to repressive
not all cultures are equally well equipped for making the necessary adjustments
change.
in a timely fashion. In a stable society, change may occur gently and gradually, ● Assess the importance
without altering in any fundamental way the culture’s underlying structures.
of self-determination
in successful cultural
Sometimes, though, the pace of change increases dramatically. This is what
change.
happened during the industrial revolution, beginning with England, when its
● Connect modernization
agriculture-based society transformed into a machine-based manufacturing
ideology to international
society within a few generations beginning in the 1770s. Such changes may resource exploitation
be disruptive to the point of destabilizing or even breaking down a cultural and global markets.
system. The modern world is full of such examples of radical changes, from the
political-economic disintegration of the former Soviet Union and the dramatic
capitalist transformation of communist China to the devastation by global cor-
porations of indigenous communities inhabiting remote regions from the cold
Arctic tundra to the hot Amazonian jungle.
607
608 CHAPTER 25 Processes of Cultural Change
Cultural Change and the innovation: the spear-thrower (also known as atlatl, its
Aztec Indian name). Invented at least 15,000 years ago by
Relativity of Progress big game hunters who needed more effective technology
to ensure success and safety, this device made it possible
The dynamic processes involved in cultural change are to hurl a dart or javelin with much greater thrust. Using it
manifold, including accidental discoveries, deliberate in- increased a projectile’s distance by 100 percent or more and
ventions, and borrowing from other peoples who introduce delivered much more force upon impact. Thus equipped,
or force new commodities, technologies, and practices. a hunter boosted his kill range and gained competitive
Change imposed upon one group by another continues advantage. Much later examples of primary innovation are
in much of the world today as culture contact intensifies the bow and arrow, the wheel, the alphabet, the concept of
between societies unequal in power. Among those who zero, the telescope, and the steam engine (an 18th-century
have the power to drive and direct change in their favor, invention that launched the industrial revolution), to men-
it is typically referred to as “progress,” which literally tion just a few major inventions.
translates as “to move forward”—that is, in a positive di- Many innovations are the result of inventive designs
rection. But progress is a relative term because not everyone and experimentation, but others come about through
benefits from change. In fact, countless peoples (including accidental discoveries. These may gain acceptance and
traditional foraging, herding, and peasant communities spawn innovations within their particular cultural con-
in many parts of the world) have become the victims of texts. An innovation must be reasonably consistent
state-sponsored or foreign-imposed economic development with a society’s needs, values, and goals in order to gain
schemes, wreaking havoc on their communities. acceptance. Take, for instance, the invention of wheel-
In recent decades, growing numbers of anthropologists and-axle technology. About 1,500 years ago, indigenous
have focused on the historical impact of international peoples in Mesoamerica came up with the concept. But
market expansionism on rural and urban communities instead of building wagons to be pulled by trained dogs
around the world, radically challenging, altering, or even or human captives, they created wheeled animal figurines,
destroying their traditional cultures. One of the first and most often representing dogs but also jaguars, monkeys,
most prominent among these scholars was Eric Wolf, an and other mammals, and left it at that. On the other side
Austria-born U.S. anthropologist who personally experi- of the Atlantic, this same technology—discovered a few
enced the global havoc and upheaval of the 20th century thousand years earlier—led to major secondary innova-
(see Anthropologist of Note). tions resulting in a series of radical cultural changes in
transportation technology, ultimately resulting in motor-
ized vehicles such as cars, trains, and planes.
A culture’s internal dynamics may encourage partic-
Mechanisms of Change ular innovative tendencies, even as they may discourage
or suppress others. Force of habit tends to obstruct ready
Some of the major mechanisms involved in cultural
acceptance of the new or unfamiliar because people typ-
change are innovation, diffusion, and cultural loss. These
ically stick with what they are used to rather than adopt
types of change are typically voluntary and are not
something strange that requires adjustment on their part.
imposed on a population by outside forces.
Obstacles to change are often ideologically embedded
in religious traditions. Consider, for instance, early rejec-
tions of scientific insights about the earth’s position in the
Innovation universe. Polish mathematician and astronomer Nicolaus
A major factor in cultural change, innovation is any new Copernicus discovered that the earth rotates around the
idea, method, or device that gains widespread acceptance in sun and published his new heliocentric theory in 1534, just
society. Primary innovation is the creation, invention, before he died. In the early 1600s, the Italian physicist and
or chance discovery of a completely new idea, method, or mathematician Galileo Galilei verified this controversial
device. A secondary innovation is a deliberate applica- theory by means of a much-improved telescope. In 1633,
tion or modification of an existing idea, method, or device. not long after publishing and defending his findings, he
What makes people come up with, and accept, an was tried for heresy because his observational astronomy
innovation? The most obvious incentive is reflected in the ran counter to the dogma of the Roman Catholic Church,
age-old proverb “Necessity is the mother of invention.” which was firmly based on a geocentric worldview as
We see this in an early prehistoric example of a primary revealed in sacred texts. Facing a death sentence, Galileo
recanted and was condemned to life under house arrest.
In 1758, after numerous additional scientific break-
primary innovation The creation, invention, or chance discovery of a
completely new idea, method, or device. throughs challenged Catholic dogma, heliocentric books
secondary innovation The deliberate application or modification of an were removed from the forbidden list of that powerful
existing idea, method, or device. international institution.
Mechanisms of Change 609
Eric R. Wolf (1923–1999)
Like the millions of peasants about whom he wrote, Eric Wolf Wolf returned to
1994 Photograph by Michael Macdonald, EWLS (Eric Wolf’s

personally experienced radical upheaval in his life due to powerful New York City and
outside political forces. A war refugee in his teens, he survived the studied anthropol-
Last Student) and “staunch banner carrier for Wolfian

battlefields and mass murders of Nazi-occupied Europe. Driven ogy under Julian
by the inequities and atrocities he witnessed during World War II, Steward and Ruth
he turned to anthropology to sort through issues of power. View- Benedict at Colum-
anthropology” (Wolf 12/25/1998)

ing anthropology as the most scientific of the humanities and the bia University. After
most humane of the sciences, he became famous for his compar compar- earning his doctor
doctor-
ative historical studies on peasants, power, and the transforming ate in 1951 based
impact of capitalism on traditional nations. on fieldwork in Pu-
Wolf’s life began in Austria shortly after the First World War. erto Rico, he did ex-
During that terrible conflict, his Austrian father had been a pris- tensive research on
oner of war in Siberia, where he met Wolf’s mother, a Russian Mexican peasants.
exile. When peace returned, the couple married and settled in Born in Austria, Eric Wolf became In 1961, he be-
Vienna, where Eric was born in 1923. Growing up in Austria’s a U.S. anthropologist famous for came a professor
capital and then (because of his father’s job) in Sudetenland his pioneering research on peasant at the University of
in what is now the Czech Republic, young Eric enjoyed a life of societies. Michigan. A prolific
relative ease. He relished summers spent in the Alps among local writer, Wolf gained
peasants in exotic costumes, and he drank in his mother’s tales tremendous recognition for his fourth book, Peasant Wars of the
about her father’s adventures with Siberian nomads. Twentieth Century, first published during the height of the Vietnam
Life changed for Eric in 1938 when Adolf Hitler grabbed power War. Protesting that war, he headed a newly founded ethics com-
in Germany, annexed Austria and Sudetenland, and threatened mittee in the American Anthropological Association and helped
Jews like the Wolfs. Seeking security for their 15-year-old son, expose counterinsurgency uses of anthropological research in
Eric’s parents sent him to high school in England. In 1940, a year Southeast Asia.
after World War II broke out, British authorities believed invasion From 1971 onward, Wolf held a distinguished professorship at
was imminent and ordered aliens, including Eric, into an intern- Lehman College of the City University of New York (CUNY), where
ment camp. There he met other refugees from Nazi-occupied his classes were filled with working-class students of all ethnic
Europe and had his first exposure to Marxist theories. Soon he backgrounds, including many who took the anthropology courses
left England for New York City and enrolled at Queens College, he taught in Spanish. In addition, he taught at the Graduate
where Professor Hortense Powdermaker, a former student of Center (CUNY). Among his many publications is his award-winning
Malinowski, introduced him to anthropology. book, Europe and the People Without History (1982). In 1990, he
In 1943, the 20-year-old refugee enlisted in the U.S. Army’s received a MacArthur “genius grant.” In his final publications, he
10th Mountain Division. Fighting in the mountains of Tuscany, explored how ideas and power are connected through the medium
Italy, he won a Silver Star for combat bravery. At the war’s end, of culture.
Diffusion double-reed pipe operated by finger stops and three drone

pipes. All the pipes are sounded by air forced with the left
The spread of certain ideas, customs, or practices from one arm from a leather bag kept filled by the player’s breath.
culture to another is known as diffusion. So common is The bagpipe’s drone sounds resemble those of Bhutan’s
cross-cultural borrowing that U.S. anthropologist Ralph traditional sacred trumpets played in ancient Buddhist
Linton suggested that it accounts for as much as 90 per- religious ceremonies in this small Himalayan kingdom
cent of any culture’s content. (Figure 25.1).
People are creative about their borrowing, however, The extent of cultural borrowing can be surprising.
picking and choosing from multiple possibilities and Consider, for example, paper, the compass, and gunpowder.
sources. Usually, their selections are limited to those All three of these innovations were invented in China long
compatible with the existing culture. An example is before Europeans became aware of them about 700 years
the inclusion of bagpipes in the marching band of the
Royal Bhutan Army. Traditionally played by Scottish
Highland regiments when marching into combat and in diffusion The spread of certain ideas, customs, or practices from one
official ceremonies, this musical instrument features one culture to another.
Pedro Ugarte/AFP/Getty Images

Figure 25.1 Bagpipers, Royal Bhutan Army Marching Band
Unlike neighboring India, Bhutan remained independent from British colonial rule. This small
Himalayan kingdom, known to the Bhutanese as Drukyul (“Land of the Dragons”), is generally
averse to foreign cultural influences. However, the Drukpa (“Dragon People”) have selectively
embraced a few innovations, including the Scottish bagpipes, which found their way here via
India during the colonial era. Wearing traditional dress, bagpipers in the Royal Army Band play
imported instruments, producing a droning sound similar to age-old sacred trumpets played by
Buddhist monks in this region. They and other Drukpa musicians lead the way for singing the
national anthem Druk Tsendhen (“The Thunder Dragon Kingdom”), honoring the fifth traditional
Druk Gyalpo (“Dragon King”), who serves as head of this Buddhist state.
ago. Accepting these foreign artifacts, Europeans and others Indians—potatoes, beans, tomatoes, peanuts, avocados,
analyzed and improved them where needed. Such is the manioc, chili peppers, squash, chocolate, sweet potatoes,
case with the mixture of sulfur, charcoal, and potassium and corn to name a few—all of which now furnish a major
nitrate the Chinese used for fireworks and portable hand portion of the world’s food supply. In fact, American
cannons. Soon after learning about it, Europeans, Koreans, Indians are recognized as primary contributors to the
and Arabs adopted and adapted this primitive artillery and world’s varied cuisine and credited with developing the
gunpowder, triggering a revolution in traditional warfare largest array of nutritious foods (Weatherford, 1988).
from the 1300s onward. Two centuries later, Europeans
introduced firearms to the Americas. Within decades, in- Diffusion of a Global Staple Food: Maize
digenous coastal groups began using them in their raids, Particularly significant among the domesticated plants
transforming warfare as they had known it for generations. diffusing from the Americas is corn, also known as maize
America’s indigenous peoples not only adopted weap- (derived from a Caribbean Indian word maíz). The English
ons and other foreign trade goods, but also shared numer- originally referred to this Native American cereal plant as
ous inventions and discoveries their ancestors had made “Indian corn.” First cultivated by indigenous peoples in
in the course of many centuries. Of special note is the the Mexican highlands over 7,000 years ago, this food
range of domestic plants developed (“invented”) by the crop diffused to much of the rest of North, Central, and
Mechanisms of Change 611
Figure 25.2 Making Corn

Mush in Italy
Having spread from the tropics
of the Mexican highlands to
much of the rest of North and
South America, corn diffused
rapidly to the rest of the
world after Italian explorer
Christopher Columbus first
crossed the Atlantic in 1492.
A long-time favorite dish in Italy
is polenta (a thick mush made
of cornmeal). Here we see it
being made the traditional way:
boiled in a big copper cauldron
over a fire of hot coals and
then spread out and cooled
to firmness on a wooden or
© Hubert Stadler/Corbis
stone slab. In recent years,
polenta has become a favored
menu item in many chic U.S.
restaurants.
South America over the next few millennia. In 1493, the A Dutch engineer first proposed the use of decimal
explorer Columbus returned from America to Spain with fractions for measures, weights, and currency in everyday
a sampling of maize. From Spain, it spread to neighboring life. Three centuries later, in 1795, the French government
countries in southern Europe (Figure 25.2). Portuguese adopted the metric system as its official system of mea-
traders then introduced this staple food to western Africa surement. Soon, this innovation was introduced to neigh-
and South Asia; by the mid-1500s it had reached China. boring countries—standardizing a bewildering array of
Diffusing across the globe, maize has become one of regional and local measurement systems on the European
the world’s major staple foods and has been culturally continent. It continued to spread, despite initial reluc-
incorporated under many different names. Today, a tance or even resistance in some countries, such as Great
greater weight of maize is produced each year than rice, Britain. Since the early 1970s, that country and most of its
wheat, or any other grain—about 800 million tons, with former colonies have fully transitioned to metric. Today,
over half of the global production taking place in the at least officially, metrication is almost universal, with the
United States and China. exception of just three countries: Myanmar, Liberia, and
Currently, an enormous quantity of maize is grown for the United States (Cardarelli, 2003; Vera, 2011).
biomass fuel, such as ethanol, as an alternative to oil and
other nonrenewable fossil fuels. Moreover, the production
of genetically engineered maize (manipulated with herbi- Cultural Loss
cide or drought-resistant genes) has gained much ground,
Most often people look at cultural change as an accumula-
especially in the United States and many developing
tion of innovations. Frequently, however, the acceptance
countries, but European farmers and a growing number of
of a new innovation results in cultural loss—the aban-
consumers condemn this practice.
donment of an existing practice or trait. For example, in
ancient times chariots and carts were used widely in North
Diffusion of a Global Measurement Africa and Southwest Asia, but wheeled vehicles virtually
System: Metrics disappeared from Morocco to Afghanistan about 1,500
Another remarkable example of diffusion—breaking years ago. Camels replaced them, not because of some
through multiple language barriers and long-held local reversion to the past but because camels used as pack ani-
traditions—is the metric system used for measuring length, mals worked better. The old roads from the Roman empire
weight, capacity, currency, and temperature. Based on a had deteriorated, and these sturdy animals traveled well
classification in which standard units of measurement are with or without roads. Their endurance, longevity, and
multiplied or divided by 10 in order to produce larger or
smaller units, this rational system has greatly simplified
calculations. cultural loss The abandonment of an existing practice or trait.
Acculturation
and Ethnocide
Acculturation is the massive cul-
tural change that occurs in a society
when it experiences intensive first-
hand contact with a more powerful
society. It always involves an ele-
ment of force—either directly, as in
conquests, or indirectly, as in the im-
plicit or explicit threat that force will
be used if people refuse to make the
demanded changes (Figure 25.4).
In the course of culture contact,
any number of things may happen.
Merger or fusion occurs when two
cultures lose their separate identities
AP Images/Sayyid Azim
and form a single culture, as histori-
cally expressed by the melting pot ide-
ology of English-speaking, Protestant
Euramerican culture in the United
Figure 25.3 Camel Mobile Library States. Sometimes, though, one of
Providing books and reading materials to the Somali-speaking nomads in the remote the cultures loses its autonomy but
Garissa and the Wajir areas in its northeastern districts, Kenya’s National Library retains its identity as a subculture in
Association challenges the region’s 85 percent illiteracy rate. The program consists of the form of a caste, class, or ethnic
three teams, each with three male camels capable of traveling routes impassable even group. This is typical of conquest or
for 4-wheel drive vehicles. One camel is loaded with two boxes containing 200 books, one slavery situations.
transports the library tent, and a third carries miscellaneous items needed for the program. Acculturation may occur as a
result of military conquest, political
ability to ford rivers and traverse rough ground made and economic expansion, or massive invasion and break-
pack camels admirably suited for the region. Plus, they ing up of cultural structures by dominant newcomers who
were economical in terms of labor: A wagon required know or care little about the traditional beliefs and prac-
one man for every two draft animals, but a single person tices of the people they seek to control. Under the sway
could manage up to six pack camels. To this day, in many of powerful outsiders—and unable to effectively resist
remote and hot desert regions, camels are still the favored imposed changes and obstructed in carrying out many
and most reliable form of transportation for many pur- of their own social, religious, and economic activities—
poses (Figure 25.3). subordinated groups are forced into new social and cul-
tural practices that tend to isolate individuals and destroy
the integrity of their traditional communities. In virtually
all parts of the world today, people are faced with the
Repressive Change tragedy of forced removal from their traditional home-
lands, as entire communities are uprooted to make way
Innovation, diffusion, and cultural loss all may take place for hydroelectric projects, grazing lands for cattle, mining
among peoples who are free to decide for themselves what operations, or highway construction.
changes they will or will not accept. Frequently, however, Ethnocide, the violent eradication of an ethnic
people are forced to make changes they would not will- group’s collective cultural identity as a distinctive people,
ingly make, usually in the course of conquest and colonial- occurs when a dominant society deliberately sets out to
ism. A direct outcome in many cases is repressive change destroy another society’s cultural heritage. Such “culture
to a culture, which anthropologists call acculturation. The death” may take place when a powerful nation aggressively
most radical form of repressive change is ethnocide. expands its territorial control by annexing neighboring
peoples and their territories, incorporating the conquered
groups as subjects. A policy of ethnocide typically includes
acculturation The massive cultural change that occurs in a society when
forbidding a subjugated nation’s ancestral language, crimi-
it experiences intensive firsthand contact with a more powerful society.
nalizing their traditional customs, destroying their religion
ethnocide The violent eradication of an ethnic group’s collective
cultural identity as a distinctive people; occurs when a dominant society and demolishing sacred places and practices, breaking up
deliberately sets out to destroy another society’s cultural heritage. their social organizations, and dispossessing or removing
Repressive Change 613
Figure 25.4 Protesting Acculturation
Until a few decades ago, these Aché Indians survived as traditional hunters and
gatherers in the deep tropical forest of eastern Paraguay. Not unlike the Ju/’hoansi of
southern Africa, they were organized in small migratory bands and rarely had contact
with outsiders. Armed with spears and bows and arrows, they could not defend
their homeland against large numbers of foreign invaders equipped with chainsaws,
bulldozers, and firearms. Massacres and foreign diseases, coupled with massive
deforestation of their hunting territories, almost annihilated these people in the 1950s
and 1960s. Since then, they have been exposed to intensive acculturation. Here we
see the breakup of an Aché encampment in the middle of Asunción, Paraguay’s capital
city, where they lived during many weeks of protest against government policies.
the survivors from their homelands—in essence, stopping (“Brazilian walnut”), and jatobá (“Brazilian cherry”), which
short of physical extermination while removing all traces fetch high prices due to a growing international demand
of their unique culture. for luxury furniture, doors, decking, and floorings. Thanks
Ethnocide may also take place when so many carriers to corruption and lack of oversight, much of this precious
of a culture die that those who manage to survive become timber is illegally logged and laundered on a massive scale.
refugees, living among peoples of different cultures. Exam- Engaging in ecocide (environmental destruction), powerful
ples of this may be seen in many parts of the world today. entrepreneurs seeking to maximize profits push their labor
crews deeper into the forest where they run into indige-
nous groups such as the Kayapo (mentioned in an earlier
Case Study: Ethnocide chapter). Hired killers have wiped out several communities
of native peoples by targeting them from light planes with
of the Ya˓ nomami in Amazonia arsenic, dynamite, and machine guns.
During the past few centuries, many indigenous commu- Ethnocide is especially well documented for the
nities in North and South America have faced ethnocide. Ya̜nomami Indians inhabiting the borderlands between
Even those living remotely in the vast tropical rainforests Brazil and Venezuela. With a current population of about
of the Amazon are endangered in their survival as their 24,000, these hunters and food gardeners occupy about
territories come within reach of timber, gold-mining, and 180,000 square kilometers (70,000 square miles). They re-
oil-drilling companies. side in about 125 autonomous villages, each inhabited by
Amazonian forests are being decimated, with an aver- 30 to 300 people living collectively in large circular dwell-
age annual loss of about 18,000 square kilometers (about ings known as shabonos. Until two generations ago, they
7,000 square miles) in Brazil alone. Roads are bulldozed were almost completely isolated from the outside world—
to harvest valuable hardwood trees such as mahogany, ipê although they did experience limited cultural change prior
to first contact with foreign torched to build mining camps. Dozens of planes flew in
traders and Christian mis- daily, transporting personnel, equipment, and fuel.
sionaries. Evidence for Miners, loggers, and soldiers lured Ya̜nomami women
this was in their gardens, with commodities, infecting them with sexually transmit-
where they planted non- Atlantic ted diseases that spread quickly into the indigenous com-
Ocean
indigenous food crops— munities. On top of prostitution, the invaders introduced
plantains and bananas, GUYANA alcoholism. Processing the ore, miners also polluted the
SURINAME
both originating in rivers with mercury, poisoning fish and other creatures,
VENEZUELA . FRENCH
Africa—acquired through oc o
R GUIANA including the Ya̜nomami. Within the decade, 20 percent
Orin
diffusion. This adoption of the Ya̜nomami died, and 70 percent of their ancestral
COLOMBIA
increased gardening pro- lands in Brazil were illegally expropriated.
ductivity, triggering pop- BRAZIL A campaign against this ethnocide, led by the Com-
er
ulation growth and, so n Riv mittee for the Creation of Ya̜nomami Park and Survival
© Cengage Learning
Amazo
it seems, more raids in International, forced the Brazilian government to protect
Yanomami in Venezuela
intervillage conflicts. indigenous territories and expel the miners. However,
Yanomami in Brazil
Through trading and PERU the destruction continued because garimpeiros crossed the
raiding, the Ya̜nomami border into Venezuela where they continued massacring
also acquired iron tools, especially machetes and axes. Ya̜nomami men, women, and children.
Despite their fierce reputation, they soon became victims In the mid-1990s, after years of pressure by the Inter-
of repeated assaults by gold miners, cattle ranchers, and American Commission on Human Rights, Venezuelan
other foreigners seeking to capitalize on their natural state authorities finally agreed to protect the Ya̜nomami
resources. In the late 1960s, hundreds of Ya̜nomami died in the remote borderlands and to provide some basic
in a measles epidemic. Threats to their survival multiplied healthcare to reduce alarming mortality rates. Like other
in the 1980s, when many thousands of Brazilian loggers Amazonian Indians, Ya̜nomami continue to struggle to
and garimpeiros (“gold miners”) invaded their lands, at- survive as an indigenous people. They live in a climate
tacking villagers defending their territories. Miners also of fear, with violent intimidation, physical threats, and
illegally crossed into Venezuela, spreading the violence. occasional killings, aggravated by poor health, low life
The Brazilian state, considering legalizing large-scale expectancy, and discrimination.
logging and mining in indigenous territories, stepped In such difficult times, spiritual leaders are especially
up its military presence in these borderlands, sending important. Among these is Davi Kopenawa, a shaman
troops, building barracks, and expanding airstrips in from the Ya̜nomami village of Watoriketheri (Figure 25.5).
the Ya̜nomami heartland. Huge stretches of forest were He and other shamans—traditionally skilled in contacting
Figure 25.5 Ya˓ nomami

Shaman and Political Activist
Davi Kopenawa
Traditionally, Yanomami
Ya˓ shamans
such as Davi Kopenawa, seen
here surrounded by women and
children standing in front of their
shabono, cure the sick by
contacting the spirit world. Known
as shabori, they apply their skills
in negotiating extraordinary
challenges with hekura (“dangerous
spirits”). Today, those challenges
include ethnocide and ecocide.
Ya˓ nomami rely on shamans such
as Kopenawa to use their
remarkable powers when
negotiating with strangers
© Fiona Watson/Survival
representing powerful foreign

institutions, corporations, and
nongovernmental organizations
in an effort to prevent further
harm to their communities.
˓
Reactions to Change 615
dangerous spirits in order to cure the sick and seek revenge Those working in this arena face a particular chal-
against enemies—now confront the deadly forces of eth- lenge: As anthropologists, they are bound to respect other
nocide and ecocide. Recognized as a spokesperson for the peoples’ dignity and cultural integrity, yet they are asked
Ya̜nomami in Brazil, Kopenawa has gained an international for advice on how to change certain aspects of those cul-
reputation as a political activist. He uses his extraordinary tures. If the people themselves request the change, there
powers in defense of his Amazonian homeland, negotiat- is no difficulty, but typically the change is requested from
ing with powerful foreign institutions, corporations, and outsiders. Supposedly, the proposed change is for the good
nongovernmental organizations in a heroic effort to stop of the targeted population, yet members of that commu-
the relentless destruction of Brazil’s indigenous peoples, nity do not always see it that way. The extent to which
cultures, and environment (Conklin, 2002; Kopenawa & applied anthropologists should advise outsiders about
Albert, 2010). how to manipulate people to embrace the changes pro-
posed for them is a serious ethical question, especially
when it concerns people without the power to resist.
Directed Change In direct response to such critical questions concern-
ing the application and benefits of anthropological re-
Although the process of acculturation often unfolds
search, an alternative type of practical anthropology has
without planning, powerful elites may devise and en-
emerged during the last half-century. Known by a variety
force programs of cultural change, directing immigrant
of names—including action anthropology and commit-
or subordinated groups into learning and accepting the
ted, engaged, involved, and advocacy anthropology—this
dominant society’s cultural beliefs and practices. So it was
involves community-based research and action in collab-
with the Ju/’hoansi of southern Africa, discussed in earlier
oration and solidarity with indigenous societies, ethnic
chapters. Rounded up by government officials in the early
minorities, and other besieged or repressed groups.
1960s, these Bushmen were confined to a reservation in
There is some reason for optimism, but governments
Tsumkwe in Namibia where they could not possibly pro-
and other powerful institutions directly intervening in
vide for their own needs. The government supplied them
the affairs of different ethnic groups or foreign societies
with rations, but these were insufficient to meet basic
all too often fail to seek professional advice from anthro-
nutritional needs.
pologists who possess relevant cross-cultural expertise and
In poor health and prevented
deeper insights. Such failures have contributed to a host of
from developing meaningful
avoidable errors in planning and executing development
alternatives to traditional activi-
programs in regions occupied by peoples whose survival
ties, the Ju/’hoansi became
is threatened and whose cultural heritage is endangered.
embittered and depressed,
In sum, the practical applications of anthropology are
and their death rate be-
not only necessary but are vital to the survival of many
gan to exceed the birth-
threatened groups.
rate. Within the next few
years, however, surviving Tsumkwe
Ju/’hoansi started to take NAMIBIA
matters into their own
hands. They returned to
BOTSWANA Reactions to Change
waterholes in their tradi- Atlantic The reactions of indigenous peoples to the changes outsid-
© Cengage Learning
tional homeland, where, Ocean ers have thrust upon them have varied considerably. Some
assisted by anthropol- have responded by retreating to more remote areas but are
ogists and others con- running out of geographic options due to ever-advancing
cerned with their welfare, mining, deforestation, and agricultural operations. Others
they are trying to sustain themselves by raising livestock. took up arms to fight back but were ultimately forced to
Whether this will succeed remains to be seen because there surrender much of their ancestral land, after which they
are still many obstacles to overcome. were reduced to an impoverished underclass in their own
One byproduct of such dealings with indigenous ancestral territories or were forced to relocate to areas
peoples has been the growth of applied anthropology, with less economic value. Today, they continue to fight
which was originally focused on advising government through nonviolent means to retain their identities as
programs of directed cultural change and solving prac- distinct peoples and seek to (re)gain control over natural
tical problems through anthropological techniques and resources.
knowledge. Today, applied anthropologists are in growing Resisting assimilation, a process of cultural absorp-
demand in the field of international development because tion of an ethnic minority by a dominant society, people
of their specialized knowledge of social structure, value
systems, and the functional interrelatedness of cultures assimilation Cultural absorption of an ethnic minority by a dominant
targeted for development. society.
often seek emotional comfort from tradition—customary found it scandalous for its erotic displays of “wild” danc-
ideas and practices passed on from generation to genera- ing, accompanied by chanting and shouting—suggestive
tion, which in a modernizing society may form an obstacle of sexual intercourse, body parts, and so on. A Methodist
to new ways of doing things. Traditions play an important missionary set about “civilizing” these tropical islanders
role in a cultural process identified as accommodation. by teaching cricket at the mission school. He hoped this
In anthropology, this refers to an adaptation process by gentlemanly sport would replace Trobriand rivalry and
which a people modifies its traditional culture in response fighting, encouraging proper bearing in dress, sportsman-
to pressures by a dominant society so as to preserve its ship, and ultimately religion.
distinctive ethnic identity and resist assimilation (Prins, But that is not what happened. Although the Trobri-
1996). In pursuit of such an accommodation strategy, anders took to the sport, they “rubbished” the British
ethnic groups may try to retain their distinctive identities rules. Making cricket their own, they played in traditional
by maintaining cultural boundaries such as holding onto battle dress and incorporated battle magic and erotic
traditional language, festive ceremonies, customary dress, dancing into the game. They modified the British style
ritual songs and dances, unique food, and so on. Later of pitching, making it resemble the old Trobriand way of
in this chapter we discuss two ethnographic examples of throwing a spear. And following the game, they held mas-
accommodation. sive feasts, where wealth was displayed to enhance their
prestige (Figure 25.6).
Cricket, in its altered form, serves traditional systems
Syncretism of prestige and exchange. Everyone associated with the
sport displays exuberance and pride, and the players are as
When people are able to hold on to some of their tra-
much concerned with conveying the full meaning of who
ditions in the face of powerful outside domination, the
they are as with scoring runs. From the sensual dressing
result may be syncretism—defined in an earlier chapter as
in preparation for the game to the team chanting songs
the creative blending of indigenous and foreign beliefs or
full of sexual metaphors to the erotic dancing between
practices into new cultural forms. Not unlike hybrids in
the innings, it is clear that each participant is playing for
the animal or plant worlds, these new forms take shape in
his own importance, for the fame of his team, and for the
a dynamic process of cultural adaptation in which groups
hundreds who watch the spirited spectacle.
gradually negotiate a collective response to new chal-
lenges in their social environment. Vodou, practiced in
Haiti and described in a previous chapter, is one of many
examples of religious syncretism. But syncretism also oc-
Revitalization Movements
curs in other cultural domains, including art and fashion, In contrast to cultural changes that are invited or initiated
architecture, marriage rituals, warfare, and even sports. by peoples themselves, those that are imposed or expe-
An intriguing illustration of syncretism can be found rienced as disruptive may be resisted or rejected. Such a
among the Trobriand Islanders of the southern Pacific. reaction may lead to a reform movement or take on a more
We touched on their cultural practices in earlier chapters, extreme character as a revitalization movement. As noted
noting that yams are the staple of their subsistence, the in the chapter on religion and spirituality, such radical
wealth of their economy, and the core of their culture. movements develop in response to widespread social
After the yam crop is harvested, everyone celebrates. The disruption and collective feelings of anxiety and despair.
major event in the traditional July and August harvest Efforts to rekindle the fire, restore a sense of energy, and
festivals is a kayasa, a ritual competition in which rival reclaim lost or abandoned cultural practices, these revital-
village chiefs show off their kuvi—colossal yams over ization movements are often, but not always, religiously
3.5 meters (12 feet) long. Centered on these huge tubers, or spiritually based. Sometimes, they even take on an
the kayasa ceremony involves dancing and ritual fighting armed revolutionary character.
between neighboring communities. The chief hosting the Anthropologists have identified a sequence common
event is always declared the winner. to the revitalization process. First is the normal state of
When Trobrianders came under colonial rule, British society in which stress is not too great, and sufficient cul-
administrators as well as Christian protestant missionaries tural means exist to satisfy needs. Next comes a phase of
and teachers took notice of the kayasa ceremony. They cultural upheaval, triggered by foreign invasion, domina-
tion, and exploitation, leading to growing frustration and
stress brought about by cultural upheaval. A deepening of
tradition Customary ideas and practices passed on from generation to the crisis marks the third stage, in which normal means
generation, which in a modernizing society may form an obstacle to new of resolving social and psychological tensions are inade-
ways of doing things.
quate or fail. The decline may trigger a radical response in
accommodation In anthropology, refers to an adaptation process by
which a people resists assimilation by modifying its traditional culture
the form of a collective effort to restore, or revitalize, the
in response to pressures by a dominant society in order to preserve its culture. During this phase, a prophet or some other spir-
distinctive ethnic identity. itual leader inspired by supernatural visions or guidance
Reactions to Change 617
Figure 25.6 Syncretism:

Trobriand Cricket
Indigenous peoples have
reacted to colonialism in
many different ways. When
British missionaries pressed
Trobriand Islanders of
Melanesia to celebrate their
regular yam harvests with a
game of “civilized” cricket
rather than traditional “wild”
erotic dances, Trobrianders
responded by transforming the
somewhat dull British sport
into an exuberant event that
featured sexual chants and
dances between innings. This
is an example of syncretism—
© Wolfgang Kaehler/Corbis
the creative blending of
indigenous and foreign beliefs
and practices into new cultural
forms.
attracts a following, leading to a cult and sometimes spi- most citizens are of indigenous descent and still speak
raling into a religious movement (Wallace, 1970). an ancestral home language other than Spanish. The two
most common are Aymara and Quechua, spoken by peo-
Cargo Cults ple inhabiting what was historically known as Qullasuyu,
the southeastern district of Tawantinsuyu (Quechua means
One particular historical example of a revitalization move-
“union of four districts”), the indigenous name for the
ment is the cargo cult—a spiritual movement (especially
ancient Inca empire.
common in Melanesia in the Southwest Pacific) in reac-
Following the December 2005 election of Evo Morales,
tion to disruptive contact with Western capitalism; the
Bolivia’s first indigenous president, the country’s indige-
cult promises resurrection of deceased relatives, destruc-
nous revitalization movement has enjoyed government
tion or enslavement of white foreigners, and the magical
support. The son of an Aymara Indian father and Quechua
arrival of utopian riches.
Indian mother, this socialist head of state was previously
Indigenous Melanesians referred to the white man’s
a militant peasant leader representing masses of migrant
wealth as “cargo” (pidgin English for European trade goods
farmers growing coca in the subtropical lowlands. Since
transported by ships or airplanes). In times of great social
the 1980s, he had risen to prominence as an agrarian
stress, native prophets emerged, predicting that the time of
trade union leader promoting Indian farmers’ rights. The
suffering would come to an end and that a new paradise on
day before his presidential inauguration in January 2006,
earth would soon arrive. Their deceased ancestors would
his unique position as Bolivia’s first indigenous president
return to life, and the rich white man would magically
was publicly recognized at a special ceremony held at the
disappear—swallowed by an earthquake or swept away by
famous archaeological site of Tiwanaku. Standing there,
a huge wave. However, the valued Western trade goods
flanked by amautas (“spiritual leaders”), Morales was
would be left for the prophets and their cult followers, who
vested with the ancient royal title of apu mallku (“condor
performed rituals to hasten this supernatural redistribution
king”) of Qullasuyu. Similar scenes marked inaugural cer-
of wealth (see Lindstrom, 1993; Worsley, 1957).
emonies for his second and third terms as president.
Situated between La Paz and Lake Titicaca, Tiwanaku is
A Contemporary Indigenous Revitalization unequaled in cultural significance as the ceremonial cen-
Movement: Qullasuyu ter of Bolivia’s indigenous revitalization movement. Long
In contrast to Melanesia’s cargo cults, which were in-
tensive and passing, a revitalization movement may
cargo cult A spiritual movement (especially noted in Melanesia)
also gain political state support and change a society’s
in reaction to disruptive contact with Western capitalism, promising
cultural institutions. One example of this is under way resurrection of deceased relatives, destruction or enslavement of white
in Bolivia, a pluralistic South American country where foreigners, and the magical arrival of utopian riches.
Figure 25.7 Celebrating the

Bolivian Indian New Year
For Bolivian Indians, participation
in the Qullasuyu revitalization
movement includes a return to
precolonial indigenous beliefs and
rituals, such as worshiping the
sun as the supreme sky deity. In
the Andean highlands of Bolivia,
many Indians mark the New Year
by participating in a neotraditional
sunrise ceremony known in the
Quechua language as the Inti
Raymi (“Sun Feast”). Here we see
a group of Quechua and Aymara
Indians at Isla Inkawasi, a rocky
outcrop in the middle of Salar de
Aizar Raldes/AFP/Getty Images

Uyuni, the world’s largest salt flat
at an elevation of 3,656 meters
(11,995 feet). They gather there
for the northern solstice at dawn
in mid-June to receive the first
rays of Tata Inti (“Father Sun”).
abandoned, its enormous temple complex with its large humans, animals, and plants, as well as the rest of the
pyramid, Akapana, was the capital of an ancient civilization natural environment—recognizing all as part of one large
that endured for many centuries before mysteriously col- ecosystem, a living Mother Earth, traditionally held sacred
lapsing about a thousand years ago. Because its inhabitants as Pachamama. Formalizing this, in 2010 Bolivia’s Plurina-
left no written records, their language remains unknown, tional Legislative Assembly passed the Ley de Derechos de
which means Aymara and Quechua peoples can share this la Madre Tierra (“The Law of the Rights of Mother Earth”),
archaeological site symbolically representing their proud granting all of nature equal rights to humans (Estado Pluri-
cultural heritages. Vesting these ruins with political and nacional de Bolivia, 2010).
spiritual meaning as a sacred monument, they feel in-
spired to reclaim indigenous autonomy and to reject the
foreign culture imposed on them during almost 500 years
of colonial domination and capitalist exploitation. Rebellion and Revolution
In 2007, pursuing his revitalization agenda, President
When the scale of discontent within a society reaches a
Morales chose Tiwanaku for an official event celebrating
critical level, the possibilities are high for a violent reac-
the adoption of the United Nations Declaration for the
tion such as a rebellion or insurgency—organized armed
Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Two years later, the seven-
resistance by a group of rebels to an established govern-
colored wiphala representing Qullasuyu became Boliv-
ment or authority in power. For instance, there have
ia’s official co-flag. It now flies alongside the country’s
been many peasant insurgencies around the world in the
long-established red, yellow, and green national banner
course of history. Historically, such uprisings are triggered
(Van Cott, 2008; Yates, 2011).
by repressive regimes that impose new taxes on already
Beyond restoring, preserving, and protecting indigenous
struggling small farmers unable to feed their families un-
cultural sites, customs, and so on, the revitalization move-
der such levels of exploitation (Wolf, 1999b).
ment in Bolivia involves a reclamation of precolonial sacred
One recent example is the Zapatista Maya Indian insur-
rituals, such as the worship of indigenous earth and sky dei-
gency in southern Mexico, which began in the mid-1990s
ties, in particular the sun and moon (Figure 25.7). Informed
and has not yet been resolved. This uprising involves
by an animistic worldview, the movement seeks to restore
thousands of poor Indian farmers whose livelihoods have
a more harmonious relationship among communities of
been threatened by disruptive changes imposed on them;
their human rights under the Mexican constitution have
insurgency An organized armed resistance or violent uprising to an
never been fully implemented (Figure 25.8).
established government or authority in power; also known as rebellion.
In contrast to insurgencies, which have rather limited
revolution Radical change in a society or culture. In the political
arena, it involves the forced overthrow of the existing government and objectives, a revolution—a radical change in a society
establishment of a completely new one. or culture—involves a more dramatic transformation.
Rebellion and Revolution 619
Daniel Aguilar/Reuters/Corbis
Figure 25.8 Zapatista Revolutionary Movement
On New Year’s Day 1994, when the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) went
into effect, 3,000 armed peasants belonging to the Zapatista revolutionary movement
invaded towns in southern Mexico. Mostly Maya Indians, they declared war on the Mexican
government, claiming that globalization was destroying their rural communities. Strong
Internet presence helped them build an international network of political support. Now
committed to nonviolent resistance to Mexican state control, Zapatistas have created
thirty-two self-governing municipalities grouped in five regional zones, called caracoles
(“conch shells”), referring to Maya sacred cosmology as mythological upholders of the sky.
Here we see commanders of the Zapatista National Liberation Army during the closing
ceremony of an indigenous congress. Behind them is a banner that pays tribute to the
Zapatista’s inspirational figure, Emiliano Zapata—one of Mexico’s best-known peasant
revolutionaries.
Revolutions occur when the level of discontent in a soci- control identify themselves as distinct nations and refuse
ety is very high. In the political arena, revolution involves to recognize the legitimacy of what they regard as a foreign
the forced overthrow of the existing government and the government.
establishment of a completely new one. Thus, in many former colonies, large numbers of people
The question of why revolutions erupt, as well as why have taken up arms to resist annexation and absorption by
they frequently fail to live up to the expectations of the imposed state governments run by people of other national-
people initiating them, is uncertain. It is clear, however, that ities. As they attempt to make their multi-ethnic states into
the colonial policies of countries such as Britain, France, unified countries, ruling elites of one nationality set about
Spain, Portugal, and the United States during the 19th and stripping the peoples of other nations within their states of
early 20th centuries have created a worldwide situation in their lands, resources, and particular cultural identities.
which revolution is nearly inevitable. Despite the political One of the most important facts of our time is that
independence most colonies have gained since World War the vast majority of the distinct peoples of the world have
II, powerful countries continue to exploit many of these never consented to rule by the governments of states
“underdeveloped” countries for their natural resources and within which they find themselves living (Nietschmann,
cheap labor, causing a deep resentment of rulers beholden 1987). In many newly emerging countries, such peoples
to foreign powers. Further discontent has been caused as feel they have no other option than to take up weapons
governing elites in newly independent states try to assert in armed protest and fight.
their control over peoples living within their boundaries. Apart from rebellions against authoritarian regimes, such
By virtue of a common ancestry, possession of distinct as in the Chinese, French, and Russian revolutions, many
cultures, persistent occupation of their own territories, and uprisings in modern times have been insurgencies against
traditions of self-determination, the peoples they aim to political rule imposed by foreign powers. Such resistance
usually takes the form of national independence movements frustrated by the cultural lens through which the revolu-
that wage campaigns of armed defiance against colonial or tionaries viewed their work. A tradition of deeply rooted
imperial dominance. The Mexican war of liberation against patriarchy extending back at least 2,200 years is not easily
Spain in the early 1800s and the Algerian struggle for inde- overcome and has influenced many of the decisions made
pendence from France in the 1950s are relevant examples. by communist China’s leaders since the revolution.
Of the hundreds of armed conflicts in the world today, Despite the current rapid changes taking place in
almost all are in the economically poor countries of Africa, China’s expanding urban areas, in many rural parts of
Asia, and Latin America, many of which were at one time the country a woman’s life is still largely determined by
under European colonial domination. Of these wars, most her relationship to a man—be it her father, husband, or
are between the state and one or more nations or ethnic son—rather than by her own efforts or failures. Moreover,
groups within the state’s borders. These groups are seeking many rural women face official local policies that identify
to maintain or regain control of their personal lives, com- their primary roles as wives and mothers. When they do
munities, lands, and resources in the face of what they work outside the house, it is generally at jobs with low
regard as repression or subjugation by a foreign power. pay, low status, and no benefits (Figure 25.9). Women’s
Revolutions do not always accomplish what they set no-wage home labor (and low-wage outside labor) have
out to do. One of the stated goals of the 1949 Chinese been essential to China’s economic expansion, which re-
communist revolution, for example, was to liberate lies on the allocation of labor by the heads of patrilineal
women from the oppression of a strongly patriarchal households (Liu, 2007).
society in which a woman owed lifelong obedience to a Facing obstacles that many rural Chinese women feel
male relative—first her father, later her husband, and, af- are insurmountable, more than 1 million of them attempt
ter his death, her oldest son. Although changes were and suicide each year—typically by swallowing pesticides or
continue to be made, the transformation overall has been fertilizer. Of these, 150,000 die. Rural China is the only
Jim Xu/Getty Images
Figure 25.9 Rural Women Removing Chips from Computer Boards, Guiyu, China
Since the late 1980s, e-waste from developed countries has been imported to China and
broken down at Guiyu. The city comprises 21 villages with 5,500 family workshops handling
some 1.5 million tons of e-waste annually and being exposed to carcinogens. Many women are
involved in this painstaking and unhealthy work. Here we see a woman heating up a computer
board on a charcoal-fired steel surface to remove computer chips.
Modernization 621
place on earth where the suicide rate for women is higher forms of energy—especially fossil fuels—to drive
than it is for men (Hasija, 2011; Pearson et al., 2002). machines.
The situation of rural women in China shows that the ● Telecommunication: The fifth and most recent
undermining of revolutionary goals, if it occurs, is not subprocess involves electronic and digital media
necessarily by political opponents. Rather, it may be a processing and sharing of news, commodity prices,
consequence of the revolutionaries’ own traditional cul- fashions, and entertainment, as well as political and
tural background. In rural China, that includes patrilineal religious opinions. Information is widely dispersed to a
exogamy, patrilocality, and a patriarchal conservatism in mass audience, far across national borders.
which female labor is controlled by male heads of fami-
As modernization proceeds, other changes are likely
lies. As long as these traditional views continue to hold
to follow. In the political realm, political parties and some
sway, women will be seen as commodities.
sort of electoral apparatus frequently appear, along with
Revolution is a relatively recent phenomenon, occur-
the development of an administrative bureaucracy. In
ring only during the past 5,000 years or so. The reason is
formal education, institutional learning opportunities ex-
that rebellion requires a centralized political authority to
pand, literacy increases, and an indigenous educated elite
rebel against, and states did not exist before 5,000 years
develops. Many long-held rights and duties connected
ago. In kin-ordered societies organized as tribes and bands,
with kinship are altered, if not eliminated, especially when
without a centralized government, there could be no rebel-
distant relatives are concerned. If social stratification is a
lion or political revolution.
factor, social mobility increases as ascribed status becomes
less important and personal achievement counts for more.
Modernization Finally, as traditional beliefs and practices are under-

mined, formalized religion becomes less important in
many areas of thought and behavior. As discussed in the
One of the most frequently used terms to describe so-
chapter on religion, this may turn into a growing trend
cial and cultural changes as they are occurring today
toward a nonreligious worldview with people ignoring
is modernization. This is most clearly defined as an
or rejecting institutionalized spiritual beliefs and rituals.
all-encompassing and global process of political and
Known as secularization, this process is especially note-
socioeconomic change, whereby developing societies
worthy in highly organized capitalist states like Germany,
acquire some of the cultural characteristics common to
for many centuries predominantly Lutheran and Roman
Western industrial societies.
Catholic. Now, almost 40 percent of Germans identify
Derived from the Latin word modo (“just now”), mod-
themselves as nonreligious, an increase from less than
ernization literally refers to something “in the present
4 percent about forty years ago.
time.” The dominant idea behind this concept is that “be-
Secularization is also taking place in other western
coming modern” is becoming like European, North Ameri-
European countries, as well as in other parts of the world.
can, and other wealthy industrial or postindustrial societies,
However, in places in which the state is weak and un-
with the clear implication that not to do so is to be stuck in
bridled, capitalism has dramatically increased insecurity
the past—backward, inferior, and needing to be improved.
among the exploited and impoverished masses, the op-
It is unfortunate that the term modernization continues to
posite may result, with a reactionary trend toward a more
be so widely used, but because it is, we need to recognize its
spiritual or even religious worldview. This phenomenon
problematic one-sidedness, even as we continue to use it.
is evident in many eastern European, Asian, and African
The process of modernization may be best understood
countries—discussed in the chapter on religion.
as consisting of five subprocesses, all interrelated and with
no fixed order of appearance:
● Technological development: In the course of moderniza- Indigenous Accommodation
tion, traditional knowledge and techniques give way
to the application of scientific knowledge and tech- to Modernization
niques borrowed mainly from the industrialized West. A closer examination of traditional cultures that have felt
● Agricultural development: This is represented by a shift the impact of modernization will help to illustrate some
in emphasis from subsistence farming to commercial of the problems such cultures have encountered. Earlier in
farming. Instead of raising crops and livestock for their this chapter, we noted that ethnic groups, unable to resist
own use, people turn with growing frequency to the changes but unwilling to surrender their distinctive cultural
production of cash crops, with increased reliance on a heritage and identity, may pursue a strategy of accommo-
cash economy and on global markets for selling farm dation. Many have done so, but with variable success. Here
products and purchasing goods. we offer two ethnographic examples: the Sámi people living
● Urbanization: This subprocess is marked particularly by
population movements from rural settlements into cities.
modernization The process of political and socioeconomic change,
● Industrialization: Here human and animal power become whereby developing societies acquire some of the cultural characteristics
less important, and greater emphasis is placed on material of Western industrial societies.
in the Arctic and sub-Arctic tundra of northwest Russia and of the woods on noisy, smelly machines that invariably
Scandinavia and the Shuar Indians of Ecuador. chased the animals, often for long distances. And instead
of helping the reindeer in their winter food quest, aid-
Sámi Herders: The Snowmobile Revolution ing does with their calves, and protecting the herd from
and Its Unintended Consequences predators, the men appeared only periodically—either to
Until about half a cen- slaughter or to castrate the animals (Figure 25.10).
tury ago, Sámi reindeer The reindeer became wary of people, resulting in
herders in Scandinavia’s de-domestication, with reindeer scattering and running
Arctic tundra lived much off to less accessible areas. In addition, snowmobile
like their ancestors, pur- harassment seemed to adversely affect birthing and the
Barents
suing their livelihood Sea survival of calves. For example, within a decade the
through their traditional average size of the family herd among the Sámi in Finland
lifeways. In the 1960s,
Ar
ti c
Sámi Homeland had dropped from fifty to twelve—a number that is not
C ir
cl e
however, they purchased economically viable. The financial cost of mechanized
Atlantic
snowmobiles, expecting Ocean RUSSIA
herding and the decline in domesticated herd size have
motorized transporta- led many Sámi to abandon herding altogether (Pelto,
tion to make herding FINLAND 1973). Today, only about 10 percent of Sámi in Finland
© Cengage Learning
physically easier and NORWAY are full-time herders, and they vie with outside economic
economically more ad- SWEDEN
institutions such as forestry and tourism for access to and
vantageous. But that is use of land (Williams, 2003). Their situation is echoed
not what happened. among the Sámi across Scandinavia (Wheelersburg, 1987).
Given the high cost of buying, maintaining, and
fueling the machines, Sámi herders faced a sharp rise in Shuar Cattle Farmers: An Indigenous
their need for money. To obtain cash, men began going Experiment in Amazon’s Tropical Forest
outside their communities for wage labor more than just In contrast to the Sámi in northern Europe, the Shuar
occasionally, as had previously been the case. Moreover, Indians of Ecuador’s tropical forest deliberately avoided mod-
once snowmobiles were introduced, the familiar, pro- ernization until it was inevitable. Historically better known
longed, and largely peaceful relationship between herder as Jívaro, these Amazonian Indians subsisted on hunting
and beast changed into a noisy, traumatic one. The wild game and cultivating food gardens, periodically clearing
humans that reindeer encountered came speeding out small patches of forest by slash-and-burn. In 1964, threatened
© Timothy Fadek/Corbis
Figure 25.10 Sámi Reindeer Herding

In the 1960s, Sámi reindeer herders in Scandinavia’s Arctic tundra adopted newly invented
snowmobiles, convinced that these machines would make traditional herding physically easier
and economically more advantageous. As it turned out, the financial cost of mechanized herding
and the decline in domesticated herd size caused many Sámi to abandon herding altogether.
Modernization 623
with the loss of their land base as more and more Ecuadoran abandoned cattle grazing, even allowing a reforestation
colonists intruded into their territory, leaders from the many, of pasturelands. Instead, now that their title is officially
widely scattered Shuar communities came together and documented, they have turned to growing labor-intensive
founded a fully independent ethnic cash crops—not only fruits, plantain, and manioc, but
organization—the Shuar Federation— also coffee and cacao for sale to urban consumers or for
to take control of their own future. export (Rudel, Bates, & Machinguiashi, 2002).
Recognized by Ecua- The strategy of accommodation pursued by the Shuar
dor’s government, the Pacific
shows that sometimes positive results can occur when in-
group is officially dedi- Ocean digenous peoples are free to determine their own destinies
cated to promoting the COLOMBIA
even in the face of intense outside pressures. Tragically,
social, economic, and Quito until recently, few have had that option. Nevertheless,
ECUADOR
cultural advancement of like the Shuar, some groups have resourcefully resisted the
Shuar
the growing Shuar popu- Amazon outside forces of destruction arrayed against them. Some
lation. Through their as- Iquitos receive help from anthropologists, as discussed in this
Ma r er
© Cengage Learning
sociation, the Shuar took a ñ ó n R iv chapter’s Anthropology Applied feature.
control of their own ed- PERU
ucation, using their own
language and mostly
BRAZIL
Globalization in the
Shuar teachers; they established their own bilingual radio “Underdeveloped” World
station and a bilingual newspaper; and they participated
Throughout the economically developing world—in Africa,
in coordinating their own economic development efforts
Asia, Latin America, and elsewhere—whole countries are
with official government agencies. Perhaps most impor-
in the throes of radical political and economic change and
tant, the alliance provided a means for dealing with the
overall cultural transformation. Inventions and major ad-
pressing problem of land control.
vances in industrial production, mass transportation, and
Ecuador’s government categorized almost all tropical
communication and information technologies are trans-
woodlands in the Upper Amazon as tierra baldía (“empty
forming societies in Europe and North America as well. As
land”) because, although indigenous people lived there
discussed in Chapter 1, this worldwide process of accelerated
in widely scattered communities, most of their ancestral
modernization interconnecting all parts of the earth in one
hunting land remained undeveloped wilderness that lacked
vast interrelated and all-encompassing system is known
legal documentation of ownership. With many thousands
as globalization, evidenced in global movements of natural
of young mestizo (mixed Indian European ancestry) farmers
resources, trade goods, human labor, finance capital, infor-
in Ecuador’s highland valleys unable to feed their growing
mation, and infectious diseases.
families, officials encouraged them to resettle in the Oriente,
All around the globe we are witnessing the removal of
the “Wild East” of Ecuador. In the 1960s, it comprised almost
economic activities—or at least their control—from family
half of the country’s territory, but only about 2.5 percent of
and community settings. In many societies, such mod-
its total population. Accordingly, roads and bridges were con-
ernization processes are now happening very fast, often
structed, enabling mestizos to claim title to “free” land and without the necessary time to adjust. Changes that took
also providing them with access to the national market and generations to accomplish in Europe and North America
export. Further capitalizing on its “empty lands,” the state be- are attempted within the span of a single generation in de-
gan selling concessions to the foreign and domestic logging, veloping countries. In the process cultures frequently face
oil, and mining companies extracting its natural resources. unforeseen disruptions and a rapid erosion of dearly held
Besieged by development, and without legally recognized values they had no intention of giving up. Anthropologists
title to their ancestral lands, the Shuar Federation attracted doing fieldwork in distant communities throughout the
financial assistance and expert advice through foreign aid world witness how these traditional cultures have been
agencies and turned large tracts of woodland into pasture impacted, and often destroyed, by powerful global forces.
for cattle ranching. By the early 1970s, it had secured title to Commonly, the burden of modernization in developing
almost 1,000 square kilometers (39 square miles) of commu- countries falls most heavily on women. For example, the
nal land and established a cattle herd of more than 15,000 commercialization of agriculture often involves land reforms
head. Beyond supplementing the traditional Shuar diet of that overlook or ignore women’s traditional land rights. This
wild game and produce from slash-and-burn gardens, cattle reduces their control of and access to resources at the same
provided them with something to sell—a means of earning time that mechanization of food production and processing
cash to pay for commodities, healthcare, and so on. drastically reduces their opportunities for employment. As
Because Shuar turned to cattle primarily to secure legal a consequence, women are confined more and more to
title to their lands, it is not surprising that many switched traditional domestic tasks, which are increasingly devalued
to other income sources when alternatives opened up as commercial production becomes the dominant concern.
as a result of roads now connecting them to the rest of Moreover, the domestic workload tends to increase
(mixed Indian European ancestry) farmers
the country. In recent decades, many Shuar have largely because men are less available to help out; tasks such as
Development Anthropology and Dams

During much of his forty-year career in schol-
arly and applied work, Michael M. Horowitz
served as president and executive director
of the Institute for Development Anthropol-
ogy (IDA) while holding the title of distin-
guished professor of anthropology at the
State University of New York, Binghamton.
His pioneering contributions to applied an-
thropology focused on achieving equitable
economic growth, environmental sustain-
ability, conflict resolution, and participatory
government in the former colonial world.
After cofounding IDA in 1976, Horowitz
became its principal leader. He has played a
key role in bringing anthropology forward as
© Earth Observatory/NASA
an applied science in international develop-
ment organizations such as the World Bank,
the United Nations Fund for Women, and the
U.S. Agency for International Development
(USAID), as well as nongovernmental organi-
zations (NGOs) such as Oxfam. He has men-
Visible from space, China’s Three Gorges Dam is the world’s largest and most powerful
tored several generations of young scholars
hydroelectric dam. With a length of about 2,300 meters (7,700 feet) and a height of 185
and professionals—paying particular atten-
meters (330 feet), it controls the Yangtze, the world’s third largest river. After fifteen years
tion to those from developing countries—
of construction with a price tag of $22 billion, it became operational in 2009. The dam was
encouraging the application of anthropology’s built to provide a clean energy alternative to coal and to control flooding along the Yangtze
comparative and holistic methodologies and River. However, it has been controversial since its inception because it has flooded ancient
theories to empower low-income majorities archaeological and cultural sites, displacing more than 1.4 million people, and it has caused
in the so-called underdeveloped world. significant ecological changes, including risks of landslides that threaten some 4 million
Horowitz’s work with pastoralists and people. Unlike the dam described in this Anthropology Applied feature, not one social
floodplain-dwellers has had substantial posi- scientist was consulted in the planning and assessment phase of Three Gorges Dam.
tive impact on the well-being of small produc-
ers and landholders in developing countries.
A clear example of this is the impact of his to manage the system with a controlled and river management, and it continues to
work on the lives and livelihoods of people release from the Manantali Dam in Mali in influence development policy, not only in
living downstream of a hydropower dam in order to reproduce as nearly as possible Africa, but also in Southeast Asia. Recog-
West Africa. Beginning in the 1980s, he and the pre-dam flow system. Horowitz’s long- nizing Horowitz’s contributions, the Society
his IDA team carried out rigorous anthropo- term field research demonstrated that for Applied Anthropology presented him
logical research along the Senegal River. seasonal flooding would provide economic, with the prestigious Bronislaw Malinowski
Their study showed that traditional, pre- environmental, and sociocultural benefits Award in 2006.
dam, flood-recession farming yielded better for nearly a million small producers.
results than irrigated agriculture and was The work carried out by Horowitz and his Based in part on Young, W. C. (2000).
better for the environment. IDA colleagues on the Senegal River Basin Kimball Award winner. Anthropology News
This finding influenced decisions made Monitoring Activity (SRBMA) was a break- 41 (8), 29. See also Society for Applied
by these countries and affiliated NGOs through in the concepts of resettlement Anthropology, 2006.
fuel gathering and water collection are made more diffi- such as tea, coffee, and cacao (the source of chocolate)—
cult as common land and resources come to be privately makes households vulnerable to wide price fluctuations.
owned and as woodlands are reserved for commercial ex- As a result, people cannot afford the high-quality diet that
ploitation. As well, the growing of nonfood crops for the subsistence farming provided, and they become malnour-
world market—such as cotton and sisal or luxury crops ished. In short, with modernization, women frequently
Modernization 625
Studying the Emergence of New Diseases

Since the Neolithic, people have had to Congo (DRC) as a consequence of hunting interplay between ecological disturbance
cope with a host of new diseases that and butchering these animals for food. and the emergence of new diseases,
began as a consequence of changes in For the first thirty years, few people were she tracked the health of local people in
human behavior. Over the past several de- affected; it was not until people began the wake of a massive logging operation.
cades, this has become a renewed source congregating in quickly growing cities like Her work provided valuable insights, such
of concern following the resurgence of Kinshasa that conditions were ripe for an as clarifying how the disease organisms
infectious diseases and the spread of a epidemic. spread from animal hosts to humans.
host of new and lethal diseases.a Most of the “new” viruses that have Jenkins’s research in PNG was unique
More than thirty diseases new to med- suddenly afflicted humans are in fact old because baseline health data on local
icine have emerged in the past thirty-five ones present in animals—such as mon- people were gathered before the environ-
years. Perhaps the best known of these keys (monkey pox), rodents (hantavirus), ment was disturbed. Researchers, many
is AIDS, which has become a top killer deer (Lyme disease), and insects (West trained by Jenkins, continue to build on
among infectious diseases. Since 1981, Nile virus). What is different is that some- her studies.
almost 40 million people have died of thing has enabled them to jump from their The importance of such investigations
AIDS, and today some 37 million people animal hosts to humans. is obvious: In a globalized world, as air
around the world are living with AIDS/HIV.b In the DRC, civil war created a situation travel allows diseases to spread world-
But there are others—like Ebola hemor
hemor- in which villagers in the central part of the wide, we need a fuller understanding of
rhagic fever, which causes victims to bleed country were faced with starvation. Their how pathogens interact with their hosts if
to death, and other hemorrhagic fevers like response was to increase the hunting of we are to devise effective preventive and
dengue fever, Lassa fever, and hantavirus; animals, including monkeys, squirrels, and therapeutic strategies to deal with them.
invasive streptococcus A, which consumes rats that carry a disease called monkey
the victims’ flesh; Legionnaire’s disease; pox. Related to smallpox, the disease Biocultural Question
and Lyme disease. transfers easily to humans, resulting in the Because new viruses and bacteria often
Although it is not clear what has largest outbreak of this disease ever seen spread rapidly, what do you think of gov-
sparked the appearance and spread of among humans. This outbreak has been ernment-funded research and develop-
these new diseases, one theory is that even more serious because of an appar appar- ment of killer diseases for purposes of
some are the result of human activities. ently new strain of the infection, enabling biological warfare?
In particular, road construction and the it to spread from person to person, instead
a
intrusion of people into remote ecological of only from an animal host.c Gibbons, A. (1993, August 6). Where are
settings, such as rainforests, along with Large-scale habitat disturbance is an “new” diseases born? Science 261 (5122),
worldwide shipping and airplane traffic, al- obvious explanation for such disease 680–681.
b
low viruses and other infectious microbes transfers. In another part of the world, “Global information and advice on HIV &
to spread rapidly to large numbers of peo- U.S. medical anthropologist Carol Jenkins AIDS.” (2015). AVERT.org. www.avert.org
ple. It is now generally accepted that the (1945–2008) conducted early health-re- (retrieved December 14, 2015)
HIV virus responsible for AIDS transferred lated research among various ethnic c
Cohen, J. (1997, July 18). Is an old virus
to humans from chimpanzees in the trop- groups in Papua New Guinea (PNG) from up to new tricks? Science 277 (5324),
ical forests of the Democratic Republic of 1982 to 1995. Aiming to understand the 312–313.
find themselves in an increasingly inferior position. As the seaport for shipment to the textile factories in Great
their workload increases, the value assigned to the work Britain in the mid-1800s. Ships, trains, trucks, airplanes,
they do declines, as does their relative educational status, and now also drones—as well as newspapers, magazines,
not to mention their health and nutrition. radios, televisions, and cell phones—help bring about
radical changes that local peoples often do not want and
Most anthropologists, based on their fieldwork experi- cannot stop because they are challenged to a degree that
ence, recognize that new roads, harbors, railways, and exceeds their coping capability. Meanwhile, powerful
airstrips impact the earth’s remaining wilderness—such groups with interests in capitalizing on cheap natural
as tropical forests, arid deserts, and Arctic tundra. These and human resources wherever available justify their re-
developments have costs. We opened this chapter with lentless expansion, arguing that modernization is both
a photo of a train station in India. In that country, steel inevitable and good for everyone, in particular for “prim-
railways were first constructed to transport cotton to itive” and “underdeveloped” peoples who ought to be
given opportunities to prosper and become wealthy just resources. Unfortunately, despite rosy predictions about a
like themselves. For a serious look at the consequences better future, hundreds of millions of people in our world
of these changes, see the Biocultural Connection feature. remain trapped in a wretched reality, struggling against
This worldview overlooks the fact that the standard poverty, hunger, poor health, and other dangers. In the
of living for the middle and upper classes in wealthy or next and final chapter of this book, we further explore the
industrialized countries is based on a consumption rate of underlying structures and deeper causes of these problems
nonrenewable resources whereby a small fraction of the and look at the role anthropology can and does play in
world’s population uses the vast majority of these natural helping to meet these challenges.
Why and how do cultural systems change? firsthand contact with a more powerful society. It may
occur as a result of military conquest, political and
✓ Stability may be a striking feature of many traditional economic expansion, or the substantial influx of
cultures, but all cultures are capable of adapting to dominant newcomers.
changing conditions—climatic, economic, political, or
ideological. ✓ Ethnocide is the violent eradication of an ethnic
group’s collective cultural identity as a distinctive
✓ Dynamic processes involved in cultural change include people. It occurs when a dominant society deliberately
accidental discoveries, deliberate inventions to solve sets out to destroy another society’s cultural heritage.
some perceived problem, and borrowing from other Among many examples is the experience of Ya̜nomami
peoples who introduce—or force—new commodities, Indians of the Amazon forest in Brazil and Venezuela.
technologies, and practices.
✓ Progress is a relative term that implies improvement as What is directed change?

defined by the people who benefit from the changes. ✓ Although the process of acculturation often unfolds
without planning, powerful elites may devise and
What are the mechanisms of voluntary enforce programs of cultural change, directing immigrant
cultural change? or subordinated groups into learning and accepting a
dominant society’s cultural beliefs and practices.
✓ Major mechanisms involved in voluntary cultural
change are innovation, diffusion, and cultural loss. ✓ Applied anthropology—the application of
anthropological insights and methods to solving
✓ Innovation is any new idea, method, or device that gains
practical problems—arose as anthropologists sought to
widespread acceptance in society. A primary innovation is
provide colonial administrators with a better
the creation, invention, or discovery of a new idea,
understanding of native cultures, either to better
method, or device. A secondary innovation is a deliberate
control them or to avoid their serious disruption.
application or modification of these innovations.
✓ An alternative type of practical anthropology emerged
✓ A culture’s internal dynamics may encourage certain
in the latter 20th century. Known by various names
innovative tendencies while discouraging others. Force
including action anthropology, it involves community-
of habit may obstruct the acceptance of an innovation.
based research and action in collaboration with
✓ Diffusion, the spread of certain ideas, customs, or indigenous societies, ethnic minorities, and other
practices from one culture to another, may account for besieged or repressed groups. A serious ethical issue for
up to 90 percent of a culture’s content. Many domestic applied anthropologists is how far they should go in
food plants developed by American Indians spread trying to change the ways of other peoples.
around the world, including corn, also known as
maize. Typically, people borrow only those cultural How do people react to repressive change?
elements that are compatible with their own.
✓ Some have retreated to inaccessible places in hopes of
✓ Cultural loss involves the abandonment of some being left alone, whereas others have lapsed into apathy.
practice or trait.
✓ Some, like the Trobriand Islanders, have reasserted
their traditional culture’s values by modifying foreign
What is repressive change? practices to conform to indigenous values, a
✓ Frequently, one group forces changes upon another, phenomenon known as syncretism.
usually in the course of conquest and colonialism.
✓ If a culture’s values are widely out of step with the
✓ Acculturation is the massive cultural change that reality of their daily lives, revitalization movements
occurs in a society when it experiences intensive may arise.
627
✓ One example of a revitalization movement is the cargo cultural characteristics common to Western industrial
cult (especially noted in Melanesia in the southwest societies.
Pacific) in reaction to disruptive contact with Western
✓ The process of modernization consists of five
capitalism. A more recent example is the indigenous
subprocesses: technological development, agricultural
revitalization movement in Bolivia, led by the
development, urbanization, industrialization, and
country’s Aymara Indian president, Evo Morales.
telecommunication. Other changes follow in the areas
✓ When the scale of discontent within a society is high, of political organization, education, social
violent reaction such as rebellion or insurgency organization, and religion. As traditional beliefs and
(organized armed resistance to the established practices are undermined, secularization may rise.
government or authority in power) is likely. And if the
✓ Self-determination is deeply valued by traditional
level of dissatisfaction rises even higher, it may lead to
cultures feeling the impact of modernization and other
revolution—a radical change in a society or culture. In
cultural changes.
the political arena, revolution refers to the forced
overthrow of an existing government and the ✓ Attempting to claim self-determination does not
establishment of a new one. guarantee success. Sámi reindeer herders living in
northern Scandinavia discovered this when they
What are modernization and adopted snowmobiles and faced a dramatic decline in
self-determination? the size of their herds. In contrast, Shuar Indians in the
Amazon who subsisted on wild game and forest
✓ Modernization refers to an all-encompassing and global gardens increased their social and economic security
process of political and socioeconomic change, when they turned to raising cattle as a means of
whereby developing societies acquire some of the securing legal title to their lands.
1. When societies are swept up in the processes of 3. Globalization radically challenges most of us to adjust
modernization—whether they involve changes in at an ever-faster pace within increasingly complex
transportation, agriculture, industrialization, or transnational settings. Do you feel that these changes
telecommunication—all levels of their cultural systems are good for everyone?
are affected. How do you envision the long-term 4. When hearing or reading about insurgencies or violent
consequences of humanity’s ever-expanding dependence uprisings in the news, have you ever wondered why
on the conveniences offered by these changes? people are willing to risk their lives to bring about
2. Do you think that ecocide and ethnocide are inevitable change? What do you think accounts for that level of
in economic development and modernization processes commitment?
across the globe? If so, why? If not, what makes you
think so?
Life Without Imports
In this chapter we discussed diffusion and the fact inventory of your own family’s habits and identify
that as much as 90 percent of any culture’s content how many things you eat, drink, wear, or use that
is borrowed. Imagine a political revolution in which are grown or produced in your own country. Next,
the new authorities prohibit the consumption of compare that list with an inventory of similar
any imported goods and also make it a crime to items that were imported. Determine the ratio of
see foreign movies, read foreign literature, or get domestic and foreign commodities and estimate
news from foreign sources of information. Make an the degree of cultural change.
Lou-Foto/Alamy
CHALLENGE ISSUE
For thousands of years, humans have met the challenges of survival by adapting to their nat-
ural environment and transforming it to fit their needs. They turned deserts, forests, swamps,
and mountainsides into pastures, farmlands, and industrial centers, creating opportunities
(and unanticipated challenges) for an ever-growing population. Since the start of the industrial
revolution about two centuries ago, inaugurating what is now known as the Anthropocene,
the human population has expanded from 1 billion to about 7.4 billion—more than half now
living and working in urban areas. With the launching of telecommunication satellites in the
1950s—followed by the Internet in the 1960s, personal computers in the 1970s, and the
World Wide Web in the 1990s—the digital revolution has accelerated the globalization pro-
cess. Spinning webs of interconnectivity, people everywhere are adapting to new media envi-
ronments. Using social media, a few billion humans weave in and out of cyberspace on a daily
basis for work, news, entertainment, politics, and social networking. The population explosion
and technological innovations radically impact all aspects of culture in societies across the
globe—from infrastructure to social structure to worldview. In China, cyber cafés known as
(wangba) can be found in most cities. This is one of hundreds in Beijing, the capital city.
Global Challenges,
Local Responses,
and the Role of
26
Anthropology In this chapter you
will learn to
● Recognize the
significance of the
concept of Anthropocene.
Today, billions of people take it for granted that they can slip into cyberspace and
connect with others regardless of geographic distance thanks to electronic, fiber- ● Determine why the
optic, and digital telecommunication technology. Well over 1,300 operational sat-
development of a
single global culture is
ellites orbit the earth—revolving between about 160 and 35,786 kilometers (99 and
improbable.
22,236 miles) above the ocean surface (Figure 26.1). About half of these are desig-
● Identify the relationship
nated specifically for telecommunication, whereas others serve military, scientific,
between ethnocentrism
and weather forecasting purposes. Also included among these are about 50 global
and xenophobia.
positioning satellites (GPS), orbiting at 16,000 kilometers (9,940 miles) above earth
● Assess the fundamental
(Union of Concerned Scientists, 2015). Wireless telecommunication technology by
role of power in
means of mobile, mass-produced electronic equipment—from laptops to smartphones— structuring societies
fuels globalization in ways unimaginable to most people just three decades ago. and their cultures.
Because industrialization and globalization seem unstoppable, we are com- ● Contrast hard and
pelled to ask: Can the thousands of different societies that have existed for soft power and offer
centuries, if not millennia, maintain their distinctive cultural identities and deal examples of each.
successfully with the multiple challenges hurled at them? Moreover, can our spe- ● Explain why obesity,
cies successfully adapt to the dynamic global ecosystem of the Anthropocene— malnutrition, poverty,
a geological epoch defined by massive environmental changes brought on by hu- and environmental
mans since the industrial revolution?
destruction are evidence
of structural violence.
● Evaluate the Gini index
Cultural Revolutions: From Terra as a tool for measuring
the income disparity gap.
Incognita to Google Earth
● Analyze why globalization
Just five centuries ago, much of the earth was still unmapped terra incognita. That disrupts and reorganizes
does not mean that people had no knowledge of foreign cultures: Long-distance cultures all across
migrations and journeys by traders, raiders, and pilgrims have been part of human the globe, with both
Anthropocene A geological epoch defined by
positive and negative
history for millennia. But these explo-
massive environmental changes brought on by consequences.
rations were not accurately documented humans since the industrial revolution.
629
630 CHAPTER 26 Global Challenges, Local Responses, and the Role of Anthropology
which led to automobiles, followed by airplanes a few

GEO decades later—part of the mass travel and transportation
(Geosynchronous Orbit)
altitude of 35,786 km revolution of the 20th century. That period also brought
(22,236 mi) major innovations in telecommunications technology—
from print media to telegraph, camera, telephone, radio,
MEO television, communications satellites, and the Internet—
(Medium Earth Orbit)
altitude of 2,000 km making it possible to exchange more information with
(1,243 mi) more people faster and over greater distances.
Of note in this fast process of radical cultural change is
the discovery of nuclear fission in the late 1930s. During
World War II (1939–1945), the United States developed
enriched uranium, built the world’s first nuclear reactor to
breed plutonium, and produced the first nuclear weapons.
In 1945, U.S. warplanes dropped atomic bombs on the
citizens of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, forcing the Japanese
enemy into unconditional surrender.
Today, more than thirty countries operate hundreds of
LEO (Low Earth Orbit)
altitude between 160 km nuclear power reactors generating heat and electricity. Of
(99 mi) and 2,000 km these, nine have stockpiled nuclear weapons, collectively
(1,200 mi)
owning an arsenal estimated at about 10,000 warheads
capable of destroying human civilization many times over
© Cengage Learning
(Arms Control Association, 2015). Nuclear energy may

have benefited many societies, but some accidents have
been disastrous. All of these technological inventions have
transformed our natural environments, the ways we hu-
Figure 26.1 How Crowded Is It Up There? mans live—and how we perceive our place and destiny in
There are 1,300 operational satellites orbiting the earth— the universe. In 1969, American astronauts landed on the
revolving between 160 and 35,786 kilometers (99 and
moon. Three years later, on an aborted lunar trip, they took
22,236 miles) above the ocean surface. About half of these
the first full-view photo of earth (Figure 26.2). This image
are designated specifically for telecommunication, whereas
had a profound impact on humanity, igniting the environ-
others serve military, scientific, and weather forecasting
mental movement and the idea of “One Earth, One World.”
purposes. Also included among these are about 50 global
positioning satellites (GPS).
and summarized in a comprehensive format. And so it was

that Norse voyages to Canada’s northeast coast more than a
thousand years ago and Chinese naval expeditions (equipped
with compass) to eastern Africa in the early 1400s had little
or no impact on our geographic understanding of the world.
This changed soon after Christopher Columbus first
crossed the Atlantic Ocean in 1492 and Ferdinand Magellan’s
expedition completed the first circumnavigation of the globe
in 1522. News of their discoveries of foreign lands, peoples,
and natural resources spread quickly by means of the
recently invented movable-type printing press. Geographic
information improved, and cartographers began printing
more accurate maps, leading to the publication of the first
NASA Johnson Space Center
world atlas in 1570. Not long afterward, observational astron-

omy verified that the earth is not the center of the universe.
Just over two centuries ago, the invention of steam en-
gines and other machinery launched the industrial revolu-
tion, with large-scale factory production and an expanding
transportation network of steam-powered trains and ships. Figure 26.2 First Full-View Photo of Earth
The invention of electrical generators and the incandescent This famous “Blue Marble” shot represents the first photograph
lightbulb in the mid-1800s radically transformed patterns in which our planet is in full view. The crew took the picture on
of human behavior within a few generations. The speed of December 7, 1972, as Apollo 17 left earth’s orbit for the moon.
change accelerated with the introduction of gasoline- or With the sun at their backs, the crew had a perfectly lit view of
petrol-fueled internal combustion engines in the 1870s, the blue planet.
Cultural Revolutions: From Terra Incognita to Google Earth 631
About a dozen years before this photograph was taken,

the United States had secretly launched its first strategic
A Global Culture?
reconnaissance satellite for photographic surveillance The ever-growing interconnectedness of our species—
of the earth’s surface. During the Cold War with Russia evident in the global flow of humans, their products, and
and its communist allies (1947–1989), technological im- their ideas made possible by modern mass transportation
provements led to an eye-in-the-sky investigation system. and telecommunications media—has resulted in many
Specializing in geospatial data visualization applications, external similarities across cultures. This has spawned
a CIA-funded company created EarthViewer 3D in 2001. speculations that humanity’s future will feature a single
Three years later, Google, a U.S.-based megacorporation homogenous global culture.
providing Internet-related products and services, acquired Certainly, it is striking—the extent to which such
the technology that made this virtual globe, map, and items as Western-style fast food, soft drinks, clothing,
geographic information program commercially available music, and movies have spread to virtually all parts of the
to the public. globe. Among many examples is the U.S.-based global cor-
Today, we inhabit a planet that is under constant poration McDonald’s—the world’s largest fast-food chain.
surveillance from satellites relentlessly orbiting high With 36,000 restaurants in more than 100 countries,
above us. We now find it normal that we can download McDonald’s serves close to 70 million customers a day
detailed photographs of almost any spot on earth— (McDonald’s, 2015) (Figure 26.3). Famous for its Big Mac
and that such images make it possible to track radical hamburger, it has become emblematic of what is often
changes in our world’s natural environments, from mas- perceived as the homogenization of the world’s different
sive deforestation to garbage dumping, air pollution, and cultures in the age of globalization, sometimes referred to
urbanization. as the “McDonaldization” of societies (Ritzer, 1983).
Patrick Baz/AFP/Getty Images
Figure 26.3 McDonald’s, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia

A U.S.-based company founded in 1955, McDonald’s is the leading global food service
retailer with more than 36,000 restaurants in more than 100 countries. Its Golden Arches
have become an internationally recognized symbol for fast-service fries, chicken, hamburgers,
salads, and milkshakes. Many of these restaurants are franchises owned and operated by local
businesspeople who are members of the same society as most of their customers. Success
depends not only on quality fast food and quick service, but also on respecting cultural food
taboos. In India, home to nearly a billion Hindus who obey a taboo on beef, the Big Mac is made
with lamb or chicken and is known as a Maharaja Mac. Beef burgers are not a problem in Saudi
Arabia, where the first McDonald’s franchise opened in 1993. Operated by Arab Muslims, there
are now about 100 McDonald’s in that nation, including this one in the capital city of Riyadh,
where men and women are gender segregated in different lines and dining areas.
Yet, as we look at reactionary movements—including of international cooperation, the world’s most powerful
the rise of religious fundamentalism, nationalism, and states instituted the World Bank and the International
ethnic identity politics around the world—the forecast Monetary Fund in 1944. To prevent perpetual war, they
of a single global culture appears unrealistic. If a sin- also formed the United Nations (UN) in 1945, soon fol-
gle homogenous global culture is not in the making, lowed by a number of global nongovernmental organi-
what is? zations (NGOs), such as the World Health Organization
(WHO). Likewise, global humanitarian aid organizations
formed, such as Amnesty International and Doctors
Global Integration Processes Without Borders.
For more than a century now, integration processes have In addition, countries all around the world have
been pursued on a worldwide scale, albeit with mixed developed mass tourism industries that connect people in
success. One of the first international organizations was other ways. Tourism is a $1.25 trillion industry in which
the Red Cross, followed by the international Olympic more than 1 billion international tourists travel each year
Games (Figure 26.4). The need for global integration (United Nations World Tourism Organization, 2015).
became all the more urgent in the wake of the Second Such global integration mechanisms connect people
World War, which ended with atomic bombs and re- all around the world, and they play a constructive role in
sulted in the ruination of hundreds of cities and the maintaining a world system. Notably, however, they do
deaths of 55 million people. Recognizing the urgency not produce a global transnational culture.
ZUMA Press, Inc./Alamy Stock Photo
Figure 26.4 2014 Winter Olympics, Sochi, Russia

The Olympics are unique among the many strands in today’s global web. Inspired by the ancient
Greek sporting event held at Olympia 2,000 years ago, the games have become a global spectacle,
with thousands of athletes from all around the world competing in a different country every four
years. In today’s world—where powerful states have conquered and destroyed many smaller nations
and tens of millions have been killed in warfare worldwide—this global sports gathering is a crucial
ritual, celebrating international peace in a friendly rivalry for medals and prestige.
Pluralistic Societies and Multiculturalism 633
Pluralistic Societies unique cultural heritage and emphasizing differences with

neighboring groups. This devolution inclination is evident
and Multiculturalism in numerous nationalist movements today—including
separatist movements of the Karen in Myanmar and the
As described in the chapter on politics, ethnic groups or Kurds in Turkey, Syria, and Iraq. In Mexico, the Maya
nations have organized as independent states for about continue to seek greater political self-determination on
5,000 years. Many expanded—often by means of mili- their tribal territories. Similar movements by indigenous
tary conquest—and as republics, kingdoms, or empires nations objecting to their subordinated status as internal
engaged in nation-building projects, pressing subjects or colonies also occur in many other countries, including
allied peoples into cultural assimilation. Other neighbor- Canada and the United States.
ing ethnic groups joined together, confederating into one When states with extensive territories lack adequate
political union or territorial state. In such pluralistic societ
societ- transportation and communication networks or major
ies, each member group maintains its distinctive language unifying cultural forces (such as a common religion or
and cultural heritage. national language), it is more likely that separatist inten-
Today, there are a number of other forms of political tions will be realized. One recent example is the political
integration among neighboring ethnic groups, such as breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991 into about a dozen
the twenty-eight member states that comprise the Euro- independent republics—Russia, Armenia, Belarus, Esto-
pean Union. These countries achieved this unification nia, Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia, among others. Since
despite the hindrances of linguistic differences, distinctive then, some of these republics have fragmented even fur-
cultural traditions, bureaucratic red tape, and economic ther. For example, in 2008, two of Georgia’s ethnically dis-
disparities. tinct regions (South Ossetia and Abkhazia) officially split
One way of curbing divisive pressures inherent in after years of separatist pressure. And in 2013, Ukraine’s
pluralistic societies is to officially adopt a public policy of predominantly ethnic Russian Crimean Peninsula region
multiculturalism based on mutual respect and tolerance broke away and was annexed by Russia.
for cultural differences. In contrast to state policies of as- Among examples from other corners of the world,
similation in which a dominant ethnic group uses its power Sudan in northeastern Africa officially split along an
to impose its own culture as the standard, policies of multi- ethnic, religious, and geographic fault line in 2011, pro-
culturalism assert the value of different cultures coexisting ducing international recognition of the Republic of South
within a country. They call upon citizens from all ethnic Sudan as the 193rd member state of the United Nations.
groups to accept the rights of others to freely express their Since then, fierce fighting between two major ethnic
views and values. An example of long-established multicul- groups there (the Dinka and the Nuer) indicates that there
turalism may be seen in states such as Switzerland, where may be further territorial fragmentation.
peoples speaking German, French, Italian, and Romansh
coexist under the same government. Global Migrations: Migrants,
Cultural pluralism is more common than multicul- Transnationals, and Refugees
turalism, but several multi-ethnic countries are reevalu- Throughout history, challenges such as famine, poverty,
ating their cultural assimilation policies. One example is and violent intimidation by dangerous neighbors have
the United States, which now has over 120 different eth- forced people to move—often scattering members of
nic groups within its borders, in addition to hundreds of threatened ethnic groups. People also move for other
federally recognized American Indian groups. Another is reasons, including economic opportunity and political or
Australia with over a hundred ethnic groups and eighty religious freedom. Whether forced or free, migration—
languages spoken within its territorial boundaries. Many mobility in geographic space, involving temporary or
European countries are engaged in similar public debates, permanent change in usual place of residence—has always
as many millions of foreign immigrants have settled there had a significant effect on world social geography; it has
during the past few decades. contributed to cultural change and development, to the
diffusion of ideas and innovations, and to the complex
mixture of peoples and cultures found in the world today.
Pluralistic Societies Internal migration occurs when people move within the
boundaries of their country, shifting their usual residence
and Fragmentation
Pluralistic societies, in virtually all parts of the world, multiculturalism The public policy for managing cultural diversity in a
show a tendency to fragment, usually along major lin- multi-ethnic society, officially stressing mutual respect and tolerance for
cultural differences within a country’s borders.
guistic, religious, or ethno-nationalist divisions. Because
migration Mobility in geographic space, involving temporary or
of this trend, some predict a world in which ethnic groups
permanent change in usual place of residence. Internal migration is
will become increasingly nationalistic rather than united movement within countries; external migration is movement to a foreign
in response to globalization, each group stressing its country.
from one region to another. Typically, migrants leave their IDPs seek shelter within their home countries. Most are
farms, villages, and small towns in the rural backlands struggling in makeshift camps where they cannot make a
and move to cities to find greater economic opportunity, living. According to the United Nation’s Refugee Agency,
escape from poverty and starvation, and possibly avoid “Globally, one in every 122 humans is now either a ref-
armed conflict in their home region. External migration is ugee, internally displaced, or seeking asylum. If this were
movement from one country to another. Such migration the population of a country, it would be the world’s 24th
may be voluntary (people seeking better conditions and biggest” (UNHCR, 2015b) (Figure 26.6).
opportunities abroad), but all too often it may be involun-
tary. People who are taken as slaves or prisoners—or who Diasporas and Xenophobia
have been driven from their homelands by war, political Over the past few decades, mass migration across interna-
unrest, religious persecution, or environmental disasters— tional borders has dramatically impacted the ethnic com-
are involuntary migrants. position of affluent societies in Australia, western Europe,
Every year, a few million people migrate to wealthy and North America. For example, today, the number of
countries in search of wage labor and a better future for foreign-born people residing in the United States is close
themselves and their offspring (Figure 26.5). Although to 42 million—about 13 percent of the total population.
most cross international borders as legal immigrants, seek- Just over half come from Latin America, including about
ing work permits and ultimately citizenship in their new 12 million from Mexico alone (Pew Research Center, 2015).
homeland, many migrants are illegal and do not enjoy As the largest and fastest-growing group of immigrants in
crucial rights and benefits. Migrants also include transna- the United States, Latino immigrants are settled primar-
tionals, people who earn their living in one country while ily in California and Texas, where many form Spanish-
remaining citizens of another. speaking ethnic enclaves.
Today, beyond the masses of people who migrate for In addition, the United States is now home to over
work, some 60 million people are refugees or internally 25 million immigrants from Asian countries (such as
displaced persons (IDPs) who have fled their homes due to China and India) and sub-Saharan African countries (such
war. Refugees are those who flee to foreign countries while as Nigeria and Ethiopia). Over the past three decades,
Origin
Destination RUSSIA
POLAND
CANADA
CANADA SLOVAKIA
OVAKIA
OVAKIA
UKRAINE
EUROPE
TURKEY
UNITED
CHINA STA
STA
ATES
TES
INDIA
MORO
MO ROCCO
RO CCO ALGERIA MIDDLE
MEXICO MALI EAST
EA
PHILIPPINES SENEGAL
SENEGAL NIGER PAKI
PAKISTAN
STAN
HONDURA
ONDURAS
ONDURAS CHAD
GHANA
ETHIOPIA
ETHIOPIA
COLOMBIA NIGERIA
INDONESIA
INDONESIA KENYA
KEN
BRAZIL TANZANIA
TA NZANIA
ANGOLA
FIJI BOLIVIA
AUSTRALIA
ARGENTINA
ARGENTINA SOUTH
© Cengage Learning
AFRICA
NEW ZEALAND
Figure 26.5 Migrating for Work

In our globalized world, tens of millions of people have moved across international borders for
better income-earning opportunities. They include farm and meat plant laborers, cleaners, cab
drivers, construction workers, servers in the tourism industry, as well as shopkeepers, nurses,
doctors, engineers, and computer specialists. Not shown here is the international flow of
refugees who are forced to flee to save their lives or preserve their freedom.
Pluralistic Societies and Multiculturalism 635
Oli Scarff/Getty Images

Figure 26.6 World’s Largest Refugee Camp
In the African country of Somalia, extended drought and years of civil war have caused chronic
famine and chased huge numbers of people out of the country. Some 350,000 are stuck in
this vast camp complex in Dadaab, Kenya, near the Somalia border—and at times the numbers
have swelled to nearly 500,000. It was established in 1991 to provide food and shelter for up
to 90,000 refugees fleeing the war, but two decades of ongoing conflict and natural disasters
in Somalia have generated a continuous flow of Somalis into the camp, requiring the creation of
numerous extensions, including this one set up to shelter 5,000 people. Now housing almost five
times the number for which it was originally built, the Dadaab camp is jammed, and resources are
inadequate. Moreover, situated on a floodplain, it is inaccessible for extended periods during the
rainy season, making the delivery of life-saving food, water, and healthcare unreliable.
the number of African immigrants self-identifying Turkish relatives entering the country. Even after several
as “black” has rapidly increased from 65,000 to more decades in Germany, many German Turks do not possess
than 1.1 million—and that figure continues to grow. citizenship and have not become culturally integrated into
Black immigrants from the Caribbean now number German society. Turkish, spoken by Germany’s largest eth-
1.7 million, but their rate of increase is slowing down. nic minority, has become that country’s second language.
Collectively, these many millions of new immigrants As a result of the Syrian civil war that began in 2012, about
contribute to the ever-changing multicultural fabric of a million refugees from the West Asian conflict zone are
U.S. society (Capps, McCabe, & Fix, 2011). also expected to settle in Germany, thus adding to the
Meanwhile, on the other side of the Atlantic, almost growing ethnic complexity of that country.
20 percent (about 12 million) of the people living in Confronted with millions of foreign immigrants,
France today are foreign-born immigrants and their off- Europe’s native-born or autochthonous (from the Greek
spring, primarily originating from former colonial ter- auto, “self,” and khthon, “soil”) populations are currently
ritories in West Africa and Southeast Asia. Islam is now wrestling with their national identities in a period of rapid
the second-largest religion in France with about 6 million change. With their concerns compounded by economic
adherents. insecurity, social tensions are on the rise, and so are rac-
About 3.5 million people of Turkish origin now reside ism and ethnic intolerance, directed especially against
in western Germany, not counting a few million other for- foreign-born Muslims who do not assimilate.
eign-born immigrants and their offspring. Initially needed In their diaspora (from the Greek daspeirein, “dis-
for cheap, unskilled labor, Turks were hired as “guest work- perse”), migrants and refugees often face great challenges
ers” in highly industrialized urban areas. Because most of as poor newcomers to host societies. Moving into areas
them remained, the authorities instituted a family reunifi- traditionally inhabited by other ethnic groups, they may
cation policy, which resulted in hundreds of thousands of face hostile opposition, especially when they compete for
new countries, those who remain

trapped in their troubled lands of
origin often face worse challenges:
malnutrition, hunger, chronic dis-
ease, and violence. For solace and
support, many newcomers form or
join communities of people who
have come from the same part of the
world. Also, modern transportation,
telecommunication technology, and
electronic cash transfers make it pos-
sible for diasporic communities all
across the globe to interact with rel-
atives and friends who have settled
elsewhere, as well as with their coun-
try of origin. Today, most migrants
reach across the miles to loved ones,
sharing news as well as emotional
and financial support. Worldwide,
electronic transfers to developing
AP Images
countries total about $440 billion
per year (World Bank, 2015a).
Figure 26.7 Migrants on the Run
Bengali Muslims—newcomers to villages in India’s northeast state of Assam—leave their Migrants, Urbanization,
homes following ethnic clashes with the indigenous Bodos in which many people were and Slums
killed and dozens of homes were burned to the ground. Government troops sent to quell Most migrants are poor and begin
communal clashes over land rights were ordered to shoot suspected rioters on sight. their new lives in expanding urban
areas. During the past fifty years, the
scarce resources, pose a threat to security, or are otherwise world’s urban population has more than tripled. Today,
unwelcome as newcomers. As such, they may be targeted for the first time in world history, close to half of our
for a hate-mongering campaign. Such xenophobia—fear species now resides in urban areas—over 3.5 billion peo-
or hatred of strangers or anything foreign—is especially ple. Just two centuries ago, at the start of the industrial
inflammatory in times of economic uncertainty when revolution, only about 3 percent of the world’s population
health and well-being are threatened and social tensions lived in cities.
rise. Under such circumstances, space for intercultural tol- Until 1950, the largest city in the world was London.
erance narrows, social boundaries become more sharply Although briefly overtaken by New York, the current ur-
defined, and ethnic differences are emphasized over hu- ban frontrunner has long been Tokyo, now counting 38
man commonalities. million inhabitants. In fact, the 10 largest cities in the
Sometimes, attitudes toward migrant laborers and world are all in Asia, except for New York (now dropped
recent immigrants grow so intensely negative that it does to 8th place). Cities have grown not only in size but also
not take much to ignite brutal violence. Such outbreaks in number. Today, there are almost 500 cities with pop-
are all too common in many countries, including South ulations exceeding 1 million. Of these more than 25 are
Africa and India. In the summer of 2012, for example, megacities, each with populations over 10 million. Urban
xenophobia erupted into interethnic violence in Assam, areas are gaining about 67 million people per year—
northeast India, as the Bodos, an indigenous Buddhist about 1.3 million every week. As the global population
mountain people, clashed with Bengali-speaking Muslim grows, the number of big cities will increase substantially,
immigrants over scarce farmland. Within a few weeks, with the majority located in coastal areas of developing
dozens of people from both sides had been killed, and countries.
many more were wounded. Nearly 400 settlements in Historically, cities grow primarily as a result of migra-
disputed areas were abandoned, as about 400,000 Bengalis tion by masses of people escaping rural poverty or seek-
packed up what they could carry and fled. This population ing economic opportunity. Many of these migrants have
is now dispersed in 270 refugee camps (Figure 26.7). little or no education, lack technical skills, and have just
Although migrants frequently experience hostility, one way to earn a living: selling their labor power on
hardship, disappointment, and sometimes failure in their the lowest rung of the economic ladder. Expectations
crushed by harsh reality, and far away from their home
xenophobia Fear or hatred of strangers or anything foreign. regions, migrants often find themselves condemned
Structural Power in the Age of Globalization 637
© Francis R. Malasig/epa/Corbis
Figure 26.8 Slum in Manila
Half of the inhabitants of Manila, the capital of the Philippines, live in slums such as this.
to a life in squalor in crowded shantytowns or slums,

with limited access to clean water, waste disposal, and
Structural Power in the
electricity.
One of the main concentrations of urban poor on the
Age of Globalization
planet today can be found in Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial How did our species manage to construct such a world—
capital and now Africa’s largest city. In just four decades, so interconnected and so unfairly arranged between mil-
its population has exploded from less than 1.4 million lions of have-lots and billions of have-nots? Part of the
in 1970 to perhaps 21 million today. Unable to manage explanation, most scholars will agree, lies in a new form of
the enormous influx of migrants and their offspring, the expansive international capitalism that has emerged since
city now features huge overcrowded slums where two- the mid-1900s. Operating under the banner of globaliza-
thirds of the city’s inhabitants reside. Lagos is not unique: tion, it builds on earlier cultural structures of worldwide
Unplanned, makeshift, urban squatter settlements are trade networks, and it is the successor to a system of colo-
burgeoning around the globe. For instance, about half of nialism in which a handful of powerful, mainly European,
the 11 million inhabitants of Manila, capital of the Phil- capitalist states ruled and exploited foreign nations inhab-
ippines, now live in slums (Figure 26.8). iting distant territories.
Worldwide, about 1 billion people currently reside Enormously complex and turbulent, globalization is a
in slums, and the number is rapidly growing. About dynamically structured process in which individuals, busi-
60 percent of these slum-dwellers live in Asia, 20 percent ness corporations, and political institutions actively rear-
in Africa, 13 percent in Latin America and the Caribbean, range and restructure the political and economic field to
and only 6 percent in Europe. In sub-Saharan Africa, their own competitive advantage, vying for increasingly
72 percent of the urban population lives in slums— scarce natural resources, cheap labor, new commercial
a higher proportion than anywhere else in the world markets, and ever-larger profits. This restructuring occurs
(Birch & Wachter, 2011; United Nations Human Settle- in a world-encompassing arena and requires a great deal
ments Programme, 2003). of power. As earlier discussed in the chapter on politics,
Figure 26.9 Global Military Percentage of Global Military Spending by Country in Billions of Dollars
Spending by Country
Others 20% ($349 billion)
In 2014, world military spending
reached nearly $1.78 trillion, with
Turkey 1.3% ($23 billion)
T
the United States accounting for
more than 34 percent of the total. United Arab Emirates 1.3%
United States 34.3%
(Expenditures are rounded to the ($23 billion)
($610 billion)
nearest billion.) Australia 1.4% ($25 billion)
Source: Stockholm International Peace
Italy 1.7% ($31 billion)
Research Institute, 2015.
Brazil 1.8% ($32 billion)
South Korea 2.1% ($37 billion)
Japan 2.6% ($46 billion)
Germany 2.6% ($47 billion)
India 2.8% ($50 billion) People’s Republic of
© Cengage Learning
United Kingdom 3.4% ($61 billion) China 12.2% ($216 billion)
France 3.5% ($62 billion) Russia 4.8% ($85 billion)

Saudi Arabia 4.5% ($81 billion)
power refers to the ability of individuals or groups to im- about 34 percent of the $1.78 trillion spent on arms world-
pose their will upon others and make them do things even wide (Figure 26.9).
against their own wants or wishes. Worldwide, nine states have nuclear-weapon capabil-
Here we are concerned with structural power— ity: China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the
macro-level power that manages or restructures political United States, as well as Israel, India, Pakistan, and North
and economic relations within and among societies while Korea. Of these, Russia and the United States have by far
simultaneously shaping or changing people’s ideology the largest nuclear arsenals at their disposal. The United
(ideas, beliefs, and values) (Wolf, 1999a); it is a compound States possesses just over 4,700 operational warheads,
of hard power and soft power. In contrast to hard power, compared to Russia’s 4,500. In addition, these two coun-
which coerces by military force and/or financial pressure, tries have, respectively, 3,200 and 2,340 retired warheads
soft power coopts or manipulates, skillfully pressing peo- that are still intact but awaiting dismantlement (Arms
ple through attraction and persuasion to change their ide- Control Association, 2015).
ology (ideas, beliefs, and values). Propaganda is a form of In addition to military might, hard power involves
soft power, although the exercise of ideological influence using finance capital as a political instrument of coercion
(the global struggle for hearts and minds) also operates or intimidation in the global structuring process, capable
through more subtle means, such as foreign aid, inter- of forcing less powerful states to weaken the systems pro-
national diplomacy, news media, sports, entertainment, tecting their workers, natural resources, and local markets.
museum exhibits, and academic exchanges (Nye, 2002). The world’s wealthiest and most powerful countries—
including the United States, Russia, China, Japan, Germany,
Britain, and France—have repeatedly threatened or actually
Military Hard Power used the levers of structural power to impose changes on
a foreign political landscape by means of trade embargos,
Today, the United States has more hard power at its disposal
armed interventions, or full-scale invasions.
than any of its allies or rivals worldwide. It is the global
Home to more global corporations than any other
leader in military expenditure, spending $610 billion in
country, the United States endeavors to protect its inter-
2014, followed by China ($216 billion). As the world’s still
ests by investing in what it refers to as “free trade” as well
dominant superpower, the United States is responsible for
as a “global security environment.” However, through
maneuvering toward this strategic objective, the nuclear-
armed superpower often confronts opposition from
structural power Macro-level power that manages or restructures
political and economic relations within and among societies while
(potentially) hostile rivals such as Russia and, increasingly,
simultaneously shaping or changing people’s ideology (ideas, beliefs, and China, contesting its ambitions for worldwide supremacy.
values); a compound of hard power and soft power. Numerous other countries, unable to afford expensive
hard power Macro-level power that manages or restructures economic weapons systems or blocked from developing or acquir-
and political relations and coerces by military force and/or financial
ing them, have invested in biological or chemical weap-
pressure.
onry. Still others, including relatively powerless political
soft power Macro-level power that coopts or manipulates, skillfully
pressing people through attraction and persuasion to shape or change groups, have resorted to insurgencies, guerrilla tactics,
their ideology (ideas, beliefs, and values). or terrorism.
Structural Power in the Age of Globalization 639
Economic Hard Power So great is the power of large businesses operating all
across the globe that they increasingly thwart the wishes
Global corporations, rare before the latter half of the 20th of national governments or international organizations
century, now are a far-reaching economic and political such as the United Nations and the International Court of
force in the world. Modern-day business giants such as Justice. Because megacorporations restrict information about
Shell, Toyota, and General Electric are actually clusters their operations, it can be difficult for governments to make
of several corporations joined by ties of common owner- informed policy decisions. For example, regulating today’s
ship and responsive to a common management strategy. global pharmaceutical industry is all but impossible, not just
Usually tightly controlled by a head office in one country, because of complex cross-border business arrangements, but
transnational megacorporations organize and integrate also because of fraud, including sales of counterfeit prescrip-
production across the international boundaries of different tion drugs, some of which are harmful and even lethal. For
countries for interests formulated in corporate boardrooms, example some 200,000 die annually due to fake and sub-
regardless of whether these are consistent with the interests standard malaria drugs alone (Goldacre, 2013; Moran, 2013).
of people in the countries in which they operate. Each Beyond this information problem, global corporations
of the world’s top ten business giants currently generates have repeatedly shown they can overrule foreign policy
annual revenues well over $200 billion, and four of them decisions. This raises the issue of whether the global
top the $400 billion mark (Fortune, 2015) (Figure 26.10). arena should be controlled by immense powerful private
Annual GDPs of Selected Countries Compared to Revenues of Major Global Corporations, in Billions of Dollars
COUNTRY or GDP or
CORPORATION (Headquarters) Revenues
WALMART (United States) $486

THAILAND $405
SINOPEC (China) $447
DENMARK $342
ROYAL DUTCH SHELL (Netherlands
(Netherlands)) $431
PAKISTAN $244
CHINA NAT'L PETROLEUM (China) $429
IRAQ $224
EXXONMOBIL (United States) $383

PERU $203
BRITISH PETROLEUM (United Kingdom) $359
KUWAIT $164
STATE GRID (China) $339
HUNGARY $138
VOLKSWAGEN (Germany
(Germany)) $269
MOROCCO $110
TOYOTA (Japan) $248
© Cengage Learning
KENYA $61
GLENCORE (Switzerland) $221
Figure 26.10 GDPs of Selected Countries and Revenues of Global Corporations

In today’s consumer-driven world, it is not uncommon for the yearly revenues of large multinational
corporations to equal and even exceed the total value of all goods and services produced within
many countries per year, known as a country’s gross domestic product (GDP). This graph shows the
annual GDPs of selected countries alongside the annual revenues of leading global corporations.
Notably, revenues of each of the top four corporations exceeded the GDPs of 162 of the world’s
195 countries. Not shown here are the countries with the highest and lowest GDPs. Nearly half
have GDPs under $20 billion, and 20 fall below $1 billion. Only 14 countries surpass $1 trillion,
including the United States at more than $15 trillion, with China in second place at over $6 trillion.
Note that GDP says nothing about the unequal distribution of wealth within a country.
Sources: Based on Fortune’s “Global 500” list of corporate revenues (2015) and the World Bank, World Development
Indicators (2016).
corporations interested only in financial profits. According

to a study that diagrammed the interrelationships of more
than 43,000 corporations, 147 companies control nearly
40 percent of the monetary value of all transnational
corporations. Of the top 50 of these companies, most are
involved in banking, financial services, and insurance
(Ehrenberg, 2011; Vitali, Glattfelder, & Battiston, 2011).
With production, trading, and banking operations on
a global scale, the breakdown in one part of the system
may trigger a worldwide chain reaction of failures. This
is what occurred with the global financial crisis in 2008,
sparked by the bankruptcy of a handful of mismanaged
Wall Street firms—a crisis with worldwide ramifications
not yet resolved.
Globalization does more than create a worldwide
arena in which megacorporations reap megaprofits. It also
wreaks havoc in many traditional cultures, destroying
their natural habitats and disrupting their long-established
social organization.
Soft Power: A Global Media

Environment
In addition to reliance on military and economic hard power
in the global quest for dominance and profit, competing
states and corporations utilize the ideological persuasion
of soft power transmitted through information technology. Figure 26.11 Global Branding
One of the major tasks of soft power is to sell the general The poorest people in the world often wear clothing discarded by
idea of globalization as something positive and progressive those who are better off—and people from all walks of life can
(as “freedom,” “free trade,” “free market”) and to frame or be found wearing clothes with corporate logos, as demonstrated
brand anything that opposes capitalism in negative terms. by this Maká Indian woman in Paraguay. The power wielded by big
Global mass media corporations, for example, possess business (such as the Disney media corporation) is illustrated by
enormous soft power. They produce and distribute news the fact that corporations influence consumers to pay for clothing
and other information through transnational cable and and countless other goods that advertise corporate products.
satellite networks, as well as websites. These media giants
not only report news but also select the visual imagery Owned and controlled by large corporations, social
and determine what to stress or repress. By means of their media are used for a vast range of purposes—from product
tremendous soft power, these corporations influence pub- advertising to evangelizing, from fund-raising to popular
lic perception and action (“hearts and minds”). entertainment, from connecting with friends and family
The far-reaching capabilities of modern electronic and to rallying support for political action. But they are not
digital technologies have led to the creation of a global me- free. For corporations, banks, and governments, social
dia environment that plays a major role in how individuals media tools are a means of harnessing soft power for pur-
and even societies view themselves and their place in the poses of influencing public opinion, moving capital, sell-
world. The global flow of information made possible by ing music, or gaining prestige. As such, these instruments
fiber-optic cables, cell towers, and communication satel- can be (and are) manipulated for propaganda, public
lites orbiting the earth is almost entirely digital-electronic, opinion making, government surveillance, personal data
taking place in a new boundless cultural space that has mining, and deception for political and military purposes.
been called a “global mediascape” (Appadurai, 1990). That brings us to the subject of structural violence.
In recent years, the power of corporations has become
all the greater through media expansion. Over the past two
decades, a global commercial media system has developed,
dominated by a few megacorporations (such as Comcast, Dis-
Problems of Structural
ney, Facebook, and Google), most based in the United States.
Control of television, Internet, and other media, as well as
Violence
the advertising industry, gives global corporations enormous Structural power and its associated concepts of hard and
influence on the ideas and behavior of hundreds of millions soft power enable us to better understand the regional, na-
of ordinary people across the world (Figure 26.11). tional, as well as global arena in which local communities
Problems of Structural Violence 641
ASIA
NORTH
AMERICA EUROPE
Atlantic
Pacific
Ocean
Ocean
AFRICA
Pacific
Ocean
Indian
Ocean
SOUTH
AMERICA AUSTRALIA
Gini Index

(Income equality = 0)
25–30 40–45 55–60
30–35 45–50 60–66
35–40 50–55 No data
Figure 26.12 Gini Income Equality Index

The Gini index ranges from 0 to 100, with 0 corresponding to perfect equality (everyone has the
same income) and 100 corresponding to perfect inequality (one person has all the income, and
everyone else has zero income). Today China and the United States have similar income gaps
(42.1 and 40.8, respectively), Norway has the smallest gap (25.8), and numerous countries in
Africa and Latin America have the greatest income disparity with Gini ratings in the 50s or 60s.
throughout the world are now compelled to operate and the et al., 2008). Notably, these broad-stroke figures fail to
unequal distribution of wealth, health, and power in today’s indicate that some of the world’s poorest countries have
world. When structural power undermines the well-being of a small number of very rich citizens and that some very
individuals or groups, we speak of structural violence— wealthy countries include many poor inhabitants.
physical and/or psychological harm (including repression, In fact, the income disparity between rich and poor
environmental destruction, poverty, hunger, illness, and pre- within most countries has been widening in recent years—
mature death) caused by impersonal, exploitative, and un- as evident in the Gini income inequality index annually
just social, political, and economic systems (Farmer, 1996). posted by the United Nations. The Gini index ranges
Generally speaking, structural violence concerns the from 0 to 100, with 0 corresponding to perfect equality
impersonal systemic violation of the human rights of (everyone has the same income) and 100 corresponding
individuals and communities to a healthy, peaceful, and to perfect inequality (one person has all the income, and
dignified life. Human rights abuses are nothing new, but everyone else has zero income). For example, in commu-
structural violence and its countless manifestations have nist China, home to about 1.3 billion people, income
intensified due to overpopulation, environmental destruc- disparity has skyrocketed to 42.1—even surpassing that of
tion, and growing inequality in the Anthropocene. the world’s leading capitalist country, the United States,
where the gap has widened to 40.8. Income distribution
Poverty is far more equal in most of Europe, and the smallest rich–
poor gap in the world is in Norway (25.8). Countries with
Earlier we mentioned the more than sevenfold increase of the greatest income inequality are clustered in southern
humans in just eight generations, leading to overpopula- Africa and Latin America where numerous countries have
tion problems, especially in parts of Asia and Africa. This Gini ratings in the 50s or 60s (Figure 26.12).
problem is structurally linked to worldwide differences in
wealth and health. In 1960, the average income for the
structural violence Physical and/or psychological harm (including
twenty wealthiest countries in the world was fifteen times
repression, environmental destruction, poverty, hunger, illness, and
that of the twenty poorest countries. Today, it is about premature death) caused by impersonal, exploitative, and unjust social,
thirty times higher (World Bank, 2015b; see also Davies political, and economic systems.
Anthropologist S. Ann Dunham, Mother of a U.S. President

By Nancy I. Cooper
As our plane descended over the island married an economics student from Kenya, into concern about the welfare of small
of Java, the most spectacular sight of my East Africa. In 1961, she gave birth to his enterprises embedded within larger, more
life came into view: a full-blown eruption namesake, Barack Obama, Jr., who would powerful economic systems.
of Merapi volcano billowing clouds of grow up to be the forty-fourth president of Soon, Ann began working as a con-
ash straight up into the sky. On the lower the United States. The marriage was short- sultant, hired by what became a long
slopes of this exploding “mountain of fire” lived, and Ann became a single parent. list of mostly foreign aid and economic
(gunung api), hundreds of thousands of While studying an-
people would have to flee their homes and thropology, Ann met and
farms. My thoughts were with them—and married Lolo Soetoro, a
Provided by Nancy Cooper, Anthropology Dept., University of Hawaii

with my friend Ann Dunham. She had re- geography student from
searched and worked with rural people in Java. In 1967 she and
this region as an applied anthropologist her young son joined him
before her untimely death at age 52 in in Jakarta, Indonesia’s
1995. I had known her while doing my own capital city. Befriend-
research here on Indonesia’s most popu- ing local boys, “Barry”
lated island. I was returning to meet some happily roamed nearby
of the people she had known. fields among goats and
Stanley Ann Dunham’s life started out water buffalo. Ann gave
ordinary enough in an American working- birth to daughter Maya
class family from Kansas. They lived in and became interested
several states before settling in the eth- in handmade crafts like
nically diverse state of Hawai‘i. As a teen basketry, ceramics, and
Ann thrived there, embracing the common leatherwork, trying her Ann Dunham turns the wheel of an agricultural machine in
humanity in cultural differences. At the Uni- own hand at weaving and Pakistan in 1987.
versity of Hawai‘i in Honolulu, she met and batik. This interest grew
Measured on a global scale, the chasm between have- forty-fourth president of the United States, Barack Obama.
lots and have-nots has reached stratospheric proportions She is featured in this chapter’s Anthropology Applied.
(Oxfam, 2016; World Bank, 2015c):
● The 62 richest people on earth possess nearly
$1.8 trillion—the same amount shared by 3.6 billion Hunger, Obesity, and Malnutrition
people at the bottom half of the world’s income scale.
Today, over a quarter of the world’s countries do not
● Since 2000, the poorest half of the world’s population
produce enough food to feed their populations, and
has received just 1 percent of the total increase in
they cannot afford to import what is needed. World-
global wealth, while half of that increase has gone to
wide, about 800 million people experience chronic
the top 1 percent.
hunger—about 1 out of 9 individuals. Each year, fam-
● Nearly 10 percent of people in the world live on less
ine claims the lives of more than 3 million children
than $1.90 a day.
ages 5 and under, and those who survive it often suffer
These statistics represent a gross inequity that poses physical and mental impairment (Food and Agriculture
a radical challenge for achieving global security and Organization of the United Nations, 2013; World Food
well-being. The situation would be even worse without Programme, 2015).
the efforts of individuals, organizations, and institutions Many of the world’s hungry are victims of structural
dedicated to narrowing the insupportable gap between violence. This is because the increasing rate of starvation
the world’s wealthiest and poorest peoples. Among those is due not only to environmental calamities, but to hu-
was U.S. anthropologist Ann Dunham—the mother of the man actions ranging from warfare to massive job cuts,
development organizations. At the Ford with her anthropological fieldwork, culmi- years earlier. Word spread quickly through
Foundation’s Southeast Asia regional office nated in her 1992 doctoral dissertation on the village of Kajar that Ann’s friend was
in Jakarta, for example, she oversaw grants peasant blacksmithing, published by Duke visiting, and I was greeted warmly. I sat
in the Women and Employment branch and University Press in 2009.a In both words with the family of the late owner of the
collaborated on a study of rural women in and action, Ann argued against Western blacksmithing cooperative featured in Ann’s
the outlying islands of Indonesia. In the modernization theories that insisted that book, swapping stories about her and look-
1980s, as a cottage industries develop- all developing economies must go through ing at photos she had taken of them and
ment consultant with the Agricultural De- the same stages Western capitalist econ- fellow villagers. And I spent long hours vis-
velopment Bank of Pakistan, she arranged omies experienced in order to succeed in iting with blacksmiths as they hammered
credit for low-income handicraft castes in the global market environment. Recognizing hot scrap metal into useful tools.
the Punjab, including blacksmiths. the disturbing effects that rapid moderniza- All too soon it was time to leave. Volcanic
Next, Ann became a research coor coor- tion often has on indigenous populations ash had shut down the airport where I had
dinator (funded by USAID and the World with colonial histories, she refuted such landed, so I left the region by rail. As the
Bank) at Bank Rakyat Indonesia, helping damaging notions and sought ways to solve train pulled away from the station, images
implement a microcredit project for own- the real challenges of emerging economies of blacksmithing and new friends danced
ers of small rural businesses. Today, this with sensitivity and analytical prowess. in my head, along with renewed memories
bank has one of the largest microfinance Ann Dunham’s contributions were for for- of an engaged anthropologist whose work
programs in the world, and microcredit is mally recognized fifteen years after her changed people’s lives for the better.
widely recognized as a significant means death when she was awarded Indonesia’s
of lessening poverty. In between appoint- highest civilian honor. Accepting the prize Written expressly for this text, 2011.
ments, Ann returned to Hawai‘i to settle on behalf of his mother from President
her children in school and continue her Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, President a
Ann died before having an opportunity to
own studies. She also did a brief stint Obama said, “In honoring her, you honor revise her dissertation for publication, as
with Women’s World Banking based in New the spirit that led her to travel into villages she had planned; Alice G. Dewey, her advisor,
York City. throughout the country.” and I, her fellow graduate student, carried
The data Ann and her research teams I felt that spirit as I traveled through it to completion at the request of Ann’s
collected during these years, combined Java’s limestone hills where we had worked daughter Maya.
growing poverty rates, and the collapse of local markets Ironically, although many millions are starving in some
caused by foreign imports. For example, in several sub- parts of the world, many millions of others are overeating—
Saharan African countries plagued by chronic civil strife, literally eating themselves to death. In fact, the number
it has been almost impossible to raise and harvest crops of overfed people now exceeds those who are under-
because hordes of hungry refugees, roaming militias, and fed. According to the World Health Organization, nearly
underpaid soldiers constantly raid the fields. 2 billion adults, 18 years and older, are now overweight
Beyond violent political, ethnic, or religious conflicts worldwide. Of these, about 600 million are obese but still
that uproot families from their traditional food sources, often malnourished in that their diets lack certain nutri-
famine is fueled by a global food production and distribu- ents (World Health Organization, 2015b) (Figure 26.13).
tion system geared to satisfy the demands of the world’s A key ingredient in obesity is the high sugar and fat
most powerful countries. For example, in Africa, Asia, and content of mass-marketed foods. Thus, in Japan, where
Latin America, millions of acres once devoted to subsis- food habits differ significantly from those in the United
tence farming have been given over to raising cash crops States, obesity plagues just over 3 percent of the popula-
for export. This has enriched members of elite social classes tion, compared to the U.S. rate of 35 percent among adults
in these parts of the world, while satisfying the appetites and 17 percent among those ages 2 to 19. In fact, U.S.
of people in developed countries for coffee, tea, chocolate, obesity figures have doubled over the past three decades,
bananas, and beef. Small-scale farmers who used to till the placing it at the top of the obesity chart among wealthy
land for their own food needs have been relocated—either industrialized countries. Obesity rates differ between men
to urban areas, where all too often there is no employment and women, higher and lower income groups, and vari-
for them, or to areas ecologically unsuited for farming. ous ethnic groups. The highest U.S. rate is among African
Marka/Raffaele meucci/Alamy
Alexander Joe/Getty Images

Figure 26.13 Structural Violence and Malnutrition
Today, some 800 million people in the world face chronic hunger. Meanwhile, nearly 2 billion
adults, 18 years and older, are overweight. About 600 million in the latter category are obese
but still malnourished because their diets lack certain essential nutrients. On the left is a
woman on the South Pacific island of Nauru, where about 80 percent of the 14,000 inhabitants
are classified as obese. Their small tropical paradise stripped bare by phosphate mining
companies, these indigenous peoples have become dependent upon imported junk food. Many
are now ill and dying from diabetes and other diseases historically uncommon among Oceanic
peoples. On the right, we see a starving child in the African country of Somalia. Poverty (often
compounded by political conflict) is the main cause of child hunger. Hundreds of millions of
children in developing countries, especially in sub-Saharan Africa, do not get enough protein or
calories and thereby are at high risk for stunted growth, illness, and early death.
American women, half of whom suffer from obesity (Cen- the greatest producers and consumers of energy
energy. Over the
ters for Disease Control and Prevention, 2015). past 200 years, since the beginning of the Anthropocene,
The problem has become a serious concern even in global cultural development has relied on burning increas-
some developing countries, especially where people have ing quantities of fossil fuels (coal, oil, and gas), with dire
switched to a diet based on processed or fast food. The results: Massive deforestation and desertification—along
highest rates of obesity in the world can now be found with severe air, water, and soil pollution—now threaten all
among island nations in the Pacific Ocean, such as Nauru, life on earth.
Fiji, Samoa, and Tonga. Nauru, formerly known as Pleas- In addition, fossil fuel use has dramatically increased
ant Island, tops the list. carbon dioxide levels, trapping more heat in the earth’s
atmosphere. Most atmospheric scientists believe that
the efficiency of the atmosphere in retaining heat—the
Pollution and Global Warming greenhouse effect—is being enhanced by increased car-
Pollution is another key aspect of structural violence brought bon dioxide, methane, and other gases produced by
on by the world’s most powerful countries, which are also industrial and agricultural activities. The result, global
warming, threatens to dramatically alter climates in all Tragically, millions of peasants, herders, fishermen,
parts of the world. and other folk inhabiting the developing countries in
Rising temperatures are causing more and greater Africa (as well as those in Asia and Latin America) find
storms, droughts, and heat waves, devastating popula- themselves paying for the progress enjoyed by societies
tions in vulnerable areas. And if the massive meltdown that have reaped the benefits of industrialization for sev-
of Arctic ice continues, rising sea levels will inundate low eral generations. They now suffer from global-induced
coastal areas worldwide. Entire islands may soon disap- droughts and floods, but they lack the capital to effec-
pear, including thousands of villages and even large cities. tively deal with them.
Experts also predict that global warming will lead to an Today, global CO2 emissions stand at about 35.5 billion
expansion of the geographic ranges of tropical diseases metric tons per year. China has become the top emitter,
and increase the incidence of respiratory illnesses due to mainly due to dramatic and rapid economic growth—and
additional smog caused by warmer temperatures. Also, the fact that it is home to 20 percent of the world’s pop-
they expect an increase in deaths due to heat waves, ulation. There, since 2002, CO2 emissions have jumped
as witnessed in Europe (70,000 deaths in 2003), Russia 150 percent to 10.3 billion metric tons (29 percent of the
(55,000 deaths in 2010), and India (2,500 deaths in 2015) world total). In contrast, the United States, which com-
(IPCC, 2014; Samenow, 2015). prises less than 5 percent of the global population, annu-
Notably, the few wealthy countries (primarily in ally emits 5.3 billion metric tons (15 percent of the global
western Europe and North America) that reaped many total). The European Union is responsible for 10.5 percent
economic benefits from early industrialization and global of all emissions—3.7 billion metric tons. On average, each
trade were responsible for about two-thirds of the atmo- person in the world adds 4.5 metric tons of CO2 a year to
spheric buildup of carbon dioxide (CO2), the major cause the atmosphere. However, this figure varies greatly across
of global warming. By contrast, all of Africa—a continent the globe—from less than 2 tons on the African continent
about the size of Canada, Europe, and the United States, to 7.3 in the European Union, 7.4 in China, and 16.6 in
combined—was responsible for about 3 percent of global the United States (Olivier et al., 2014; Sivak & Shoettle,
CO2 emissions in the past hundred years. 2012) (Figure 26.14).
Figure 26.14 Global Energy Consumption

North Americans have long been among the world’s highest energy consumers, contributing
significantly to carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions, the major cause of global warming. Today, their
consumption rate is more than 8 times higher than the average in Africa. The United States
alone accounts for 15 percent of CO2 emissions worldwide. Other top emitters are the European
Union (10.5 percent), India (6 percent), and Russia (5 percent). But all are topped by China,
which in recent years has soared to 29 percent (Olivier et al., 2014). (These figures and this
map do not take climate into account; for that, see Sivak & Schoettle, 2012.)
Environmental degradation has grown exponentially “students,” specifically of Islam) helped to force the Russian
since the industrial revolution. Much of this ruin is caused army out of their country and end the subsequent civil war.
by ever-increasing amounts of non-biodegradable waste Then, rising to power in the 1990s, they imposed a radical
and toxic emissions into the soil, water, and air. Until very version of traditional Islamic law (Shariah) in an effort to
recently, this pollution was officially tolerated for the sake create an Islamic republic based on strict religious values.
of maximizing profits that primarily benefit select individ- In the United States, there has been a similar, though
uals, groups, and societies. Today, industries in many parts less radical, reaction against modernity. “Born again” and
of the world are producing highly toxic waste at unprece- other fundamentalist citizens seek to shape or transform
dented rates. Pollutants such as various oxides of nitrogen not only their towns but also states and even the entire
or sulfur cause the development of acid precipitation, country by electing politicians committed to forging a
which damages soil, vegetation, and wildlife. Air pollution national culture based on what they see as American patri-
in the form of smog is often dangerous for human health. otism, English-only legislation, and traditional Christian
Finding their way into the world’s oceans, toxic sub- values (Harding, 2001).
stances also create hazards for seafood consumers. For
instance, Canada’s indigenous Inuit people face health
problems related to eating fish and sea mammals that feed
in waters contaminated by industrial chemical waste such Ethnic Minorities
as polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) (see the Biocultural
Connection). Also of great concern are harmful chemi- and Indigenous Peoples:
cals in plastics used for water bottles, baby bottles, and
can linings. Environmental poisoning affects peoples all Struggles for Human Rights
across the globe.
Throughout this book, we have discussed a wide range of
Structural violence also manifests itself in the shifting
cultures all across the globe: some very large, like the Han in
of manufacturing and hazardous waste disposal from
China, others very small, like the Kapauku in West Papua,
developed to developing countries. In the late 1980s, a
New Guinea. Many of our examples involve peoples who see
tightening of environmental regulations in industrialized
themselves as members of distinct nations by virtue of their
countries led to a dramatic rise in the cost of hazardous
birth and their cultural and territorial heritage—nations over
waste disposal. Seeking cheaper ways to get rid of the
whom peoples of some other ethnic background have tried
wastes, “toxic traders” began shipping hazardous waste
to assert political control. An estimated 5,000 such national
to eastern Europe and especially to poor and underde-
groups exist in the world today, compared to just under
veloped countries in western Africa—thereby passing on
200 internationally recognized countries.
the health risks of poisonous cargo to the world’s poorest
Nearly all indigenous groups are relatively small na-
people (see the Globalscape).
tions, but some have populations exceeding that of many
countries. For instance, the Karen people of Myanmar
number between 4.5 to 5 million, and the Kurds—living
Reactions to Globalization in Iraq, Turkey, Syria, and Iran—number about 35 million.
Whatever their numbers, most ethnic minorities have
No matter how effectively a dominant state or corporation suffered repression or discrimination by more powerful
combines its hard and soft power, globalization does run groups that have dispossessed them, or control and gov-
into opposition. Pockets of resistance exist within the ern them. In the early 1970s, indigenous peoples began to
wealthy industrial and postindustrial states as well as else- organize self-determination movements, resisting cultural
where in the world. This resistance may be manifested in changes forced upon them and challenging violations of
the rise of traditionalism and revitalization movements— their human rights. Joining forces across international
efforts to return to life as it was (or how people think borders, many have joined the World Council of Indige-
it was) before the familiar order became unhinged and nous Peoples founded in 1975.
people became unsettled. Some of these reactionary move- In 2007, after many years of popular media campaigns,
ments may take the form of resurgent ethno-nationalism political lobbying, and diplomatic pressure by hundreds
or religious fundamentalist movements. Others may find of indigenous leaders and other activists all around the
expression in alternative grassroots movements—from globe, the UN General Assembly finally adopted the Decla-
radical environmental groups to peace groups to the more ration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (Figure 26.15).
recently formed ecotarian movement that focuses on se- This foundational document in the global human rights
lecting food based on the ecological impact of its produc- struggle contains some 150 articles urging respect for in-
tion and transportation. digenous cultural heritage, calling for official recognition
One striking case of a cultural reaction to globalization of indigenous land titles and rights of self-determination,
is the Taliban, a group of Muslim religious fundamen- and demanding an end to all forms of oppression and dis-
talists in Afghanistan. The Taliban (the Pashto word for crimination as a principle of international law.
Ethnic Minorities and Indigenous Peoples: Struggles for Human Rights 647
Toxic Breast Milk Threatens Arctic Culture

Asked to picture the Inuit people in- used widely over several decades for numer
numer- The manufacture of PCBs is now
habiting the Arctic coasts of Canada, ous purposes, such as industrial lubricants, banned in many Western countries (includ-
Greenland, and Labrador, you are likely to insulating materials, and paint stabilizers. ing the United States), and PCB levels are
envision them dressed in fur parkas and Research shows a widespread presence of gradually declining worldwide. However,
moving across a pristine, snow-covered PCBs in the breast milk of women around because of their persistence (and wide-
landscape on dogsleds—perhaps coming the globe. But nowhere on earth is the con- spread presence in remnant industrial
home from hunting seal, walrus, or whale. centration higher than among the Inuit—on goods such as fluorescent lighting fixtures
Such imaginings are still true—except average seven times that of nursing moth- and electrical appliances), they are still the
for the pristine part. Although Inuit live ers in Canada’s biggest cities.a highest-concentration toxins in breast milk,
nearer to the North Pole than to any city, PCBs have been linked to a wide range even among mothers born after the ban.
factory, or farm, they are not isolated of health problems—from liver damage Furthermore, even as PCBs decline,
from the pollutants of modern society. to weakened immune systems to cancer. other commercial chemicals are finding
Chemicals originating in the cities and Studies of children exposed to PCBs in their way northward. To date, about 200
farms of North America, Europe, and Asia the womb and through breast milk show hazardous compounds originating in in-
travel thousands of miles to Inuit territo- impaired learning and memory functions. dustrialized regions have been detected
ries via winds, rivers, and ocean currents. Beyond having a destructive impact on in the bodies of Arctic peoples.d Global
These toxins have a long life in the Arc- the health of humans (and other animal warming is fueling the problem, because
tic, breaking down very slowly due to icy species), PCBs are impacting the econ- as glaciers and snow melt, long-stored
temperatures and low sunlight. Ingested omy, social organization, and psychological toxins are released.
by zooplankton, the chemicals spread well-being of Arctic peoples. Nowhere is
through the seafood chain as one species this truer than among the 450 Inuit living Biocultural Question
consumes another. The result is alarming on Broughton Island, near Canada’s Baffin Because corporations are able to profit
levels of pesticides, mercury, and indus- Island. Here, word of skyrocketing PCB lev- from large-scale and long-distance com-
trial chemicals in Arctic animals—and in els cost the community its valuable market mercial activities, we should not be sur-
the Inuit people who rely on fishing and for Arctic char fish. Other Inuit refer to prised that their operations may also
hunting for food. them as “PCB people,” and it is said that cause serious damage to fellow humans
Of particular note are toxic chemicals Inuit men now avoid marrying women from in remote natural environments. What do
known as PCBs (polychlorinated biphenyls), the island.b you think of the profiteering of structural
Inuit people, who have violence?
no real alternatives for
affordable food, soundly
reject the suggestion a
Colborn, T., Dumanoski, D., & Myers, J. P.
that the answer to these (1997). Our stolen future (pp. 107–108).
problems is a change of New York: Plume/Penguin.
diet. Abandoning the con- b
Arctic Monitoring Assessment Project
sumption of traditional (AMAP). (2003). AMAP assessment 2002:
seafood would destroy Human health in the Arctic (pp. xii–xiii,
a 4,000-year-old culture 22–23). Oslo: AMAP.
based on hunting and fish- c
Ingmar Egede, quoted in Cone, M. (2005).
ing. Countless aspects of Silent snow: The slow poisoning of the Arctic
traditional Inuit culture— (p. 1). New York: Grove.
from worldview and social d
Johansen, B. E. (2002). The Inuit’s struggle
arrangements to vocab- with dioxins and other organic pollutants.
ularies and myths—are American Indian Quarterly 26 (3), 479–490;
© Lee Thomas/Alamy Stock Photo
linked to Arctic animals Natural Resources Defense Council. (2005,

and the skills it takes March 25). Healthy milk, healthy baby:
to rely on them for food Chemical pollution and mother’s milk. www
and so many other things. .NRDC.org/breastmilk/ (retrieved December
As one Inuit put it: “Our 16, 2015); Williams, F. (2005, January 9).
foods do more than nour
nour- Toxic breast milk? New York Times Magazine.
ish our bodies. They feed http://www.nytimes.com/2005/01/09
Can this Inuit woman trust her breast milk? our souls. When I eat Inuit /magazine/toxic-breast-milk.html (retrieved
foods, I know who I am.”c December 16, 2015)
GLOBALSCAPE
Arctic
Ocean
NORWAY
RUSSIA
UNITED
NORTH KINGDOM
AMERICA EUROPE A SIA
Amsterdam,
NETHERLANDS
CHINA
SWITZERLAND
Taizhou
GREECE
© Cengage Learning
AFRICA Pacific
Pacific
ific Ocean
Ocea
Ocean PANAMA
Abidjan, Chittagong,
CÔTE D’IVOIRE BANGLADESH
INDONESIA
SOUTH
AMERICA NIGERIA Indian
Ocean
Atlantic
Ocean AUSTRALIA
ISSOUF SANOGO/AFP/Getty Images

AP Images/Christian Aslund
ANTARCTICA
Probo Koala’s Dirty Secrets? dump, Greenpeace and Amnesty International carried out a three-
One day in 2006, the Probo Koala unloaded a cargo of processed year investigation on the incident. Released in the fall of 2012,
fuel in Nigeria, West Africa. Then the tanker sailed to Amsterdam the report calls for Trafigura to face a criminal trial in the United
where a Dutch treatment plant was to process its 400 tons of left- Kingdom and criticizes the lack of international regulations for
over toxic sludge. Navigating the oceans under the Panamanian preventing and dealing with toxic dumping activities.
flag, this ship’s all-Russian crew served under a Greek captain. Meanwhile, Trafigura has paid nearly $500 million in legal and
Managed and operated by a Greek maritime company, the ship’s reparation costs, but there are indications that the authorities in
registered owner was based in Norway. For this journey, it was Côte d’Ivoire have failed to redistribute compensation to the victims
chartered by a Dutch subsidiary of Trafigura, a global multibillion- of the dumping. Greenpeace and Amnesty International are calling
dollar company headquartered in Switzerland that specializes in for freedom from toxic waste dumping to be a human right, which
transporting oil and mineral products. would allow victims of large- and small-scale dumping to seek legal
When port authorities in Amsterdam discovered that the Probo redress more easily, in national and international courts.a
Koala’s captain had underreported the poison levels in his cargo, the In 2011, the Probo Koala was sold for scrap and headed toward
cost of treating the waste jumped to $600,000. Unwilling to pay the the infamous ship-breaking beaches of Chittagong in Bangladesh.
higher fee, the captain ordered his ship back to West Africa in search Hearing this—and aware of the dangers of dismantling the toxic ship
of a cheap place to dispose of the waste. Finding unscrupulous there—environmentalists and labor rights organizations convinced the
businessmen and corrupt officials in Côte d’Ivoire, he negotiated a government of Bangladesh to turn the ship away. Renamed and re-
dumping fee of about $18,000. Deposited in open-air waste pits on sold, the ship operated between Indonesia and China, transporting ore
the edge of Abidjan (population 5 million), the substance gave off until 2013 when she entered a ship-breaking yard in Taizhou, China.b
toxic gas that burned lungs and skin and caused severe headaches
and vomiting—killing 17 people and injuring at least 30,000. Global Twister
The Probo Koala forms part of a profitable global business netnet- Although hazardous waste dumping by the Probo Koala resulted
work capitalizing on the more than 350 million tons of hazardous in the arrest of several African businessmen in Côte d’Ivoire,
waste generated annually, primarily by industrial societies. Although should the other participants in this global crime be judged and
most of this waste is now properly handled, some companies avoid punished? If so, under which laws?
environmental regulations and high treatment costs within Europe
and North America, seeking cheap (possibly illegal) options, includ- a
Harvey, F. (2012, September 25). Trafigura lessons have not been
ing dumping at sea. Many millions of tons of hazardous waste are learned, report warns. The Guardian. http://www.theguardian.com
transported across the oceans to underdeveloped countries. /environment/2012/sep/25/trafigura-lessons-toxic-waste-dumping
In a 2009 out-of-court settlement, Trafigura agreed to pay a (retrieved December 16, 2015)
total of $43,000 to cover all claims. Many saw settlement as a b
Des Bois, R. (2013, February 7). The end of the Probo Koala.
slap on the hand that in no way matched the gravity of the crime. http://www.robindesbois.org/english/probo_koala/the-end-of-the
Convinced that Trafigura knew the toxicity and illegality of the -probo-koala.html (retrieved December 15, 2015)
Anthropology’s Role in Meeting the Challenges of Globalization 649
Niu Xiaole/Xinhua/Landov
Figure 26.15 Worldwide Indigenous Peoples Conference
In 1982 the United Nations Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights
established a Working Group on Indigenous Populations (WGIP). Eleven years later WGIP completed
a draft of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, ratified in 2007. Here we see
delegates at the 2014 World Conference on Indigenous Peoples, held at UN headquarters in New
York. Many came in traditional dress, including the Trinidad and Tobago representative pictured here.
Anthropology’s Role and internal dynamics. Others have disappeared as a re-

sult of deadly epidemics, violent conflicts, acculturation,
in Meeting the Challenges ethnocide, or genocide. All too often, the only detailed
records we now possess of these altered and vanished cul-
of Globalization tures are those that some visiting anthropologist was able
to document before it was too late.
Globalization triggers worldwide changes, but different But anthropologists do much more than try to pre-
peoples and cultures are not necessarily changing in the serve precious information about distinctive peoples
same fashion or in the same direction. Worldwide, it and cultures, past and present. As chronicled in the
places some individuals, groups, or regions in a favorable pages of this book, they also attempt to explain why
position to take advantage of new opportunities, but it our bodies and cultures are similar or different, why
confronts others with pain and no gain. As repeatedly and how they did or did not change. Moreover, they
noted in this textbook, globalization is a complex and dy- try to identify the particular knowledge and insights
namic process with a vast range of national, regional, and that each culture holds concerning the human condi-
even local cultural reactions and adjustments. tion—including contrasting views about the place of
Today, many of the cultures studied by the earliest human beings in the world, how natural resources are
anthropologists more than a century ago have changed used and treated, and how one relates to fellow humans
profoundly in response to powerful outside influences and other species.
Paul Farmer (b. 1959)
U.S. medical anthropologist Paul Farmer—

doctor, Harvard professor, world-renowned
infectious disease specialist, and recipient
of a MacArthur “genius grant”—grew up
in a trailer park in Florida without running
water.a Admitted to Duke University on
scholarship, he majored in anthropology
and labored alongside poor Haitian farm-
workers in North Carolina’s tobacco fields.
After getting his BA in 1982, he spent a
year in Haiti and found his life’s calling: to
diagnose and cure infectious diseases and
transform healthcare on a global scale by
focusing on the world’s poorest communi-
ties. Returning to the United States, Farmer
earned both an MD and a PhD in anthropol-
ogy from Harvard in 1990.
While still a graduate student, Farmer
Mark Rosenberg 8-2001

returned frequently to Haiti and became
increasingly involved in health issues in
the area of Cange, a remote village in the
destitute Central Plateau region. There,
he formed a group called Zanmi Lasante
Medical anthropologist Paul Farmer with patients in Haiti.
(Haitian Kreyol for “Partners In Health”). A
handful of other American activists joined
him in the endeavor, including his fellow anthropologist and HarHar- expanded its reach to include Lesotho, Malawi, and Rwanda in
vard Medical School friend, Jim Yong Kim, who became president Africa, as well as Peru, Mexico, Russia, and the United States.
of the World Bank three decades later. The foundation’s reach continues to grow, fueled by Farmer’s pas-
In 1985, the Zanmi Lasante group established a clinic with fi- sionate conviction that health is a human right.
nancial support from a Boston philanthropist. Two years later they In concert with his active and extensive work with PIH around
founded the Boston-based Partners In Health (PIH) foundation to the globe, Farmer is a professor of medical anthropology at HarHar-
support their growing endeavor to help the poorest of the poor vard University where he chairs the Department of Global Health
deal with infectious diseases, especially AIDS and tuberculosis. and Social Medicine. He also maintains an active practice in
The endeavor includes research (ethnographic as well as med- infectious diseases and is chief of the Division of Social Medi-
ical) needed to carry the work forward with a clear vision. As an cine and Health Inequalities at Brigham and Women’s Hospital in
applied anthropologist aiming to ease human suffering, Farmer Boston. Among numerous honors, he has received the Margaret
bases his activism on holistic and interpretive ethnographic anal- Mead Award from the American Anthropological Association and
ysis that includes “a historical understanding of the large-scale is the subject of the Pulitzer Prize–winning book by Tracy Kidder.
social and economic structures in which affliction is embedded.”b
Issues of structural violence are fundamental in his research a
This profile draws from numerous sources, including: Kidder, T.
and practice. Noting that social and economic inequalities “have (2003). Mountains beyond mountains: The quest of Dr. Paul Farmer,
powerfully sculpted not only the [demographic] distribution of in- a man who would cure the world. New York: Random House; Vine, D.
fectious diseases but also the course of health outcomes among (2013, May 23). Tracing Paul Farmer’s influence. Washington,
the afflicted,” he concludes, “inequality itself constitutes our DC: American University, College of Arts & Sciences. http://www
modern plague.”c .american.edu/cas/news/paul-farmer-influence-in-anthropology.cfm
Since its founding, Zanmi Lasante has expanded its one-room (retrieved January 20, 2016)
clinic to a multiservice health complex that includes a primary b
Farmer, P. (2004, June). An anthropology of structural violence.
school, an infirmary, a surgery wing, a training program for health Current Anthropology 45 (3), 305–325; see also Farmer, P. (1996).
outreach workers, a 104-bed hospital, a women’s clinic, and a On suffering and structural violence: A view from below. Daedalus
pediatric care facility. Moreover, it has pioneered the treatment 125 (1), 261–283.
of multidrug-resistant tuberculosis and HIV in Haiti. Partners c
Farmer, P. (2001). Infections and inequalities: The modern plagues
In Health, now funded by a wide range of organizations, has (p. 15). Berkeley: University of California Press.
Anthropology’s Role in Meeting the Challenges of Globalization 651
And, importantly, there have always been anthropol- record of contributing important knowledge about our own
ogists who reach beyond studying different cultures to as- species and all its stunning complexity and amazing variety.
sist besieged groups struggling to survive in today’s rapidly Anthropology’s distinct holistic approach has helped to
changing world. In so doing, they put into practice their solve practical problems on local and global levels—and
own knowledge about humankind—knowledge deepened continues to do so today. More relevant than ever, it offers
through the comparative perspective of anthropology, vital insight toward a cross-cultural understanding of
which is cross-culturally, historically, and biologically globalization and its highly diverse local impact.
informed. Counted among these applied anthropologists Most of the individuals drawn to this discipline are
are Ann Dunham, profiled earlier in this chapter, and Paul inspired by the old but still valid idea that anthropology
Farmer, a world-renowned medical doctor, anthropolo- must aim to live up to its longstanding ideal as the
gist, and human rights activist (see the Anthropologist of most liberating of the sciences. As stated by the famous
Note feature). anthropologist Margaret Mead, “Never doubt that a small
An interdisciplinary profession straddling the arts, group of committed people can change the world; indeed
sciences, and humanities, anthropology has a remarkable it is the only thing that ever has.”
What does our world look like today? is an official public policy of mutual respect and
tolerance for cultural differences.
✓ In the Anthropocene, beginning with the industrial
revolution 200 years ago, modern technology has ✓ An example of long-established multiculturalism may
radically increased production, transportation, and be seen in states such as Switzerland, where people
communication worldwide, and the human population speaking German, French, Italian, and Romansh
has grown to more than 7 billion—half living and coexist under the same government.
working in urban areas.
Is fragmentation common in pluralistic
✓ The growing interconnectedness of our species
facilitated by modern mass transportation and
societies?
telecommunications media has resulted in many ✓ Pluralistic societies, in virtually all parts of the world,
external similarities across cultures, spawning show a tendency to fragment, usually along major
speculation that humanity’s future will feature linguistic, religious, or ethno-nationalist divisions.
a single homogenous global culture. This is
✓ Especially when state territories are extensive and lack
sometimes referred to as the “McDonaldization”
adequate transportation and communication networks,
of societies.
as well as major unifying cultural forces such as a
✓ Beyond the worldwide flow of commodities and common religion or national language, separatist
ideas (food, film, fashion, music, and so on), global intentions may be realized.
integrative processes include NGOs, media, and sports,
✓ Throughout history, challenges such as famine,
as well as humanitarian aid organizations.
poverty, and violent threats by dangerous neighbors
✓ Anthropologists are skeptical that a global culture or have forced people to move—often scattering members
political system is emerging; comparative historical of an ethnic group.
and cross-cultural research shows the persistence of
✓ Migration—voluntary or involuntary—is temporary
distinctive worldviews, and the tendency of large
or permanent change from a usual place of residence.
multi-ethnic states to come apart.
It may be internal (within the boundaries of one’s
country) or external (from one country to another).
What are pluralistic societies ✓ Every year several million people migrate to wealthy
and multiculturalism? countries in search of wage labor and a better future.
In addition 45 million refugees can be found in almost
✓ In pluralistic societies two or more ethnic groups or
half of the world’s countries.
nationalities are politically organized into one
territorial state. Ethnic tension is common in such ✓ Migrants moving to areas traditionally inhabited by
states and sometimes turns violent, which can lead to other ethnic groups may face xenophobia—fear or
formal separation. hatred of strangers.
✓ To manage cultural diversity within such societies, ✓ Most migrants begin their new lives in expanding
some countries have adopted multiculturalism, which urban areas. Today, 1 billion people live in slums.
What is structural power? psychological harm (including repression, cultural and

environmental destruction, poverty, hunger and
✓ Structural power refers to the macro-level power that obesity, illness, and premature death) caused by
manages or restructures political and economic relations impersonal, exploitative, and unjust social, political,
within and among societies while simultaneously and economic systems.
shaping or changing ideology (ideas, beliefs, and
values). It has two components: hard power (which is ✓ Reactions against the structural violence of
coercive and is backed up by military force and/or globalization include the rise of traditionalism and
financial pressure) and soft power (which coopts or revitalization movements—efforts to return to life
manipulates through ideological persuasion). as it was (or how people think it was) before the
familiar order became unhinged and people became
✓ The most powerful country in the world today remains unsettled. These may take the form of resurgent
the United States, home to more global corporations ethno-nationalism or religious fundamentalist
than any other country and responsible for over 34 movements.
percent of the world’s $1.78 trillion military expenditures.
✓ Cutting across international boundaries, global How might anthropological know-how help
corporations are a powerful force for worldwide
integration. Their power and wealth often exceed that counter structural violence?
of national governments. ✓ Some dramatic changes in cultural values and
✓ Competing states and corporations utilize the ideological motivations, as well as in social institutions and the
persuasion of soft power (as transmitted through types of technologies we employ, are required if
electronic and digital media, communication satellites, humans are going to realize a sustainable future for
and other information technology) to sell the general idea generations to come. The shortsighted emphasis on
of globalization as something positive and to frame or consumerism and individual self-interest characteristic
brand anything that opposes capitalism in negative terms. of the world’s affluent countries needs to be
abandoned in favor of a more balanced social and
✓ While providing megaprofits for large corporations, environmental ethic.
globalization often wreaks havoc in many traditional
cultures and disrupts long-established social ✓ Anthropologists have a contribution to make in
organization. This engenders worldwide resistance bringing about this shift. They are well versed in the
against superpower domination—and with that an dangers of culture-bound thinking, and they bring a
emerging world system that is inherently unstable, holistic biocultural and comparative historical
vulnerable, and unpredictable. perspective to the challenge of understanding and
balancing the needs and desires of local communities
in the age of globalization.
How has the globalization of structural
power led to an increase in structural ✓ Inspired by human rights ideals, there have always
been “applied” anthropologists who reach beyond
violence?
studying different cultures to assist besieged groups
✓ One result of globalization is the expansion and struggling to survive in today’s rapidly changing
intensification of structural violence—physical and/or world.
1. Since the launching of the first satellites into orbit 3. Considering the relationship between structural power
and the start of the Internet, the telecommunications and structural violence, does your own lifestyle—
revolution has changed how humans interact, work, in terms of the clothing and food you buy, the
entertain, and even make and maintain friendships. Can transportation you use, and so on—reflect or have an
you imagine a world in which cyberspace and social effect on structural violence in the globalization process?
media are supervised and censored by the government? 4. The World Health Organization, UNESCO, Oxfam,
How would you and your friends adjust to that new and Amnesty International are global institutions
media environment? What steps would you take if you concerned with checking structural violence and
felt impelled to help prevent or reverse such control? human rights violations. Confronted with genocidal
2. Reflecting on the human condition before and after conflicts, famines, epidemics, and torture of political
the start of the Anthropocene epoch that began with prisoners, activists in these organizations try to improve
the industrial revolution two centuries ago, how do the human condition. Do you think an anthropological
the pre-Anthropocene challenges our species faced perspective might be of practical use in solving such
compare to those of today? worldwide problems? Can you think of an example?
653
How Are You Wired?
Since the late 20th century, our species has become each of them uses. Do the same for yourself.
“wired.” Humans now communicate across great Through interviews and observation, distinguish
distances by means of an intercontinental network whether these devices are shared or individually
of fiber-optic lines and dozens of communications used over the course of one random day. Note
satellites that orbit the earth. This technology how often, how long, and for what purpose each
changes all cultures, including yours. With this is used and also whether the user was alone
in mind, select three individuals from different or among other people (besides yourself) when
generations in your own family or community. using the device(s). Finally, compare, analyze, and
Make a list of the telecommunications devices summarize your findings from this mini fieldwork.
Glossary
abduction Movement away from the midline of the body or analogous In biology, a term referring to structures of different
away from the center of the hand or foot. organisms that are superficially similar due to similar function
absolute or chronometric dating In archaeology and pa- but that do not share a common developmental pathway or
leoanthropology, dating archaeological or fossil materials in structure.
units of absolute time using scientific properties such as rates ancestral Characteristics appearing in a later species that also
of decay of radioactive elements. occurred in ancient populations.
acclimatization A long-term physiological adjustment made animatism The belief that nature is enlivened or energized by
in order to attain equilibrium with a specific environmental an impersonal spiritual force or supernatural energy, which may
stimulus. make itself manifest in any special place, thing, or living creature.
accommodation In anthropology, refers to an adaptation animism The belief that nature is enlivened or energized by
process by which a people resists assimilation by modifying distinct personalized spirit beings separable from bodies.
its traditional culture in response to pressures by a dominant Anthropocene A geological epoch defined by massive envi-
society in order to preserve its distinctive ethnic identity. ronmental changes brought on by humans since the indus-
acculturation The massive cultural change that occurs in a trial revolution.
society when it experiences intensive firsthand contact with a anthropoid The suborder of primates that includes New
more powerful society. World monkeys, Old World monkeys, and apes (including
Acheulean tool tradition The prevalent style of the stone humans).
tools that are associated with Homo erectus remains; repre- anthropology The study of humankind in all times and places.
sented by the hand-axe. applied anthropology The use of anthropological knowledge
action theory The theory that self-serving actions by forceful and methods to solve practical problems, often for a specific
leaders play a role in civilization’s emergence. client.
adaptation A series of beneficial adjustments to a particular arboreal Living in the trees.
environment. arboreal hypothesis An explanation for primate evolution
adaptive radiation The rapid diversification of an evolving that proposes that life in the trees was responsible for en-
population as it adapts to a variety of available niches. hanced visual acuity and manual dexterity in primates.
adduction Movement toward the midline of the body or to- archaeology The study of cultures through the recovery and
ward the center of the hand or foot. analysis of material remains and environmental data.
advocacy anthropology Research that is community based Archaic cultures The term used to refer to Mesolithic cultures
and politically involved. in the Americas.
affiliative Behaving in a manner that tends to promote social archaic Homo sapiens A loosely defined group within the
cohesion. genus Homo that “lumpers” assign to fossils with the com-
affinal kin People related through marriage. bination of large brain size and ancestral features on the
age class A formally established group of people born during skull.
a certain timespan who move together through the series of Ardipithecus One of the earliest genera of bipeds that lived in
age-grade categories; sometimes called age set. East Africa. Ardipithecus is actually divided into two species:
age grade An organized category of people based on age; every the older, A. kadabba, which dates to between 5.2 and
individual passes through a series of such categories over his 5.8 million years ago, and the younger, A. ramidus, which
or her lifetime. dates to around 4.4 million years ago.
age set A formally established group of people born during a art The creative use of the human imagination to aesthetically
certain timespan who move together through the series of interpret, express, and engage life, modifying experienced re-
age-grade categories; sometimes called age class. ality in the process.
agriculture Intensive crop cultivation, employing plows, fer- artifact Any object fashioned or altered by humans.
tilizers, and/or irrigation. assimilation Cultural absorption of an ethnic minority by a
allele An alternate form of a single gene. dominant society.
Allen’s rule The tendency for the bodies of mammals living in Aurignacian tradition Toolmaking tradition in Europe and
cold climates to have shorter appendages (arms and legs) than western Asia at the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic.
members of the same species living in warm climates. Australopithecus The genus including several species of early
alphabet A series of symbols representing the sounds of a lan- bipeds from South Africa and East Africa living between about
guage arranged in a traditional order. 1.1 and 4.3 million years ago, one of whom was directly an-
altruism Concern for the welfare of others expressed as in- cestral to humans.
creased risk undertaken by individuals for the good of the Australopithecus sediba A recently identified species of
group. South African gracile australopithecine dated precisely to be-
ambilocal residence A residence pattern in which a married tween 1.97 and 1.98 million years ago, with derived Homo-like
couple may choose either matrilocal or patrilocal residence. characteristics in the hands and pelvis.
anagenesis A sustained directional shift in a population’s aver- authority Claiming and exercising power as justified by law or
age characteristics that leads to speciation. custom of tradition.
654
Glossary 655
balanced reciprocity A mode of exchange in which the giv- clade A taxonomic grouping that contains a single common
ing and the receiving are specific as to the value of the goods ancestor and all of its descendants.
or services and the time of their delivery. cladogenesis Speciation through a branching mechanism
band A relatively small and loosely organized kin-ordered whereby an ancestral population gives rise to two or more
group that inhabits a specific territory and that may split pe- descendant populations.
riodically into smaller extended family groups that are politi- clan An extended unilineal kin-group, often consisting of sev-
cally and economically independent. eral lineages, whose members claim common descent from a
Bergmann’s rule The tendency for the bodies of mammals remote ancestor, usually legendary or mythological.
living in cold climates to be shorter and rounder than mem- clavicle The collarbone connecting the sternum (breastbone)
bers of the same species living in warm climates. with the scapula (shoulder blade).
bilateral descent Descent traced equally through father and cline The gradual change in the frequency of an allele or trait
mother’s ancestors; associating each individual with blood over space.
relatives on both sides of the family. code switching The practice of changing from one mode of
binocular vision Vision with increased depth perception speech to another as the situation demands, whether from
from two eyes set next to each other, allowing their visual one language to another or from one dialect of a language to
fields to overlap. another.
bioarchaeology The archaeological study of human remains— codon The three-base sequence of a gene that specifies a par-
bones, skulls, teeth, and sometimes hair, dried skin, or other ticular amino acid for inclusion in a protein.
tissue—to determine the influences of culture and environ- coercion Imposition of obedience or submission by force or
ment on human biological variation. intimidation.
biocultural An approach that focuses on the interaction of cognitive capacity A broad concept including intelligence,
biology and culture. educability, concept formation, self-awareness, self-evaluation,
biological anthropology The systematic study of humans as attention span, sensitivity in discrimination, and creativity.
biological organisms; also known as physical anthropology. colonialism System by which a dominant society politically
bipedalism A special form of locomotion, distinguishing claims and controls a foreign territory primarily for purposes
humans and their ancestors from the African great apes, in of settling and economic exploitation.
which the organism walks upright on two feet; also called co-marriage A marriage form in which several men and
bipedality. women have sexual access to one another; also called group
blade technique A method of stone tool manufacture in marriage.
which long, parallel-sided flakes are struck off the edges of a common-interest association An association that results
specially prepared core. from the act of joining, based on sharing particular activities,
brachiation Moving from branch to branch using the arms, objectives, values, or beliefs, sometimes rooted in common
with the body hanging suspended below. ethnic, religious, or regional background.
bride-price The money or valuable goods paid by the groom community In primatology, a unit of primate social organiza-
or his family to the bride’s family upon marriage; also called tion composed of fifty or more individuals who collectively
bridewealth. inhabit a large geographic area.
bride service A designated period of time when the groom conjugal family A family established through marriage.
works for the bride’s family. consanguineal family A family of blood relatives, consisting
bridewealth The money or valuable goods paid by the groom of related women, their brothers, and the women’s offspring.
or his family to the bride’s family upon marriage; also called consanguineal kin Biologically related relatives, commonly
bride-price. referred to as blood relatives.
Bronze Age In the Old World, the period marked by the pro- conspicuous consumption A showy display of wealth for
duction of tools and ornaments of bronze; began about 5,000 social prestige.
years ago in China, the Mediterranean, and Southwest Asia, contagious magic Magic based on the principle that things
and about 500 years earlier in Southeast Asia. or persons once in contact can influence each other after the
burin A stone tool with chisel-like edges used for working contact is broken.
bone, horn, antler, and ivory. continental drift According to the theory of plate tectonics,
the movement of continents embedded in underlying plates
cargo cult A spiritual movement (especially noted in Melane- on the earth’s surface in relation to one another over the his-
sia) in reaction to disruptive contact with Western capitalism, tory of life on the planet.
promising resurrection of deceased relatives, destruction or convergent evolution In biological evolution, a process by
enslavement of white foreigners, and the magical arrival of which unrelated populations develop similarities to one an-
utopian riches. other due to similar function rather than shared ancestry. In
carrying capacity The number of people that the avail- cultural evolution, the development of similar cultural adapta-
able resources can support at a given level of food-getting tions to similar environmental conditions by different peoples
techniques. with different ancestral cultures.
cartography The craft of making maps of remote regions. coprolite Fossilized excrement material providing evidence of
caste A closed social class in a stratified society in which mem- the diet and health of past organisms.
bership is determined by birth and fixed for life. core value A value especially promoted by a particular culture.
catarrhine The primate infraorder that includes Old World cranium The braincase of the skull.
monkeys, apes, and humans. Cro-Magnon A European people of the Upper Paleolithic after
chiefdom A politically organized society in which several about 36,000 years ago.
neighboring communities inhabiting a territory are united cross cousin The child of a mother’s brother or a father’s
under a single ruler. sister.
chromosome In the cell nucleus, the structure visible during cultural adaptation A complex of ideas, technologies, and
cellular division containing long strands of DNA combined activities that enables people to survive and even thrive in
with a protein. their environment.
chronometric or absolute dating In archaeology and pa- cultural anthropology The study of patterns in human
leoanthropology, dating archaeological or fossil materials in behavior, thought, and emotions, focusing on humans as cul-
units of absolute time using scientific properties such as rates ture-producing and culture-reproducing creatures. Also known
of decay of radioactive elements. as social or sociocultural anthropology.
civilization In anthropology, a society in which large num- cultural control Control through beliefs and values deeply
bers of people live in cities, are socially stratified, and are gov- internalized in the minds of individuals.
erned by a ruling elite working through centrally organized cultural evolution Cultural change over time—not to be
political systems called states. confused with progress.
656 Glossary
cultural loss The abandonment of an existing practice or trait. DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid) The genetic material consist-
cultural relativism The idea that one must suspend judging of a complex molecule whose base structure directs the
ment of other people’s practices in order to understand them synthesis of proteins.
in their own cultural terms. doctrine An assertion of opinion or belief formally handed
cultural resource management A branch of archaeology down by an authority as true and indisputable.
concerned with survey and/or excavation of archaeological domestication An evolutionary process whereby humans
and historical remains that might be threatened by construc- modify, intentionally or unintentionally, the genetic makeup
tion or development; also involved with policy surrounding of a population of wild plants or animals, sometimes to the
protection of cultural resources. extent that members of the population cannot survive or can-
culture A society’s shared and socially transmitted ideas, not reproduce without human assistance.
values, and perceptions, which are used to make sense of dominance hierarchy An observed ranking system in pri-
experience and generate behavior and are reflected in that mate societies, ordering individuals from high (alpha) to low
behavior. standing corresponding to predictable behavioral interactions
culture area A geographic region in which a number of soci- including domination.
eties follow similar patterns of life. dominant In genetics, a term to describe the ability of an al-
culture-bound A perspective that produces theories about the lele for a trait to mask the presence of a recessive allele.
world and reality that are based on the assumptions and val- dowry A payment at the time of a woman’s marriage that comes
ues from the researcher’s own culture. from her inheritance, made to either her or her husband.
culture-bound syndrome A mental disorder specific to a
particular ethnic group; also known as ethnic psychosis. ecofact The natural remains of plants and animals found in
culture shock In fieldwork, the anthropologist’s personal the archaeological record.
disorientation and anxiety, which may result in depression. ecological niche A species’ way of life considered in the full
cyberethnography An ethnographic study of social networks, context of its environment including factors such as diet, ac-
communicative practices, and other cultural expressions in tivity, terrain, vegetation, predators, prey, and climate.
cyberspace by means of digital visual and audio technologies; economic system An organized arrangement for producing,
also called digital ethnography and netnography. distributing, and consuming goods.
ecosystem A system, or a functioning whole, composed of
datum point The starting point or reference for a grid system. both the natural environment and all the organisms living
demographic A population characteristic such as the number within it.
of individuals of each age and sex. egalitarian society A society in which people have about the
dendrochronology In archaeology and paleoanthropology, same rank and share equally in the basic resources that sup-
a technique of chronometric dating based on the number of port income, status, and power.
rings of growth found in tree trunks. EGO In kinship studies, the central person from whom the de-
Denisovan A newly discovered group of archaic Homo sapiens gree of each kinship relationship is traced.
from southern Siberia dated to between 30,000 and eliciting device An activity or object that encourages indi-
50,000 years ago. viduals to recall and share information.
dental formula The number of each tooth type (incisors, ca- empirical An approach based on observations of the world
nines, premolars, and molars) on one-half of each jaw. Unlike rather than on intuition or faith.
other mammals, primates possess equal numbers on their up- enculturation The process by which a society’s culture is
per and lower jaws, making the dental formula for the species passed on from one generation to the next and individuals
a single series of numbers. become members of their society.
dependence training Childrearing practices that foster com- endemic The public health term for a disease that is wide-
pliance in the performance of assigned tasks and dependence spread in a population.
on the domestic group, rather than reliance on oneself. endocast A cast of the inside of a skull; used to help determine
derived Characteristics appearing in a later species that did not the size and shape of the brain.
occur in ancestral populations. endogamy Marriage within a particular group or category of
descent group Any kin-group whose members share a direct individuals.
line of descent from a real (historical) or fictional common entoptic phenomenon A vision of bright pulsating forms
ancestor. that is generated by the central nervous system and seen in
desecration Ideologically inspired violation of a sacred site in- states of trance.
tended to inflict harm, if only symbolically, on people judged enzyme A protein that initiates and directs chemical reactions.
to have impure, false, or even evil beliefs and ritual practices. epic A long, dramatic narrative, recounting the celebrated
developmental adaptation A permanent phenotypic varia- deeds of a historic or legendary hero, often sung or recited in
tion derived from interaction between genes and the environ- poetic language.
ment during the period of growth and development. epicanthic fold A fold of skin at the inner corner of the eye
dialect The varying form of a language that reflects a par- that covers the true corner of the eye; common in Asiatic
ticular region, occupation, or social class and that is similar populations.
enough to be mutually intelligible. epigenetics The study of changes in organisms that are caused
diastema A space between the canines and other teeth allow- by modification of gene function and expression rather than
ing the large projecting canines to fit within the jaw. by modification of the DNA sequence.
diffusion The spread of certain ideas, customs, or practices Eskimo system Kinship reckoning in which the nuclear
from one culture to another. family is emphasized by specifically identifying the mother,
digital ethnography An ethnographic study of social net- father, brother, and sister, while lumping together all other
works, communicative practices, and other cultural expres- relatives into broad categories such as uncle, aunt, and cousin;
sions in cyberspace by means of digital visual and audio also known as the lineal system.
technologies; also called cyberethnography or netnography. estrus In some primate females, the time of sexual receptivity
disease A specific physical or biological abnormality. during which ovulation is visibly displayed.
displacement A term referring to things and events removed ethnic group People who collectively and publicly identify
in time and space. themselves as a distinct group based on shared cultural fea-
diurnal Active during the day and at rest at night. tures such as common origin, language, customs, and tradi-
divination A magical procedure or spiritual ritual designed to tional beliefs.
discern what is not knowable by ordinary means, such as fore- ethnicity The expression for the set of cultural ideas held by
telling the future by interpreting omens. an ethnic group.
Glossary 657
ethnic psychosis A mental disorder specific to a particular formal interview A structured question-and-answer session,
ethnic group; also known as culture-bound syndrome. carefully annotated as it occurs and based on prepared questions.
ethnocentrism The belief that the ways of one’s own culture fossil The mineralized remains of past life forms.
are the only proper ones. founder effect A particular form of genetic drift deriving
ethnocide The violent eradication of an ethnic group’s collec- from a small founding population not possessing all the al-
tive cultural identity as a distinctive people; occurs when a leles present in the original population.
dominant society deliberately sets out to destroy another soci-
ety’s cultural heritage. gender The cultural elaborations and meanings assigned to the
ethnographic fieldwork Extended on-location research to biological differentiation between the sexes.
gather detailed and in-depth information on a society’s cus- gendered speech Distinct male and female speech patterns
tomary ideas, values, and practices through participation in that vary across social and cultural settings.
its collective social life. gene The portion of a DNA molecule that directs the synthesis
ethnography A detailed description of a particular culture pri- of specific proteins.
marily based on fieldwork. gene flow The introduction of alleles from the gene pool of
ethnolinguistics A branch of linguistics that studies the rela- one population into that of another.
tionships between language and culture and how they mutu- gene pool All the genetic variants possessed by members of a
ally influence and inform each other. population.
ethnology The study and analysis of different cultures from a generalized reciprocity A mode of exchange in which the
comparative or historical point of view, utilizing ethnographic value of the gift is not calculated, nor is the time of repay-
accounts and developing anthropological theories that help ment specified.
explain why certain important differences or similarities occur generational system Kinship reckoning in which all relatives
among groups. of the same sex and generation are referred to by the same
ethnomusicology The study of a society’s music in terms of term; also known as the Hawaiian system.
its cultural setting. genetic adaptation A discrete genetic change built into the
Eve hypothesis The theory that modern humans are all de- allele frequency of a population or the microevolutionary
rived from one single population of archaic Homo sapiens who change brought about by natural selection.
migrated out of Africa after 100,000 years ago, replacing all genetic code The set of rules by which codons (sequences of
other archaic forms due to their superior cultural capabilities; three bases) in genetic material specify amino acids in protein
also known as the recent African origins hypothesis or the out of synthesis.
Africa hypothesis. genetic drift The chance fluctuations of allele frequencies in
evolution The changes in allele frequencies in populations; the gene pool of a population.
also known as microevolution. genocide The physical extermination of one people by an-
evolutionary medicine An approach to human sickness and other, either as a deliberate act or as the accidental outcome
health combining principles of evolutionary theory and hu- of activities carried out by one people with little regard for
man evolutionary history. their impact on others.
exogamy Marriage outside a particular group or category of genome The complete structure sequence of DNA for a species.
individuals. genotype The alleles an individual possesses for a particular trait.
experimental archaeology The recreation of ancient lifeways genus (genera) In the system of plant and animal classifica-
by modern paleoanthropologists and archaeologists in order to tion, a group of like species.
test hypotheses, interpretations, and assumptions about the past. gesture A facial expression and body posture and motion that
extended family Two or more closely related nuclear families convey an intended as well as a subconscious message.
clustered together into a large domestic group. globalization Worldwide interconnectedness, evidenced in rapid
global movement of natural resources, trade goods, human labor,
family Two or more people related by blood, marriage, or finance capital, information, and infectious diseases.
adoption. The family may take many forms, ranging from a gracile australopithecine One member of the genus Aus-
single parent with one or more children, to a married couple tralopithecus possessing a more lightly built chewing appara-
or polygamous spouses with or without offspring, to several tus; probably had a diet that included more meat than that of
generations of parents and their children. the robust australopithecines; best represented by the South
feature A nonportable element such as a hearth or a ditch or African species A. africanus.
an architectural element such as a wall that is preserved in the grade A general level of biological organization seen among
archaeological record. a group of species; useful for constructing evolutionary
fictive marriage A marriage form in which a proxy is used as relationships.
a symbol of someone not physically present to establish the grammar The entire formal structure of a language, including
social status of a spouse and heirs. morphology and syntax.
fieldwork The term anthropologists use for on-location research. grave goods Items such as utensils, figurines, and personal
fission In kinship studies, the splitting of a descent group into possessions, symbolically placed in the grave for the deceased
two or more new descent groups. person’s use in the afterlife.
flotation An archaeological technique employed to recover grid system A system for recording data in three dimensions
very tiny objects by immersion of soil samples in water to from an archaeological excavation.
separate heavy from light particles. grooming The ritual cleaning of another animal’s coat to re-
fluorine dating In archaeology or paleoanthropology, a tech- move parasites and other matter.
nique for relative dating based on the fact that the amount of group marriage A marriage form in which several men and
fluorine in bones is proportional to their age. women have sexual access to one another; also called co-marriage.
folklore A term coined by 19th-century scholars studying the
unwritten stories and other artistic traditions of rural peoples haplorrhine The subdivision within the primate order based
to distinguish between “folk art” and the “fine art” of the lit- on shared genetic characteristics; includes tarsiers, New World
erate elite. monkeys, Old World monkeys, and apes (including humans).
food foraging A mode of subsistence involving some combi- hard power Macro-level power that manages or restructures
nation of hunting, fishing, and gathering of wild plant foods. economic and political relations and coerces by military force
foramen magnum A large opening in the skull; the spinal and/or financial pressure.
cord passes through this opening to connect to the brain. Hawaiian system Kinship reckoning in which all relatives of
forensic anthropology The examination of human biologi- the same sex and generation are referred to by the same term;
cal and cultural remains for legal purposes. also known as the generational system.
658 Glossary
health disparity A difference in the health status between incorporation In a rite of passage, reincorporation of a tem-
the wealthy elite and the poor in stratified societies. porarily removed individual into society in his or her new
hemoglobin The protein that carries oxygen in red status.
blood cells. independence training Childrearing practices that promote
heterozygous A term referring to a chromosome pair that independence, self-reliance, and personal achievement.
bears different alleles for a single gene. industrial food production Large-scale businesses involved
historical archaeology The archaeological study of places for in mass food production, processing, and marketing, which
which written records exist. primarily rely on laborsaving machines.
holistic perspective A fundamental principle of anthropology: industrial society A society in which human labor, hand
The various parts of human culture and biology must be viewed tools, and animal power are largely replaced by machines,
in the broadest possible context in order to understand their with an economy primarily based on big factories.
interconnections and interdependence. informal economy A network of producing and circulating
homeotherm An animal that maintains a relatively constant marketable commodities, labor, and services that for various
body temperature despite environmental fluctuations. reasons escape government control.
home range The geographic area within which a group of pri- informal interview An unstructured, open-ended conversa-
mates usually moves. tion in everyday life.
hominid The African hominoid family that includes humans informant A member of the society being studied who pro-
and their ancestors. Some scientists—recognizing the close vides information that helps researchers understand the
relationship of humans, chimps, bonobos, and gorillas—use meaning of what they observe. Early anthropologists referred
the term hominid to refer to all African hominoids. They then to such an individual as a key consultant.
divide the hominid family into two subfamilies: the Paninae informed consent A formal recorded agreement between the
(chimps, bonobos, and gorillas) and the Homininae (humans subject and the researcher to participate in the research.
and their ancestors). infrastructure The economic foundation of a society, includ-
hominin The taxonomic subfamily or tribe within the pri- ing its subsistence practices and the tools and other material
mates that includes humans and our ancestors. equipment used to make a living.
hominoid The taxonomic superfamily within the Old World innovation Any new idea, method, or device that gains wide-
primates that includes gibbons, siamangs, orangutans, goril- spread acceptance in society.
las, chimpanzees, bonobos, and humans. insurgency An organized armed resistance or violent upris-
Homo The genus of bipeds that appeared about 2.5 million ing to an established government or authority in power; also
years ago, characterized by increased brain size compared known as rebellion.
to earlier bipeds. The genus is divided into various species intersexual A person born with reproductive organs, genita-
based on features such as brain size, skull shape, and cultural lia, and/or sex chromosomes that are not exclusively male or
capabilities. female.
Homo erectus “Upright human.” A species within the genus irrigation theory The theory that explains civilization’s
Homo first appearing just after 2 million years ago in Africa emergence as the result of the construction of elaborate ir-
and ultimately spreading throughout the Old World. rigation systems, the functioning of which required full-time
Homo habilis “Handy human.” The first fossil members of the managers whose control blossomed into the first governing
genus Homo appearing about 2.5 million years ago, with larger body and elite social class; also known as hydraulic theory.
brains and smaller faces than australopithecines. Iroquois system Kinship reckoning in which a father and
homologous In biology, a term referring to structures of two a father’s brother are referred to by a single term, as are
different organisms that arise in similar fashion and pass a mother and a mother’s sister, but a father’s sister and a
through similar stages during embryonic development, al- mother’s brother are given separate terms. Parallel cousins are
though they may have different functions. classified with brothers and sisters, whereas cross cousins are
homozygous A term referring to a chromosome pair that bears classified separately but not equated with relatives of some
identical alleles for a single gene. other generation.
horticulture The cultivation of crops in food gardens, carried ischial callosity A hardened, nerveless pad on the buttocks
out with simple hand tools such as digging sticks and hoes. that allows baboons and other primates to sit for long periods
household A domestic unit of one or more persons living in of time.
the same residence. Other than family members, a household isotherm An animal whose body temperature rises or falls de-
may include nonrelatives, such as servants. pending on the temperature of the surrounding environment.
hunting response A cyclic expansion and contraction of the
blood vessels of the limbs that balances releasing enough heat
to prevent frostbite with maintaining heat in the body core. karyotype The array of chromosomes found inside a single cell.
hydraulic theory In archaeology, the theory that explains Kenyanthropus platyops A proposed genus and species of bi-
civilization’s emergence as the result of the construction of ped contemporaneous with early australopithecines; may not
elaborate irrigation systems, the functioning of which re- be a separate genus.
quired full-time managers whose control blossomed into the key consultant A member of the society being studied who
first governing body and elite social class; also known as ir- provides information that helps researchers understand the
rigation theory. meaning of what they observe. Early anthropologists referred
hypoglossal canal The opening in the skull that accommo- to such an individual as an informant.
dates the tongue-controlling hypoglossal nerve. kindred A grouping of blood relatives based on bilateral de-
hypothesis A tentative explanation of the relationships be- scent; includes all relatives with whom EGO shares at least
tween certain phenomena. one grandparent, great-grandparent, or even great-great-
hypoxia The reduced availability of oxygen in the atmosphere grandparent on his or her father’s and mother’s side.
causing diminished oxygen at the cellular level. kinesics The study of nonverbal signals in body language in-
cluding facial expressions and bodily postures and motions.
idealist perspective A theoretical approach stressing the pri- kinship A network of relatives into which individuals are born
macy of superstructure in cultural research and analysis; also and married, and with whom they cooperate based on cus-
known as the mentalist perspective. tomarily prescribed rights and obligations.
illness The meanings and elaborations given to a particular k-selected Reproduction involving the production of relatively
physical state. few offspring with high parental investment in each.
imitative magic Magic based on the principle that like pro- Kula ring A mode of balanced reciprocity that reinforces
duces like; sometimes called sympathetic magic. trade and social relations among the seafaring Melanesians
incest taboo The prohibition of sexual relations between who inhabit a large ring of islands in the southwestern
closely related individuals. Pacific Ocean.
Glossary 659
lactase An enzyme in the small intestine that enables humans the people, between them and their children, and between
to assimilate lactose (milk sugar). them and their in-laws. Such marriage rights and obligations
lactose A sugar that is the primary constituent of fresh milk. most often include, but are not limited to, sex, labor, prop-
language A system of communication using symbolic sounds, erty, childrearing, exchange, and status.
gestures, or marks that are put together according to certain marrow The fatty nutritious tissue inside of long bones where
rules, resulting in meanings that are intelligible to all who blood cells are produced.
share that language. material culture The durable aspects of culture such as tools,
language family A group of languages descended from a structures, and art.
single ancestral language. materialist perspective A theoretical approach stressing the
law Formal rules of conduct that, when violated, effectuate primacy of infrastructure (material conditions) in cultural re-
negative sanctions. search and analysis.
law of competitive exclusion When two closely related matrilineal descent Descent traced exclusively through the
species compete for the same niche, one will out-compete the female line of ancestry to establish group membership.
other, bringing about the latter’s extinction. matrilocal residence A residence pattern in which a married
law of independent assortment The Mendelian principle couple lives in the wife’s mother’s place of residence.
that genes controlling different traits are inherited independently mediation The settlement of a dispute through negotiation as-
of one another. sisted by an unbiased third party.
law of segregation The Mendelian principle that variants medical anthropology A specialization in anthropology that
of genes for a particular trait retain their separate identities brings theoretical and applied approaches from cultural and
through the generations. biological anthropology to the study of human health and
legend A story about a memorable event or figure handed disease.
down by tradition and told as true but without historical medical pluralism The practice of multiple medical systems,
evidence. each with its own techniques and beliefs, in a single society.
legitimacy In politics, the right of political leaders to govern— medical system A patterned set of ideas and practices relating
to hold, use, and allocate power—based on the values a par- to illness.
ticular society embraces. meiosis A kind of cell division that produces the sex cells, each
letter A written character or grapheme. of which has half the number of chromosomes found in other
Levalloisian technique Toolmaking technique by which cells of the organism.
three or four long triangular flakes are detached from a spe- melanin A dark pigment produced in the outer layer of the
cially prepared core; developed by members of the genus skin that protects against damaging ultraviolet solar radiation.
Homo transitional from H. erectus to H. sapiens. menarche The first occurrence of menstruation in the human
leveling mechanism A cultural obligation compelling pros- female.
perous members of a community to give away goods, host menopause The cessation of menstruation cycles.
public feasts, provide free service, or otherwise demonstrate mentalist perspective A theoretical approach stressing the
generosity so that no person permanently accumulates signifi- primacy of superstructure in cultural research and analysis;
cantly more wealth than anyone else. also known as the idealist perspective.
lineage A unilineal kin-group descended from a common an- Mesoamerica The region extending from central Mexico to
cestor or founder who lived four to six generations ago and in the northern regions of Central America.
which relationships among members can be exactly stated in Mesolithic The Middle Stone Age of Europe, Asia, and Africa
genealogical terms. beginning about 12,000 years ago.
lineal system Kinship reckoning in which the nuclear family metabolic rate The rate at which bodies burn energy (food)
is emphasized by specifically identifying the mother, father, to function.
brother, and sister, while lumping together all other relatives microevolution The changes in allele frequencies in popula-
into broad categories such as uncle, aunt, and cousin; also tions; also known as evolution.
known as the Eskimo system. microlith A small blade of flint or similar stone, which when
linguistic anthropology The study of human languages— hafted (sometimes several of them) into a wooden handle
looking at their structure, history, and relation to social and would make a tool that was widespread in the Mesolithic.
cultural contexts. midden A refuse or garbage disposal area in an archaeological
linguistic divergence The development of different languages site.
from a single ancestral language. Middle Paleolithic The middle part of the Old Stone Age
linguistic nationalism The attempt by ethnic minorities and characterized by the development of the Mousterian tool tra-
even countries to proclaim independence by purging their dition and the earlier Levalloisian techniques.
language of foreign terms. migration Mobility in geographic space, involving temporary
linguistic relativity The idea that language to some extent or permanent change in usual place of residence. Internal mi-
shapes the way in which people perceive and think about the gration is movement within countries; external migration is
world. movement to a foreign country.
linguistics The systematic study of all aspects of language. mitosis A kind of cell division that produces daughter cells
Lomekwian tool tradition The earliest stone tools dated to that are genetic copies of the parent cell.
3.3 million years ago, discovered in 2015 in Kenya. modal personality Character traits that occur with the high-
Lower Paleolithic The first part of the Old Stone Age begin- est frequency in a social group and are therefore the most
ning with the earliest Lomekwian tools spanning from about representative of its culture.
200,000 or 250,000 years ago to 3.3 million years ago. modernization The process of political and socioeconomic
change, whereby developing societies acquire some of the cul-
tural characteristics of Western industrial societies.
macroevolution Evolution above the species level or leading moiety A group, usually consisting of several clans, which re-
to the formation of new species. sults from a division of a society into two halves on the basis
magic Specific formulas and actions used to compel supernatu- of descent.
ral powers to act in certain ways for good or evil purposes. molecular anthropology The anthropological study of genes
mammal The class of vertebrate animals distinguished by bod- and genetic relationships, which contributes significantly
ies covered with hair or fur, self-regulating temperature, and to our understanding of human evolution, adaptation, and
in females, milk-producing mammary glands. diversity.
market exchange The buying and selling of goods and ser- molecular clock The technique that dates of divergences
vices, with prices set by rules of supply and demand. among related species can be calculated through an exami-
marriage A culturally sanctioned union between two or more nation of the genetic mutations that have accrued since the
people that establishes certain rights and obligations between divergence.
660 Glossary
money A means of exchange used to make payments for other neolocal residence A residence pattern in which a married
goods and services as well as to measure their value. couple establishes its household in a location apart from ei-
monogamous In primatology, mating for life with a single in- ther the husband’s or the wife’s relatives.
dividual of the opposite sex. netnography An ethnographic study of social networks, com-
monogamy A marriage form in which both partners have just municative practices, and other cultural expressions in cyber-
one spouse. space by means of digital visual and audio technologies; also
monotheism The belief in only one supremely powerful divin- called digital ethnography and cyberethnography.
ity as creator and master of the universe. new reproductive technology (NRT) An alternative means
morpheme The smallest unit of sound that carries a meaning of reproduction, such as in vitro fertilization.
in language. It is distinct from a phoneme, which can alter nocturnal Active at night and at rest during the day.
meaning but has no meaning by itself. notochord A rodlike structure of cartilage that, in vertebrates,
morphology The study of the patterns or rules of word forma- is replaced by the vertebral column.
tion in a language, including the guidelines for verb tense, nuclear family A group consisting of one or two parents and
pluralization, and compound words. dependent offspring, which may include a stepparent, stepsib-
motif An underlying theme around which a work of art is lings, and adopted children. Until recently this term referred
composed. only to the mother, father, and child(ren) unit.
Mousterian tool tradition The tool industry of the Nean-
dertals and their contemporaries of Europe, Southwest Asia, Oldowan tool tradition An early stone tool industry, begin-
and North Africa from 40,000 to 125,000 years ago. ning between 2.5 and 2.6 million years ago.
multiculturalism The public policy for managing cultural Old Stone Age A prehistoric period, characterized by the de-
diversity in a multi-ethnic society, officially stressing mutual velopment of increasingly effective stone tool technologies,
respect and tolerance for cultural differences within a coun- spanning from about 10,000 to 3.3 million years ago; also
try’s borders. known as Paleolithic.
multiregional hypothesis The hypothesis that modern opposable Having the ability to bring the thumb or big toe in
humans originated through a process of simultaneous local contact with the tips of the other digits on the same hand or
transition from Homo erectus to Homo sapiens throughout the foot in order to grasp objects.
inhabited world. out of Africa hypothesis The theory that modern humans
multi-sited ethnography The investigation and documentation are all derived from one single population of archaic Homo
of peoples and cultures embedded in the larger structures of sapiens who migrated out of Africa after 100,000 years ago,
a globalizing world, utilizing a range of methods in various replacing all other archaic forms due to their superior cultural
locations of time and space. capabilities; also known as the recent African origins hypothesis
music Broadly speaking, an art form whose medium is sound or the Eve hypothesis.
and silence; a form of communication that includes a non- ovulation The moment when an egg released from an ovary
verbal auditory component with elements of tonality, pitch, into the womb is receptive for fertilization.
rhythm, and timbre.
mutation The chance alteration of genetic material that pro- paleoanthropology The anthropological study of biological
duces new variation. changes through time (evolution) to understand the origins
myth A sacred narrative that explains the fundamentals of hu- and predecessors of the present human species.
man existence—where we and everything in our world came Paleoindian The people who were the earliest inhabitants of
from, why we are here, and where we are going. North America.
palynology In archaeology and paleoanthropology, a technique
NAGPRA The Native American Graves Protection and Repatria- of relative dating based on changes in fossil pollen over time.
tion Act, a federal law that outlines a process for the return of pantheon A collective of gods and goddesses worshiped in a
remains to related native peoples. society.
naming ceremony A special event or ritual to mark the nam- paralanguage The voice effects that accompany language and
ing of a child. convey meaning, including vocalizations such as giggling,
natal group The group or the community an animal has in- groaning, or sighing, as well as voice qualities such as pitch
habited since birth. and tempo.
nation A people who share a collective identity based on a parallel cousin The child of a father’s brother or a mother’s sister.
common culture, language, territorial base, and history. parallel evolution In cultural evolution, the development of
Natufian culture A Mesolithic culture from the lands that are similar cultural adaptations to similar environmental condi-
now Israel, Lebanon, and western Syria, between about 10,200 tions by peoples whose ancestral cultures are already some-
and 12,500 years ago. what alike.
natural selection The evolutionary process through which participant observation In ethnography, the technique of
factors in the environment exert pressure, favoring some indi- learning a people’s culture through social participation and
viduals over others to produce the next generation. personal observation within the community being studied, as
Neandertal A distinct fossil group within the genus Homo well as interviews and discussion with individual members of
inhabiting Europe and Southwest and Central Asia approxi- the group over an extended period of time.
mately 30,000 to 125,000 years ago; today’s genetic evidence pastoralism The breeding and managing of migratory herds
extends their range both forward and back in time. of domesticated grazing animals, such as goats, sheep, cattle,
negative reciprocity A mode of exchange in which the aim llamas, and camels.
is to get something for as little as possible. Neither fair nor patrilineal descent Descent traced exclusively through the
balanced, it may involve hard bargaining, manipulation, out- male line of ancestry to establish group membership.
right cheating, or theft. patrilocal residence A residence pattern in which a married
negotiation The use of direct argument and compromise by couple lives in the husband’s father’s place of residence.
the parties to a dispute to arrive voluntarily at a mutually sat- peasant A small-scale producer of crops or livestock living on
isfactory agreement. land that is self-owned or rented in exchange for labor, crops,
Neolithic The New Stone Age; a prehistoric period beginning or money; often exploited by more powerful groups in a com-
about 10,000 years ago in which peoples possessed stone- plex society.
based technologies and depended on domesticated plants percussion method A technique of stone tool manufacture
and/or animals for subsistence. performed by striking the raw material with a hammerstone or
Neolithic revolution The domestication of plants and animals by striking raw material against a stone anvil to remove flakes.
by peoples with stone-based technologies beginning about performance art A creatively expressed promotion of ideas
10,000 years ago and leading to radical transformations in cul- by artful means dramatically staged to challenge opinion and/
tural systems; sometimes referred to as the Neolithic transition. or provoke purposeful action.
Glossary 661
personality The distinctive way a person thinks, feels, and prestige economy The creation of a surplus for the express
behaves. purpose of displaying wealth and giving it away to raise one’s
phenotype The observable characteristic of an organism that status.
may or may not reflect a particular genotype due to the vari- priest or priestess A full-time religious specialist formally recog-
able expression of dominant and recessive alleles. nized for his or her role in guiding the religious practices of oth-
phoneme The smallest unit of sound that makes a difference ers and for contacting and influencing supernatural powers.
in meaning in a language but has no meaning by itself. primary innovation The creation, invention, or chance dis-
phonetics The systematic identification and description of discovery of a completely new idea, method, or device.
tinctive speech sounds in a language. primate The group of mammals that includes lemurs, lorises,
phonology The study of language sounds. tarsiers, monkeys, apes, and humans.
phratry A unilineal descent group composed of at least two primatology The study of living and fossil primates.
clans that supposedly share a common ancestry, whether or prion An infectious protein lacking any genetic material but
not they really do. capable of causing the reorganization and destruction of other
physical anthropology The systematic study of humans as proteins.
biological organisms; also known as biological anthropology. progress In anthropology, a relative concept signifying that
physiological adaptation A short-term physiological a society or country is moving forward to a better, more
change in response to a specific environmental stimulus. advanced stage in its cultural development toward greater
An immediate short-term response is not very efficient perfection.
and is gradually replaced by a longer-term response; see projection In cartography, refers to the system of intersecting
acclimatization. lines (of longitude and latitude) by which part or all of the
pilgrimage A devotion in motion; traveling, often on foot, to globe is represented on a flat surface.
a sacred or holy site to reach for enlightenment, prove devo- prosimian The suborder of primates that includes lemurs, lo-
tion, and/or experience a miracle. rises, and tarsiers.
platyrrhine The primate infraorder that includes New World proxemics The cross-cultural study of people’s perception and
monkeys. use of space.
pluralistic society A complex society in which two or more punctuated equilibrium A model of macroevolutionary
ethnic groups or nationalities are politically organized into change that suggests evolution occurs via long periods of sta-
one territorial state but maintain their cultural differences. bility or stasis punctuated by periods of rapid change.
political organization The way power, as the capacity to do
something, is accumulated, arranged, executed, and structur- qualitative data Nonstatistical information such as personal
ally embedded in society; the means through which a society life stories and customary beliefs and practices.
creates and maintains social order and reduces social disorder. quantitative data Statistical or measurable information,
politics The process determining who gets what, when, and such as demographic composition, the types and quantities of
how. crops grown, or the ratio of spouses born and raised within or
polyandry A marriage form in which a woman is married to outside the community.
two or more men at the same time; a form of polygamy.
polygamy A marriage form in which one individual has mul- race In biology, the taxonomic category of a subspecies that
tiple spouses at the same time. is not applicable to humans because the division of humans
polygenetic inheritance Two or more genes contributing to into discrete types does not represent the true nature of hu-
the phenotypic expression of a single characteristic. man biological variation. In some societies, race is an impor-
polygyny A marriage form in which a man is married to two tant social category.
or more women at the same time; a form of polygamy. racism A doctrine of superiority by which one group justifies
polymerase chain reaction (PCR) A technique for amplify- the dehumanization and degradation of others based on their
ing or creating multiple copies of fragments of DNA so that it distinctive physical characteristics.
can be studied in the laboratory. radiocarbon dating In archaeology and paleoanthropology,
polymorphic A term to describe species with alternative forms a technique of chronometric dating based on measuring the
(alleles) of particular genes. amount of radioactive carbon (14C ) left in organic materials
polytheism The belief in multiple gods and/or goddesses. found in archaeological sites.
polytypic A term to describe the expression of genetic variants rebellion Organized armed resistance to an established govern-
in different frequencies in different populations of a species. ment or authority in power; also known as insurgency.
population In biology, a group of similar individuals that can recent African origins hypothesis The hypothesis that
and do interbreed. modern humans are all derived from one single population of
postindustrial society A society with an economy based on archaic Homo sapiens who migrated out of Africa after 100,000
research and development of new knowledge and technolo- years ago, replacing all other archaic forms due to their superior
gies, as well as providing information, services, and finance cultural capabilities; also known as the Eve hypothesis or the out
capital on a global scale. of Africa hypothesis.
potassium-argon dating In archaeology and paleoanthro- recessive In genetics, a term to describe an allele for a trait whose
pology, a technique of chronometric dating that measures the expression is masked by the presence of a dominant allele.
ratio of radioactive potassium to argon in volcanic debris as- reciprocity The exchange of goods and services, of approxi-
sociated with human remains. mately equal value, between two parties.
potlatch On the Northwest Coast of North America, an indig- reconciliation In primatology, a friendly reunion between
enous ceremonial event in which a village chief publicly gives former opponents not long after a conflict.
away stockpiled food and other goods that signify wealth. redistribution A mode of exchange in which goods flow
power The ability of individuals or groups to impose their will into a central place, where they are sorted, counted, and
upon others and make them do things even against their own reallocated.
wants or wishes. relative dating In archaeology and paleoanthropology, des-
preadapted Possessing characteristics that, by chance, are ad- ignating an event, object, or fossil as being older or younger
vantageous in future environmental conditions. than another by noting the position in the earth, by measur-
prehensile Having the ability to grasp. ing the amount of chemicals contained in fossil bones and
prehistory A conventional term used to refer to the period of artifacts, or by identifying its association with other plant,
time before the appearance of written records. animal, or cultural remains.
pressure flaking A technique of stone tool manufacture in religion An organized system of ideas about the spiritual
which a bone, antler, or wooden tool is used to press, rather sphere or the supernatural, along with associated ceremonial
than strike off, small flakes from a piece of flint or similar practices by which people try to interpret and/or influence as-
stone. pects of the universe otherwise beyond their control.
662 Glossary
reproductive success The production of fertile offspring by sexual dimorphism Within a single species, differences be-
individual members of a population. tween males and females in the shape or size of a feature not
resistant strain A genetic variant of a specific bacterium that directly related to reproduction, such as body size or canine
is not killed by antibiotics. tooth shape and size.
revitalization movement A social movement for radical cul- shaman A person who enters an altered state of consciousness
tural reform in response to widespread social disruption and to contact and utilize an ordinarily hidden reality in order to
collective feelings of great stress and despair. acquire knowledge, power, and to help others.
revolution Radical change in a society or culture. In the politi- sickle-cell anemia An inherited form of anemia produced
cal arena, it involves the forced overthrow of an existing gov- by a mutation in the hemoglobin protein that causes the red
ernment and establishment of a completely new one. blood cells to assume a sickle shape.
ribosome The structure in the cell where translation occurs. signal An instinctive sound or gesture that has a natural or
rifting In geology, the process by which a rift, or a long self-evident meaning.
narrow zone of faulting, results when two geologic plates silent trade A mode of exchange of goods between mutu-
separate. ally distrusting ethnic groups so as to avoid direct personal
rite of intensification A ritual that takes place during a contact.
crisis in the life of the group and serves to bind individuals sister chromatid One-half of the X shape of a chromosome
together. visible after replication. Each half is a copy of the original
rite of passage A ritual that marks an important ceremonial chromosome.
moment when members of a society move from one distinc- slash-and-burn cultivation An extensive form of horticul-
tive social stage in life to another, such as birth, marriage, ture in which the natural vegetation is cut, the slash is subse-
and death. It features three phases: separation, transition, and quently burned, and crops are then planted among the ashes;
incorporation. also known as swidden farming.
rite of purification A symbolic act carried out by an indi- social or sociocultural anthropology The study of patterns
vidual or a group to establish or restore purity when someone in human behavior, thought, and emotions, focusing on hu-
has violated a taboo or is otherwise unclean. mans as culture-producing and culture-reproducing creatures.
ritual A culturally prescribed symbolic act or procedure de- Also known as cultural anthropology.
signed to guide members of a community in an orderly way social class A category of individuals in a stratified society
through personal and collective transitions. who enjoy equal or nearly equal prestige according to the hi-
RNA (ribonucleic acid) Single-stranded molecules similar to erarchical system of evaluation.
DNA but with uracil substituted for the base thymine; tran- social control External control through open coercion.
scribes and carries instructions from DNA within the nucleus social mobility An upward or downward change in one’s so-
to the ribosomes, where it directs protein synthesis. Some cial class position in a stratified society.
simple life forms contain RNA only. social stratification The emergence of social classes—a series
robust australopithecine One member of the genus Aus- of ranked social categories according to characteristics such as
tralopithecus, living from 1 to 2.5 million years ago in East wealth, occupation, or kin group.
Africa and South Africa; known for the rugged nature of its social structure The rule-governed relationships—with all
chewing apparatus (large back teeth, large chewing muscles, their rights and obligations—that hold members of a society
and a bony ridge on the skull top to allow for these large together. This includes households, families, associations, and
muscles). power relations, including politics.
r-selected Reproduction involving the production of large num- society An organized group or groups of interdependent
bers of offspring with relatively low parental investment in each. people who generally share a common territory, language,
and culture and who act together for collective survival and
sagittal crest A crest running from front to back on the top well-being.
of the skull along the midline to provide a surface of bone for sociolinguistics The study of the relationship between lan-
the attachment of the large temporal muscles for chewing. guage and society through examining how social categories—
Sahul The greater Australian landmass including Australia, such as age, gender, ethnicity, religion, occupation, and
New Guinea, and Tasmania. At times of maximum glaciation class—influence the use and significance of distinctive styles
and low sea levels, these areas were continuous. of speech.
salvage ethnography Ethnographic research that documents soft power Macro-level power that coopts or manipulates,
endangered cultures; also known as urgent anthropology. skillfully pressing people through attraction and persuasion to
sanction An externalized social control designed to encourage shape or change their ideology (ideas, beliefs, and values).
conformity to social norms. soil mark A stain that shows up on the surface of recently
savannah Semi-arid plains environment as in East Africa. plowed fields revealing an archaeological site.
scapula The shoulder blade. speciation The process of forming new species.
secondary innovation The deliberate application or modifi- species The smallest working unit in biological classificatory
cation of an existing idea, method, or device. systems; reproductively isolated populations or groups of pop-
secularization A process of cultural change in which a popu- ulations capable of interbreeding to produce fertile offspring.
lation tends toward a nonreligious worldview, ignoring or spirituality Concern with the sacred, as distinguished from
rejecting institutionalized spiritual beliefs and rituals. material matters. In contrast to religion, spirituality is often
secular trend A physical difference among related people individual rather than collective and does not require a dis-
from distinct generations that allows anthropologists to tinctive format or traditional organization.
make inferences about environmental effects on growth and spiritual lineage A principle of leadership in which divine
development. authority is passed down from a spiritual founding figure,
self-awareness The ability to identify oneself as an individual, such as a prophet or saint, to a chain of successors.
to reflect on oneself, and to evaluate oneself. stabilizing selection Natural selection acting to promote sta-
self-control A person’s capacity to manage her or his sponta- bility rather than change in a population’s gene pool.
neous feelings, restraining impulsive behavior. state A political institution established to manage and defend
separation In a rite of passage, the temporary ritual removal a complex, socially stratified society occupying a defined
of the individual from society. territory.
serial monogamy A marriage form in which an individual stereoscopic vision Complete three-dimensional vision, or
marries or lives with a series of partners in succession. depth perception, from binocular vision and nerve connec-
seriation In archaeology and paleoanthropology, a technique tions that run from each eye to both sides of the brain, al-
for relative dating based on putting groups of objects into a lowing nerve cells to integrate the images derived from each
sequence in relation to one another. eye.
Glossary 663
stratified In archaeology, a term describing sites where the tool An object used to facilitate some task or activity. Although
remains lie in layers, one upon another. toolmaking involves intentional modification of the material
stratified society A society in which people are hierarchi- of which it is made, tool use may involve objects either modi-
cally divided and ranked into social strata, or layers, and do fied for some particular purpose or completely unmodified.
not share equally in the basic resources that support income, totemism The belief that people are related to particular ani-
status, and power. mals, plants, or natural objects by virtue of descent from com-
stratigraphy In archaeology and paleoanthropology, the most mon ancestral spirits.
reliable method of relative dating by means of strata. tradition Customary ideas and practices passed on from gen-
strepsirrhine The subdivision within the primate order based eration to generation, which in a modernizing society may
on shared genetic characteristics; includes lemurs and lorises. form an obstacle to new ways of doing things.
structural power Macro-level power that manages or re- transcription The process of conversion of instructions from
structures political and economic relations within and among DNA into RNA.
societies while simultaneously shaping or changing people’s transgender A person who identifies with or expresses a gen-
ideology (ideas, beliefs, and values); a compound of hard der identity that differs from the one that matches the per-
power and soft power. son’s sex at birth.
structural violence Physical and/or psychological harm transition In a rite of passage, temporary isolation of the in-
(including repression, environmental destruction, poverty, dividual following separation and prior to incorporation into
hunger, illness, and premature death) caused by impersonal, society.
exploitative, and unjust social, political, and economic translation In genetics, the process of conversion of RNA in-
systems. structions into proteins.
subculture A distinctive set of ideas, values, and behavior pat- treaty A contract or formally binding agreement between two
terns by which a group within a larger society operates, while or more groups that are independent and self-governing po-
still sharing common standards with that larger society. litical groups such as tribes, chiefdoms, and states.
Sunda The combined landmass of the contemporary islands tribe In anthropology, the term for a range of kin-ordered
of Java, Sumatra, Borneo, and Bali that was continuous with groups that are politically integrated by some unifying factor
mainland Southeast Asia at times of low sea levels correspond- and whose members share a common ancestry, identity, cul-
ing to maximum glaciation. ture, language, and territory.
superstructure A society’s shared sense of identity and
worldview. The collective body of ideas, beliefs, and values unilineal descent Descent traced exclusively through either
by which members of a society make sense of the world—its the male or the female line of ancestry to establish group
shape, challenges, and opportunities—and understand their membership; sometimes called unilateral descent.
place in it. This includes religion and national ideology. Upper Paleolithic The last part (10,000 to 40,000 years ago)
suspensory hanging apparatus The broad powerful shoul- of the Old Stone Age, featuring tool industries characterized
der joints and muscles found in all the hominoids, allowing by long, slim blades and an explosion of creative symbolic
these large-bodied primates to hang suspended below the tree forms.
branches. urgent anthropology Ethnographic research that documents
swidden farming An extensive form of horticulture in which endangered cultures; also known as salvage ethnography.
the natural vegetation is cut, the slash is subsequently burned,
and crops are then planted among the ashes; also known as vegeculture The cultivation of domesticated root crops such
slash-and-burn cultivation. as yams, manioc, and taro together in a single field, generally
symbol A sound, gesture, mark, or other sign that is arbitrarily by planting cuttings instead of seeds.
linked to something else and represents it in a meaningful verbal art Creative word use on display that includes sto-
way. ries, myths, legends, tales, poetry, metaphor, rhyme, chants,
sympathetic magic Magic based on the principle that like rap, drama, cant, proverbs, jokes, puns, riddles, and tongue
produces like; also known as imitative magic. twisters.
syncretism The creative blending of indigenous and foreign vertebrate An animal with a backbone, including fish, am-
beliefs and practices into new cultural forms. phibians, reptiles, birds, and mammals.
syntax The patterns or rules by which words are arranged into vertical clinging and leaping Using the back legs to propel
phrases and sentences. oneself from a vertical branch while rotating 180 degrees, en-
abling one to land facing a second vertical branch.
taboo Culturally prescribed avoidances involving ritual visual art Art created primarily for visual perception, ranging
prohibitions, which, if not observed, lead to supernatural from etchings and paintings on various surfaces (including
punishment. the human body) to sculptures and weavings made with an
tale A creative narrative that is recognized as fiction for enter- array of materials.
tainment but may also draw a moral or teach a practical lesson. visual predation hypothesis An explanation for primate
taphonomy The study of how bones and other materials come evolution that proposes that hunting behavior in tree-dwelling
to be preserved in the earth as fossils. primates was responsible for their enhanced visual acuity and
taxonomy The science of classification. manual dexterity.
technology Tools and other material equipment, together
with the knowledge of how to make and use them. whistled speech An exchange of whistled words using
tertiary scavenger In a food chain, the third in line to get a phonetic emulation of the sounds produced in spoken
something from a carcass after a predator killed the prey. voice.
theory A coherent statement that provides an explanatory witchcraft Magical rituals intended to cause misfortune or
framework for understanding; an explanation or interpreta- inflict harm.
tion supported by a reliable body of data. worldview The collective body of ideas members of a culture
thrifty genotype A human genotype that may permit the ef- generally share concerning the ultimate shape and substance
ficient storage of fat to draw on in times of food shortage and of their reality.
conservation of glucose and nitrogen. writing system A set of visible or tactile signs used to repre-
tonal language A language in which the sound pitch of sent units of language in a systematic way.
a spoken word is an essential part of its pronunciation
and meaning. xenophobia Fear or hatred of strangers or anything foreign.
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Index
Note: Italic page numbers indicate charts, affinal kin, 468 atmospheric pressure, 301
figures, and maps. Afghanistan, 322, 322, 512, 512, 535 cold stress at, 302, 302
Taliban, 646 Machu Picchu, Andes, 262, 262
abduction, 141 World Heritage Sites, 220 Mount Kailash, Tibet, 574, 574
Abenaki culture, 593, 593 Africa, 46, 143, 259, 260, 515, 515, 570 altruism, 94
absolute dating, 119–125, 122, 130 age grouping in, 515–516, 515 Amazonia
acclimatization, 301–302 Australopithecus in, 143–152, 143, 151, 152 decimation of forests, 613–614
accommodation, 616, 621–623, 622 childrearing in, 400–404, 401, 403 fish farming in, 224, 224
acculturation, 344–346, 346, 612 energy consumption per country, 645 gender-based groups in, 514, 514
defined, 345 fossil sites in, 108, 137, 143, 152–153 Shuar cattle farming in, 622–623
protesting, 613 Great Rift Valley, 144 ambilocal residence, 485
Aché culture, 613 Homo erectus, 177, 178 Ambrose, Stanley, 192
Acheulean tool tradition, 180–181, 180 Homo ergaster, 175 American Anthropological Association
Acholi culture, 549, 550 Homo habilis, 153, 161, 170, 173 (AAA), 20, 282–283, 282
action archaeology, 110–111, 110, 111 income inequality, 641 American Sign Language (ASL), 54, 370
action theory, 267 Nile Valley, 253, 431 Americas
adaptation, 295–320, 416–420, 437 polygyny in, 473, 473 domestication in, 233–235, 234, 610
culture and, 323–326 rock art, 590–591, 591 land bridge to, 221, 221
defined, 323, 417 slums, 637 Neolithic revolution, 242–243
to human-made stressors, 304–310 vegetation zones, 157 spread of peoples to, 221–222, 224
to natural environmental stressors, woman–woman marriage in, 479 See also North America; South America
296–304 See also specific countries amino acids, 162, 235
adaptation (biological), 46, 48, 295–310, African Burial Ground Project, New York racemization, 122, 125
319 City, 113, 525, 525 Amish subculture, 328–329, 329
to climate, 46, 302–304, 303 African origins (“Eve”) hypothesis, 201–208, Amnesty International, 632
of Darwin’s finches, 48 202, 224, 292 amniocentesis, 36
defined, 43, 417 African Wildlife Foundation, 76–77 anagenesis, 47, 47
natural selection and, 43–48 age analogies, 30, 31
physical variation and, 46 coming-of-age ceremonies, 515, 515 ancestral characteristics, 58
sickle-cell anemia and, 44–46 grouping by, 514–516, 515, 528 ancestral spirits, 561–562
See also physiological adaptation labor division by, 445–446 Anderson, Greg, 9
adaptation (cultural), 223, 323–326, 340, 437 age grade, 514–515, 515, 535 Ani, silk road city, 264–266, 264–266
agriculture, 427–429, 431–432 age set, 515, 535 animal domestication, 229, 230, 232–233,
convergent evolution, 58, 435 agriculture, 427–429, 431–432, 438, 621 233, 234, 425
cultural evolution, 433–437 agricultural innovation, 257 human diseases and, 245, 245
culture areas, 418–420, 420 anthropologists and, 428, 428 animatism, 562
defined, 323, 417, 437 in Arabian Desert, 325 animism, 562, 563
of early Homo, 180–182, 185, 194 defined, 245, 427 anorexia nervosa, 413
environment and, 190, 418, 436–437, 436 family farms, vs. industrial-scale, 432–433 Anthropocene, 304, 629, 651
food-foraging societies, 420–424 Fertile Crescent, 231–233, 231 anthropoids, 60, 62, 135–136, 136
horticulture, 229, 425–427 genetically modified crops, 457, 457 defined, 59
industrial food production, 432–433, 433, intensive, 245, 257, 431–432, 438 evolutionary relationships, 138–139, 139
434 irrigation and, 257, 325, 325, 427, 428, Anthropologists of Note, boxed features
intensive agriculture, 431–432 428 Berhane Asfaw, 203, 203
in Middle Paleolithic, 189–194 Maya forest, 110–111, 110, 111 Gregory Bateson, 358, 358
migration/nomads, 322, 322 Neolithic, “price” for, 243–245 Ruth Fulton Benedict, 402, 402
modes of subsistence, 420, 438 See also farming; food production Franz Boas, 14, 14
parallel evolution, 435–436 al-Asaad, Khaled, 104 Peter T. Ellison, 300, 300
pastoralism, 429–431, 430 alcoholism, 306 Paul Farmer, 650, 650
adaptation (developmental), 13, 296–297, Ali, Muhammad, 398 Jane Goodall, 12, 13, 86, 86, 99
297 alleles, 33–34, 34, 41 Michael Harner, 567, 567
adaptation (genetic), 269, 296 dominant and recessive, 37–38, 49 Kinji Imanishi, 87, 87
adaptation (physiological). See physiological human blood groups, 36–38 Leakey family, 137, 137
adaptation sickle-cell allele and malaria, 44–46, 45, Claude Lévi-Strauss, 472, 472
adaptive radiation, 56, 58, 133, 134 46, 295 Bronislaw Malinowski, 335, 335
adduction, 141 Allen’s rule, 302, 302 Margaret Mead, 358, 358
adoption, 486, 487, 507–508, 508 alphabet, 390 Laura Nader, 539, 539
South Korean adoptees, 279, 279 Altaweel, Mark, 268, 268 Svante Pääbo, 193, 203, 203
advocacy anthropology, 348–349, 349 altiplano, 419, 419 Matilda Coxe Stevenson, 14, 14
Aegyptopithecus, 136, 139 altitude, 300–302 Eric R. Wolf, 609, 609
Afar nomads, 447, 447 acclimatization, 301–302 Rosita Worl, 458, 458
affiliative actions, 91 adaptation to, 13, 300–302, 301, 419, 419 See also specific anthropologists
680
Index 681
anthropology, 3–25, 402 Ardipithecus, 139, 142–143, 143, 146, 154, gracile australopithecines, 151–152, 152, 153
advocacy, 348–349, 349 155 in human origins scenarios, 156
applied, 5–6, 6, 345–346 Ardipithecus kadabba, 142–143 Australopithecus anamensis, 146, 146, 154
archaeology and, 6, 10–12 Ardipithecus ramidus, 142–143, 143, 146 in human origins scenarios, 156
biological, 6, 12–13 Areshian, Gregory, 264–266 Australopithecus bahrelghazali, 146, 151,
cultural, 6–9, 6 Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team 154
economic, 441–443 (EAAF), 17 Australopithecus boisei, 146, 153, 154, 160
ethics of, 20–21, 24, 364–366, 368 Armelagos, George, 223, 245 in human origins scenarios, 156, 161
fieldwork, 15–20, 24 Armenia/Armenians, 241, 550 Australopithecus deyiremeda, 146, 154
forensic, 13, 16–17 Aroostook Band of Micmac culture, 501, 501 Australopithecus garhi, 146, 154, 154
four fields of, 5–13, 6, 24 arranged marriage, 476–477 in human origins scenarios, 155, 156
globalization and, 21–23, 24, 649–651 arrested development, 90, 91 Australopithecus robustus, 146, 152–154, 153,
linguistic, 6, 9–10 Arsuaga, Juan Luis, 108 154
medical, 6, 304–305, 650 art, 198, 210–216, 585–604 in human origins scenarios, 156
molecular, 12 anthropological study of, 586–588, 603 Australopithecus sediba, 146, 154, 154, 155
science and humanities and, 14–15, 24 cave or rock art, 212–216, 212, 213, 215, in human origins scenarios, 155, 156
social context of, 367 590–591, 591 authority, 538, 554
theoretical perspectives, 363–364, 368 defined, 585, 603 Avian influenza, 245, 271
urgent, 344, 345 entoptic phenomena, 212, 212 Awlad ‘Ali Bedouins, 595–596
See also paleoanthropology functional, 586 ayatollah, 540, 540
Anthropology Applied, boxed features functions of, 597–600, 603 Aymara culture/language, 382, 382, 383, 397,
agricultural development and Ga funerary (coffins), 599, 599 429, 617, 618
anthropologists, 428, 428 gender and, 216 Ayoreo culture, 345
anthropologists and social impact globalization, cultural survival and, Azande culture, 542
assessment, 521 600–601, 601 Aztec culture, 209, 253–254, 254, 456
Apache Indians, new houses for, 330 graffiti, 598, 600, 601 Christianity merged with, 575
Atari Burial Grounds, New Mexico, 126– musical, 595–597, 597, 603
127, 126 ornamental, 216 baboons, 70, 82–83, 82, 139
bringing back past (Penobscot chief’s Peche Merle Cave, 214–215, 215, 216 bagpipes, 609, 610
collar), 602, 602 performance, 585, 603 Bakhtiari culture, 430–431, 430
chimpanzees in biomedical research, 100 peyote art, 592, 592 balanced reciprocity, 449, 461
development anthropology and dams, in protests, 584, 585, 598–600 bamboo construction, 181, 181
624, 624 red ochre, 185, 192, 210, 218 band, 532, 533–534, 533, 554
dispute resolution and anthropologists, 553 on spear-throwers or atlatls, 209, 209 Bangladesh, 317
Dunham, S. Ann, mother of U.S. president, symbols in, 587–588, 587, 588, 588 Bantu culture, 259, 260
642, 642, 649 tattoos, 589–590, 590 barrel model of cultural system, 333, 333,
ecotourism and indigenous culture in threats to traditional, 600–601 341, 557
Bolivia, 448 totem pole, 500, 502 Barrow, Alaska, 18–20, 18
fish farming in the Amazon, 244–245, 244 trance state and, 212, 212, 590–591 barter and trade, 450–451, 451, 461
forensic anthropology: voices for the dead, Upper Paleolithic, 210–216, 224 Bateson, Gregory, 358, 358
16–17 Venus figurines, 210, 211, 216 Bedouin culture, 595, 596
indigenous languages, preserving, 380–381 verbal, 591–595, 603 behavior. See primate behavior
Native American tribal membership visual, 588–591, 603 Beltrán, Gonzalo Aguirre, 346, 346
dispute, 501, 501 artifact, defined, 106 Benedict, Ruth Fulton, 402, 402
saving our ape cousins, 76–77 Aryan race, 281 Bengali Muslims, 636, 636
stone tools for modern surgeons, 191, 191 Ashanti culture, 517, 517 Beng culture, 403–404, 403
antibiotics, 310–311 Asfaw, Berhane, 203, 203 Berger, Lee and Matthew, 154, 172
Apache culture, 330 Asia, energy consumption per country, 645 Bergmann’s rule, 302, 302
apartheid, 524 assemblage, 115–116 Beringia Land Bridge, 221, 221
apes, 62, 70–73, 136, 387 assimilation, 615–616 Bessire, Lucas, 342, 342
ape–human comparisons, 28, 40, 61 Atari Burial Grounds, 126–127, 126 Besteman, Catherine, 350
as mammals, 56 atlatls (spearthrower), 209, 209, 608 Bhutan, 556, 556, 609, 610
Miocene, human origins and, 136–140, atmospheric pressure, 301 bias
138, 139 Aurignacian tradition, 205–206, 206 cultural, 163, 276, 276
vocal organs, 389, 389 Australia, 212, 212, 213, 218, 218 gender, 169, 170, 171
applied anthropology, 5–6, 6, 7, 345–346 energy consumption, 645 Big Man, Melanesia, 534–535, 535
challenges of, 615, 652 Australian Aborigines, 201, 213, 218, 219, bilateral descent, 497, 503–504
See also Anthropology Applied; forensic 291, 500 Binford, Lewis, 172
anthropology Australopithecus, 139, 143–156, 154 binocular vision, 62–63
Arapaho language, 380–381 ankles and climbing capacity of, 149–150, bioarchaeology, 11, 11, 118
arboreal, 58, 70 149 biocultural approach, 12
arboreal hypothesis, 135 canine teeth of, 146, 147, 150 Biocultural Connection, boxed features
archaeological sites. See sites defined, 143 African Burial Ground Project, New York
archaeology, 6, 10–12, 24 differences from early Homo, 162–163 City, 525, 525
experimental, 168–169, 169 diversity of specimens, 145, 146 Aymara adaptation to high altitude, 419,
field methods, 105–131 gracile australopithecines, 151–152, 152, 419
publicizing through comics, 123 153, 164 biology of human speech, 389, 389
as science of discovery, 129–130 Homo and, 154–156, 155, 156 body modification, 337, 337
Archaic cultures, 228 limbs, 141, 148 cacao: love bean in the money tree, 456
archaic Homo sapiens, 183–185, 188–189 Little Foot, 151–152, 152 dogs, 236–237, 236
cranial capacity, 183–184 location of sites/fossils, 143, 146 epicanthic fold, 286–287, 287
cultural innovations, 210, 211 robust australopithecines, 152–154, 153, evolution and human birth, 159, 169
defined, 184 154, 156, 164 gibbons and sopranos, 70, 71
Denisovans, 188–189 skulls and teeth, 150–151, 151, 153, 194 humans and bonobos: a bicultural
fire making and, 166, 181–182 Taung Child, 143, 144, 151, 172 conversation, 94–95, 94
Javanese, African, and Chinese, 188–189, transition to Homo, 146 karma, monks, and changing sex, 564
194 trunk skeleton, 147–148, 148 Kennewick Man, 120–121, 121
Levalloisian technique, 184–185, 185, 195 Australopithecus aethiopicus, 146, 154, 156 Maori origins and genetics, 492–493, 492
Middle Paleolithic, 192–194, 194 Australopithecus afarensis, 146–150, 146, 154 marriage prohibitions in the United States,
speech and language, 192–193, 210 in human origins scenarios, 156 471
See also Neandertals Laetoli footprints, 142, 142, 146 new diseases, 625
Arctic peoples, 302–304, 303, 562, 563, 622, Lucy, 146–150, 147 Paleolithic prescriptions for diseases of
622, 644 Lucy’s baby, 106, 146, 148 today, 223
toxic breast milk, 647, 647 Australopithecus africanus, 143, 146, 152, 154 pesticides, 8
682 Index
Biocultural Connection (Continued)

Continued
Continued) Buddhism, 558, 560 skeleton and skull, 140, 141, 148
peyote art among the Huichol, 592, 592 Taiwanese, 564, 564 social behaviors, 83, 84, 85–86
pig lovers and pig haters, 365 Tibetan, 556, 556, 565, 566, 574 tool use, 97–98, 97, 169
psychosomatic symptoms and mental Bugis culture, 408 use in biomedical research, 100, 100
health, 412 bulimia nervosa, 413 China, 263, 431, 494, 638
refugee family unification through DNA burial communist revolution in, 620
testing, 38–39 African Burial Ground Project, New York consanguineal families in, 482
sex, gender, and female City, 113, 525, 525 core values in, 405
paleoanthropologists, 171 grave goods, 263, 263 cyber café in, 628, 628
sex, gender, and human violence, 171 at Kebara Cave, Israel, 191, 192, 206, 207 energy consumption, 645
swine-borne disease in the Americas, Neandertal, 190–192, 206–207 ethnolinguistic groups, 331
270–271, 270 Neolithic, 241 feng shui, 527, 572
toxic breast milk, 647, 647 at Shanidar Cave, Iraq, 191–192, 206 gunpowder, 609–610
vaccine debate goes viral, 312–313 at Sima de los Huesos, Spain, 108 Han patrilineal descent, 331, 350, 494–495,
biological anthropology, 6, 12–13, 24, 525 burin, 208 495, 646
biological change, cultural change and, 168, Burma. See Myanmar Homo erectus in, 177–179, 179
195, 207–208 Bush, George H. W., 434 income disparity in, 641
biomolecular archaeology, 11, 11 Bushmen, Kalahari Desert, 421, 421, 590– medical system in, 306
bipedalism, 60, 138, 140–142, 157–160, 207 591, 591 migrant workforce in, 486, 486
advantages of, 157–160 See also Ju/’hoansi culture military spending, 638
anatomy of, 140–142, 140, 141 Mosuo matrilineal descent, 496, 496
brain size and, 158–160, 174 cacao, 456, 456 one-child policy, 315–316
climate and vegetation zone impact on, Caddoan-speaking civilization, Texas- patriarchal society, 494–495, 620
155–157, 157 Arkansas, 271 rice domestication in, 233, 234
defined, 140 Cambodia, looting of sites in, 118 rock art, 600, 601
distinguishing features of, 163 camels, 611–612, 612 Three Gorges Dam, 624
facultative, 150 Canela culture, 503 trading empire, 370, 370, 454, 454
gait, 142 cannibalism, 171–172, 173 traditional religions, 558, 560
groups showing, 138, 138 capitalism, 455–458 Uyghur minority in, 332
heat stress, control of, 158–160, 160 corporations, 459 wet-rice cultivation, 416, 416
human origins and, 140–142, 140, 156, GDPs, 639 women’s life in, 620–621, 620
157–160 global, local economies and, 455–458, 461 writing system, origin, 261, 388
Orrorin tugenensis, 140 global, sacred law and, 576–578, 577 See also Zhoukoudian cave
skull/foramen magnum and, 140, 140 merchant, 455 China National Petroleum, 639
Taung Child, 143, 144 carbon dioxide emissions, 644–645, 645 Chinese languages, 380, 386
Toumai skull, 140 cargo cults, 617 chocolate, 456, 456
Birdsell, Joseph, 218 carrying capacity, 315, 318, 421 Chororapithecus abyssinicus, 139, 139
bisphenol-A (BPA), 318 Cartmill, Matt, 135 Christianity, 27, 508, 558, 608
Black, Davidson, 177–179 castes, 521–524 fundamentalism, 646
Black Lives Matter movement, 274, 282–283, traditional Hindu system, 522–523, 522, global distribution of, 560
282 523, 524, 526 holy war in Uganda, 549–550, 550
blade technique, 208 castration, 409–410, 410 pilgrimages, 574
Blakey, Michael, 16–17, 525 Çatalhöyük, Turkey, 252–253, 253 Virgin Mary, 575, 575
blood types, 33, 36–38, 285, 285 catarrhines, 59, 69–70 chromatid, 35
blood type B in Europe, 290 cave art, 212–216, 212, 213, 215 chromosomes, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37
Blumenbach, Johann, 276 cell division, 35–39, 37 X and Y, 407
Boas, Franz, 12–13, 14, 14, 277, 297 cell phones, 21, 101, 520, 520 chronometric dating, 119, 122, 123–125
body modifications, 337, 337 recycling of, 101 cities, 251–273, 621
Bolivia, 448, 448 cell structure, 35 Ani (historic Armenia), 264–266,
Evo Morales in, 617, 618 Central America, 420 264–266
Qullasuyu, 617–618, 618 See also Maya culture Çatalhöyük, Turkey, 252–253, 253
See also Aymara centralized government, 253, 259–262, 273, central government, 253, 259–262, 273
bonobos, 73, 74, 80, 83, 98 535–538 cultural change and, 257–263, 272–273
bipedalism, 138 Chad, 139, 140 disease and, 269, 269, 270–271
communication by (Kanzi), 93–95, 94, Chagnon, Napoleon, 351–352 diversification of labor, 257–259
103, 193 change. See biological change; cultural elite groups, 431–432
conservation strategies for, 74 change emergence of, 252–254, 253, 272, 431
diet and hunting, 98, 170 Chantek (orangutan), 372–373, 372 Great Zimbabwe, 253, 259, 260
Old World anthropoid relations of, 139 Châtelperronian tradition, 205, 206 growth of (recent), 636–637
sexual behavior, 85, 85, 90 Chauvet Cave, France, 213, 213 immigrant populations in, 636–637, 637
social hierarchy, 84–85, 85 Chepstow-Lusty, Alex, 428 intensive agriculture and, 257, 431–432
bow and arrow, 210, 222, 424 Cheyenne culture, 435 Mohenjo-Daro, Pakistan, 253, 253
Bowen, Richard, 179 chicken industry, 432–433, 434, 434 Nile Valley, North Africa, 253
Brace, C. Loring, 187 chiefdoms, 532, 535–536, 543, 554 organized planning, 253, 254
brachiation, 65, 65 kingdoms vs., 536 policing ancient, 267
Brain, C. K., 172 childbirth, 159, 159 slums, 269, 637, 637
brain, 64, 456 Childe, V. Gordon, 231 social stratification, 253, 262–263, 269, 273
brain death, 5 child labor, 446, 446 Teotihuacan, Mexico, 253–254, 254
language area of, 183 childrearing, 400–404, 401, 414 Tikal, Central America, 254–257, 254–257
temperature control, 158–160, 160 children, “wild”/feral, 396 trade networks, 259
brain size Chile, 12, 13 violence/warfare and, 250, 252
bipedalism and, 158–160, 174 chili pepper, 235, 236 writing and, 259–260
diet and, 173–174 chimpanzees, 57, 73, 83 civilization, 267–270, 364
human origins and, 158–160, 173–174, climbing capacity of, 149, 149 cultural change and, 257–263
176–177, 176, 291 communication, 92–93, 93 defining, 252–254
See also cranial capacity diet and hunting, 98, 162, 170 earliest, 253, 431
Brazil, 68, 584, 585 evolutionary relationships, 138, 139 ecological theories for, 266–267, 273
breast-feeding, 422, 647, 647 Goodall’s studies of, 13, 81, 84, 86, 98 cladogenesis, 47, 47
bridewealth, 479–480, 481 HIV and, 625 clans, 490, 490, 494, 500–502, 554
Britain. See England humans, comparisons to, 40, 141, 148, Clark, Ron, 172
British Petroleum, 639 150, 151 class, 29
Bronze Age, 258, 259 learning among, 96–97 classification, 28–29, 29, 49, 276–277
brow ridge, 153, 175, 176, 177, 205 life cycle, 92 See also taxonomy
Bruwelheide, Kari, 121 relationship to other primates, 139 clavicle, 65
Index 683
climate cultural adaptation. See adaptation (cultural) Darwinian gradualism, 47

adaptation to, 46, 50, 190, 302–304, 303 cultural anthropology, 6–9, 6, 24 Darwin’s finches, 48
in Allen’s rule, 302, 302 See also ethnography; ethnology data gathering, 352–356, 368
human variation and, 46 cultural bias, 163 interviewing, 354
preservation of remains and, 115–117, 116 Ota Benga display, 276, 276 mapping, 354–356
primate evolution and, 157, 163 cultural change, 336–338, 607–632 surveys, 353–354, 353
vegetation zones and, 157 accommodation, 616, 621–623, 622 dating methods, 119–125, 122, 130
clines, 46 acculturation, 612 chronometric dating, 119, 122, 123–125
code of ethics, 20–21, 24, 368 assimilation, 615–616 distant past and, 125–129
codominant alleles, 38, 49 biological change and, 168, 195, 207–208 relative dating, 119, 120–123, 122
codon, 33–34 cultural loss and, 611–612 datum point, 115
coercion, 538 diffusion, 609–611 Dawson, Charles, 144
cognitive capacity, 222 directed change, 615, 626 debt, 576–577
cohabitation, 406, 484 ethnocide, 612–613 Declaration for the Rights of Indigenous
Cohen, Mark Nathan, 223, 245 globalization and, 623–626, 629–632, 649 Peoples (UN), 618, 646, 649
cold innovation, 608 DeMello, Margo, 589–590
biological adaptation to, 286, 302, 302 mechanisms of, 608–612, 626 democracy, 538
cultural adaptation to, 190 modernization, 621–626 Democratic Republic of the Congo, 220, 424,
physiological adaptation to, 302–304, 303 obstacles to, 608 551, 625
Colobus guereza, 139 primary and secondary innovations, 229 demographics, 68
colonialism, 344, 345, 619–620 progress and, 608, 626 dendrochronology, 122, 124
disease and, 269–270 radical changes, 607, 623, 625, 630 Denisovans, 188–189, 202, 204
internal colonies, 344–345, 633 reactions to change, 367, 615–618, dental disease and decay, 243, 243
language suppression, 379 626–627 dental formula, 61–62, 62, 135, 136
race/racism and, 280–281, 280 rebellion and revolution, 618–621, 627 See also teeth
colorblindness, 42 repressive change, 612–615, 626 dependence training, 401–402
coltan, 21, 101 revitalization movements, 616–618, 627 derived features, 58
Columbus, Christopher, 630 syncretism, 616, 617 DES (diethylstilbestrol), 317
Comanche culture, 433–435, 435 urbanization and, 272–273 descent, 490–510
coming-of-age ceremonies, 515, 515 cultural controls, 541–543, 554 ambilineal, 497
common-interest associations, 516–520, cultural evolution, 433–437, 438 bilateral, 497, 503–504
516–519 cultural loss, 611–612 clan, 500
sports, 527, 527 cultural materialism, 364 defined, 490
communication, 92–99, 93, 94, 103, 370–393 cultural relativism, 338–340, 341, 364, descent groups, 490–499, 502, 509
digital, 486, 520, 520 412–413 double, 497
Kanzi (bonobo), 93–95, 94, 103, 193 cultural resource management, 12, 112–114 within larger cultural system, 497–503,
kinesics, 384 culture, 323–341 509
nonverbal, 384–386, 384, 393 adaptation and, 323–326, 340 from lineage to clan, 500–502
social media, 252 Archaic cultures, 228 matrilineal, 493, 495–497, 495
universal expressions, 93 barrel model of, 333, 333, 341 moiety, 502–503, 503
See also language; telecommunication biological features and, 207, 295–296 patrilineal, 493–495, 494
community, 83 breakdown, symptoms of, 339, 339 phratry, 502–503, 502
Condon, Richard, 359 change and, 336–338, 338 totemism and, 500–502, 502
conflict, armed, 22, 530, 550–551 characteristics of, 326–334, 340 unilineal, 493–497
conflict resolution, 533–535, 543–544, cognitive capacity and, 222 See also kinship
551–553, 555 defined, 326 The Descent of Man (Darwin), 144
conjugal family, 482 disease and, 287 descriptive linguistics, 9, 374–376
Conkey, Margaret, 216 as dynamic, 334, 576 desecration, 575–576
consanguineal family, 482 of early Homo, 180–182, 185 DeSilva, Jeremy, 148–150
consanguineal kin, 468–469 enculturation, 326, 396–399 Dettwyler, Katherine, 306, 308–309
conservation strategies for primates, 54–56, ethnocentrism and cultural relativism, development, 621
73–77 338–340, 339 developmental adaptation, 13, 296–297,
conspicuous consumption, 452, 461 functions of, 334–335 297
contagious magic, 571 global, 631–632, 631 development anthropology, 624
continental drift, 126, 128, 130 individual, society and, 335–336, 340 de Waal, Frans, 48, 80, 86
contract archaeology, 12, 114 as integrated, 332–334 diabetes, 287–288
control, maintenance of, 541–543 as learned, 326, 327 dialects, 380–382
convergent evolution, 58, 435 Middle Paleolithic, 189–194 See also language
cooperative labor, 446–447 multiculturalism, 633, 651 Diamond, Jared, 231
Copernicus, Nicolaus, 608 of Neolithic settlements, 239–243 diaspora, 349, 498, 634–636
coprolites, 116–117 primate, 99–101 diasporic populations, 349, 350, 636
cordage, 118 as shared, 327–331 diastema, 150, 151
core values, 405–406, 405 society and, 327 diet, 144, 155–157, 173–174, 223
corn. See maize studied at a distance, 346, 358 fertility and, 238, 299, 299
corporations, 459, 537 subcultures, 328–329 malnutrition and poverty, 316, 316
global/mega-, 639–640, 639, 640, 652 symbols as basis of, 331–332 diffusion, 239, 609–611, 611
co-sleeping, 4, 5, 310 See also cultural change; specific cultures digital communication, 520, 520, 629
cosmetic surgery, 337, 337 culture areas, 418–420, 420, 437 digital ethnography, 351
Côte d’Ivoire, Africa, 403–404, 403, 527, 648 culture-bound syndrome, 413, 415 dinosaurs, extinction of, 134
soccer team, 527, 527 culture-bound theories, 4 diplomacy, 551, 554
cousin marriage, 469–470, 470, 471, 478 culture contact, 344 directed change, 615, 626
Crane, Hillary, 564 culture shock, 356 disease, 269–271, 269, 305–314, 311
cranial capacity cuneiform writing, 250, 261 defined, 306
of archaic Homo sapiens, 183–184 cyber cafés, 628, 628 diabetes, 287–288
of early hominins, 153, 156, 173 cyberethnography, 351 from domesticated animals, 243–245, 245
of Homo erectus, 173, 176 cytoplasm, 35 evolutionary medicine, 310–312
cranium, 64–65 global warming and, 645
creation stories, 27, 592, 592 Dalai Lama, 565, 566 immune system vs., 311
crime, 339 Dalits (Untouchables), 522–523, 522, 523 Neolithic revolution and, 243–245
punishing, 543–544 Gulabi Gang (“pink vigilantes”), 526–527, 526 new diseases, 625
Crocker, William, 356–357, 357 dams, 624, 624 Paleolithic prescriptions for, 223
Cro-Magnon, 199, 200, 202 Dances With Wolves (movie), 381 prion diseases, 313–314
See also Upper Paleolithic Dart, Raymond, 143–144, 171–172, 173 soap opera (Gugar Goge), 307, 307
cross-cultural comparisons, 7, 400–401 Darwin, Charles, 30–31, 43, 144, 296 social stratification and, 269, 269
684 Index
disease (Continued)
Continued
Continued) Egyptian hieroglyphs, 390, 390 Europe, 633
spread from animals to humans, 270–271 Eldredge, Niles, 47 appearance of domesticates in, 425
See also health electron spin resonance, 122, 125 blood type B in, 290
displacement, 387–388 eliciting device, 354 cave art, 213, 214–215, 215
dispute resolution, 533–535, 543–544, 551–553, Elizabeth II (queen), 540, 541 energy consumption per country, 645
553, 555 Ellison, Peter T., 300, 300 Homo erectus in, 179–180
diurnal, 58 El Pilar, Central America, 110–111, 110, 111 immigrant populations, 635
diversity. See human diversity Emancipation Proclamation (United States), income distribution, 641
divination, 527, 572, 582 277 Indo-European language subgroups in, 376
divorce, 480–481 Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal military spending, 638
Dmanisi site, Georgia, 177, 177, 179 Church, Charleston, South Carolina, Neandertals in, 186–188, 187
DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid), 26, 32–33, 35 274, 274 nuclear weapon capabilities, 638
double helix, 33 empirical, 15 Piltdown Man hoax, 144, 145
human compared to chimpanzee/apes, enculturation, 326, 396–399, 414, 541 stratified societies, 523–524
40, 61 endangered culture, 344, 345 Eve hypothesis. See African origins
from human remains, 117–118 endemic, 306 hypothesis
mitochondrial (mtDNA), 201–202, 202, endocast, 117 evolution, 27, 29–31, 41–44, 49
204 endogamy, 469–470 coat-tails theory of, 91
refugee family unification and, 38–39 energy consumption, per country, 645 convergent, 58, 435
replication, 34–35 English language, 375–376, 377 of culture (cultural), 433–437, 438
structure of, 32–33, 32, 33 entoptic phenomena, 212, 212, 591 Darwin’s theory of, 30–31, 43, 144
Doctors Without Borders, 632 environment human birth and, 159
doctrine, 15 collapse: Easter Island, 436–437, 436 human origins, 132, 136–163, 139
dogs, 233, 236–237, 236 cultural adaptation and, 418 macroevolution, 47–48
domestication, 229–230, 232–235, 424, 425 degradation of, 624, 646 microevolution, 41
animal, 229, 230, 232–233, 233, 234, 425 evolution and, 41, 42 parallel, 435–436
defined, 229, 247 global warming and, 644–646 primate behavior as model for human,
diseases from domesticated animals, 245, health and, 316–318 81–83
245 human adaptation to, 296–304 of primates, 128, 133–135, 134
early centers of, 233–234, 234 in human origins scenarios, 144, 155–157 See also human origins; primate evolution
plant, 229–230, 230, 232, 233–235, 234, preservation of remains and, 115–117, 116 and relationships
425, 610 transformation by technology, 630 evolutionary forces, 41–44, 49
vs. taming, 248 See also physiological adaptation evolutionary medicine, 223, 310–312
dominance hierarchy, 84–86 enzymes, 33 excavation, 15, 114–115, 117, 130
dominant, 37, 38 epic, 594, 598 exchange, 449–455
Doretti, Mercedes, 16–17 epicanthic fold, 286–287, 287 exogamy, 469–470, 550
Down syndrome, 309 epigenetics, 30, 297 experimental archaeology, 168–169, 169
dowry, 480, 481 Erickson, Clark, 244 extended family, 483–484
Drogba, Didier, 527, 527 eruv (Jewish), 518–519, 518 ExxonMobil, 639
drones, 548 Esber, George S., 330
drought, 326, 338 Eskimo culture, 505–506, 505, 506 Facebook, 252, 312, 520, 640
Druids, 242, 578, 579 See also Inuit culture factory farming, 246, 246
drums/drumming, 386, 598 Eskimo system kinship terminology, 505–506, family, 39, 481–484, 488
Dryopithecus, 138 505, 506 defined, 481
Dunham, S. Ann, 642, 642, 649 estrus, 88–89 extended, 483–484
Dupain, Jeff, 76 ethics, 20–21, 24, 54–55, 364–366 family trees, 278, 278
Duranti, Alessandro, 374 use of primates in medicine/research, 99, household vs., 482, 482
100–101, 100 nuclear, 483, 483, 484, 505–506
earth, first full-view photo of, 630–631, 630 Ethiopia, 108, 447, 447 family, taxonomic, 29
Easter Island, 436–437, 436 Australopithecus specimens, 143, 146, 147 famine, 239, 239, 643
Eaton, Boyd, 223 World Heritage Sites, 220 Farmer, Paul, 649, 650, 650
Ebola hemorrhagic fever, 625 ethnic groups, 328, 633 farming, 227–228, 257, 427–429
ecocide, 624 ethnicity, 328, 358 cattle farming, 622–623
ecofact, 106 ethnic minorities, 646–648 child labor, 446
ecological niche, 56 ethnic psychoses, 413 factory farming, 246, 246
economic anthropology, 441–443 ethnocentrism, 3, 330–333, 338–340, 339 family farms vs. industrial-scale, 432–433
economic hard power, 639–640, 639 ethnocide, 612–615 fish farming, 244–245, 244
economic systems, 441–462, 532 ethnographic fieldwork, 6, 351–356, 367 irrigation, 257, 325, 325, 428, 428
cacao, 456, 456 building theories, 362–363 mixed (crops and animals), 429, 438
debt and, 576–577 challenges of, 356–361, 367–368 Neolithic (Jericho), 239–240, 240
defined, 441, 461 comparative method and, 364 shift to, 226, 424, 429
diasporic communities and, 636 data gathering, 352–356 use of farmland for other purposes, 326
distribution and exchange, 449–455, 461 distrust and political tension, 357 See also agriculture; food production
ecotourism, 448 ethical responsibilities in, 364–366 Fausto-Sterling, Anne, 407–408
“free trade,” 459, 638 gender, age, ideology, and ethnicity, 358 fava beans, 288–289, 289
GDPs and global corporation revenues, 639 participant observation, 352, 352 Fay, Michael, 172
globalization and, 455–458, 623 photographing and filming, 356, 362, 362 feature, 106
informal economy, 459–460 physical danger in, 358–359, 359 Fedigan, Linda, 91, 547
local economies and global capitalism, preparatory research, 351–352 female genital mutilation/cutting, 337, 570
455–458, 461 site selection and research question, 351 feng shui, 527, 572
market exchange, 454–455, 454, 461, 608 social acceptance, 356–358, 357 Fenn, Elizabeth, 271
money as means of exchange, 455 subjectivity, reflexivity, and validation, Fertile Crescent, 231–233, 231, 424
production and resources, 443–448, 443, 359–361 fertility (human), diet and, 238, 299, 299
445, 461 ethnographic research, 343–369 fetish, 571, 571
redistribution, 452–453, 453, 461 current methods, 351–356, 367 fictive marriage, 475
sustainable development, 458 history and uses, 344–351 field methods, 105–131
technology resources, 444 ethnography, 6–7, 343, 351–356 concepts and methods for most distant
tribute system, 444, 452 completion of, 361–363, 368 past, 125–129
ecosystem, 418, 437 ethnohistories, 363 cultural resource management, 112–114
ecotourism, 55–56, 448 ethnolinguistics, 382–383 dating methods, 119–125, 122, 130
Ecuador, 622–623, 623 ethnology, 6, 7, 24, 343, 368 excavation, 114–115, 130
egalitarian societies, 242, 422–423, 521, 532 HRAF and comparative method, 363 recovering remains, 106–108, 106–108
EGO, 503–504, 504 ethnomusicology, 596 searching for artifacts and fossils, 108–117
Egypt, 116, 118, 272 eunuchs, or castrati, 409–410, 410 sorting evidence, 117–118
Index 685
fieldwork, 6, 15–20, 24, 343 Gandhi, Mohandas, 551–552 anthropology’s role in meeting, 649–651,
See also ethnographic fieldwork garbage, 294, 319 652
filming, 356, 362, 362 Garbage Project, 11 diasporas and xenophobia, 634–636, 636
fingerprint patterns, 277, 277 gardening. See horticulture economic hard power, 639–640, 639
fire, first uses of, 166, 166, 181–182 gasoline, 630 ethnic groups, pluralistic societies, and
fish farming, 244–245, 244 Geertz, Clifford, 363–364 multiculturalism, 633–637, 651
fission, 534 gelada estrus, 89, 89 ethnic minorities and indigenous peoples,
fission track dating, 122, 125 gender, 328, 394, 406–410, 415 646–648
flotation, 115 art and, 216 global migrations, 633–637, 651
fluorine dating, 121, 122 childrearing and, 400–401, 401, 414 human rights struggles, 646–648
folklore, 592 defined, 169, 328 hunger, obesity, and malnutrition,
food, 157–158, 170–173 division of labor by, 169–170, 421–422, 642–643, 644
fire and, 181–182, 222 423, 444–445, 445, 497–498 income inequality, 641–642, 641
foraging societies, 420–424, 421 ethnographic fieldwork and, 358 media environment, 640, 640
hunting and scavenging, 170–173, 182 female paleoanthropologists, 171 military hard power, 638, 638
industrial production of, 432–433, 433, food gathering/hunting and, 157–158, pollution and global warming, 644–646
434, 438 169 poverty, 641–642
Neolithic revolution and, 227–239 gods and goddesses, 560–561, 561 reactions to globalization, 646, 652
provision of, gender and, 157–158, 169–170, grouping by, 513–514, 514 structural power, 637–640, 651–652
171 karma and, 564 structural violence, 640–646, 652
spread of agriculture, 238–239 language and, 375–376, 379–380, 381 urbanization and slums, 636–637, 637
women’s nutrition and fertility, 299, 299 obesity and, 643 global corporations, 639–640, 639, 652
food foraging, 420–424, 421, 438, 461 personality and, 400–401 global energy consumption, 645
contemporary, 231, 420 politics and, 540–541 global integration processes, 632
egalitarianism, 422–423 in Trobriand culture, 360–361, 361 globalization, 21–23, 24, 318, 318, 557,
food production vs., 227, 231 violence and, 546, 547 623–626, 629–653
by Ju/’hoansi, 400–401, 421–422, 423 See also sexual behavior; women art, cultural survival and, 600–601, 601
rarity of warfare, 423 gender bias, 169, 170, 171 cultural reactions to, 646
technology and, 424 gendered speech, 379–380, 381 defined, 21, 623
transition to food production, 424, 429, gender-neutral terms, 408 earth, first full-view photo of, 630–631,
438 gender identity, 406–410, 410, 414 630
food production, 238–239, 424–433, 438 karma, monasticism, and changing, 564 financial support from diasporic workers,
agriculture, 427–429, 431–432, 438 gender roles, 157–158, 360–361, 400–401 636
cash crops for export, 643 genealogy businesses, 278, 278 global transnational culture, 632
characteristics of societies, 427–433 genera, 28, 29 impact on traditional cultures, 646, 652
desiccation or oasis theory, 231–232 General Electric, 639 marriage, family, and households and,
domestication and, 229–230, 232–235, 424 generalized reciprocity, 449, 449 486–488, 486, 489
famine, 239, 239 genes, 32–35 megacorporations, 639–640
Fertile Crescent, 231–233, 231, 424 defined, 32 multi-sited ethnography, 349–351, 350
horticulture, 229, 235, 425–427, 438 gene flow, 42–43, 207 personal identity and mental health,
human health and disease and, 243–245, gene pool, 41 413–414
243 homeobox, 47, 48 reactions to, 646, 652
industrial, 432–433, 433, 434, 438 human karyotype, 33, 34 trade, 454–455, 454
mixed farming (crops and animals), 429, 438 regulatory, 47 See also global challenges
pastoralism (herding grazing animals), transmission of, 32–33 global mass media, 640, 640
429–431 See also DNA global positioning system (GPS), 355, 355
population size and, 237–238, 238 genetically modified organisms (GMOs), Globalscape, boxed features
“price” for development of agriculture, 457, 457 chicken industry, 434, 434
243–245 genetics Ghanaian coffins, 599, 599
slash-and-burn-cultivation, 73, 425 genetic adaptation, 269, 296 gorilla hand ashtrays, 101
vs. foraging (gathering), 227, 231 genetic code, 34 illicit antiquities, 268, 268
why humans became producers, 231–238 genetic differences, 13 Jamaican farmhands in U.S., 460, 460
See also agriculture; horticulture genetic drift, 41–42 Probo Koala’s toxic cargo, 648, 648
footprints, 142, 142, 146, 177 genetic testing, prenatal, 35–36, 36 radio programs and medical clinics, 307,
foramen magnum, 65, 140, 140 inbreeding and, 469 307
Ford, Anabel, 110–111, 111 Mendel’s laws of heredity, 31–32 safe harbor (Rohingya Muslim refugees),
forensic anthropology, 13, 16–17 genital–genital (G–G) rubbing, 85, 85 23, 23
forest gardeners (Mekranoti Kayapo), 426–427, genocide, 281, 281, 550, 555 soccer for pay and for peace, 527, 527
426 genome, 33, 202–204 Somali piracy, 545, 545
formal interviews, 354 genotype, 37, 37, 49 South Korean adoptees, 279, 279
Fossey, Dian, 82, 86, 137 genus (genera), 28–29, 29 swine flu, factory farming, 246, 246
fossils, 106–108 geographic information system (GIS), 109, transnational child exchange, 487, 487
defined, 106 356 World Heritage Sites, 219–220, 219
early hominin/hominoid, 136–163 geologic time, 126, 128 global warming, 316, 644–646
field methods for finding, 114–115, 114 geomagnetic reversals, 125, 125, 130 goat-grabbing, 512, 512
fossilization process, 107–108 geomancy, 527, 572 godparents, 508, 508
fossil sites, 108, 143, 146, 175 Germanic languages, 376–377 gods and goddesses, 560–561, 561
Lucy, 146–150, 147 Germany, 179, 633, 638, 638 golden lion tamarin, 75
state of preservation of, 115–117 Hohle Fels Cave Venus, 211, 216 Goldsmith, Michele L., 55–56, 55
See also primate evolution and Turk migration to, 635 Gombe Chimpanzee Reserve, Tanzania, 81,
relationships; skulls; teeth in World War II, 281, 550 82, 86, 98
founder effects, 41–42 gesture–call system, 384–386, 392 Goodall, Jane, 12, 13, 40, 53, 54, 81, 84, 86,
fovea centralis, 63 Ghana 86, 98, 99
fragmentation of societies, 633–637, 651 Ashanti immigrants in New York City, 517, Louis Leakey and, 137
France, 199, 213, 633, 635, 638, 638 517 Google, 629, 631, 640
French language, 378–379 coffins, artistic, 599, 599 gorillas, 72–73, 73, 82, 88
Franklin, Rosalind, 32–33, 32 “Father, Son, and Donkey” tale, 594–595, conservation strategies, 75, 76–77, 101
Fulani culture, 540 595 ecotourism, 55–56
fundamentalism, 646 ghinnáwas (Bedouin songs), 595, 596 Dian Fossey’s studies of, 82, 86, 137
gibbons, 70, 71, 139 gorilla hand ashtrays, 101
Galapagos Islands, 47–48, 48 gift exchanges, 450–451, 450, 451 jaw/teeth, 61
Galdikas, Biruté, 137 Gini income inequality index, 641, 641 relationship to other primates, 139
Galileo Galilei, 608 Girl Scouts/Girl Guides, 519 sexual dimorphism, 73
Galloway, Patricia, 271 global challenges, 629–653 social organization, 83–84
686 Index
gossip, social role of, 533–534 defined, 314 in Europe, 179–180

Gould, Stephen Jay, 47, 99 environmental impact on, 316–318 evidence of complex thought, 182
government, 532, 615 population size and, 314–316, 319 fire, use of, 181–182
centralized, 253, 259–262, 273, 535–538 poverty and, 316 footprints, 177
gracile australopithecines, 151–152, 152, 153 heat, adaptation to, 304 fossil sites, 174, 175
grade, 59 heat stress, control of, 158–160, 160 Homo habilis relationship with, 176–180
graffiti, 598, 600, 601 Heckenberger, Michael, 355 in Indonesia, 177
grammar, 375–376 Hedlund, Anna, 359, 359 language, 182–183
grapheme, 390 heliocentric worldview, 608 Nariokotome Boy, 177, 178
grave goods, 263, 263 hemoglobin, 39, 45–46, 45, 46 physical characteristics of, 174–175, 176
Great Britain, 179, 638 herding. See pastoralism skull, 175, 176, 194
British Pakistanis, cousin marriage among, heredity, 31–35 Homo ergaster, 175
469–470, 470 See also evolution; genes Homo florensis, 182
politics and religion, 540 Hernández Castillo, Rosalva Aída, 348–349, Homo habilis, 153, 161, 170, 173, 194, 207,
Queen Elizabeth II, 540, 541 349 291
Queen Victoria, 540–541 heterozygous, 36 defined, 169
Stonehenge, 241, 241, 242, 579 hierarchy, 84–86, 528 foot and hand bones, 161
Great Zimbabwe, 253, 259, 260 high altitude. See altitude skull (KNM ER 1470), 161, 162, 194
Grey, Freddie, 284 Hinduism, 522, 558, 574, 574 stone tools and, 169, 180
Greymorning, S. Neyooxet, 379, 380–381, sadhus, 410–412, 411, 412–413 Homo heidelbergensis, 175
380 traditional caste system, 522–523, 522, homologies, 29, 30, 58
grid system, 114–115, 114 523, 524 Homo naledi, 132, 146, 167, 184
grooming (primate), 87–88, 88 historical archaeology, 10–11 Homo rudolfensis, 161
gross domestic product (GDP), 639 historical linguistics, 9, 376–379 Homo sapiens, 12, 183–185, 199–225
ground-penetrating radar (GPR), 109 Hitler, Adolf, 609 classification of, 28, 29, 276–277
group marriage, 474–475 HIV/AIDS, 625 cultural milestones in evolution of, 206
group personality, 404–406, 404 Hohle Fels Cave, Germany, 211, 216 evolution/origins of, 200–208
groups, 513–521, 528 holistic perspective, 3 future of, 318–319
by age, 514–516, 528 homeobox genes, 47, 48 global expansion and technology,
common interest, 516–520, 516, 528 homeotherm, 57 199–225
culture areas and, 418–420 home range, 84, 84 Neandertal relationship to, 204–207
by gender, 513–514, 514 Hominids, 29, 60–61, 136 skull, 205
by social status, 520–528 Hominins, 29, 60–61, 60, 136 See also archaic Homo sapiens; human
growth, human, 297–299 climbing capacity of, 148–150 origins; modern humans
growth curves, 297, 298 of early Pleistocene, 152–155, 154 Homo sapiens idaltu, 202, 202
Guatemala, 440, 440 Pliocene diversity of, 144–152 homosexuality, 466, 467
Guatemalan Foundation for Forensic hominoid, 29, 60, 136 homozygous, 36
Anthropology, 16 Homo (genus), 167–196 honor killings, 498–499
Guillette, Elizabeth, 8 archaic Homo sapiens, 183–185 Hopi culture, 496–497, 496, 500
Gulabi Gang, India, 526–527, 526 bipedalism and, 157–160, 174 Hopwood, A. T., 136–137
gunpowder, 609–610 brain cooling and, 158–160, 160 hormone-disrupting chemicals, 317–318
brain size, 158–160, 173–174, 176–177, hormones, 299–300
habituation, 55 176 Horowitz, Michael M., 624
hafting, 185, 185 coexistence with Australopithecus, 154–155, horticulture, 229, 235, 245, 425–427, 438,
Haiti, 579, 580, 650 154, 156 513
hajj (Muslim pilgrimage), 574 complex thought, 182 defined, 229, 425
Hall, Edward, 385–386 cranial capacity, 173, 176, 195 Mekranoti Kayapo, 426–427, 426
hallucinogens, 567 culture of early, 180–182, 185, 194, 195 Patacancha Valley terracing and irrigation,
handedness, 182–183 defined, 167 428, 428
hands, 155, 156, 160 diet, 162, 173–174 household, 481–484, 485, 488
power vs. precision grip, 174 differences from Australopithecus, 162–163 defined, 482
wings compared to, 30, 31 early representatives of, 160–163, 160, 161, family vs., 482, 482, 488
hantavirus, 625 162, 169–180 among Nayar people, 468–469
haplorrhines, 59, 60 fire, use of, 181–182 nontraditional/nonfamily, 484, 485
hard power, 638–640, 638, 639 first fossil record of, 154, 160, 164, 194, residence patterns, 484–485
Hare, Brian, 236 207 technology and globalization impact on,
Harner, Michael, 566, 567, 567 first modern humans, 200 486–488, 486
Harris, Marvin, 364, 365 foot and hand anatomy, 160, 161 housing, 216–217, 217, 484–485
Harrison, Faye V., 282–283 handedness, 182–183 Hsia culture, 253
Hart, Donna, 171–173 as hunters or scavengers, 170–173, 182 Hsu, Francis, 405
Hausa culture, 540 Lake Turkana specimens, 153, 161 Hudson, Charles, 270
Hawaiian system kinship terminology, language and, 182–183, 192–193 Huichol culture, 592, 592
506–507, 506 Neandertals, 186–188, 187, 195 human body modification, 337, 337
Hawks, John, 149–150 Old World anthropoid relations of, 138–139, castration, 409–410, 410
healing 139 female genital mutilation, 337, 570
Doctors Without Borders, 632 origins of, 132, 155–157, 156 human diversity, 275–293
medical pluralism, 314 as prey, 170, 171–173 biological concept, 277–278, 285–286
medical systems, 305, 319 relationships among early groups, 176–180 blood types (A, B, O), 36–38, 285, 285
obsidian scalpels, 191, 191 robust australopithecines and, 153–154, classification systems, 276–277
red ochre, 218 153, 156 cultural concept, 278–281, 286–288
shamanic, 566–568, 568 sex, gender, and early, 169–174, 170 See also race
See also disease; mental health skulls, 161, 162, 175, 176, 194 human DNA, 38–39, 40, 61, 117–118
health, 305–310 species of Homo, 174–180, 175 human genome, 33, 202–204
environmental impact and, 316–318 stone tools/toolmaking, 168–169, 180–181, human growth, 12–13, 297, 298
evolutionary medicine, 223, 310–312 195 human origins, 132, 136–163, 156, 167–196,
globalization, structural violence and, See also Homo sapiens; human origins 200–202
314–318 Homo antecessor, 175, 184 anatomical evidence, 204–205, 205
medical anthropology, 6, 304–305 Homo erectus, 174–180, 182, 195 apes and, 40, 136–140, 138, 139
medical pluralism, 314 in Africa, 177, 178 archaic Homo sapiens, 183–185
Neolithic revolution impact on, 243–245, alternate species designations, 175 bipedalism and, 140–142, 140, 156,
243, 247 in China, 177–179, 179 157–160
Paleolithic prescriptions for, 223 cranial capacity, 173, 176 brain size, 158–160, 173–174, 176–177,
health disparities, 314–318 culture of, 180–182 176
addressing, 319–320 in Eurasia, 177, 177 childbirth, 159, 159
Index 687
coexistence and cultural continuity, hunting response, 303 Iraq

206–207, 206 Hutus, Rwanda, 550 GDP, 639
coexistence with Australopithecus, 154–155, Huxley, Thomas Henry, 31 Shanidar Cave, 191–192, 206
154, 156 hydraulic theory, 266 World Heritage Sites, 220
cranial capacity, 153, 156, 173, 176 hyoid bone, 188, 193 Zagros Mountains, Iran, 230, 231, 430–431,
cultural bias and, 163 hypoglossal canal, 183, 183 430
cultural evidence, 205–206, 206 hypothesis, 15, 27 Iroquois system kinship terminology, 507, 507
culture and, 194, 195, 206 hypoxia, 300–301, 419 irrigation, 257, 266, 325, 325, 427
debate over, 200–202, 291–292 hysteria, 413 terracing and, 428, 428
diet and, 162, 173–174 ischial callosities, 83
early representatives of Homo, 160–163, Ice Man (Ötzi), 107 ISIL/ISIS, 104
160, 161, 162, 169–180 identity Islam, 558, 560
environment, diet, and, 144, 155–157 cultural, ethnocide and, 612–613 banking and, 577–578, 577
first fossil record of Homo, 154, 160 gender, 406–410 See also Muslims
first modern humans, 200 personal, and mental health, 413–414, 415 Islamic State militants, 546, 546
foot and hand anatomy, 160, 161 personality, 399–406, 410–413 isolating mechanisms, 47
hominins of early Pleistocene, 152–155, 154 religion and, 557 isotherm, 57
Homo, early species of, 169–180 social identity, 394–399 Israel, 482, 530, 539, 638
Homo sapiens, expansion and technology Igbo culture, 541
of, 199–225 illicit antiquities, 268, 268 Jacobs, Sue Ellen, 521
hunting and scavenging, 170–173 illness, 306 Jamaican farmhands, 460, 460
KNM ER 1470 skull, 161, 162, 194 Imanishi, Kinji, 85, 87, 87 Japan, 573, 638, 638
language and, 182–183 immigrant populations, 498–499, 634–637 snow monkeys in, 95–96, 96
Miocene apes and, 136–140, 138, 139 immune system, 311 Java, 177, 188
mitochondrial DNA and, 201–202, 202 immunological dating/time scale, 127–129 Jean, Julia, 352
multiregional hypothesis, 200–201, 207, Inca civilization, 262, 262, 428, 452 Jenkins, Carol, 625
224, 291 incest taboo, 469 Jenner, Bruce (now Caitlyn), 409
primate origins, 133–135, 134 income inequality, 641–642, 641 Jensen, Anne, 17, 18–20
race and human evolution, 207–208, independence training, 402–403 Jericho, 239–240, 240
291–292 India, 324, 431, 457, 522 Jewish culture, 517–519, 539–540, 565
recent African origins hypothesis, 201–208, arranging marriage in, 476–477, 477 bar/bat mitzvah, 515
202, 224, 292 Bengali Muslim immigrants, 636, 636 See also Israel
scenarios for, 155–160, 156 energy consumption, 645 jihad, 546, 546
tool use/toolmaking and, 160–161, Gandhi, Mohandas, 551–552 Jívaro culture, 567, 622
168–169 Gulabi Gang (“pink vigilantes”), 526–527, Joe, Paa, 599, 599
Upper Paleolithic technology, 208–210, 526 Johnson, Norris Brock, 358
222–223, 224 hijras, 410, 410 Judaism. See Israel; Jewish culture
See also Homo (genus); modern humans Hindu caste system, 522–523, 522, 523, Ju/’hoansi culture, 400–401, 400, 420–422,
Human Relations Area Files (HRAF), 364 524 546
human remains nonviolent resistance movement, 551–552 band leadership, 533, 533
burials, 108 railways in, 606, 606 childrearing, 400–401, 401, 422
DNA from, 117–118 sadhus, 410–412, 411, 412–413 diet and fertility, 238, 238, 422
Ice Man (Ötzi), 107 witch hunts in, 543 division of labor, 421–422, 423, 445–446
Inupiat Eskimo, 18–20 indigenous peoples, 646–648 economic system, 449, 449
Kennewick Man, 119, 120–121, 121 See also Native Americans human remains, 119
repatriation of, 12, 113 individualism, 406 land and water resources, 443–444, 443
rights to, 113, 119 individual, society and, 335–336, 340 return to homeland, 615
skeletons, 118–119 Indo-European languages, 376 shaman healer in trance dance, 568, 568
human rights Indonesia, 177, 188–189, 220 Tsumkwe reservation in Namibia, 615, 615
abuses, 16, 16, 641 Indus civilization, 253
UN Declaration for the Rights of industrial food production, 432–433, 433, Kanzi (bonobo), 94–95, 94, 103, 193
Indigenous Peoples, 618, 646, 649 434, 438 Kapauku culture, 333–334, 334, 646
humans industrialization, modernization and, 621, 630 karma, 564
bipedalism and, 157–160 industrial revolution, 432, 607 See also Hinduism
classification of, 28–29, 29, 276–277 industrial society, 432 karyotype, 33, 34
primates and, 28, 29 influenza, 245, 269, 270, 271 Kayapo culture, 584, 584, 600
skeletons, 118, 119, 141 informal economy, 459–460 Kebara Cave, Israel, 191, 192, 206, 207
skull and foramen magnum, 140, 140 informal interviews, 354 Keiser, Lincoln, 357
vocal organs, 389, 389 infrastructure, 333 Kemps, Willy, 208
See also Homo sapiens; human origins inheritance of acquired characteristics Kendall, Ann, 428
human terrain system (HTS), 366 theory, 30 Kennewick Man, 119, 120–121, 121, 221
human variation, 203, 275–278, 286–288 innovation, 239, 257, 608 Kenya, 38–39, 38, 39, 137, 138, 140, 143,
blood groups, 36–38, 285, 285 insurgency, 618, 619–620, 627 153
climate and, 46, 286 intelligence, 223, 283–285, 292–293 Camel Mobile Library, 612
See also human diversity; race; skin color See also cranial capacity; language Dadaab refugee camp, 635
hunger, 642–643, 644 intensive agriculture, 245, 431–432 GDP, 639
hunter-gatherers, 227, 231 interdependence training, 403–404, 403 Lake Turkana, 153, 161, 161, 178
See also food foraging International Monetary Fund, 632 Kenyanthropus platyops, 137, 146, 150–151,
hunting international organizations, 632 154
artistic portrayal of, 590–591, 591 Internet, 628, 628, 631 in human origins scenarios, 155, 156
bow and arrow, 210, 222, 424 language use on, 379, 379 key consultants, 352
early Homo, 170–173, 182 interpretive anthropology, 363–364 Khanty culture, 394, 394
fluted spear points, 222 intersexuality, 406–408, 410 Khoisan click languages, 377, 378
humans as hunter or prey, 170, 171–173 Inuit culture, 562, 563, 586, 647, 647 kindred, 503–504, 504
Mbuti Pygmies, 424 Eskimo kinship system, 505–506 kinesics, 384
Mousterian tool tradition and Neandertals, nuclear family, 483, 484 kingdoms, 29, 536, 538
189–190, 190, 205 song duel, 543, 544 Kingeekuk, Elaine, 387
Neolithic peoples, 243 Inupiat Eskimos, 17, 18–20, 474–475 kinship, 490–510
net, 210 IQ tests, 284 affinal, 468
Paleoindian, 222 Iran, 540, 540 bilateral, 503–504
poison on spear tips, 209–210 Kurd nation and, 537–538, 537 clans, 490, 490, 494, 500–502
by primates, 98–99 World Heritage Sites, 220 consanguineal, 468–469
spear-throwers, 209, 209, 608 Zagros Mountains, 230, 231, 232, 430–431, defined, 490, 509
by women/females, 170, 171 430 descent groups, 490–499, 502
688 Index
kinship (Continued)
Continued
Continued) talking drums, 386 Malinowski, Bronislaw, 334, 335, 335, 360–
Eskimo system, 505–506, 505, 506 telecommunication, 390–391, 391, 392 361, 450
fictive kin by adoption, 507–508, 508 tonal, 386 malnutrition, 316, 316, 624
generational system, 506–507, 506 versatility of, 383–384 vitamin D deficiency, 291
Hawaiian system, 506–507, 506 vocal organs, 389, 389 Malthus, Thomas, 31
Iroquois system, 507, 507 whistled speech, 386–387, 387 mammals, 56–58
kindred and, 503–504, 504 See also linguistics adaptive radiation of, 133, 134
Lévi-Strauss’s studies of, 472 The Last Supper, 587, 587 classification of, 28, 29
lineage, 494 Lauren, Ralph, 398 defined, 28
making relatives, 507–509 law, defined, 542, 554 jaw and teeth, 57–58, 58
new reproductive technology and, 509 law of competitive exclusion, 154 reptiles compared to, 57–58, 58
patrilineal kinship organization, 494 law of independent assortment, 32 mammoth bones, 216–217, 217
relationship diagram, 478 law of segregation, 32 Manantali Dam, Mali, 624
Scottish clans, 490, 490, 500 laws on historic preservation, 112–113 Manila, Philippines, 637, 637
symbolism in art, 588, 588 Leakey, Jonathan, 137 Mann, Charles C., 270–271
terminology and groups, 504–507, 510 Leakey, Louis, 53, 136, 137, 137, 145–146, Maori culture, 166, 492–493, 492
See also descent 152–153, 168, 171 mapping, 354–356
kiwi egg, 44, 44 Leakey, Louise, 137, 150–151 marine archaeology, 11, 109
knuckle-walking, 72, 140 Leakey, Mary, 137, 137, 142, 152, 153, 168 market exchange, 454–455, 454, 461, 608
Kohistani community, Pakistan, 357 Leakey, Meave, 137, 145–146, 150–151 marketplace, traditional, 440, 440, 454
Konner, Melvin, 223 Leakey, Richard, 137, 161 Marks, Jonathan, 39, 40
Kony, Joseph, 549, 550 learning, 92–99 marriage, 406, 464, 466–481, 488
Kopenawa, Davi, 614–615, 614 social learning, 82–83, 82, 95–96, 96 adultery, 467
Kpelle culture, 536, 536, 543 Lees, Susan, 518–519 arranged, 476–477
k-selected, 57 legend, 594, 603 bridewealth, 479–480, 481
Kuikuro culture, 355 lemurs, 58–59, 60, 66–67, 66 choice of spouse, 475–479
Kula ring, Trobriands, 450–451, 450, 451 letter, 390 cousin marriage, 469–470, 470, 478
Kuper, Adam, 469–470 Levalloisian technique, 184–185, 185, 195 defined, 468
Kurds, 330, 537–538, 537, 538, 550, 633, 646 leveling mechanism, 453 divorce and, 480–481
kuru, 313–314 Lévi-Strauss, Claude, 305, 363, 470, 472, economic exchange, 479–480
Kwakiutl culture, 402 472 endogamy and exogamy, 469–470, 550
Lewin, Roger, 214–215 fictive, 475
labor, 444–448, 461 Liberia, 536, 536 forms of, 471–475
child labor, 446, 446 lie detector, 544 ghost marriages, 475
diversification in early civilizations, life cycle, primate, 92 in globalized and technologized world,
257–259 lineage, 494, 500–502 486–488, 489
division by age, 445–446 spiritual, 564–565 group marriage, 474–475
division by gender, 169–170, 421–422, lineage exogamy, 550 incest taboo, 469
423, 444–445, 445, 497–498 linguistic anthropology, 6, 9–10, 24, 392 Lévi-Strauss’s studies of, 472
task specialization, 447–448, 447 linguistic divergence, 376–377, 377 mating vs., 470
lactase/lactose, 288 linguistic nationalism, 378–379 Nayar culture, 468–469, 470
Laetoli footprints, 142, 142, 146 linguistic relativity, 10, 382, 383 parallel cousin, 478, 478
Lake Turkana, Kenya, 153, 161, 161, 178 linguistics, 374–382, 374 regulation of sexual relations and,
Lakwena, Alice, 549–550, 550 descriptive, 9, 374–376, 392 466–467
Lamarck, Jean-Baptiste, 30 ethnolinguistics, 382–383 residence patterns and, 484–485
Landau, Misia, 167 historical, 9, 376–379, 392 restrictions on, 469–470, 471, 524
land ownership, 231, 443, 444 socio-, 379–382, 392 rights and benefits transferred with, 475,
land resources, 443–444, 443 Linnaeus, Carolus, 28 478
See also water/land resources Linton, Ralph, 609 same-sex, 478–479, 480
language, 370–393 Linton, Sally, 171 wedding rituals, 464, 464
Accelerated Second Language Acquisition literacy, 388–391, 391 marrow, 170
(ASLA), 381 little songs ((ghinnáwas), 595, 596 Marshack, Alexander, 192
American Sign Language (ASL), 54, 370 living bridge, 324, 324 Mary (Saint), 575, 575
bilingualism, 383–384 llamas, 419, 419, 429 material culture, 106, 240–241
brain areas for, 183 Locke, John, 395 materialist perspective, 364
click languages, 377, 378 locomotion, 58–59, 60, 62, 65 matrilineal cross-cousin marriage, 478
colonial suppression of, 379 brachiation, 65, 65, 136 matrilineal descent, 493, 495–497, 495, 496
defined, 370, 391 climbing, 148–150, 149 matrilocal residence, 485
displacement, 387–388 Lomekwian tool tradition, 168 Maya culture, 254–257, 260–262, 440, 440,
divergence of, 376–377, 377 long bone growth, 243, 243, 298 633
ethnolinguistics, 382–383 looting, 117, 118, 268 calendar, 124, 255–256
family, 376 Lorblanchet, Michel, 213, 214–215 El Pilar, 110–111, 110, 111
gender in, 375–376, 379–380, 381 Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), 549–550, 550 forest agriculture, 110–111, 111
gene, 193 lorises, 52, 52, 66–67, 73 glyphs/writing, 124, 255, 257, 260–261,
gesture–call system, 384–386, 392 Louie, Andrea, 350 262
Homo erectus, 182–183 Lower Paleolithic, 168, 169 religion at Tikal, 256, 257
hyoid bone and, 188, 193 Lucy (fossil specimen), 146–150, 147 Tikal, 254–257, 254–257
Internet, use on, 379, 379 Lucy’s baby, 106, 146, 148 Zapatistas, 348–349, 349, 618, 619
literacy, 390–391 lumpers and splitters, 161–162, 184 Mbuti Pygmy culture, 210, 423, 424, 450,
loss and revival of, 377–379, 378, 392 Lyell, Charles, 30 546
morphology, syntax, and grammar, Lyme disease, 625 McDermott, LeRoy, 216
375–376 McDonald’s/McDonaldization, 631, 631,
nature of, 374 Maasai culture, 515, 515, 570 651
Neandertal and archaic H. sapiens, 192–193 macaques, 70, 95–96, 96, 139 McGovern, Patrick, 11
nonverbal communication, 384–386, 384, Machu Picchu, Peru, 262, 262 McKenna, James, 310
393 macroevolution, 47–48, 47, 48 Mead, Margaret, 358, 358, 400, 651
origins of, 387–388, 388, 392 mad cow disease, 313 measles, 245, 270–271, 614
paralanguage, 386 magic, 571–573, 582 Mecca, Saudi Arabia, 574
phonology, 375 witchcraft, 542, 543, 582 media environment, 640, 640
preservation of, 9, 9 maize, 230, 230, 610–611, 611 medical anthropology, 6, 304–305, 650
primate capacity for, 372–373, 387–388, malaria, 2, 245, 295 medical pluralism, 314
389 fava beans and, 288–289, 289 medical systems, 305, 319
social and cultural settings, 10, 379–383 sickle-cell allele and, 44–46, 45, 46, 295 Meghalaya, India, 324
from speech to writing, 388–390, 392 Mali, Africa, 306, 308–309, 308 mehndi (henna hand/body art), 464, 464
Index 689
meiosis, 36, 37, 49 culture and art, 210–217, 222–223, 224 regulation of sexual activity, 467
Mekranoti Kayapo culture, 426–427, 426 diversity and race, 275–293 Shariah law, 467, 540, 576–578, 577
melanin, 289 diversity/variation of, 275–278 Sufis, 565, 570
Mellars, Paul, 216 hand and foot bones, 160, 161 Taliban, 646
memes, 50 hypoglossal canal, 183, 183 xenophobia and, 636, 636
menarche, 297–299, 421 impact on traditional cultures, 646, 652 mutation, 41, 42, 317
Mendel, Gregor, 31–32, 37 life cycle, 92 malaria and sickle-cell disease, 44–46, 45,
menopause, 299 Neandertal relationship to, 187, 204–207, 205 46, 295
men’s associations, 519 origins debate, 200–208 Myanmar, 22, 23, 552, 633, 646
mental disorders, 412–413 Paleolithic trends, 222–223 Rohingya Muslim refugees, 23, 23
mental health, 412–415 population variation, 203 Suu Kyi, Aung San, 552, 552
mentalist perspective, 363–364 problematic definition of, 200, 201 myth, 559–560, 581, 592–594, 603
Mesoamerica, 242–243, 253, 260–262, 431 relationship to other primates, 139 creation stories, 27, 592, 592
defined, 242 spread of, 217–222, 224 defined, 559, 592, 603
domestication in, 233–234, 234 Upper Paleolithic art, 210–216, 224
new discoveries in, 257, 258 Upper Paleolithic peoples, 199, 200, Nabhan, Gary, 288
Tikal, 109, 117, 117, 254–257, 254–257 217–222 Nader, Laura, 349, 539, 539
wheel-and-axle technology, 608 Upper Paleolithic technology, 208–210, Nader, Ralph, 539
Mesolithic, 227–228, 247 222–223, 224 names, personal, 397–398, 398
Mesopotamia, 253, 260, 261, 261, 431 modernity, anatomical, 199, 200, 202 Nanda, Serena, 476–477, 477
messenger RNA (mRNA), 35 modernization, 621–626, 627 Nandi culture, 479, 479
metabolic rate, 303–304, 303 burden on women, 623–625 Nariokotome Boy, 177, 178
metals, work with/tools from, 258 defined, 621 Nash, June, 357
metric system, 611 five subprocesses of, 621 natal group, 83
Mexico, 456, 610, 620, 633 indigenous accommodation to, 621–623, nation, 22, 330, 537
acculturation in, 346, 346 622 national character, 346–347, 404–405, 414
Beltrán’s work in, 346, 346 reaction against, 646 nationalism, 338–340, 339
casta system in, 280, 280 Mohenjo-Daro, Pakistan, 253, 253 linguistic, 378–379
Teotihuacan, 253–254, 254 moiety, 502–503, 502, 503 Native American Graves Protection and
Zapatista Maya insurgency, 348–349, 349, molecular anthropology, 12 Repatriation Act (NAGPRA), 12, 113,
618, 619 molecular clock, 127–129, 129, 130 119
microlith, 228 monarchy, 538 Native Americans, 330, 594
middens, 11, 112 money, defined, 455 bison hunts, 433–435, 435
Middle East, 109, 264–266, 645 monkeys creation stories, 27
Middle Paleolithic, defined, 189 golden lion tamarin, 75 Dances With Wolves (movie), 381
Middle Paleolithic culture, 189–194 macaques, 70, 95–96, 96, 139 disease and, 269–270, 287–288, 288,
archaic Homo sapiens, 192–194, 194 New World, 62, 67–69, 68, 135, 136 614
Mousterian tool tradition, 189–190, 190, Old World, 62, 69–70, 69, 135 DNA and relationships of, 221–222
195 relationship to other primates, 60, 139 gender alternatives, 406–407, 408
Neandertals, 190–193 monogamy, 91, 157, 471 gendered speech, 380, 381
migrant workforce, 460, 460, 486–488, 486, monotheism, 561 hunting and food provision, 222, 429
634, 634, 636 Morales, Evo, 617, 618 languages, preserving and reviving, 379,
migration, 633–637, 651 Mormons, 474, 582 380–381
defined, 633 morphemes, 375–376 names/naming, 397
global, 633–634 morphology, 375–376 Navajo skin-walkers, 573, 573
immigrant populations, 498–499, Mother Earth, 618, 618 Paleoindians, 221–222, 221
634–637 motif, 594–595, 595 potlatch, 452–453, 453
internal vs. external, 633–634 Mount Fuji, Japan, 573 reservations as internal colonies, 344–345
of nomads, 322, 322 Mount Kailash, Tibet, 574, 574 tribal membership dispute, resolving, 501,
poverty, urbanization, and slums, 636–637, Mousterian tool tradition, 189–190, 190, 501
637 195, 205 U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA), 346
for work, 634, 634, 636 multiculturalism, 633, 651 windigo psychosis, 413
Mi’kmaq culture, 501, 501 multiregional hypothesis, 200–201, 207, 224, See also specific tribes and cultures
military, 638, 638 291 Natufian culture, 228, 228, 232
human terrain system (HTS), 366 multi-sited ethnography, 349–351, 350 Natural selection, 31, 43–48, 296
militarizing anthropology, 366 Mundurucu culture, 513, 514 adaptation and, 43–44
technology, 548, 548, 553 musical art, 595–597, 597, 603 behavioral traits, 94–95
See also warfare defined, 596 Darwin’s theory of evolution, 48, 144
Miocene epoch, 134, 136 ethnomusicology, 596 defined, 31
apes and human origins, 136–140, 138, functions of, 598–600, 598 sickle-cell anemia and, 44–46
139 self-identification of minorities and, 600 speciation and, 47
climate change and vegetation zones, 157 singing as verbal art, 595, 596 tree-dwelling primates, 91–92, 135
mitochondria, 34, 35 Upper Paleolithic, 210–212 Nauru Island, 644
mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA), 201–202, 202, musical instrument Navajo culture, 573, 573
204 bagpipes, 609, 610 Nayar people, 468–469, 468, 470, 482
mitosis, 35, 37, 49 drums, 386, 598 Nazis, 281, 550
mobile banking, 391 flutes and whistles, 210 Neandertals, 186–188, 187, 189, 190–192,
mobile phones. See cell phones Neandertal flute, 192, 193 195
mobility sacred trumpets, Amazonia, 514, 514 burials, 190–192, 206–207
of food-foraging societies, 420–421 stringed bow, 210–212 Châtelperronian tradition, 205, 206
of pastoralists, 322, 322, 430–431, 431 Muslims, 558 defined, 186
seasonal (transhumance), 429, 429 adultery, consequences for, 467 DNA, 202, 204
social, 526–528, 528 banking and capitalism, 576–578, 577 Homo sapiens relationship to, 187, 204–206
modal personality, 404, 404 Bengali, in India, 636, 636 hunting and tool use, 190
modern humans brides/marriages, 464, 464, 470 language, 192–193
anatomical evidence, 204–205, 205 cousin, in Arabic language, 478 Mousterian tool tradition, 189–190, 190,
anatomical modernity, 199–200, 202, 205 creation story, 27 195, 205
Aurignacian tradition, 205–206, 206 fundamentalist, 646 musical instruments, 192, 193
classification of, 29 hajj, 574 physical characteristics, 186–188
Cro-Magnon, 199, 200 honor killings, 498–499 skulls, 187, 188, 205
cultural evidence, 205–206, 206 Islamic banking, 577–578, 577 symbolic life of, 190–192
cultural innovations, 211, 216–217, Islamic State militants, 546, 546 negative reciprocity, 450
222–223 jihad, 546, 546 negotiation, 554
cultural milestones, 206 Kurds, 537, 537 neo-evolutionism, 364
690 Index
Neolithic, 227–248 Original Study, boxed features Peche Merle Cave, France, 214–215, 215, 216
defined, 424 AAA “die-in” and Black Lives Matter Pei, Wenzhong C., 177–179
food gathering vs. food production, 227, movement, 282–283, 282 Peking Man, 179
231–238, 247, 424 action archaeology at El Pilar, 110–111, pelvis, bipedalism and, 141, 141
human biology and, 243–245, 243, 247 110, 111 Penobscot chief’s collar, 602, 602
material culture, 240–241 Ani: identities and conflicts around, pentatonic system, 596–597
new diseases, 245, 245 264–266, 264–266 percussion method, toolmaking, 168, 168, 180
progress, idea of, 245 ankles of australopithecines, 149–150, 149 performance art, 556, 556, 585, 603
settlements, culture of, 239–243, 252 arranging marriage in India, 476–477, 477 personal identity, 326, 396–399, 414, 557
social structure, 241–242, 247 blessed curse: intersexed children, 406–407 mental health and, 413–414, 415
Stonehenge, 241, 241, 242 Chantek talking in codes, 372–373 personality, 399–406, 410–413
toolmaking, pottery, housing, clothing, gorilla ecotourism: ethical considerations childrearing and, 400–404, 401, 414
240–242 for conservation, 55–56 core values, 405–406, 405
Neolithic revolution, 227–248, 424 honor killings in the Netherlands, 498–499 cross-cultural perspective, 400–401
in Americas, 233–235, 242–243 human and ape genetic similarity, 40 cultural relativity and abnormality,
defined, 228, 424 humans as prey, 171–173 412–413
described, 227, 228–230, 229 Jewish eruv, 518–519, 518 defined, 400
health impacts of, 243–245, 243, 247 life and death in West Africa, 308–309 dependence training, 401–402
plant and animal domestication, 229–230, Mekranoti Kayapo gardens, 426–427, 426 group personality, 404–406, 404
230, 232–235, 234, 247, 425 modern tattoo community, 589–590, 590 independence training, 402–403
spread of food production, 238–239 Paleolithic paint job, 214–215, 215 interdependence training, 403–404, 403
See also domestication sacred law in global capitalism, 576–578, modal personality, 404, 404
neolocal residence, 485 577 national character, 404–405, 414
Neptune, Jennifer, 602, 602 Trobriand women, 360–361, 361 normal and abnormal, 410–413
Netherlands, 498–499 whispers from the ice, 18–20 sex, gender and, 400–401, 410
netnography, 351 Orrorin tugenensis, 139, 140, 154 social context of, 410–413
new reproductive technology (NRT), 486, 509 Ota Benga, 276–277, 276 See also identity
New World monkeys, 62, 67–69, 68, 135, 136 Ottenheimer, Martin, 471 personal names, 397–398, 398
Nez Perce culture, 27 overpopulation, 31, 243, 641 Perttula, Timothy K., 271
niche, ecological, 56 ovulation, 90 pertussis (whooping cough), 245, 269
Nichols, Johanna, 221 Owsley, Douglas, 121 Peru, 253, 262, 302, 428, 428, 431, 519, 519
Nigeria, 637 domestication in, 234
health-related soap opera (Gugar Goge), Pääbo, Svante, 193, 203, 203, 204 GDP, 639
307, 307 Pacific Islands, obesity in, 643, 644 Machu Picchu, 262, 262
Igbo culture, 541, 541 Paiute culture, North America, 424 World Heritage Sites, 220
Nile Valley, Northeast Africa, 253, 431 Pakistan, 220, 535, 639 pesticides, 8, 317, 620
nocturnal, 56 paleoanthropology, 12, 105–131 peyote art, 592, 592
nomads, 322, 322, 336, 447, 447 dating methods, 119–125, 122 phenotype, 37, 37, 49
nonverbal communication, 384–386, 384, female paleoanthropologists, 171 Philippines, 637, 637
393 recovering remains, 106–108, 106–108 phonemes, 375
gesture call-system, 384–386, 392 as science of discovery, 129–130 phonetics, 375
kinesics, 384 searching for artifacts and fossils, 108–117 phonology, 375
proxemics, 385, 385 sorting evidence, 117–118 photography, 356
nonviolent resistance, 551–552, 552, 555 paleoartists, 186 phratry, 496–497, 502–503, 502
North America Paleocene epoch, 134 phylum, 29, 29
core values, 405 Paleoindian hunters, 222 physical anthropology, 12–13
culture areas, 420 Paleolithic. See Lower Paleolithic; Middle physiological adaptation
energy consumption per country, 645 Paleolithic; Upper Paleolithic to cold, 302–304, 303
plants domesticated in, 234, 610 paleomagnetic reversals, 122, 125, 125 defined, 13, 300
Upper Paleolithic peoples’ arrival in, 221, Palestine, 228, 239, 530, 530 to heat, 304
221 World Heritage Sites, 220 to high altitude, 13, 300–302, 301, 419
North Korean core values, 405, 405 Palestinian refugees, 530, 530, 551 pigments, 185, 192, 210, 218
nuclear family, 483, 483, 484, 505–506 Palmyra, Syria, 104, 104, 268 pigs, 270–271, 270, 418
nuclear power, 630 palynology, 123 religious prohibition on, 365
nuclear weapons, 548, 630, 638 pantheon, 561 pilgrimages, 573–575, 574, 582
Papua, New Guinea (PNG), 313, 418, 542, 625 Piltdown Man hoax, 144, 145
Oakley, Kenneth, 144 kuru in, 313–314 “pink vigilantes,” 526–527, 526
Obama, Barack, 147, 278 Mead’s studies in, 400 piracy, 545, 545
mother of, 642, 642 Tsembaga culture, 418 placebo effect, 568
obesity, 316, 316, 643, 644 Wape hunters in, 542 Plains Indians cultures, 433–435, 435
object orientation, 399 witch hunts in, 542 plant domestication, 229–230, 230, 232–235,
obsidian blades, 191, 191, 255, 258–259 paralanguage, 386 234, 425, 610
ochre, 185, 192, 210, 218 parallel cousin, 478, 478 food categories and purposes, 234–235,
Oldowan tool tradition, 168, 195 parallel evolution, 435–436 235, 236
Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania, 137, 137, 152–153, parasites, 306 platyrrhines, 59, 68–69
160, 161, 168, 180 participant observation, 6, 7, 352, 352 Pleistocene epoch, 152–155, 154
Old World monkeys, 62, 69–70, 69, 135 Pashtun culture, 535 Pliocene epoch, 134, 144, 154
Oligocene anthropoids, 135–136, 136 passive bilingualism, 383 climate change and vegetation zones, 157
Oligocene epoch, 134, 135 pastoralism, 227, 229, 429–431, 438 geologic changes in, 144
Olympic Games, 632, 632 Bakhtiari herders, Zagros Mountains, hominin diversity during, 144–152, 154
One Straw Revolution (Fukuoka), 110 430–431, 430 hominins, human origins and, 156
On the Origin of Species (Darwin), 30–31 Kuchi herders, Afghanistan, 322, 322 pluralistic society, 329–331, 414, 530, 537,
opposable thumb, 65 Patacancha Valley, Peru, 428, 428 633, 651
orangutans, 71–72 patriarchy, 494–495, 547, 620 fragmentation and, 633–637, 651
Chantek, 372–373, 372 patrilineal descent, 493–495, 494 global migrations, 633–634
forced copulations, 91 patrilineal parallel-cousin marriage, 478 poaching, 101
Orangutan Sign Language (OSL), 372–373 patrilocal residence, 484–485 poetry, 591, 595, 598
relationship to other primates, 139 Patterns of Culture (Benedict), 402 polenta, 611
sexual maturity, 90–91, 90 peacemaking, 551–553 political ecology, 312–314, 364
spear fishing by, 72 peasants, 347–348, 348, 431–432, 609 political economy perspective, 364
order in taxonomy, 29 defined, 432 political organization, 251–273, 532–538,
organ transplantation, 4–5, 7 Zapatista Maya revolutionary movement, 532, 554
illegal trade in, 315 348–349, 349, 618, 619 authority, maintenance in, 538, 541–543, 554
orientation, 399, 399 See also serfs centralized, 535–538
Index 691
dispute resolution, trials, punishments, as model for human evolution, 81–83 Black Lives Matter, 274, 282–283, 282
533–535, 543–544, 551–553, 555 morality, 80, 80 categories/names (historically), 276–280, 280
state as, 531, 532, 536–537 reconciliation, 85–86 culture and, 278–281, 293
uncentralized, 532–535 reproduction and care of young, 91–92, 92 defined, biologically, 277
politics, 531 sexual behavior, 88–91 epicanthic fold, 286–287, 287
gender and, 540–541 social hierarchy, 84–86 genetic variation and, 277–278
religion and, 538–539, 540 social learning, 82–83, 82 human evolution and, 207–208, 291–292
Pollan, Michael, 229–230 social organization, 83–92, 83, 102 intelligence and, 283–285, 292
pollen, 123, 192 tool usage, 97–98, 97 “myth” of, 276–277
pollution, 8, 316, 317, 644–646 primate evolution and relationships, 133–164, skin color, 276, 280, 289–291, 290, 291
polyandry, 83, 83, 92, 474, 475 154, 156 racial segregation, 524
polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), 646, 647 Aegyptopithecus, 136, 139 racism, 275, 281–285
polygamy, 157, 473–474 arboreal hypothesis, 135 AAA symbolic “die-in,” 282–283, 282
polygenetic inheritance, 39 Ardipithecus, 139, 142–143, 143, 146, 154 against South Korean adoptees, 279, 279
polygyny, 82, 83, 83, 473–474, 473 australopithecines, ankles of, 149–150, 149 defined, 281
polymerase chain reaction (PCR), 117–118 Australopithecus, 139, 143–156, 144, 146, genocide and, 281, 281
polymorphic, 285 147, 148 institutionalized, 295, 524
polytheism, 561 Australopithecus coexistence with Homo, in Nazi Germany, 281
polytypic, 285 154–155, 154, 156 Ota Benga display, 276, 276
pope (Roman Catholic), 565 Australopithecus sites, location, 143, 146 slavery and, 284
population, 203, 294, 437 bases for relationships, 138–139 stereotypes, 291–292
defined, 41 bipedalism and, 138, 138, 140, 163 violence associated with, 274, 274
over-, 31, 243, 641 Chororapithecus abyssinicus, 139, 139 Radcliffe-Brown, Alfred, 500
size, food production and, 237–238, 238 climate and, 157, 163 radiocarbon dating, 122, 123–124
size, health and, 245, 314–316, 315, 319 dental formula, 62, 135, 136 radio drama, medical clinic and, 307, 307
world, 315 Eocene primates (“Ida”), 135, 135 railways in India, 606, 606
population variation, 203 hominins of early Pleistocene, 152–155, 154 Ramenofsky, Anne, 271
postorbital bar, 135, 136 human origin scenarios, 154–160, 156 Rapanui culture, 436–437, 436
potassium-argon dating, 122, 124 Kenyanthropus platyops, 137, 146, 150–151, rape (forced copulation), 91
potatoes, 239, 239, 418 154 rapping, 596
potlatch, 452–453, 453 milestones/timeline of, 128, 134 recent African origins hypothesis, 201–208,
pottery, 229, 240–241, 241, 243 Miocene apes and human origins, 202, 224, 292
poverty, 270–272, 641–642, 644 136–140, 138, 139 recessive, 37
health and, 269, 269, 316 New World monkeys, 135, 136 reciprocity, 449–451, 449, 461
slums, 269, 272, 637, 637 Old World anthropoids, relationships, 139 reconciliation, 85–86
Powdermaker, Hortense, 347 Oligocene anthropoids, 135–136, 136 redistribution, 452–453, 453, 461
power, 531, 532, 535, 538, 554 Orrorin tugenensis, 139, 140, 154 red ochre, 185, 210, 218
defined, 531, 637–638 primate origins, 133–135, 134 refugees, 23, 23, 530, 530, 551
hard power, 638–640, 638, 639 Proconsul, 138, 138, 139 family unification through DNA testing,
soft power, 638, 640 relationships among primates, 60, 38–39
structural power, 637–640 138–139, 139, 146, 154–155, 156 global migrations, 634, 634
power vs. precision grip, 174 Sahelanthropus tchadensis, 139–140, 139, Palestinians, 551
preadapted, 57, 158–160 140, 154 Rohingya Muslims, 23, 23
prehensile, 65 skulls, 62, 136, 150 Syrian, 250, 530, 530, 551, 635
prehistory, 105 visual predation hypothesis, 135 world’s largest refugee camp, 635
pressure flaking, 208, 208 Zinjanthropus boisei, 152–153 regulatory gene, 47
priests and priestesses, 563–564 See also Australopithecus; Homo (genus); reindeer herders, 394, 394, 622, 622
primary innovation, 229, 608 human origins relative dating, 119, 120–123, 122, 130
primate(s), 12, 53–79 primatology, 12, 76–77 relatives. See kinship
brain, 64 methods and ethics in, 54–55 religion, 538–539, 557–583
characteristics of, 61–65, 62 Prins, Harald E. L., 241 anthropological approach to, 559
classification of, 28–29, 29 prion diseases, 313–314 change and, 576–581
conservation strategies, 73–77, 76–77 Probo Koala’s toxic cargo, 648, 648 defined, 559, 581
culture, 12, 99–101, 102 proboscis monkey, 69, 69 fundamentalist, 646
defined, 28 Proconsul, 138, 138, 139 leadership/lineage in, 564–565
environment, diet, and hunting, 98–99, progress, 245, 267, 364, 433 major religions of world, 558
155–157 defined, 433 monotheism, polytheism, and pantheon,
ethics and, 99, 100–101, 102 limits of, 437 561
evolution of, 128, 133–135, 134, 146 “price” for, 243–245, 267–269 nonreligious people, 557, 558
global distribution of living and fossil, 54 relativity of, 608, 626 as obstacle to change, 608
hunting and collecting of, 52 prosimians, 59, 60, 61, 62, 134 pilgrimages, 573–575, 574, 582
language capacities, 372–373, 387–388, 389 skull and teeth, 135, 136 pluralism of, 579–581
life cycle, 92 protests, 584, 585, 598–600, 613 politics and, 538–539, 540
living primates, 65–73 proxemics, 385, 385 priests and priestesses, 563–564
locomotion, 58–59, 62, 65, 136 Pruetz, Jill, 98–99 prohibition on eating pigs, 365
as mammals, 56–58 psychosomatic symptoms, 412 revitalization movements, 578, 579, 582
origins of, 133–135, 134 punctuated equilibria, 47 roles of, 558–559, 558
rights of, 99 punishment, 543–544 sacred sites, 573–576
sensory organs, 62–64, 63 Punnett squares, 37 sadhus, 410–413, 411
skeleton, 64–65, 64 purification rites, 569 secularization and, 579–581, 582, 621
taxonomy, 58–61, 60 Pussy Riot, 600 specialists in, 563–568, 581
teeth/dentition, 61–62, 61, 62 Pygmies. See Mbuti Pygmy culture syncretism and, 579, 582
use in medicine/research, 99, 100–101, 100 as worldview, 557, 559–560
See also human origins qualitative data, 353 See also rituals; spirituality; supernatural
primate behavior, 81–103 quantitative data, 352–353 repressive change, 612–615, 626
arrested development, 90, 91 Quechua culture, 617, 618 reproduction (primate), 91–92, 92
communication and learning, 92–99, 93, Quechua language, 376, 383, 617 See also fertility
94, 96, 102 questions/questionnaires, 354 reproductive success, 43, 300
forced copulation, 91 quinoa, 226 reproductive technologies, 486
grooming, 87–88, 88 Qullasuyu, Bolivia, 617–618, 618 republic, 538
home range, 84, 84 residence patterns, 484–485, 489
hunting, 98–99 race, 275–293 Neolithic settlements, 239–243, 252
individual interaction and bonding, alternate groupings, 277, 277 Upper Paleolithic mammoth bone, 216–217,
87–88, 88 as biological concept, 277–278, 285–286, 292 217
692 Index
resistant strain, 311 self-determination, 627, 646 skin color, 276, 280, 289–291, 291, 292–293
retrovirus, 34 Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA), adaptative significance of, 289–291, 292
revitalization movements, 578, 579, 582, 520 global distribution of pigmentation, 290
616–618, 627 Semenov, S. A., 117 racial segregation and, 524
cargo cults, 617 Senegal River Basin Monitoring Activity, vitamin D and, 289–291, 291, 292
Qullasuyu, Bolivia, 617–618, 618 624 skulls, 62, 150
sequence in, 616–617 sensory organs, 62–64, 63 anthropoid, 140
revolution, 618–621, 627 serfs, 523–524 australopithecine vs. Homo, 153, 194
Sámi snowmobile revolution, 622, 622 serial monogamy, 471 Cro-Magnon, 199, 200
ribosomes, 34 seriation (dating), 121–123, 122 foramen magnum, 140
rice, 233 settlements Herto, 202
Ridley, Matt, 33 Neolithic, culture of, 239–243, 252 Homo, comparison of, 194, 194
rifting, 144 Neolithic, health and, 243–245 Homo erectus, 175, 176, 194
rites of intensification, 570–571 plant and animal domestication and, 232, Homo habilis, 161, 162, 194
rites of passage, 569–570 233 human vs. chimpanzee, 140
rites of purification, 569 sex-based division of labor, 169–170, 483 KNM ER 1470, 161, 162, 194
rituals, 569–573, 581–582 See also gender modern Homo sapiens, 205
adoption, 507–508, 508 sexual behavior, 88–91, 465–470, 489 Neandertal, 187, 188, 205
defined, 569 attracting sexual partners, 465, 466 Piltdown hoax, 144, 145
divination, 527, 572, 582 cultural regulation of, 336, 410, 466, prosimian, 135, 136
intensification rites, 570–571 488 sagittal crest, 152, 153, 153
magical, 571–573 G–G rubbing (bonobos), 85, 85 Taung Child, 144
ochre and pigments, 185, 192, 210, 218 incest taboo, 469 slash-and-burn cultivation, 73, 425
passage, rites of, 569–570 marriage and regulation of, 466–467 slavery, 284
purification and cleansing, 569 in Nayar culture, 468–469, 468 sleeping habits, 4, 5, 310
taboos, 569 primate, 88–91 slums, 269, 272, 637, 637
wedding, 464, 464 same-sex sexual acts, 410, 466, 467 smallpox, 245, 245, 270–271
Rivers, Joan, 398 in Trobriand culture, 465–466, 466 Smedley, Audrey, 277
RNA (ribonucleic acid), 34 See also marriage Snow, Clyde C., 16–17
robust australopithecines, 152–154, 153, 154, sexual dimorphism, 62, 91 snowmobile revolution, 622, 622
156 A. afarensis, 146, 147 snow monkeys, 95–96, 96
rock or cave art, 212–216, 212, 213, 215, canine teeth, 62, 63, 146, 147 soccer, 527, 527
590–591, 591, 600, 601 gorillas, 73 social class, 521–524
Rohingya, 22, 23, 23 sexual reproduction, 35, 36 social controls, 542
Roman Catholic Church, 565, 608 shaman(s), 212, 305, 305, 565–568 social dialects, 380–382
Rosaldo, Michelle, 358 among Bugis, 408 social hierarchy, 84–86, 528
Rosetta Stone, 390 defined, 566 social identity, 394–399
r-selected, 57 Y˛anomami, 614–615, 614 social impact assessments, 521
running, 157, 301 shamanic complex, 568, 568 social media, 252, 486, 520
Russia/Russians, 600, 633, 638, 645 shamanic experience, 566, 567 social mobility, 526–528, 528
Rwanda, 550 shamanic healing, 305, 566–568, 568 social networking, 520
Shanidar Cave, Iraq, 191–192, 206 social networks, 490, 512
sacred sites, 573–576, 582 Shariah (sacred law), 467, 540, 576–578, social organization, 83–92, 83
desecration of, 575–576 577 social status, 520–528
sadhus, 410–412, 411, 412–413 Shay, Charles, 602, 602 indicators of, 524
sagittal crest, 152, 153, 153 Shell corporation, 639, 639 sports winners and, 527, 527
Sahelanthropus tchadensis, 139–140, 139, 140, shell necklaces, 450–451, 451 social stratification, 253, 262–263, 273,
154 ship-breakers, 317 520–528, 532
Sahul, 218, 218 Shostak, Marjorie, 223 defined, 263
saints, 574–575, 575 Shreeve, James, 188 disease and, 269, 269
salt mining, 447, 447 Shriners, 516 See also stratified societies
salvage ethnography, 344, 345, 602 Shuar culture, 567, 622–623 social structure, 241–242, 247, 333
same-sex actions, 410, 466, 467, 467 siamangs, 139 society, 327–328, 335–336, 520–521, 532
same-sex marriage, 478–479, 480 Siberia, 217, 394, 394 fragmentation, 633–637, 651
Sámi reindeer herders, 376, 621–622, 622 land bridge to the Americas, 221, 221 pluralistic, 329–331, 414, 530, 537, 633, 651
Samoa, 374 sickle-cell anemia, 44–46, 45, 46, 50 See also stratified societies
sanction, 542 SIDS. See sudden infant death syndrome sociolinguistics, 379–382, 392
Sanday, Peggy Reeves, 363 signal, 370 soft power, 638, 640
Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, 383 Sign Language soil marks, 109
Sarich, Vince, 127, 129 American (ASL), 54, 370 Somalia, 635, 644
satellites, 628, 630, 631 Orangutan (OSL), 372–373 Somali pirates, 545, 545
Saudi Arabia, McDonald’s in, 631 silent trade, 450 song duel, 543, 544
Savage-Rumbaugh, Sue, 94–95, 94, 193 silkworm, 241 Soto, Hernando de, 270–271
savannah, 144, 155–156 Sima del Elefante, Spain, 179 South Africa, racial segregation in, 524
scapula, 65 Sima de los Huesos, Spain, 108, 183, 184 South America, 419, 419, 425, 645
Scheper-Hughes, Nancy, 7 Simpson, Sherry, 18–20 Inca civilization in, 262, 262, 428, 452
schistosomiasis, 306 singing, 595, 596 See also specific countries
science, anthropology and, 14–15, 24 sister chromatid, 35 South Korean adoptees, 279, 279
Scotland, 112, 609 sites, 108–109 soy production, 455–457
Scottish clans, 490, 490, 500 contested rights to, 104 space, social, 385, 385
Seck, Saliou (“Zale”), 597 destruction of, 104, 104, 266, 268 Spain, 108, 199, 213
secondary innovation, 229, 608 identification of, 109–112, 130 spatial orientation, 399, 399
secularization, 579–581, 582, 621 looting of, 117, 118, 268 spear-throwers, 209, 209, 608
secular trend, 297 sacred, 573–576, 582 speciation, 47–48, 47, 48, 50
sedentary living patterns Sivapithecus, 139 species, 28–29, 29, 47
health impacts of, 243–245, 243, 245 six degrees of separation, 22, 22 natural selection and diversity of, 31
Neolithic revolution and, 232, 239–243, Skara Brae, 112 speech. See language
243–245 skeleton spirituality, 557–583
plant and animal domestication and, 232, chimpanzee, 141, 148 anthropological approach to, 559
233, 245 health reflected in, 243, 243 change and, 576–581
See also settlements human, 118, 119, 141, 148 defined, 559, 581
self-awareness, 396–397, 396 primate, 64–65, 64 roles of, 558–559, 558
behavioral environment and, 399, 399 Proconsul, 138 sacred worldview, 559–560
self-control, 541–542 skin, 304 spiritual forces, 560–562
Index 693
spiritual lineage, 564–565 Taung Child, 143, 144, 151, 172 totemism, 500–502, 502
See also religion; supernatural taxes, 452 Toumai fossil, Chad, 140–141, 140
sports, 512, 517, 527, 527 taxonomy, 28–29, 29, 58–61, 60 Tower of Babel, 388
stabilizing selection, 43–44 tea, 454, 454 Tower of Jericho, 240, 240
states, 22, 251, 263–267, 272, 347, 536–537 technology, 26, 444, 486–489, 621 toxic breast milk, 647, 647
action theory on, 267 defined, 444 toxic cargo, 648, 648
ecological theories for emergence of, military, 548, 548, 553 toxic waste, 620, 620, 646, 648
266–267, 273 reproductive, 35–36, 486, 509 Toyota, 639, 639
as political organization, 531, 532, 536–537, Upper Paleolithic, 205–206, 208–210, 224 trade and barter, 217, 223, 259, 450–451,
554 See also toolmaking 451, 461
religion and, 559 teeth tradition/traditionalism, 616, 646, 652
vs. nation, 537 Australopithecus, 150, 151, 153 Trafigura, 648
stereoscopic vision, 63, 63 canine teeth, 61, 62, 63, 146, 147, 150 trance state, 212, 212, 566, 568, 568,
Stevenson, Matilda Coxe, 14, 14 dental formula, 61–62, 62, 135, 136 590–591
Stonehenge, England, 241, 241, 242, 579 diastema and, 150, 151 transcription, 34, 35
stone tools. See toolmaking in gracile and robust australopithecines, transgender, 408, 410
stratified, defined, 115 153, 153 transhumance, 429, 429
stratified societies, 253, 262–263, 520–528 of mammals compared to reptiles, 57–58, 58 translation, 34
defined, 520 of primates, 61–62, 61 transnationals, 634
indicators of social status, 263, 263, 524 sexual dimorphism in, 62, 63, 146, 147 treaty, 551
maintaining, 524 tooth decay, 243, 243 trials, 543–544
social mobility within, 526–528, 528 Teilhard de Chardin, Pierre, 179 tribe, 532, 534–535, 535, 554
state and, 536–537 telecommunication, 390–391, 391, 392, 600, tribute, 444, 452
stratigraphy (dating), 120–121, 122 621, 628, 628, 629, 653 Trobriand culture, 360–361, 360, 441–443,
strepsirrhines, 59, 60 diasporic communities and, 636 442, 497
stress interconnectedness, 651 cricket in, 616, 617
heat stress, control of, 158–160, 160 satellites for, 628, 630, 631 gender roles, 360–361, 361
human-made stressors, 304–310 temporal orientation, 399 sexuality, 465–466, 466
natural environmental stressors, 296–304 Teotihuacan, Mexico, 253–254, 254 yam complex, 441–443, 442, 616
tooth decay and stress, 243, 243 terra incognita, 629–630 Troy, Turkey, site of, 109
Strier, Karen, 68 tertiary scavengers, 170 Tsamkxao, Toma, 533, 533
structuralism, 363 Thailand, 23, 639 Tsembaga culture, 418
structural power, 637–640, 651–652 Thanksgiving Day, legend of, 594 Tsimshian culture, 500, 502
defined, 638, 651 theoretical perspectives, 363–364, 368 Tuareg culture, 398, 398
structural violence, 283, 314–318, 640–646 materialist perspective, 364 tuberculosis (TB), 245, 269
Strumm, Shirley, 74–75 mentalist perspective, 363–364 turkey (animal), 234, 234
studying up, 349 theory, 15, 362 Turkish immigrants, 498–499, 635
subculture, 328–329 thermoluminescence, 122 Tuskegee Syphilis Study, 295, 296
subphylum, 29 3D printing, 259 Tutsis, Rwanda, 550
subsistence, 417–463 Three Gorges Dam, China, 624 twins, 297, 297
food foraging, 420–424, 421 Tibet, Mount Kailash in, 574, 574 Twitter, 252, 520
food production, 424–433 Tibetan Buddhism, 556, 556, 574
modes of, 420, 438 Dalai Lama, 565, 566 Uganda, 220, 549–550, 549, 550
pastoralism, 429–431, 438 Tikal, Guatemala, 109, 117, 117, 254–257, Ulysse, Gina Athena, 4
sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS), 310 254–257 UN Declaration for the Rights of Indigenous
Sufism, 565, 570 Tiriki culture, 515–516 Peoples, 618, 646, 649
suicide, 620–621 Tiwanaku, Bolivia, 617–618 underwater archaeology, 11, 109
Sunda landmass, 218, 218 toe, opposable big, 141, 141 UNESCO World Heritage Sites, 219–220, 219
supernatural, 543, 560–562, 561, 563, 581 tonal languages, 386 uniformitarianism, 30
Vodou (Voodoo), 579, 580 tool, defined, 97 unilineal descent, 493–497
See also magic; shaman(s) toolmaking, 156–157, 168–169, 195 unilinear cultural evolution, 364
superstructure, 333, 557, 576–581 Acheulean tool tradition, 180–181, 180 United States (US)
surveys, 353–354, 353 Aurignacian tradition, 205–206, 206 acculturation in, 612
survival of the fittest, 43 blade technique, 208 African Burial Ground Project, New York
suspensory hanging apparatus, 65 brain size/specialization and, 160, 173 City, 113, 525, 525
sustainable development, 458 burins, 208 Ashanti in New York City, 517, 517
Suu Kyi, Aung San, 552, 552 experimental archaeology and, 168–169, 169 “born again” and fundamentalist citizens, 646
sweet potatoes, 418 first stone toolmaking, 168–169, 168 chicken production in, 432–433
swine flu, 246, 246, 270–271 hafting, 185, 185 cohabitation rate, 406
Swogger, John, 123 Levalloisian technique, 184–185, 185, 195 core values in, 406
symbols/symbolism, 210, 331–332 Lomekwian tool tradition, 168 cosmetic procedures, 337
in art, 587–588, 587, 588, 588 Lower Paleolithic, 168, 169 Declaration of Independence, 524
Neandertal, 190–192 Mousterian tool tradition, 189–190, 190, divorce rates, 481
nonhuman use of, 372–373 195, 205 energy consumption, 645
syncretic religions, 579, 582 Neolithic, 228, 229, 240 household change in, 485
syncretism, 579, 582, 616, 617 obsidian blades, 191, 191, 258–259 immigrants in, 634–635
syntax, 375–376 Oldowan tool tradition, 168, 195 income inequality, 641
Syria, conflict in, 250, 550–551, 635 percussion method, 168, 168, 180 Jamaican farmhands in, 460, 460
Syrian refugees, 250, 530, 530, 551, 635 pressure flaking, 208, 208 marriage prohibitions, 470, 471, 524
by primates, 97–98, 97 military spending, 638
taboos, 469, 569 sharpening, 228 nuclear family, 483
tabula rasa theory, 395 spear-throwers, 209, 209, 608 polygyny in, 474
Tai-Li, Hu, 362, 362 tool use, 53, 97–98, 161, 195, 444 power of, 652
Taiwan, 564 atlatls, 209, 209 racial segregation in, 524
Taiwanese Buddhists, 564, 564 bamboo construction and, 181, 181 reconnaissance satellites, 631
tale, 594–595, 595, 603 by chimpanzees, 97–98, 97, 169 religion and, 538–539
Taliban, 646 environmental adaptation and, 162 same-sex marriage, 480
Talking Circle, 544 by females, 157 Shriners, 516
talking drums, 386 Homo habilis, 169, 180 single-parent households, 484
Tanner, Nancy, 171 Olduvai Gorge specimens, 160, 161, 168 structural power use by, 638
taphonomy, 107 orangutan spear fishing, 72 Walmart revenues, 639
tarsiers, 60, 67, 67 by primates, 97–98, 97 World Heritage Sites, 220
task specialization, 447–448, 447 specialization in, 222 See also Obama, Barack
tattoos, 589–590, 590 stone tools for modern surgeons, 191, 191 Untouchables. See Dalits
694 Index
Upper Paleolithic, 199, 200, 205 current armed conflicts, 550–551 nutrition and fertility, 238, 299, 299
art, 210–216, 211, 213, 215, 224 cycle of fighting and feasting, 418 in political leadership, 540–541, 540
coexistence and cultural continuity, drone aircraft, 548 polygyny, 82, 83, 83, 473–474, 473
206–207, 206 evolution of, 547–548, 554–555 in Trobriand culture, 360–361, 361
cultural innovations of, 211, 216–217, gender and, 546, 547 widowhood, 480
222–223 genocide, 281, 281, 550, 555 woman–woman marriage, 479
fire-making innovations, 181–182 ideologies of aggression, 548–550 See also gender
mammoth bone dwellings, 216–217, 217 Igbo system, 541 women’s associations, 519–520, 519
in Sahul and Sunda, 218, 218 Islamic State militants, 546, 546 work, migrating for, 460, 460, 486–488, 486,
spread of peoples, 217–222, 224 jihad, 546, 546 634, 634
technology, 205–206, 206, 208–210, 208, motives for, 544–546, 548–549 World Bank, 632
224 peacemaking and, 551–553 World Council of Indigenous Peoples, 646,
urban centers. See cities rarity in food-foraging societies, 423 649
urgent anthropology, 344, 345 societies without warfare, 546 World Health Organization (WHO), 632
Ury, William L., 553 technology and, 548, 548 World Heritage Sites, 219–220, 219, 268, 268
Uyghur culture, 332 weapons of mass destruction, 547–548 The World of Living Things (Imanishi), 87
See also violence worldview, 542, 557, 559–560, 608
vaccines, 311–313 waste, 294, 294 World War II, See also colonialism
values, core, 405–406, 405 hazardous/toxic, 620, 620, 646, 648 Worldwide Indigenous Peoples Conference
van Eck, Clementine, 498–499 waste disposal, 267–269, 646 (1982), 646, 649
Venus figurines, 210, 211, 216 water/land resources, 443–444, 443 Worl, Rosita, 458, 458
verbal art, 591–595, 603 availability of, 421 Wrangham, Richard, 547
Verner, Samuel, 276 habitat disturbance/destruction, 646 writing systems, 259–260, 388–390, 392
vertebrates, 64 land ownership, 231, 443, 444 alphabet, 390
vertical clinging and leaping, 67, 67 pollution of, 316, 644–646 birthplaces of, 261, 388
vervet monkeys, 94 weapons of mass destruction, 547–548 cuneiform, 261
Victoria (Queen), 540–541 wedding rituals, 464, 464 defined, 388
violence, 530, 544–551, 554–555, 640–646 Weidenreich, Franz, 179 hieroglyphs, 390, 390
genocide, 281, 281, 550 Weiner, Annette, 360–361, 441–443 Inca quipu, or khipu, 262
honor killings, 498–499 Werner, Dennis, 426–427 Maya glyphs, 124, 255, 257, 260–261, 262
insurgency, 618, 619–620, 627 West Papua, New Guinea Island, 646
Islamic State militants, 546, 546 Big Man in, 534–535, 535 xenophobia, 636, 636
level of, 546 wheel-and-axle technology, 608
nonviolent resistance, 551–552, 555 Wheeler, Peter, 158 yams, 441–443, 442, 616
piracy, 545, 545 whirling dervishes, 570 Y˛anomami culture, 351–352, 404, 404, 614
sex, gender, and, 547 whistled speech, 386–387, 387 ethnocide of, 613–615
structural, 283, 314–318, 640–646, 652 whooping cough, 245, 269 protection and healthcare, 614–615, 614
urban growth among, 252 Williamson, Rhonda K., 406–407 shaman and political activist, 614–615,
xenophobia and, 636, 636 Wilson, Allan, 127, 129 614
in Y˛anomami culture, 351–352 windigo psychosis, 413 Yaqui culture, 8
See also warfare wings, 30, 31, 58 Yemen, World Heritage Sites, 220
Virgin of Guadalupe, Mexico, 575, 575 wireless communication, 629 Yuchanyan cave, China, 229, 229
viruses, new, 625 witchcraft, 542, 543, 573, 582 Yupik culture, 359
vision, primate, 62–64, 63 Wolf, Eric R., 608, 609, 609
visual art, 588–591, 603 Wolpoff, Milford, 189, 200 Zagros Mountains, Iran, Iraq, and Turkey,
visual communication, 83 women, 540–541, 623–625 230, 231, 232, 430–431, 430
visual predation hypothesis, 135 “as gatherer,” 169, 171 Zapatista Maya insurgency, 348–349, 349,
vitamin D, 289–291, 291, 304 Dalit women’s movement (“Gulabi 618, 619
Vodou (Voodoo), 579, 580 Gang”), 526–527, 526 Zhoukoudian cave, China, 166, 166, 172,
Volkswagen, 639 division of labor and, 169–170, 421–422, 177–179, 179
423, 444–445, 445 Zihlman, Adrienne, 171
Wallace, Alfred Russel, 218 female paleoanthropologists, 171 Zimbabwe, 253, 259, 260
Walmart, 639 female saints, 574–575, 575 Zinjanthropus boisei, 152–153
warfare, 250, 250, 544–551, 554–555 fertility and nutrition, 299, 299 zooarchaeology, 11
child soldiers, 551 goddesses, 561, 561 Zuckerberg, Mark, 312
Christian holy war in Uganda, 549–550, 550 menarche, age at, 297–299

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Australia ● Brazil ● Mexico ● Singapore ● United Kingdom ● United States

Printed in the United States of America

In loving memory of Joshua Lieberman,

to the center of being human.

Although all humans we know about are capable of

MALI NIGER BANGLA- VIETNAM

1 The Essence of Anthropology 3

10 The Emergence of Cities and States 251

12 Human Adaptation to a Changing World 295

17 Patterns of Subsistence 417

Anthropologists of Note Biocultural Connection

Transnational Child Exchange? 487 Humans as Prey 171

Preface xxvi The Discovery of Evolution 29

Chapter 3 Anthropology Applied: Chimpanzees in Biomedical

Methods and Ethics in Primatology 54 Chapter Checklist 102

The Anatomy of Bipedalism 140 Hunting 182

The Discovery of the First Stone Toolmaker 168

The Culture of Homo erectus 180

The Domestication of Plants Original Study: Ani: Identities and Conflicts

The Social Significance of Race: Racism 281 Chapter 13

Studying Human Biological Diversity 285

Human Adaptation (1884–1942) 335

Applied Anthropology 345 Historical Linguistics 376

Normal and Abnormal Personality in Social Chapter Checklist 437

Chapter Checklist 414

Chapter 19 Bilateral Kinship and the Kindred 503

Chapter Checklist 528 Supernatural Beings and Spiritual Forces 560

Chapter Checklist 554

The Anthropological Study of Art 586

Chapter Checklist 603 Chapter 26

Anthropology Applied: Development Anthropology Chapter Checklist 651

Integration of the Four Fields 3. Globalization. We track the emergence of

Glossary as You Go Anthropologists of Note

Chapter 13: Characteristics of Culture an ethnography in written, film, or digital formats.

Classic Readings in Cultural Anthropology, Case Studies on Contemporary Social

Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology,

States. A staunch supporter of indigenous rights, he

Courtesy of the authors

as for one investigat-

Today, transplants between unrelated individuals are

specialization appear in many of the Biocultural Connection

R anthropology) is the study of patterns of human behavior,

G mitted ideas, values, and perceptions, which are used to

e p scious) standards by which societies—structured groups of

Figure 1.4 Fieldwork

B IOC U LT U R A L CON N E C T ION

106 (6), 347–353. Courtesy of Dr. Elizabeth A. Guillette.

60-month-old 71-month-old 71-month-old 71-month-old

Figure 1.5 Preserving

Living Tongues Institute

Linguistic Anthropology Descriptive Linguistics

Language in Its Social and Cultural Settings Applied Linguistic Anthropology

fishers, laborers, or slaves, and therefore they include

University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, Philadelphia

Biological Anthropology Primatology

the heights of immigrants who spent

adapt to their environment, biolog-

Such developmental ad- Pacific

Franz Boas (1858–1942) ● Matilda Coxe Stephenson (1849–1915)

© National Anthropological Archives Smithsonian Museum 1895 Neg 02871000

A N T H ROPOL OGY A PPL I E D

Forensic Anthropology: Voices for the Dead