Psychology of Women

Psychology
MIRIAM LISS • KATE RICHMOND
M I N D Y J. E R C H U L L
Psychology
of Women
and Gender
Psychology
of Women
and Gender
Miriam Liss
UNIVERSITY OF MARY WASHINGTON
Kate Richmond
MUHLENBERG COLLEGE
Mindy J. Erchull -
UNIVERSITY OF MARY WASHINGTON
We used a feminist, collaborative process which

all authors contributed equally to this book.
•TT
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hers — thank you for raising us
the type of women who would write this book
and to the students-past, present, and future — who inspired

to take on this project
CHAPTER 1
A Feminist Psychology
of Women
CHAPTER 3
HI Similarities and
Differences
CHAPTER 7
Sexuality and
Sexualization
CHAPTER 6
CHAPTER 4 Women's
Beyond the Sex / Bodies
Gender Binary
CHAPTER 12
Gender -Based Violence
Tensions, Action,
and Hope for
the Future
CHAPTER 13
CHAPTER 11
Mental Health
Older Women
Preface xix I'm Not a Feminist, B u t . . . 32
Introduction for Students: Using This Who Is a Feminist? 33

Book and Approaching This Class 3 Current Issues Related to Feminist
Identification 35
Advantages of Feminist Identification 37
CHAPTER 1 Feminism Comes to Psychology 38
A FEMINIST PSYCHOLOGY OF In the Beginning 38
WOMEN 12 Early 20th Century 39
Mid -20th Century 40
A Feminist Psychology for Modern Girls Late 20th Century into the 21st Century 42
and Women 15
Understanding Research Methods 43
Feminism: Riding the Waves 19 Doing Research 43
The First Wave 19 Experiments versus Correlational
The Second Wave 19 Research 46
The Third Wave 22
Identifying Sex/Gender Bias in
A Fourth Wave ? 23
Research 47
The F-Word 23 Who Is the Researcher? 47
Liberal Feminism 23 What Is the Research Question ? 48
Radical Feminism 25 Who Are the Research Participants? 48
Socialist Feminism 25 How Are the Variables Measured? 50
Cultural Feminism 27 How Are the Data Analyzed ? 51
Women of Color Feminism 27 How Do Researchers Write about
EMPOWERING OR OPPRESSING ? Their Results? 52
Cultural Feminism 28 Where Are the Results Published ? 52
Queer Feminism 29 Minimizing Bias in Feminist Research 53
Post -colonial/Transnational Feminism 30 Conclusion 55
The Power of Feminist Theory 32 Chapter Review 55
ix
Methods Used to Study Sex /Gender
CHAPTER 2 Similarities and Differences 119
The Big Picture 122
POWER AND PRIVILEGE 58
Cognitive Variables 122
Not Just a Woman 61
General Intelligence 123
Social Identity 62
Mathematical Ability 123
Power Hierarchies 64
Spatial Skills 124
The Invisibility of Privilege 68
EMPOWERING OR OPPRESSING ?
Stereotypes, Power, and Subordination 70 Single- Sex Education 126
Racialized Sexist Stereotypes 71 Verbal Ability 127
How Stereotypes Shape Behavior 75 Academic Achievement 127
Sexism 76 Personality, Beliefs, and Behavior 128
Modern Sexism and Subde Discrimination 76 Personality Traits 128
Microaggressions 77 Emotions 129
Ambivalent Sexism: Hostility and Benevolence 80 Sexuality 130
Language as a Source of Power 84 Aggression 131
People = Male Bias 84 Self- Esteem 132
Men Come First 86 Helping and Morality 132
What’s in a Name? 88 Interests 134
EMPOWERING OR OPPRESSING ? The Case of STEM /EMCP 134
Reclaiming Words 90 Lowered Expectations 136
Degrading Language 91 Stereotypes 137
Talking Styles 92 Goal Congruity 139
Body Language 95 Discrimination 141
Conclusion 97 Conclusion 144
Chapter Review 98 Chapter Review 145
CHAPTER 3 CHAPTER 4
SIMILARITIES AND DIFFERENCES 101 BEYOND THE SEX /GENDER
The Pervasiveness of Gender BINARY 148
Essentiaiism 103 Challenging Heteronormative Assumptions
A Short History 105 about Sex and Gender 152
Perspectives on Similarities and
Transgender. An Umbrella Term 154
Differences 107
Transgender Identity Development 156
Four Questions about Differences 109
Medical Concerns 159
Four Explanations for Differences 113
x Contents
Transitioning Obstacles 161 Middle Childhood 223
Everyday Living 163 Adolescence 225
Resiliency 164 Conclusion 228
Complicating Gender Assignment 166 Chapter Review 229
Genetics 166
Hormones 168
Challenges of “ Ambiguous ” Genitalia 171 CHAPTER 6
Sexual Diversity 176 WOMEN 'S BODIES 232
Theories of Sexual Diversity 177
Women's Bodies: From the Outside
Gender Diversity and Sexual Orientation 179
Looking In 235
Development of a Sex ual Minority Identity 181
Coming Out 183 Beauty Matters 237
ING OR OPPRESSING ? Beauty Norms 240
The Search for a "Gay Gene" 184 Beautiful = Racialized 240
Conclusion 187 Beautiful = Able - Bodied 243
Chapter Review 188 Beautiful = Cisgender 243
Beautiful = Symmetrical 244
Beautiful = Thin 244
Beautiful = Hairless 246
CHAPTER 5
GENDER SOCIALIZATION 191 How We Learn about Beauty Norms 247
Parents 247
Theories of Gender Development 193 Peers 248
Psychoanalytic Theories 194 The Media 250
Behavioral and Social Learning Theories 196
The Role of Internalization 254
Cognitive Developmental Theories 198
Resisting Internalization 254
Social Construction Theories 201
Consequences of Self-Objectification 256
Sources of Gender Socialization 202
The Process of Self-Objectification 258
The Media 202
Intersectionality and Self- Objectification 259
The Modern Disney Princess 209
Wearing a Hijab 260
Toys 211
Parents 212 Why Does Objectification Occur? 261
Peers 214 Women's Bodies: From the
Schools 215 Inside Out 263
Stages of Gender Development 218 Menstruation 263
It’s a . . . BABY 218 Awareness of Body Cues 268
The Pre -school Years 221 Motivation to Exercise 269
Contents xi
Conclusion 270
Chapter Review 271
[i CHAPTER 8
RELATIONSHIPS 317
Friendship 319
CHAPTER 7 Social Support 320
SEXUALITY AND Identity and Friendships 322
SEXUALIZATION 274 Enemies and Frenemies 325
Sexual Scripts 276 The Culture of Romance 328

Sex = Heterosexuality 277 Dating Scripts 330
Sex = Prioritizing Men: Penetration and What Are People Looking For in Romantic
Orgasm 278 Partners ? 333
Sex = Men Always Want It and Initiate It, but Committed Relationships 335
Women Must Ward It Off 279
Sex = Something for the Young, Beautiful,
and Able- Bodied 281 Jealousy in Relationships 336
Marriage and the Wedding Industrial
Learning about Sex 281 Complex 337
Parents 282 Benefits of Marriage 339
Peers 284 Divorce 340
The Media 284 Relationships Other Than Marriage 342
School- Based Sex Education 285 Power Dynamics in Relationships 344
Talking about Sex 289 Division of Labor 346
“ Down There” 290 Why die Inequity ? 349
Contraception: Staying Safe 292 Consequences of Inequity 352
Having (and, Ideally, Enjoying) Sex 295 Achieving Equity in the Household 353
The “First Time” 295 Conclusion 354
Everyone’s Doing It (or Not ) 297
Chapter Review 354
Enjoying Sex 300
Not Enjoying Sex 302
Sexualization: Selling Women's Bodies 306
Sex Work 308
CHAPTER 9
REPRODUCTION AND
Enjoying Sexualization and Self-Sexualization 309
MOTHERING 357
Participation in Sex Work 310 Reproductive Justice: A Question
of Choice? 359
(Re)Claiming Women's Sexuality 312
Not Being a Mother 360
Conclusion 314
Voluntary Childlessness 360
Chapter Review 314
Abortion 363
xii Contents
Fertility 368 Workplace Harassment 427
Infertility 371 Balancing Work and Family 431
Miscarriage and Stillbirth 375
A Question of Choice ? 432
EMPOWERING OR OPPRESSING ? Women’s Responsibility for Care 433
Reproductive Tourism 376
EMPOWERING OR OPPRESSING?
Adoption 377
Having It All 434
Pregnancy 379
Inflexible Work Environments 436
Childbirth 382
Discrimination against Mothers 437
Being a Mother 386 Parental Leave 439
Identity Changes 386 Child Care 441
Post - partum Depression and Anxiety 387 Conclusion 443
Breastfeeding 389
Chapter Review 444
Increased Gender Inequality 391
Mother Blaming 392
Intensive Parenting 394
Feminist Mothering 395 CHAPTER 11
To Work or Not to Work ? 397 OLDER WOMEN 447
Mothering as Children Grow Up 398
Stereotypes of Older Women 449
Conclusion 399 How Others Perceive Older Adults 450
Chapter Review 400 How Older Adults Perceive Themselves 451
The Aging Body 453
Appearance 453
CHAPTER 10 Menopause 458
WORK 403 Physical Health 461
A Stalled Revolution? 405
Breast Reconstruction Surgery 464
The Pay Gap 407 The Health -Care System 467
Occupational Gender Segregation 408
Changing Relationships 468
Salary Negotiation and the Double Bind 412
Romantic and Sexual Partners 468
The Motherhood Wage Penalty 414
Children and Grandchildren 472
Gender Discrimination at Work 416
Older Women at Work 475
The Glass Ceiling and the Sticky Floor 417
Age Discrimination 476
The Glass Escalator 418
Retirement 480
Why Men Are Seen as Leaders: The Double
Bind Revisited 420 Aging "Successfully"? 485
Networking and Mentoring 422
Conclusion 487
Unpaid Work at Work 424
Chapter Review 488
The Glass Cliff 425
Contents xiii
The Beginnings 541
CHAPTER 12 Regulating Madness in the 19 th Century 542
Madness in the 20th Century and Beyond 544
GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE 491
Mental Health Diagnoses 550
Gender-Based Violence 494
Major Depression 550
Youth and Violence 495 Anxiety 559
Types of Abuse 495 Post - traumatic Stress Disorder ( PTSD ) 560
Negative Outcomes and Resiliency 497 Eating Disorders 563
From Objectification to Violence 499 Borderline Personality Disorder 566
A Rape Culture 500 EMPOWERING OR OPPRESSING ?
Rape Myths 501 Pre- menstrua Dysphoric Disorder 568
The Reality of Rape 510 Feminist Therapy 569
Aftermath of Sexual Assault 512 Feminist Therapy = Good Therapy 570
EMPOWERING OR OPPRESSING ? Feminist Techniques 573
Reporting Sexual Assault 514
Conclusion 576
Interpersonal Violence 515 Chapter Review 577
Types of Intimate Partner Violence 516
Who’s Involved in IPV? 520
Challenges of Leaving Abusive Relationships 521
Sex Trafficking 523
CHAPTER 14
Violence against Older Women 524 TENSIONS, ACTION, AND HOPE
Healing after Abuse 526 FOR THE FUTURE 580
War and Violence 527 The Future of Feminism: Challenges and
Controversies 582
Stopping a Culture of Violence 529
Whose Concerns Are the Most Pressing?
Reimagining Gender 530 The Case of Inclusion 582
See Something, Say Something 530
Becoming Media Literate 531
The Vagina Monologues 584
Thinking Globally, Acting Locally 532
Who Can Be a Feminist ? The Case
Conclusion 533 of Men 585
Chapter Review 534 Which Feminism Is Most Effective ? The Case
of Intergencrational Conflict 587
Building Bridges: A Call for Allyship 589
CHAPTER 13 Feminist Activism: Changing Women's
MENTAL HEALTH 537 Lives 591
Minimum Wage 591
Women and Madness: A Historical
Perspective 540 Workplace Equality 592
Gun Violence 595
xiv Contents
i
Reproductive Justice 596 Glossary G-1
Environmentalism 597
References R-1
Joys and Perils of Activism 598
Credits C-1
Psychology and Activism 601
Changing Academic and Professional Name Index N-1
Fields: Increasing Women’s Participation Subject Index S-1
in STEM 602
Changing Public Opinion: Consciousness
Raising among Young People 603
Changing Laws and Norms: Beatrice Wright’s
Legacy 604
Psychologists Reaching Out 605
Conclusion: “Run to the Noise” 606
Chapter Review 607
Contents xv
author bios
Miriam Liss, a professor of psychological science at the University of Mary
Washington, is a clinical psychologist who has been recognized for both her
teaching and her research. She received the State Council for Higher Education
for Virginia (SCHEV ) Outstanding Faculty Award in 2015. She has published
widely in an extensive range of fields within the psychology of women, including
feminist identity, die objectification and sexualization of women, the division
of labor, and motherhood . She is co-author of Balancing the Big Stuff: Finding
Happiness in Work , Family, and Life.
Kate Richmond, an associate professor of psycholog)' and the director

of women’s and gender studies at Muhlenberg College, is a clinical psychologist.
She has published widely in die areas of multicultural psycholog)', men and mas-
culinity, transgender health, feminism, and trauma. She has received multiple
awards for excellence in teaching, including the Paul C. Empie Memorial Award
for Excellence in Teaching, and has given invited talks both nationally and inter-
nationally. In addition to teaching, she maintains a private practice in which she
specializes in die treatment of trauma and concerns related to gender.
Milldy J. Erchull, a professor of psychological science at the University

of Mary Washington, is a social psychologist and a Fellow of both the American
Psychological Association ( APA ) and die Association for Psychological Science.
She has been recognized as an emerging leader for women in psycholog)' by
the Committee for Women in Psycholog)' of the APA. She has also been rec-
ognized as an outstanding teacher diough her receipt of the Mary Roth Walsh
Teaching the Psycholog)' of Women Award from the Society for the Psycholog)'
of Women. She has published widely under the umbrella of the psychology of
: women and gender with work addressing feminist identity, the objectification
and sexualization of women, division of labor and parenting, and menstruation
and odier women’s health issues.
xvii
preface
Some years ago, our affiliation with one another began with pairs of professional
connections. Our relationships developed through conversations about over-
lapping research and teaching interests, and feminist process was often part of
our conversations. We recognized that it wasn’t always easy to live our feminist
ideals in today’s fast- paced , goal-directed world, yet we continued to strive for a
more relational and equitable process for ourselves and for our students. Those
conversations, over time, led to friendships. It was from this place of friendship
that we thought hard and deep about the challenges facing the fields we love
psychology and women’s and gender studies.
—
In particular, we found ourselves recounting conversations with both stu-
dents and colleagues about a need for a contemporary psychology of women and
gender textbook. As instructors, we knew our classes were exciting and transfor-
mative, yet the available books didn’t match the experience in our classes. We
were frustrated with the slow pace of revision in a field that is quickly evolving
and that centers on current topics and timely social justice issues. Material we
felt critical to teach wasn’t in the books available to us, so we had to supplement
with many outside readings. Our students were frustrated because they felt
the books were covering topics related to the experiences of their parents and
—
grandparents rather than their own experiences their feminisms weren’t part
of the books. They also expressed frustration with the predominant focus on the
experience of straight, White, cisgender, able- bodied, economically privileged
women. None of us planned to be textbook authors, but the three of us realized
that together we could create something bigger than any one of us could do on
our own. We believed that our friendships with one another and our feminist
process could result in an up-to-date book that would fill a gap in the field.
We started our process with several distinctive goals. One important shift in this
field has been a move toward intersectionality in both research and theory, and it
was important to us that our book reflect an intersectional perspective. This was
not an easy task, since so much of the field is built on theory and research that takes
a singular, less dynamic approach. Much of the published data disproportionately
come from White, cisgender, heterosexual, able- bodied, well-educated, financially
privileged researchers and participants. The truth is that our field has been largely
shaped by die experiences of privileged women, so a goal of ours was to help students
understand how systems of power influence die type of science diat gets created
on the basis of such data. We explicidy drew attention to diesc inequities and asked
students to grapple wadi the challenges of applying an intersectional approach when
conducting research , interpreting others’ research , and participating in activism. The
field still has work to do in diis domain , and we hope our book motivates students to
think in more intersectional and inclusive ways. We sought to present die important
contributions of feminist research while also providing guidance to allow' students
—
to interrogate die hidden, biased assumptions in diat research and in all types of
research, for diat matter. We wanted students to continually revisit intcrsectionality
and to learn diat gender never operates in isolation, so w'e integrated questions and
activities to help students identify die limitations of a one -dimensional approach to
studying the psychology of women and gender. In some ways, diis meant diat gender
was not at the center of ever)' topic discussed , since we assumed diat social identities
mutually shape one another. We also worked to integrate the experiences of margin -
alized women through every section. When there were gaps in the research, we drew'
attention to them.
It was also very important to us that our book be interdisciplinary but
grounded in science and feminist theory. We’ve integrated into the text recent
research findings from economics, political science, demography, medicine,
sociolog)', and anthropology while still highlighting psychological science as die
core of this field . Moreover, it was important to us that we not make a lot of
assumptions about student experience and /or knowledge. We found that many
other texts assumed students had a background in women’s and gender studies,
psychological research , or both . However, the nature of the field of psycholog)'
of w'omen and gender means that classes are often interdisciplinary and cross-
listed . Students come to these courses with varied backgrounds, which can cause
experiences of confusion in the first weeks. Given this, in the first few' chapters,
w'c explain the scientific method , die diversity' of feminism , die need to compli-
cate the way w'e think about sex and gender, and the importance of considering
power and privilege. We also didn’t assume that students would enter the class
w'ith similar levels of knowledge about women’s sexual and reproductive health,
so we integrated some foundational coverage into relevant chapters.
We also sought to write a textbook that would reflect both the latest research
and the current issues directly affecting the lives of girls and women today.
Because of this, our book covers a variety of topics that receive limited or no
coverage in other textbooks in this field . These include ( but arc not limited to ):
a comprehensive coverage of objectification theory and sclf-sexualization
c extensive coverage of the experience of transgender and non - binary
individuals, including psychological, economic, and legal challenges
» the Me Too movement
xx Preface
•
v
a the pressures of intensive parenting
ndie glass cliff and glass escalator
c female friendships
n the experiences and challenges of women with disabilities
the psychological consequences of miscarriage and stillbirth
c current controversies about sexual consent
D the role of men as allies in the feminist movement .
Unique Features
Another important aspect was to ensure that students understand how it’s
possible to approach many key topics in several different ways. Research is often
contradictory, or findings differ according to which aspects of social identity
are considered . Depending on the perspective one takes, something might
seem either beneficial or problematic. This reflects the nature of feminism and
—
science everyone doesn’t agree.
While these underlying tensions are integrated throughout the text, we also
highlight one example in each chapter in an Empowering or Oppressing? fea -
ture. For example , in one chapter we explore sex work and question whether it
can be empowering for women or if it’s oppressing. In another, we ask students
to consider the research about single -sex education and whether these types of
educational settings are empowering or oppressing for girls and women. There’s
no single answer in these features; these are complex, multi-faceted topics with
data that aren’t clear cut, so the issues are actively debated. The features can
serve as critical thinking exercises for students, but they could also be used to
prompt in - class discussion, inspire journal entries or reaction papers, or serve as
topics for formal debate. Our goal was for students to understand that there’s
not a single “ truth ” being presented in this book. Rather, we sought to high -
light the research that’s been done, the research that’s needed, and the many
open questions that are still ripe for exploration.
We also placed priority on incorporating features to encourage critical think-
ing, so that students can practice how to effectively evaluate, research, and
develop strategies for addressing complicated problems. We begin each chapter
with one or more real -world examples of events or individuals connected to the
material covered in that chapter, and we integrate more contemporary examples
throughout the text. Sometimes these examples are worked into the body of the
chapters, but at other times they’re highlighted in Spotlight On features. For
example, we shine a spotlight on topics such as the Me Too movement, cyber -
bullying, and pinkwashing. We also have Your Turn and Try It for Yourself
features in every chapter. In these, students are asked to further reflect on an
Preface xxi
issue raised in the chapter. They’re also often asked to talk to others or engage
in an activity as part of exploring the given topic. Further questions appear at
the end of each chapter in a Think About It section . Like the Empowering
or Oppressing? features, these features can also serve as prompts for discus-
sion, journaling, reflection papers, and the like. Each chapter ends with a list of
online resources that students can visit to learn more about topics covered in the
chapter and to spark further exploration .
We recognize that classes in the psychology of women and gender take many
forms, vary in size, and are taught at the 200, 300, and 400 level. Given this
diversity, we sought to use a readable style that would be approachable for a wide
array of students and varying class formats. For students in more traditional, lec-
ture- based classes with assessment done using tests, we integrated preliminary
SQ3R prompts in the form of questions at the start of sections within the chap-
ters. At the start of the book, we included an Introduction that seeks to help
students understand this study method and the features found throughout the
book. Each chapter contains bolded key terms that draw additional attention to
key ideas and theories, and stand -alone definitions of each key term are included
in a glossary. Each chapter also ends with bulleted chapter summaries to help
students assess their degree of understanding.
This book has truly been a labor of love for us. We set out to create the text
we wanted to teach with and our students wanted to read . It became so much
more. It led us to learn about both the history of the field and contemporary
areas of focus. It helped us reflect on our own teaching and why we made the
choices we did. It also strengthened our relationships with one another an
important feminist process that is never lost on us.
—
Instructor Support
As teachers, we know how important support materials can be when choosing
—
a text particularly when it involves leaving a familiar text to adopt a new one.
Therefore, we want to highlight the ancillary materials available for this text.
Depending on the nature of your class and teaching style, different resources are
likely of interest to you. In fact, the package of available resources offers some-
thing for everyone. For example, teachers of large lecture courses may be par-
ticularly interested in the test bank, lecture slides, and in -class activities. Those
who teach writing-intensive, discussion- based courses may also be interested in
the in-class activities as well as the discussion topics. Teachers of asynchronous
online courses may be interested in discussion topics and lecture and art slides.
a A test bank offers over 1,000 multiple-choice and short -answer
questions.
xxii Preface
a There are PowerPoint slides that can be used for or adapted for use
in lectures. These provide an overview of die major sections of each
chapter and incorporate key art and figures from the text. They also
include active learning elements; some of these are drawn from those
included in the text, and others are from the supplementary activities
and discussion topics that are also available for instructors.
Easily downloadable resources include lecture slides, sample syllabi,
discussion topics, and in-class activities. Some of these resources are
pulled from those embedded throughout the chapters. Others were
authored specifically for this guide. Some of these activities integrate
material from the Psychology’s Feminist Voices website ( https://www
.feministvoices.com / ). The sample syllabi offer examples for larger
lecture - based classes, smaller discussion - based classes, and online
courses; all the examples include a schedule and sample assignments
that work with the structure of this text.
Separate art slides arc also available. These include all images and
tables from the text so you can integrate them into your own course
materials as desired .
Given concerns about cost and accessibility, many students and instruc-
tors prefer digital texts. Therefore, this book can also be accessed as an
ebook. The ebook provides students access to the entire book and allows
them to search, highlight, bookmark, and take notes while reading.
Acknowledgements
In publication, we often talk about a “first author” who holds primary respon-
sibility for the project and the product it generates. Someone’s name had to
—
come first, but there is no first author for this book it has been a true collab-
oration . We each brought training and research expertise from different areas
to this project. Our book is strong, in large part, because of our collaboration.
Chapters are not a product of one author’s work with small edits suggested
by the other co-authors. Rather, we each wrote material for every chapter and
provided guidance, feedback, and editing at all stages. This enabled us to bring
our unique expertise and to add depth to our coverage. As a result, the writing
and editing process may have taken longer than would have been the case with
“primary” authors of distinct sections, but we believe our book couldn’t have
existed without this fully integrated collaboration on all aspects of the project,
and none of us could have accomplished this without the others.
This book would also not exist without the support of the talented and dedi-
cated staff at Norton. We’d like to thank our editor, Ken Barton, for his belief in
this book from the time he first read our book proposal. His excitement about
Preface xxiii
the project was a large part of why we decided to publish with Norton , and his
enthusiasm hasn’t waned through the sometimes challenging process of arriving
at a final book. We’d also like to thank his editorial assistants, Eve Sanoussi and
Katie Pak, for helping us track the myriad moving pieces involved in all phases
of this project; as well as Victoria Reuter, for her vision for and management of
the instructor support materials. We also need to acknowledge the many other
people at Norton who have worked to bring this book and its support materials
to fruition. This project wouldn’t have been possible without the contributions
of Katilin Coats, Linda Feldman, Marian Johnson, Eric Pier- Hocking, Donna
Ranicri, Stephanie Romeo, Megan Schindcl, Ashley Sherwood , Lissi Sigillo,
Allison Nicole Smith, Scott Sugarman, Patricia Wong, Alex Trivilino, Rubina
Yeh , and Kim Yi. Last, but certainly not least, we want to offer sincere and deep
gratitude to our developmental editor, Alice Vigliani . Alice worked tirelessly to
help us solidify our collective voice while making the text as strong as possible.
She helped us work to achieve our vision and became our cheerleader when
we felt overwhelmed . She made it clear that she believed in this book, and that
helped us reignite our passion when exhaustion took over in the final phases of
the marathon that drafting this book has been.
This book would also not exist without the support and encouragement of
many other people. When we began thinking about writing a textbook, Joan
Chrisler was the first person we reached out to. She encouraged us to take on this
project, helped us understand what was involved in proposing a book to pub-
lishers, and provided feedback about our initial book proposal. Her support and
feminist mentorship have been invaluable. Similarly, the encouragement provided
by Chris Kilmartin and Ronald Levant helped us feel more confident in taking on
a project of this magnitude while balancing heavy teaching loads. In particular,
Chris’s own experience as a textbook author helped us understand important
concerns around securing permissions, art budgets, and indexing. Isis Settles is
yet another person who provided support and encouragement throughout die
waiting of this book. Her excitement about the text fed our own , and her will -
ingness to provide feedback, both formal and informal , helped us arrive at a more
inclusive final product. We’d also like to thank Janine Chi, Mel Ferrara, Abbie
Goldberg, Bill Keller, Lizbcth Kim, Heather MacArthur, A. Lanediea Mathew's-
Schultz, Kaidin McCormick - Huhn, Brian Mello, Kennedi Michniewicz, Jefferson
Pooley, Jeff Rudski, Mark Sciutto, Stephanie Shields, Stephanie Sinno, Susan
Stryker, Anne Tamar- Mattis, Leonorc Tiefer, Sari van Anders, and Connie Wolfe
for sharing their expertise with us. Thank you also to Laura Brown and Alicia
Hupprich for providing their personal accounts for inclusion in the book.
—
We must also acknowledge the support of our schools the University of
Mary Washington and Muhlenberg College. We each, at various points during
the writing of this book, received support in the form of funding and course
releases through grant, fellowship, and sabbatical programs. Our schools’ belief
in our ability to succeed with a project of this magnitude meant a great deal.
xxiv Preface
We arc also endlessly thankful for the understanding and support vve received
from our departmental colleagues. Sometimes this took the form of leaving us
alone when we shut our doors to write, at other times it involved sharing their
expertise with us, and at still other times it involved reminding us about how far
we had come and how close the finish line was. We also benefited from the assis-
tance of many student research assistants throughout die course of this project,
and would like to thank each of them for their contributions:
Christine Abraham Elizabeth Katriel

Christina Amaral Stephanie King
Madeline Beasley Sarah Merlo
Megan Blosser Michelle Milligan
Courtney Bramen Laura Morris
Marissa Cassens Sabina Muccigrosso
Angela Elcan Emma Olson
Rachel Gallagher Joann Shchani Peiris
Mattie Goad Ashlyn Runk
Jenna Gray Grace Sterling
Kristine Hamer Lauren Tolsen
Katherine Hatton Alexis Zollo
We also recognize that this book wouldn’t be as strong as it is without the

important feedback received from reviewers. Given this, we want to acknowl-
edge die following people for their contributions:
Vcanne Anderson , Indiana State University
Genuine Awad, University of Texas, Austin
Stacey-Ann Baugh, Trinity Washington University
Theresa Botts, Eastern Kentucky University
Thomas Bradbury, UCLA
Britney Brinkman, Chatham University
Adrienne Carter-Sowell, Texas A&M University
Joan Chrisler, Connecticut College
Malissa Clark, University of Georgia
Lilia Cortina, University of Michigan
Lisa Diamond, University of Utah
Renee Engeln, Northwestern University
Oliva Espin, San Diego State University
Preface xxv
Breanne Fahs, Arizona State University
Cordelia Fine, University of Melbourne
Pamela Flint, University of North Texas
Linda Gallahan, Portland State University
Linda Hoke-Sinex, Indiana State University
Carol R. Huckaby, Albertus Magnus College
Daphna Joel, Tel-Aviv University
Benjamin Karney, UCLA
Jennifer Katz, SUNT Geneseo
Sabra Katz-Wise, Harvard University
Nicole Knickmeyer, Austin Peay State University
Shenan Kroupa, Purdue University, Indianapolis
Elizabeth Kudadjie-Gyamfi, Long Island University
Emily Leskinen, Carthage College
Phoebe Lin, Framingham State University
Kathi Miner, Texas A&M University
Katharine Oh, Cleveland State University
Carmen Poulin, University of New Brunswick
Laura Ramsey, Bridgewater State University
Desdamona Rios, University of Houston, Clear Lake
Lisa Rubin, The New School
Wanda Ruffin, Hood College
Alex Rutherford, York University
Nazish Salahuddin, University of Maryland
Rakhshanda Saleem, University of Massachusetts, Boston
Isis Settles, University of Michigan
Andrew Smiler, Wake Forest College
Christine Smith, University of Wisconsin, Green Bay
Jonathan Weaver, Michigan State University
Grace White, University of Central Florida
Catina Williams, Southwestern Illinois College
Barbara Winstead, Old Dominion University
Finally, while professional support is important, it is often the personal sup-
port that makes it possible for us to take on and succeed with challenging tasks.
Such is the case for this book.
xxvi Preface
Miriam Liss:
[email protected]
I would like to start by thanking Mindy and Kate, my co-authors. Working with
them has been such a joy, and I am so honored that they included me in their
process. I would also like to thank my mother, Barbara Liss, who raised me as a
single mother and provided inspiration about what it meant to be a strong fem-
inist woman throughout my life until her death two years ago. Jeffrey Hutterer
was like a father to me and also provided encouragement and fascinating psy-
chological discussions throughout my childhood. I would also like to thank
—
my early feminist mentors particularly my undergraduate mentor and role
model, Jill Morawski. Thanks also to my graduate mentors, Deborah Fein and
—
Marianne Barton , who never failed to believe in and encourage me even when
my areas of interest diverged from theirs. I also want to acknowledge and thank
Mary Crawford, who reignited my passion for feminist research and profoundly
influenced the course of my graduate career.
I send much love and thanks to my husband, Julian Kilmartin. He has sup-
ported me, encouraged me, and cooked me delicious dinners. I cannot count
the number of times he has taken on the brunt of the parenting so that I could
— —
work on this book often, late into the night. To my sister-in-law Deirdre
Kilmartin thank you for your encouragement, reviews of early chapter drafts,
great discussions about feminism, and unwavering support throughout this
—
entire process. Finally, to my children, Daniel and Emily I love you both so
much, and I look forward to years of engaging conversations about the issues in
this book as you grow and mature.
Kate Richmond:
[email protected]
Thank you to my psychology of women teachers, Kathy Harring, Patrice
DiQuinzio, and Lenore Walker, who introduced me to this field and nurtured
my love for feminist psychology. Thank you also to Ronald Levant, who has
been the most prevailing influence on my career and development as a feminist
scholar, and to Alan Tjeltveit, who nurtured my intellectual skills early in my
academic career. Thank you to Laura Edelman for believing in and supporting
my career at Muhlenberg College. To Mindy and Miriam, I have grown so
much through our friendship and collaboration. I love how our personalities,
intellect, and creative tendencies mesh so well. Thank you to the members of the
SCI-Graterford Think Tank for advancing my knowledge on progressive ped -
agogies. I’d also like to thank Brenda Larimer for her administrative support,
Sherri Young for organizing writing boot camps, and Jen Jarson and Jessica
Denke for sharing their expertise in library science. Thank you to Feine Coffee
for keeping me caffeinated and providing the perfect venue to write.
Preface xxvii
To my colleague and friend Linda Bips, who started this book journey with
me but did not see it finish , your legacy and wisdom live on through this work.
Thank you to my sisters, Amy Tufano, Becky Duffy, and Julie Richmond , whom
I lean on every day and whose friendship shows me the real power of sisterhood .
Thank you to my dad, Dan Richmond , who taught me how to be a commu -
nity leader and fostered my passion for social justice. Thank you to my mom,
Maryjanc Richmond , who spent countless hours at our kitchen table teaching
me how to write and instilling in me a love of learning. Mom , you are my great -
est role model . Thank you also to my daughter, Jessica Jara, who teaches me to
live in the moment and to confront every challenge, even the ones mentioned
in this book, with resiliency and fierceness. And , finally, to my husband , Steve
—
Jara you are the foundation for which all of this is possible. Your unwavering
love gives me courage and confidence . In every way, I am grateful for you .
Green Eggs and Ham .
Mindy Erchull:
[email protected]
I want to offer a personal thanks to Joan Chrisler. You ’ve been my advisor and
mentor since before classes began during my first year of college . You introduced
me to the field of psycholog)' of women , and this book is possible because of all
you taught me about the field , about writing, and about collaboration . I ’d also
like to thank my graduate mentor, Leona Aiken , for helping me forge my own
path toward teaching when others sought to guide me in a different direction ,
and Nancy Russo for furthering my feminist and multicultural training. Thanks
also to Sheila Heffcrnon for teaching me to have confidence in my abilities, that
the risks were worth it, and that hard work and dedication make a difference.
I also want to thank both Kate and Miriam. We have created a collaboration that
is truly more than the sum of its parts. You are true friends, and I look forward
to collaborating with both of you for many years to come .
Of course, none of this would have been possible without the tremendous
support I’ve received diroughout my life from my mother, Wilma Erchull. You
made tremendous sacrifices so that I could have a top- notch education , and your
support and encouragement allowed me to hilly benefit from those opportuni -
ties. You also allowed me to become engaged in social justice work at a young
—
age after all, how many parents would sign a permission slip so their 15 -year-old
daughter could go march on Washington ? Thank you for having faith in me and
for respecting my need to speak up and speak out. My partner, Dave Marciniak,
has also been a key source of support and encouragement throughout this pro-
cess. You made it possible for me to take writing retreats and spend weekends
revising drafts and evenings reading page proofs. Your life had to change so that
I could take on this project. Thank you for making sure I had clean clothes to
—
wear and food to eat I truly don’t know where I’d be without you.
xxviii Preface
i
v t^ -h: •
-
r » •*
hen we decided to write this textbook, we were excited! From our
years of studying and teaching Psycholog)' of Women and Gender,
we know that it’s not a typical class. Some students tell us that the
content is transformative. It uncovers many social realities that often are not
discussed, like body shame and menstruation, and can provide direction about
ways to address everyday challenges such as confronting sexism and racism.
As you’ll see throughout the semester, the field of psycholog)' of women is
evolving quickly, and no matter what your gender identity is, there are many
opportunities for you to add to and challenge existing ways of thinking. There’s
an urgent need to address die psychological concerns of girls and women as well
as a need for sophisticated ideas and people committed to pursuing research to
promote well- being. This course will provide you with tools to identify, under-
stand , and address those needs, even when faced with conflict and tension .
Unique Aspects of This Course

Before we get started, here arc some tips that might be useful as you read this
book and engage with some of the politically or emotionally charged material
that may challenge ( and even change ) your current beliefs. We recommend that
you read through the Table of Contents and your instructor’s syllabus first,
—
considering what topics might stir emotion in you and keeping in mind that
this will probably be the case for others in the class too. By anticipating charged
material, you won’t be caught off guard , and you can also come up with strate -
gies to deal with reading and discussing controversial topics.
4 Introduction Using This Book and Approaching This Class
n
It's helpful to think about your goals for this course before you begin it. There’s
potential for you to broaden your current perspectives if you stay open to intro-
spection , reflection , and critical thinking. A helpful tip is to use die mantra “seek
to understand ." Although it can be difficult to do, over time we’ve learned that
suspending initial judgment first can leave room for intellectual growth and curi-
osity. You might try asking yourself questions like these: “What’s interesting about
this topic ?" “What are some features about it that I want to know more about? ”
and “ Under what conditions, and for whom, might this topic be most relevant ? ”
It will help to check in with your emotions too. When you begin reading, writ-
ing, and discussing the material, you might ask: “Am I feeling excited, guilty, or
angry? Do I feel attacked or threatened ?" Being aware of your emotions lets you
delve deeper into your thinking about a topic. After all, emotions communicate
—
important information they let you know when you’ve hit a nerve that may need
some attention. When emotions are high, it’s helpful to stop and reflect on them
—
a bit more for example: “What thoughts lead me to feel this strongly? ” and /or
“What are my assumptions and belief systems, and how docs this material conflict
with them ?" During this process, it will help to be kind and compassionate toward
yourself because this type of learning can be emotionally draining. You can free-
write about the topic or, if you feel ready, talk to close friends or classmates. Doing
this allows you to work through your thoughts and reactions to die material with
a supportive person . Educational researchers believe that learning occurs when
students feel emotionally connected to the material ( Immordino-Yang, 2016 ), so
—
emotions are an important step in learning especially in a course like this one.
Once you’re immersed in this class, you may be motivated to apply the infor-
mation you’re learning to your own life. In each chapter, you’ll find two types
of boxes that will help you do just that: Your Turn and Try It for Yourself In
the Your Turn boxes, we ask you to reflect on content and connect it to your
own experiences and perspectives. In the Try It for Yourself boxes, in addition
to asking you to reflect, we ask you to do an activity related to the topic. This
will help you reflect critically on die course material while giving you practice
in applying the research and theory from the book to your personal experience.
You may also want to share this information with others or take a stand on a
particular issue. Although we’ll address this topic in Chapter 14, we hope you’ll
use the theories and research in this book to spark conversations with friends and
family members throughout the semester. Any of the material in the chapters
may spark these conversations, but the Spotlight On boxes included throughout
the book may be particularly likely to inspire diem. In diese features, we delve
a bit more deeply into one topic or event than we’re typically able to do in the
main chapter text. However, as we’ve mentioned, die material in this course can
be controversial, so we advise the “ plant a seed ” approach. In other words, it’s
a good strategy to first introduce a new theory or research study and then give
the person some time to think about it before getting into a full discussion . You
may find that you’ll need to revisit the topic again as a way to fully understand
different ( and often conflicting ) perspectives.
Unique Aspects of This Course 5
L
TABLE 1 The SQ 3 R Study Method
Step Description
Look through the chapter, focusing on headings, subheadings, and bold

Survey (or Scan )
words. Get a big-picture view of the chapter.
After the initial survey, develop questions for each section and
Question sub -section to help guide your reading. These can later serve as study
prompts.
Try to answer your questions as you read , and add new questions ( and
the answers to them ) as they develop from your reading. As you read ,
Read
take notes in your own words, both as answers to your questions and as
stand -alone pieces of information you 'll want to review later.
Test your knowledge by asking yourself the questions you developed
and trying to give thorough answers without looking at your notes or
Recite (or Retrieve) the book. If you identify material you can’t recite, work back through
the first three steps for that content in order to become more familiar
with it.
Review your notes each time you finish a section as well as at die end
of a chapter to make sure you feel your answers ( and other notes) arc
Review thorough and clear. Continue to review by returning to die Recite step
periodically as you move into new material so you don't lose track ot
what you've already covered .
The SQ3R Method

tne to structure this book in an accessible way and have integrated fea -
nto eac chapter that wall help you connect with the material , identify key
, and formulate new ideas . By actively working
. , 'I
SS SS
S
? ôurnunderstanding
a reSular basis and reviewing material more than once, you’ll
. . , ° ° ° the
•
Pos*b n to really comprehend , retain , and , ultimately, apply
C
.
CSt
°
f rmation in productive ways ( Taraban, Rynearson , & Kerr, 2000 ) .
with a study system called the SQ3R method .
! ° ,ga °r d thc chaPters
V
^
I 1Ze
snap
Quesh°n Read , Recite , Review ( see Table 1; Artis,
(
2008 - T- n
S
>
p
^ °’ Research shows that this method helps students better
,
inS
under^ ra rCtain k for a longer period ( Carlston , 2011;
^
McDaniel, Howard, & Einstein, 2009). It may seem take a lot of time and to
Cn mcth0h , but before long it will feel automatic .
In the long
° ^ U Start t0 USC
In run, it can save you time (and stress) .
Survey
reading
'0nC<^ before , it s helpful to review certain material before you begin
Seem counter ntuitive , but it does help to survey or scan in
*
order to per * *g Plcturc view. One way to start is by looking at headings. Within
,
each chanter
P , eadings in larger type indicate thc start of distinct main sections,
I
and headings in smaller type indicate sub-sections. In addition to using these
headings in the body of each chapter, we’ve listed the main headings in outline
format at the start of the chapter. This is handy for making an initial survey
before you flip through the chapter to look at the headings in the context of
images, boxes, and other material. Each chapter also includes bold key terms.
Some of these may be new to you, so looking at them during your survey can
help you become familiar with them . Once you understand the organization,
you can make informed choices about how to break the chapter into manage-
able chunks to work through in more detail.
Question
As you survey each chapter, it’s a good idea to write down your own ques-
tions for each section or sub -section . For example, when you see the head -
ing The SQ3R Method in this introduction, you might ask: “What’s the SQ3R
method ? What do those letters stand for? How can I use this method ? ” To get
you started , we provide overarching questions for major sections of each chap-
ter underneath the headings to serve as a starting point for thinking about that
chunk of material . In order to maximize your learning, we recommend that
you develop your own sub-questions that will help you explore, and eventually
review, the material in greater detail.
Initially, your questions can be fact - based ones for which you’ll find answers
in the text. A next step will be to ask how what you’re learning connects with
your own life and the lives of die people you know. As we discussed earlier,
you’ll more readily remember information when you connect ideas to things
that are personally meaningful for and relevant to you (Symons & Johnson,
1997). For example, when reading about how women are perceived as leaders,
you might try asking yourself why men are more frequently associated with
leadership than women . In addition to this fact - based question, you might also
ask yourself whether you’ve ever been particularly judgmental about a woman
in a leadership role. It may even help to start with some questions that relate to
—
your own experiences for example, “Why do many of my female friends focus
on the way they look? ” or “ How do my professional goals connect with my
gender? ” This type of questioning is good for identifying topics that might be
emotionally charged. It also keeps you actively engaged and helps you begin to
apply the course material to your own life.
Read
This is probably the portion of the SQ3R method you’re most familiar with, but
the trick is to stay involved as you read. It will help to keep in mind the questions
you jotted down in the Q step and try to answer them. If you come up with new
—
questions as you read, we suggest adding them to the list and trying to answer
those as well. Also, it’s important to read everything even figure captions
The SQ 3R Method 7
and boxes, because they provide key details. Equally important is taking notes
as you read . Some of your notes will probably be in the form of answers to your
questions, but others may be specific facts or terms that strike you as important
or that you’ll want to review later. Notes are most effective if you put things in
your own words rather than just transcribing what we’ve written.
As you read, you’ll find that we continue to ask questions to get you to
think deeply about the material . For example, in the middle of a section , we
may ask about your own experiences with a topic. Also, many of the boxes end
with questions. These are all designed to get you thinking about the material
at a deeper level . Sometimes the questions reflect a point of tension within die
—
field a place where researchers and /or theorists don’t all agree . Most ot these
questions don’t have a single correct answer. For example, in each chapter we
—
ask you to consider whether something such as single -sex education , partici -
—
pating in sex work, or modern Disney princesses is empowering or oppressing
for girls and women . Scholars have different opinions on these issues, and we
present arguments from multiple perspectives. Our goal for these Empowering
or Oppressing boxes is not for you to choose a definitive answer but, rather, to
—
reflect on what you believe and why in other words, to focus on forming your
own opinion and being able to justify it with sound data .
As you’ll soon learn , psychologists study gender in various ways. Therefore,
we hope you’ll flex your intellectual muscles and think critically about the con -
tent you read in this book. This will involve considering the purpose of particu -
lar points, their relevance to the field, and any limitations or biases. In what ways
might you expand or refine an idea or topic ? Is there enough evidence for a par-
ticular idea, or is additional research needed ? Can you connect ideas from one
topic area to another topic area ? Is there enough information to evaluate claims
that you see in the text ? Thinking critically will help you produce new ideas and
—
design original strategies to address complex questions not only those that
come up in this book and course, but also those that arise elsewhere in your life.
Recite
The second R stands for “ recite,” but it can also stand for “ retrieve,” because
it’s about testing your knowledge. You might think this is something you only
—
do after you’ve finished reading maybe even just in the lead - up to a test. While
it’s a good idea to do it at these times, it’s also helpful to try to retrieve informa-
tion from your memory as you read. Let’s say you asked yourself the question
“What docs SQ3R stand for? ” and, in reading this section, were able to answer
it: survey, question, read, recite, review. Once you have that answer, you could
take a minute to ask the question again and then tell yourself the answer but —
without looking at the book or your notes. If you’re alone, you might recite the
question and answer out loud. If you’re not, doing it in your head will work
just as well. Then it’s important to write down the answer in your own words.
8 Introduction Using This Book and Approaching

This Class
A key component of this strategy is that it makes you retrieve the information
from your memory rather than copying it from the book. Doing this will help
you figure out where you might still be confused or have missing information .
If you can’t put it in your own words clearly, you’ll know there’s still a bit more
work to do before you can truly answer your question .
The questions embedded in the text don’t just help you engage with the
material; they also help during the Recite phase. For example, when we ask you
to reflect on your own beliefs, instead of simply stating them it’s a good idea to
try to connect them to the research and theories we’ve presented in that section .
Making this connection will involve thinking about why you hold that particular
belief and , at the same time, why others might have different beliefs and what
evidence supports their points of view. This is one more way to assess your
understanding of material as you work through the text. If you have trouble
answering these questions in ways that integrate material from the course, then
it probably would be a good idea to spend more time on that section .
There’s also a list of key terms at the end of every chapter. We want you to
be able to describe them in your own words after you finish the chapter without
looking again at the text, the Glossary, or your notes. If you find you need to
use these sources as a reference, this helps you identify where to do more review.
In addition to traditional ways of reciting this material, talking about it with
others in informal settings can be helpful . For example, students have told us
they often talk about the content of their Psycholog)' of Women and Gender
course outside of the classroom , with friends and family members. We encour-
age you to do the same because it will also help you recite the information in
your own words. Sharing information with others not only helps you study but
also provides an opportunity to clarify other people’s possible misperceptions by
mentioning specific research findings.
Review
—
The final step in the SQ3R method is to review each time you reach the end of a
section , as well as the end of a chapter. As you look over your questions and your
answers, if anything is unclear, this is a good time to go back and flesh that out,
add information to your notes, and so on . If you feel there’s a key topic covered
that isn’t reflected in your questions and answers, adding in a new question will
help you to cover the material more comprehensively. Much of the reviewing step
will be based on your ow'n notes, but you can also use die questions embedded
throughout each chapter. There’s also a bulleted summary of key ideas at the end
of each chapter, organized by main section headings. Although die bullet points
are useful for organizing your studying, they can’t serve as your only source for
review because they aren’t comprehensive. Nevertheless, if we’ve highlighted a
key idea and it doesn’t show' up in your notes or get much attention in them, this
indicates an area of the chapter that you w'ould benefit from reviewing.
The SQ3R Method 9

I
You 11 then continue to review material over time as you practice testing your-
self ( Reciting ) to see what you re able to retrieve. Writing questions on one side of
an index card and answers on the other is an easy way to do this because it allows
you to check how well you were able to retrieve that information. This method
ets > ou test yourself along die way to ( a ) see what you know and identify what you
nee to spend more time on, and ( b ) continue interacting with the material even if
you ^rc so working through another chapter. Testing yourself on each chapter is
one of the best ways to make sure diat you’ve retained the material being taught.
Things to Keep in Mind

The key to the SQ3R mediod is being actively involved while you’re reading
and learning. This means that it’s best to work with the material over time, in
small chunks, and return to it repeatedly. Research shows that people more
readily remember things with spaced studying, even though they may think
they do better when studying everything at one time ( Kornell & Bjork, 2008 ).
In other words, if you read three chapters the weekend before a test, there will
probably be a lot you won’t remember when you sit down for the test and even
more you won’t remember the week after the test . Instead , interacting with
small chunks of material on a regular basis will strengthen your memory for the
material while also deepening your understanding of it.

Rather than binge - reading lots of material at one time or studying that mate-
rial just in the few days before a test, it’s a good idea to set some time aside
every day, or every other day if that works better for you, to work on a subset
of a chapter using the SQ3 R method . After you work through the section that’s
new to you , it helps to spend some time reviewing the material you covered on
prior days to assess your understanding and identify areas of the text you might
need to revisit. If you find it hard to retrieve the answers to questions, that’s a
sign to revisit that material and work through the SQ3R steps with it again to
better cement your understanding.
In general, people tend to overestimate what they actually know ( Callender,
Franco-Watkins, & Roberts, 2016; Dunlosky &: Rawson, 2012 ). We all assume
we’ll remember most of what we read in textbooks and hear in class. But in
reality, we often remember far less than we think we will . The best strategy to
avoid this pitfall is by working with the material multiple times over an extended
period in an actively engaged way. This will help you more thoroughly process
the course content and will improve your ability to recall it from memory later.
Conclusion
This book covers content that affects everyone, regardless of gender identifica-
tion . Our goal is not to have you agree with any particular idea or perspective.
Rather, we want you to use research and critical thinking to find your unique
voice. This material came alive for us when we first studied it , and we wish the
same for you. After the semester is over and final grades are turned in, it’s not
uncommon for students to continue to think about the ideas raised in this class.
The issues we discuss will continue to be important in your life as you graduate,
plan or continue a career, develop relationships, possibly have children, and
grow old . We sec this course as only the beginning of a lifetime of thinking
—
about issues facing women and girls and , ultimately, all of society.
Conclusion 11
EVERY YEAR, the Super Bowl draws one of the largest audiences of any event
in the world. A little over half of the 100 million people who watch actually
prefer the commercials to the football game ( Russo, 2015). In many ways, the
Super Bowl ads in 2015 should have been considered a victory for girls and
women. Commercials that typically would showcase motherhood actually fea -
tured fathers doing housework and taking care of children. Female comedians
were hilarious in ads that normally would spotlight men. One Proctor & Gamble
commercial — which didn 't even mention the Always menstrual products it was
selling — focused on girls and sports. Female and male adults and a young boy
were asked to run, throw, and fight " like a girl." In response, each person en-
acted a similar bouncy motion. The message was clear: to them, running like
a girl was weak— almost silly. However, when pre-adolescent girls were asked
the same question, they responded differently because they were simply being
asked to run, throw, and fight as they normally would. They ran hard and fast,
and they threw a ball with their full bodies. The screen then displayed this state-
ment: "A girl's confidence plummets during puberty." The commercial ended
with a woman explaining that young girls shouldn't listen when they're put
down for doing something "like a girl." The last screenshot directed viewers to
"rewrite the rules."
The " Like a Girl " advertising

. campaign encouraged
girls to "rewrite the rules."
What does it mean to " rewrite
.
the rules " and who has the
power to do this?
( VUvKif* tht
13
Almost immediately, social media exploded. Women posted the Always com-
mercial on Facebook, and the #likeagirl hashtag began trending on Twitter,
surging YouTube viewership to over 80 million worldwide ( Vagianos, 2015).
.
Salon.com declared it “ positively feminist" ( Williams 2015, para.1), and Huffington
Post congratulated Proctor & Gamble for being “groundbreaking " and " inspiring"
(Berman, 2015, para. 1). Certainly, the messaging appeared to be positive, but
was the ad truly a victory for girls and women?
This commercial brought up many complicated issues that aren' t easy to re-
solve. On a positive note, it acknowledged that unfair societal beliefs and ex -
pectations probably contribute to decreased self - esteem among girls during
adolescence. However, the message about how viewers could address this was
too simplistic. According to the commercial, girls should ignore sexist messages
and "rewrite the rules" to maintain their self - esteem. But what does it mean to
"rewrite the rules," and who has the power to do this? Further, why should the
burden of societal change fall on the shoulders of pre -adolescent girls?
The commercial didn’t offer realistic solutions. Although viewers might have
.
felt good at the end of it the message didn't help them take steps toward so -
cial change. The phenomenon in advertising that generates a strong emotional
—
response one that feels empowering — but that doesn't offer solutions has been
called empowertising (Zeisler, 2014). In this case, although the ad took a positive
step to address adolescent female athletes ( and the biased expectations they
face), it probably didn't create widespread change. For example, it didn't call for
changing policies on sex segregation in sports. It also didn't question why female
professional athletes are paid less than their male counterparts. But the ad did
succeed in raising an issue —and it's one that forms one of the bases of this text-
book about the psychology of women and gender: In society today, how can girls
and women deal with many unequitable social realities that might contribute to
their low confidence and decreased psychological well-being?
This chapter will introduce you to the field of psychology of women and to
feminism. We begin by identifying several contemporary issues related to girls
and women, and then we explore the history of feminism and several types of
feminism. Next, we focus on what it means to consider oneself a feminist and
the psychological and social implications of identifying as a feminist. Then, we
explain how feminism has influenced the field of psychology. Finally, we describe
the research process and give you tools for evaluating research and identifying
how a scientific study can have a hidden bias against girls and women.
14 Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women

A Feminist Psychology for
Modern Girls and Women
What is feminist psychology, and why is it important ?
Psychology of women is a subficld of psychology that focuses on the lives and

experiences of girls and women . It emerged and grew alongside many of the
political and social movements connected to feminism ( Rutherford 8c Granek,
2010 ) . Although feminism has been defined in many ways, we like author and
social activist bell hooks’ version: “Simply put, feminism is a movement to end
sexism, sexist exploitation , and oppression ” ( hooks, 2000, p. 26 ). As we’ll soon
discuss, there are multiple feminist perspectives, but all feminisms share the goal
of ending sex bias and the unequal treatment of girls and women ( Enns 8c
Forrest, 2005 ) .
Some psychologists use the term feminist psychology to signal when psy-
chological research and theory arc explicitly informed by feminism and to dis-
tinguish them from more general work about girls and women ( Parlee, 1975;
Rutherford 8c Granek , 2010 ) . Feminist psycholog)' argues that psycholog-
ical research is never value - neutral or objec-
tive ( Crawford 8c Kimmel, 1999; Teo, 2015 ).
As a result, feminist psychologists make their
theoretical positions explicit so as to create
transparency and genuine equity, fairness, and
respect among people ( Stewart 8c Dottolo,
2006 ) . Feminist psychologists are also par-
ticularly attentive to issues of oppression—
the ways in which certain people experience
degradation because of political , economic,
or social realities ( e.g., poverty, homeless-
ness, lack of access to health care ). Femi -
nist psychologists believe that by addressing
oppression , both through research and in the
practice of psychology, everyone’s well - being
will improve .
As you begin to read this book, you’ll notice
that girls’ and women’s roles in society are com-
plicated. Within the last few decades, girls and What comes to mind when you think of feminism-
women have made substantial strides in creat - just one single, clear definition? In actuality , there
ing more opportunities for themselves. Con - are multiple feminist perspectives, though they all
sider, for example, that in 1970 only 14% of share the goal of ending sex bias and the unequal
U.S. women graduated from college and only treatment of girls and women .
A Feminist Psychology for Modern Girls and Women 15
_
38% of U .S. women worked outside the home ( Chronicle of Higher Education,
2015; Cohn, Livingston, & Wang, 2014 ). Compare the statistics from 2010,
when 36% of U .S. women graduated from college and 59% worked outside
the home ( Chronicle of Higher Education, 2015; Cohn ct al., 2014 ) . There is
even progress in men’s involvement. In 2014, during an address to the United
Nations, British actress and UN Women’s Goodwill Ambassador Emma Watson
kick-started the popular # heforshe campaign in which she asked men to join the
fight for gender equity and to recognize that gender stereotypes are harmful
for men as well as for women. The campaign’s popularity clearly indicated that
some boys and men are also ready to re-definc masculinity in order to create
societal change.
We might look at this progress, wipe our brows, and think, wPhew . . . thank
goodness discrimination against women is over. The world is finally changing,
and girls and women have all they need in order to live productive and happy
lives.” Well . . . not so fast. While some things have changed for the better,
there’s still a long way to go. If we aren’t careful, this “ half-changed world ”
might cause us to unquestioningly accept some gains without examining whom
these gains benefit and if they actually provide equity ( Orenstein, 2000, p . 11 ).
It could also keep us from recognizing some of the harmful, at times even
life- threatening, situations that certain girls and women still face . Consider these
statistics:
a In the United States, women are the fastest -growing group who are
incarcerated (Swavola, Riley, & Subramanian, 2016 ). They are dis-
proportionately women of color and/or poor, and they are typically
survivors of violence. Nearly 80% of women who are incarcerated are
mothers, and most are single mothers (Swavola et al ., 2016 ).
a The prevalence of eating disorders has been increasing since 1950
( Hudson, Hiripi, Pope, & Kessler, 2007 ). In a survey of Esquire
magazine readers, over half of female respondents age 18 to 25 said
they would prefer to be “ run over by a truck” than to be fat, and
two thirds of these women said they would rather be described as
mean or stupid than fat ( Carroll , 1994, p. 58; Maine, 2000 ).
a Transgender women of color are the victims of 61% of all lesbian,
gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer ( LGBTQ) murders in the
United States (Waters, 2017). They are highly vulnerable to hate
crimes and more likely than other victims to experience police
violence, discrimination, threats, and intimidation .
° In the United States, women are paid 80% of what men arc paid
( National Women’s Law Center, 2017). This pay gap occurs in almost
every occupation, increases with age, and is worse for women of color.
Single mothers, women of color, and elderly women living alone arc
especially vulnerable to poverty.

Every day, 39,000 girls worldwide are forced into child marriage,
resulting in early pregnancy, social isolation, disruption of school, and
increased risk of domestic violence ( UNICEF, 2013).
The United States is the only industrialized nation in the world diat
does not require employers to offer paid maternity leave, resulting in
51% of U .S. mothers without any paid leave ( Chatterji & Markowitz,
2004 ) . These women are more likely than other new mothers to de-
velop depression, fatigue, and anxiety.
E In 2017, only 19% of representatives in the U.S. Congress
were women, and of them, only 32% were women of color
( Center for American Women and Politics, n.d. ) . There was only
one representative who was an out lesbian, and only one openly
bisexual representative who was a woman .
In the past half-century, only 38% of die world’s nations have had
a female head of government for at least one year ( Geiger & Kent,
2017 ) . In 2017, eight female leaders were die first in dieir country:
Chile, Estonia , Germany, Liberia , Lithuania, Marshall Islands,
Mauritius, and Nepal.
These statistics remind us that the psychological well - being of girls and
women is still at risk. In the past, societal bias against women was much more
direct. For example, employers were free to ask female job applicants about their
marital status and childbearing plans, and women weren’t allowed, among other
things, to apply for credit or file a sexual harassment lawsuit ( Chrisler et al.,
2013 ). Examples like these are usually easy to spot. It’s much more difficult to
notice subde incidents. For example, Facebook chief operating officer Sheryl
Sandberg has observed that, in the workplace, women are often expected to do
low-value tasks such as setting up meetings, serving as note-taker, or planning
office parties ( Grant & Sandberg, 2015 ). The cumulative effect can be costly
since women spend more time doing mundane tasks that don’t typically result
in high- profile recognition or financial bonuses within a company. Because
such subde experiences are more common than the obvious ones, a course like
Psychology of Women and Gender is even more necessary now than in the past.
This book and course will help you develop critical thinking skills that will
allow you to see how gender biases shape women’s psychology. Exactly how equity
—
can be achieved is a difficult question one that we’ll wrestle with throughout
the course. For example, let’s consider the word empowerment, which refers
to die capacity to attain power. It’s a buzzword these days, but it isn’t always
well defined and applied (Archibald & Wilson, 2011). In the feminist view,
far too often the idea of empowerment has been manipulated to sell products.
-
Companies selling everything from Barely There push up bras to Lean Cuisine
microwavable meals have featured themes of female empowerment to market
their products. However, this consumer-based approach generally doesn’t lead
A Feminist Psychology for Modern Girls and Women 17

to substantial changes in the lives of girls and women .
When women hear that
they can make strides by wearing fashionable clothing, doing their nails,
and
eating diet foods, the message may help a company’s bottom line, but it
doesn’t
translate into meaningful change for all girls and women . Although some
may
benefit because they already have adequate purchasing power, many who can
’t
afford the so-called empowering products will be left behind .
The word empowerment is also often used to discuss the
achievements of
individual women, usually those who succeed in predominantly male domains.
When the capacity to gain power is only used in this way, it limits the potential
for larger-scale change. For example, a woman may feel
powerful when she
receives a promotion in a predominantly male law firm , or a girl
may think
she’s empowered when she strikes out a male batter
during a baseball game.
Although these are excellent accomplishments, they’re often isolated from the
experiences of other women . In other words, some
women will succeed in pre-
dominantly male domains, but most women will not.
With such a focus on die individual, there is little expecta -
tion that the system will change, and this realization places a
your turn huge burden on individual girls and women . The saying “ the
personal is political ” was a rallying cry during the women’s
movement in the 1960s and 1970s ( Collins, 2009 ). It means
Reflect on a time when you felt em -
powered. Was the feeling
that the personal lives of girls and women are interconnected
based on an with
individual accomplishment or a collec- larger social systems. A girl who thinks she’s fat and ugly
tive accomplishment? What does power may feel alone with her worries, but her thoughts are driven
mean to you? Now ask f ive other people
who differ from you on some
dimension
by
—
more
—
countless messages from peers, parents, the media, and
that girls should conform to specific ideals of beauty.
(e.g., gender, age, A mother who struggles to manage her work hours, get din-
race, ethnic back-
ground. sexual orientation ). ner on the table, and find appropriate child care may think
What simi-
larities and differences among people’s that these are her problems alone, but they should be under-
perspectives do you notice?
stood within a social context in which (a ) the availability of
mg child care is inadequate, ( b ) inflexible work hours are the
norm, (c) women are primarily responsible for household
i
management, and (d) women are paid less than men. As these
examples show, individual women’s
struggles are part of a larger social strugg
for all women. Therefore, even
today what seems personal is actually politica .
For this reason, feminist psychologists
l both the individual and the culture in believe that research focusing on
1 which that individual lives is important
(Fine & Roberts, 1999).
Power doesn’t only exist within an individual, it a so
exists in relationship with other
focus on the entire picture, we risk and larger social structures. If we don t
people
atic, approach to advancing
having a shallow, and ultimately problem
psychological well- being for all people. There ore,
feminist psychologists arc attentive to
(e.g., history, sociology, many different disciplinary perspectives
political science, religion, economics, etc.) in order to
conduct sophisticated research
and well- rounded practice.
18 Chapter 1 A Feminist
Psychology of Women
Feminism: Riding the Waves
What are the " waves" of the feminist movement, and what characterizes
each one?
In order to understand the present, it’s important to understand the past.

Therefore, we can say that an understanding of the history of the feminist
movement is key to understanding feminist psychology today (see the timeline
on pp. 20-21 ) . Some scholars view the history of the feminist movement as
—
progressing through a series of waves or enhanced periods of activism . Oth -
ers claim that activism is ongoing, flowing more like a river. In the sections
below, we’ll review the waves of feminism and examine critiques of the wave
metaphor.
The First Wave

Historians think that the first wave of feminism in the United States formally
began in 1848 at the Seneca Falls Convention when over 200 women and
40 men ( including the famous Black abolitionist Frederick Douglass ) met to
create a list of priorities for advancing women’s rights ( Rampton, 2015 ). There
were many priorities because women had few rights in the 19 th century. For
example, they didn’t have legal authority over their children, and they weren’t
allowed to own land , keep their wages, or refuse to have sex with their hus-
—
bands. The top priority, though, was gaining women’s right to vote something
that didn’t happen until 1920, when the 19 th Amendment was passed. At the
time, feminist activists thought that winning the right to vote would end the
—
unequal treatment of women in the United States especially since they were
making other legal gains too. For example, they were granted shared guardian-
ship of their children and were allowed to file for divorce. Some even felt that
little remained to be done, but in retrospect there was still a significant need
for change.
The Second Wave

Winning the right to vote and other legal rights didn’t end discrimination
against women, so a second wave emerged in the 1960s. Second wave feminists
were primarily interested in changing the day- to-day lives of women, including
creating more equitable access to the paid labor force and re-defining a woman’s
role as wife and mother ( Rampton, 2015 ). This was also around the time when
the civil rights movement began and the sexual revolution was in full swing.
Feminism: Riding the Waves 19

1848
Timeline The Seneca Falls Convention, the first U.S. women's
rights convention, is held in New York.
/
1851
of Key Sojurner Truth gives her
famous "Ain’t I a Woman"
speech in which she critiques
v*
s
\
• •
Events for
the idea that opposition
to women's suffrage was
grounded in a desire to protect
women by highlighting that no one was trying
to protect her — a Black woman — from physical or
Feminism emotional pain.
1920
Ratification of 19th Amendment to the
in the U. S. Constitution gives women the right to vote.
United
1923
The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA ), originally drafted
by Alice Paul and Crystal Eastman, is first introduced
in Congress.
1925
American Indian suffrage, which grants citizenship to
all Native Americans born in the United States, is
passed by an act of Congress.
1952
Christine Jorgensen is the first American whose sex
reassignment surgery becomes public.
1964
Title VII of the Civil Rights Act is enacted, prohibiting
employment discrimination on the basis of race, color,
religion, national origin, or sex.
1969 1978
Transgender and gender non - conforming people are The Pregnancy Discrimination Act bans employment
some of the first to resist arrest at the Stonewall Inn in discrimination against pregnant women.
New York, an event credited with igniting the modern
LGBTQ rights movement. 1990
r~ - The Americans with Disabilities Act prohibits
discrimination against individuals with disabilities in
all areas of public life.
1994
The Violence against Women Act funds services for
victims of rape and domestic violence.
2006
Thousands of Latinx immigrants and others boycott
work, school, and shopping as part of the Day without
Immigrants to highlight the contributions immigrants
1972 make to the economy.
Title IX is enacted, prohibiting sex discrimination in all
aspects of education programs that receive federal
support .
1972
The ERA is passed by both houses of Congress, after
being re -introduced in 1971, and is submitted to the
states for ratification. It has not yet been ratified by
38 states as required to amend the Constitution.
1973
The U.S. Supreme Court decision in Roe v. Wade declares
it legal for a woman to terminate an early pregnancy. 2009
aH& fc.
The Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Restoration Act allows
employees, usually women, to file pay discrimination
.
..
complaints within 180 days of their last paycheck.
2013
Restriction of same - sex marriage is deemed
lv '
unconstitutional by the Supreme Court decision in
*
* United States v. Windsor.
5E
2017
The Women’s March on Washington, the largest
single - day protest in U.S. history, is held. It has
1974 sparked some renewed interest in the ERA with .
The Combahee River Collective, a Black feminist Nevada becoming the 36th state to ratify it.
lesbian organization that emphasizes the need to
understand interlocking aspects of oppression,
holds its first meeting.
Historians believe the second wave gained momentum following protests at
the
Miss America pageant in 1968 and 1969 ( Rampton , 2015 ). A group
called the
Redstockings staged a counter- pageant while marching around a “ freedom trash
can ” filled with items that they saw as symbols of female oppression ( Gibson,
2011, p. 3). These included high heels, makeup, and bras. The stereotype of
the bra- burning feminist comes from this event, although it’s a myth that the
protesters set the trash can on fire ( Gibson, 2011 ). The protesters were partic
-
ularly frustrated by die ways in which they felt women were being confined by
unrealistic standards of beauty.
The Third Wave

Following the second wave, there was again some complacency and a sense that,
because many women had entered the workforce, there was no more work to
be done. But again, a lot still needed to be done, especially
within the feminist
movement itself. The third wave of feminism began in the mid -1990s and is
best described as a struggle to change mainstream ideas of feminism by rejecting
the idea that everyone’s experience of being a woman is die
same ( Rampton,
2015). Third wave feminism emerged in reaction to previous feminist move-
ments that largely ignored diversity among women
and primarily focused on
the interests of White, wealthy, heterosexual ,
educated women from Western
parts of the world.
Black feminists critiqued the lack of diversity in die feminist movement and
introduced the importance of intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1993). This frame-
work describes the ways in which different types of
oppression ( e.g., racism,
classism, homophobia, transphobia, ableism, sexism ) are interconnected and,
therefore, cannot be examined separately ( Crenshaw, 1993). Although we’ll
explore this concept in more detail in Chapter , it
2 ’s important to remember
that, in this view, no woman is just a woman . She also has
an age, a cultural iden-
tity, a race ethnicity, a religion, and many other
social identity characteristics.
Because these other aspects of her identity influence how she experiences being
a woman, there can be no universal
experience of womanhood.
Among feminists, one contentious aspect of third wave
feminism is the
revival of feminine aesthetics (e.g., lipstick, high
heels ) and raunch culture ( i.e.,
female sexualization ). Many women associated with
the first two waves would
have considered these things as evidence of
oppression by a male-dominated
society, but many third wave feminists have
reclaimed diem as a means of female
empowerment ( Rampton, 2015). We ll
’
it continues to be a source of debate among
revisit diis tension in Chapter 7 because
feminists. Another important fea-
ture of third wave feminism is use of
the Internet to build social connections and
political movements (Rampton, 2015).
22 Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of

Women
A Fourth Wave?
Although the wave metaphor is often used to describe
your turn
aspects of women’s history, it has been criticized. A wave
Do you feel that there is a need for a fem-
suggests that there are direct connections between move-
ments and that activism peaks at certain points and retracts
.
inist movement? If so what do you think
are the most pressing priorities feminism
at others ( Nicholson, 2013 ). In fact, feminists have been should address? What is the best way to
active even when there has been no definable wave. Some make gains on those priorities? Talk to
would say we’re currently in a retraction between waves; four other people with different social
others claim we’re in a fourth wave characterized by more backgrounds. What are their thoughts on
sophisticated use of social media to promote activism ( e.g., this? How do their thoughts align with
tweets, mcmes ) . Still others reject the notion of waves alto- yours? Where do their perspectives differ
gether and say that the fight for equity is a constant and from one another?
continual process.
The F-Word
What are seven major feminist perspectives, and what is the key focus
within each perspective?
What does it mean to be feminist ? This question has been with us for over a
century. In 1913, journalist Rebecca West captured some of the ambivalence
associated with feminism when she said, “ I, myself, have never been able to
find out what feminism is: I only know that people call me a feminist when-
ever I express sentiments that differentiate me from a doormat ” ( Vandiver,
2010 , p. 1).
A common misperception is that feminists are all the same. In fact, femi-
nists think in many different ways, and sometimes these thoughts even conflict
with those of other feminists ( Enns, 2004 ). For example, some feminists believe
that, in order to achieve gender equality, women and men should be treated in
exactly the same way; others argue that women and men should be valued for
their differences. As we introduce you to many prominent feminist perspectives,
we’ll also introduce key terms that we’ll use throughout the book.
Liberal Feminism
Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg has been quoted as saying:
If I could choose an amendment to add to the Constitution, it would be the
Equal Rights Amendment. I think we have achieved that through legislation, but
The F-Word 23
that can be repealed , it can be altered . So, I would like my granddaughters, when
—
—
they pick up the Constitution, to see the notion that women and men arc
persons of equal stature I’d like to see that as a basic principle of our society.
(Schwab, 2014, p. 1 )
This quote exemplifies liberal feminism, a form of feminism that focuses
on the similarities between women and men and on using government pol -
icies to eliminate barriers that keep women from achieving their potential .
The Equal Rights Amendment ( ERA ), which would have guaranteed that civil
rights may not be denied on the basis of a person ’s sex , has not been ratified in
the United States. Furthermore, despite some renewed recent interest, it has
not received significant attention since 1982 , when the deadline for states to
ratify it expired .
Contemporary liberal feminists have moved away from championing the
ERA and are more interested in changing laws and policies that give men ( and
members of other privileged groups ) more resources and advantages than
women ( and members of less privileged groups ). Such structural inequalities
exist within organizations, institutions, and governments. For example, as men -
tioned previously, employers in the United States are not required to offer paid
maternity leave . Because women who give birth will, at a minimum , leave the
workforce for childbirth and recovery, liberal feminists argue that this policy
disproportionately harms women through lost wages and possible opportuni -
ties for promotion . The outcome is vastly different for women who receive
financial support following the birth of a child , as in countries such as Norway
and Sweden . Additionally, within the United States, prior to the Affordable
Care Act ( ACA ), only 62% of plans in the private market covered maternity
care, another core policy concern of liberal feminists ( Frankie- Ruta, 2013;
Rosenthal, 2013 ).
Another component of liberal feminism is a focus on equal education and
the belief that, at their core, women and men are more similar than differ-
ent. According to liberal feminists, when girls and women have access to
equal educational opportunities, they will develop and behave similarly to
men ( Enns, 2004 ). Contemporary liberal feminists are especially interested
in making sure that girls and women have access to resources that help them
compete in the global economy. Psychologists who hold a liberal feminist
perspective tend to believe that even when research finds differences between
women and men, they’re generally the result of girls’ and boys’ different expe-
riences rather than innate biological differences. This is a topic we’ll explore
in Chapter 3.
In the United States, most people hold liberal feminist attitudes even if they
don’t identify as feminists ( Liss & Erchull, 2010 ). For example, most U.S. stu -
dents agree that women and men should have equal rights and opportunities, a
central tenet of liberal feminists.
Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women

Radical Feminism
In contrast to liberal feminism , radical feminism claims
spotlight o n . .
that it’s naive to think that women and men can become
equal through attaining legal rights. Therefore, radical The Michigan Womyn’s
feminists advocate for separatism. They believe that the
unjust treatment of women is the most fundamental and Music Festival
widespread form of oppression ( Donovan , 2006 ) . In this The Michigan Womyn's Music Festival was
view, changing laws and policies isn’t enough because a womyn- only music festival founded in
gender biases are embedded in all aspects of everyday 1976 on the principles of radical feminism.
interactions. Patriarchy, a social system in which men Use of the word womyn (instead of women )
hold positions of authority and power, is so normative symbolized the festival' s separatist
that, according to radical feminism , most people see —
underpinnings the word wo-men , after
men’s authority as natural and inevitable. all, according to radical feminists, implies
that woman is a subset of man. From 1976
Radical feminists argue that, in order to achieve
to 2015, the music festival drew between
equity, women must develop new ways of thinking
3,000 and 10,000 womyn annually for
separate from androcentric, or male -centered, ways
five days of music, workshops, dancing,
of thinking. Some radical feminists have advocated for camping, and community building. The
cultural separatism as a way to achieve this goal . For campground was built, staffed, and taken
instance, counselors at some domestic violence shelters down exclusively by womyn. For years,
refuse refuge for male survivors because their presence attendees shared that the festival was a
might undermine the safety of the women -only space place for restoration and safety.
( Haaken & Yragui, 2003 ). The concert was explicitly separatist,
One type of radical feminism is lesbian feminism, which so attendance was limited to "womyn-
focuses on sexuality and reproduction as a central place of born- womyn." In 1991, several transgender
individuals sought admission but were
oppression ( Enns, 2004 ). A significant contribution of rad -
turned away. Tension grew as organizers
ical feminism is the concept of compulsory heterosexual-
stood by their strict policy to include only
ity, die idea diat sexual preferences arc formed dirough
those designated F at birth while many
the social ideal of heterosexuality. In odier words, accord - in the LGBTQ community called on the
ing to radical feminists, sexuality is learned , and die dom - festival to change its policy.
inant message is diat heterosexual romantic love is ideal. In August 2015, the 40th festival was
Girls and women, dierefore, learn to prioritize die sexual the last one. In discussing the festival's
desires of men, and the ultimate sign of success for a girl is end, founder Lisa Vogel said, " We have
to marry a man . For example, consider diat almost every known in our hearts for some years that
Disney Princess story ends in a marriage between a woman the life cycle of the Festival was coming
and a man . We’ll revisit diis idea in Chapters 5 and 7. to a time of closure'' ( Ring, 2015, para. 3).
The ending of the festival ' s life cycle did
indeed signal a change in feminism. Some
credit the rise of third wave feminism
Socialist Feminism for promoting a different understanding
of how to be equitable and inclusive in
Another perspective, socialist feminism, links gen - feminist spaces.
der oppression with capitalism, an economic system in
25
which power is constructed through work and production ( Enns, 2004 ). In
the United States, there is a perception that economic mobility is easily attain -
able through hard work. This view is called the myth of meritocracy because it
suggests that merit is primarily responsible for accumulating wealth. However,
contemporary research shows a widening gap between the upper- middle class
and everyone else that appears to be more about inherited wealth than merit
( Reeves, 2017 ). In one study, researchers found that since 1980, U .S. workers
who are not upper- middle class are less likely than before to move up the social
ladder ( Carr & Wiemers, 2016 ). It appears that those at the top are more effec-
tive at passing down their status and wealth to their children, and this tendency
reduces social mobility for everyone else ( Reeves, 2017 ) .
According to socialist feminists, merit alone is not responsible for accumulat-
ing wealth . Other factors, such as class, gender, and race, not only influence the
accumulation of wealth but also affect the perceived value of what a person does.
For example, socialist feminists have claimed
that in capitalist societies men are primarily
defined as workers and women are primarily
defined as caregivers ( Bianchi, Sayer, Milkie,
& Robinson, 2012; Fillo, Simpson , Rholcs, &
Kohn, 2015 ). Such an arrangement means that
women provide free labor by taking on the vast
majority of domestic and caretaking responsi -
bilities. Socialist feminists are particularly con -
cerned with the second shift, a term that refers
to the free labor performed at home in addition
to paid labor in the workforce ( Hochschild,
1989 ). According to socialist feminists, chang-
ing the way work is organized by encouraging
men’s increased involvement in child rearing
would promote greater equality ( Reid, 1993;
Saris & Johnston - Robledo, 2000 ).
Socialist feminists are also concerned about
how living as a girl or a woman is more expensive
than it is for boys and men. The term pink tax
refers to the additional cost of a product because
it is marketed to women. It’s estimated that, on
average, girls and women spend $1,400 more
each year than men when buying the same prod-
On average , girls and women spend $1, 400 more ucts ( Duestcrhaus, Graucrholz, Weichsel, &
each year than men when buying the same products Guittar, 2011). Products such as razors, tooth-
because the women' s" version usually costs more. brushes, and even pens cost more if they appear
This pricing practice is referred to as the pink tax . feminine. This practice is outlawed in California,
New York City, and Miami- Dade County in

Florida , but it is perfectly legal elsewhere ( Duesterhaus et al., 2011; Fried, 2016 ).
Further, girls and women spend more money on items that men don’t have to
buy ( c.g., makeup, bras, tampons ). According to a poll by Hufftngton Post and
TouGov, women in the United States spend over $426 billion on beauty prod-
ucts every year ( Adams, 2013 ). This financial burden is particularly problematic
when also considering that women, in general, are paid less than men ( American
Association of University Women, 2017). It appears that this cost is a necessary
investment because research shows that women who wear makeup, for example,
are seen as more reliable, capable, and trustworthy in the workplace than women
who don’t ( Etcoff et al, 2011).
Cultural Feminism
Cultural feminism is a perspective that focuses on the differences between women
and men and views women’s inequality as related to a lack of value placed on
the unique experiences, perspectives, and qualities of women ( Donovan, 2006 ).
Underlying cultural feminism is a belief in gender essentialism, the idea that
women and men are fundamentally different because of deep and unchanging
properties that arc generally due to biology or genetics. For example, cultural
feminists view girls and women as having certain innate characteristics, such as
intuition and emotionality, that are complementary to the characteristics of boys
and men , such as competitiveness and being analytical . As a result, unlike the
liberal feminist focus on similarity, cultural feminists focus on difference. How-
ever, even while valuing difference, they also value equity. They would like to
sec women use their feminine characteristics to advance gender equity, and they
argue for a societal shift: in which traditionally feminine characteristics, such as
being caring and nurturing, carry more value.
A contemporary example of cultural feminism is the rise of mompreneurs.
In 2014, women-owned businesses increased by 45%, compared to just a
9% increase among all businesses ( Weeks, 2015 ). Many of these businesses focus
on traditionally feminine skills, such as cooking and crafting. According to cul-
tural feminists, these businesses promote the valuing of women’s unique capa -
bilities and are successful because women are disproportionately more talented
in these areas than men .
Women of Color Feminism

Women of color feminism sees women’s inequality' as deeply linked to White
supremacy, a form of racism in which White people are considered superior
to people of color ( Enns, 2004 ). In fact, women of color feminism devel-
oped because previous types of feminism had ignored the concerns of racial
The F-Word 27
-
EMPOWERING
OR OPPRESSING?
Cultural Feminism
here is a debate over whether taking a cultural
T
require empathy, care, and compassion. They' re espe-
feminist perspective is truly empowering for cially critical of the ways in which female empowerment
women. In other words, does the valuing of has been linked to success in traditionally masculine
traditionally feminine activities promote equity domains. They prefer to see women achieve power
between women and men? Before we discuss the debate, from success in traditionally female domains. In other
take a moment to explore your own beliefs. What do you words, they aren ' t interested in seeing women become
think about activities that are traditionally associated with more masculine. Instead, they argue that female em-
women (e.g., domestic work, child care)? Do you think our powerment occurs when women honor their feminine
society values these activities? Why or why not? side. For example , some proponents claim that women
Those who argue that cultural feminism is positive are powerful when they birth and breastfeed their chil-
clamn that girls and women are superior in areas that dren ( McCarter- Spaulding , 2008 ) . In fact , attachment
parenting — a practice that includes co-sleeping, baby-
wearing. and breastfeeding on demand — has been re-
ferred to as " cultural feminist theory in practice " ( Bobel .
2008 . p. 116 ).
However, others argue that cultural feminism cannot
promote equity because it encourages women to main-
tain traditional and restrictive roles. According to these
opponents, it ' s unreasonable to expect all women to
have talents in traditionally feminine domains. Further,
work associated with femininity is often less " valuable ” .
carrying no monetary gain. For example, within the
United States, childbirth and breastfeeding are not paid
forms of labor. In France, in contrast, women are given
incentives to have children and to breastfeed them
( Bryant, 2008). For example, women are offered tax
breaks, child and healthcare benefits, paid leave, sub-
Whervyou see pictures likelhis one, do^you tend 1 sidized daycare, housekeeping services, and even cash
|to think that the women in them are feminists? payments.
Why or why not ? Cultural feminists seek to What are your thoughts on this debate? Do you think
Ireclaim and enhance the value of traditionally a cultural feminist perspective is empowering or oppress-
feminine activities and roles, so it ' s quite possible! ing? Why or why not? Can you see both sides of the argu-
ithat women such as the one pictured here could ment? Would certain aspects of society need to change
identify as feminists. in order to promote a cultural feminist perspective? What
are they, and whom would they benefit most?
minority women. For example, previous types hadn’t con -
sidered the diversity among women and, instead , reflected
—
ethnocentrism the tendency to judge other groups
according to the values of one’s own group. Some White
women went so far as to compare their experiences of
oppression with those of ethnic minority individuals in the
United States, a claim that minimized the social realities of
women of color. The resulting tension sparked anger and
frustration among women of color, motivating them to
separate from White feminists and develop different goals
for achieving equality.
One influential group of Black feminist lesbian activ-
ists, the Combahce River Collective, took up the task of
defining a feminism that prioritized the lives of women
Three queer Black women — Alicia
of color. Named after the Combahee River Raid of 1863, Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal
which was led by Harriet Tubman and resulted in the Tometi — organized around the hashtag
freeing of hundreds of slaves, the Collective articulated a # blacklivesmatter, spurring a national
need to address all racial, gender, sexual , and class oppres- movement against the systematic
sions ( Napikoski, 2017 ). In 1982, the group issued the oppression of Black people and those
Combahee River Collective Statement , which is credited who are part of other marginalized
communities .
as recognizing the often -overlooked contributions of
women of color, including Harriet Tubman, and ushering
in a focus on intcrsectionality.
Women of color feminism is more likely to address concerns that have been
—
of lesser focus for other types of feminisms such as affirmative action, access to
affordable housing, and prison reform . In fact, contemporary women of color
feminists continue to advocate for social justice initiatives that do not only ben -
efit girls and women . For example, in response to the murder of Black teen-
—
ager Trayvon Martin, three queer Black women Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors,
—
and Opal Tometi created the hashtag # blacklivesmatter ( Garza, 2014 ), which
spurred a national movement. Garza described it as “a call to action for Black
people and a response to the anti- Black racism that permeates our society”
( Garza, 2014, para. 1 ). In talking about the origin, she affirmed die move-
ment’s commitment to “ the lives of Black queer and trans folks, disabled folks,
Black- undocumented folks, folks with records, women and all Black lives along
the gender spectrum ” ( Garza, 2014, para . 11 ). Black Lives Matter advances a
broad and integrated expression of activism.
Queer Feminism
Queer feminism claims that inequality is related to the ways in which the
categories of woman and man have been constructed, studied, and used to
The F-Word 29
organize society. The focus of queer feminists is not to ensure that women are
equal to men, but to question what is considered female and male in the first
place. Queer feminism critiques the concept of heternormativity, the idea that
people fall into a binary ( something made up of only two parts ) of two dis-
—
tinct sex categories either F or M; that those categories have aligning gender
roles ( female or male ); and that sexual desires are most naturally linked to the
other sex. Queer feminists argue that sex, gender, and sexual orientation are not
always aligned in a predictable way ( Sullivan , 2003 ). For example, some people
have a cisgender identity, meaning that their gender identification matches the
sex they were assigned at birth , but other people may identify as transgender,
reflecting a gender identity ( woman , man , or other gendered identity labels )
and/or a gender expression ( feminine, masculine, or other gendered expres-
sive labels ) that doesn’t conform to societal expectations for the sex they were
assigned at birth.
Queer feminism is particularly interested in gender performances how —
people express gender through their actions ( Butler, 1990 ). For example, the
clothes we put on every day, the hairstyles we favor, and the way we sit all
communicate gender. Actor and television host RuPaul distills queer theory in
the following quote: “We’re born naked, and the rest is drag ” ( RuPaul, 1995,
p. 11). Queer feminists believe that, over time, gendered behaviors become so
much a part of daily life that they seem to be core parts of who we are, but in
fact, they’re simply behaviors that have the potential to change .
Post- colonial/Transnational Feminism

Post-colonial/transnational feminism connects women’s inequality to the leg-
acy of colonialism and critiques the belief that women in Western countries are
-
the most liberated in the world ( Else Quest & Grabe, 2012 ). According to
post-colonial feminists, a problematic dynamic occurs when women in Western
countries think that women in non -Western countries are oppressed and need
Western women to save them ( Mohanty, 2003 ). An example of this occurred
when some Western feminist women, mainly in European countries, called for a
ban on the hijab, a headscarf worn primarily by Muslim women ( Weaver, 2017 ).
These Western women saw the hijab as a symbol of male dominance and female
subservience. But, by suggesting a ban, they weren’t seeing that they were
imposing their own belief system on another group of women, and they weren’t
-
recognizing that the hijab often serves as a political statement against colonial
ism. A similarly problematic dynamic would occur if non-Western women were
to call for a ban on bikinis, claiming they’re a symbol of male dominance and
female subservience in Western countries. These examples could be said to rep-
resent how all women struggle with patriarchy and how its manifestations can
vary by context (Harcourt, 2012 ). We’ll return to this topic in Chapter 6 .

A particular type of post-colonial feminism , known as third world femi-
nism, claims that feminism should not focus on commonalities among women
( Herr, 2013 ); instead , it should address issues from multiple perspectives and
not assume one unified position . This outlook promotes a wider view of fem -
inism that respects the distinct, but interconnected, lives of girls and women.
Third world feminists have been especially critical of organizations that attempt
to apply a liberal feminist perspective in other places in the world . These
feminists argue that it’s inappropriate for women from powerful countries, like
the United States , to come into an area and start planning ways to end gender
discrimination there without acknowledging how local women have already the-
orized and organized as part of that particular community.
See Table 1.1 for a summary of the main characteristics of the seven types
of feminist theory discussed in this section. The Sample Survey Item column
shows statements that feminists in each category would agree with.
TABLE 1.1 eminist Perspectives
Feminist Theory Description Sample Survey Item
Liberal feminism Focuses on gaining equal rights and prioritizes The government is responsible for making
changing laws and promoting education. sure that all women receive an equal chance at
education and employment.
Radical feminism Focuses on transforming women’s thinking Pornography exploits female sexuality and
since women are conditioned to prioritize men degrades all women.
and to deem heterosexuality as a social ideal.
Socialist feminism Highlights the ways in which money and Making women economically dependent on
capitalism arc interconnected with gender men is capitalism’s subtle way of encouraging
inequities. heterosexual relationships.
Cultural feminism Perceives gender inequity as being related to Traditional notions of romantic love should be
a lack of appreciation for women’s unique replaced with ideas based on feminine values of
feminine qualities. kindness and concern for all people.
Women of color Connects gender inequity to other structures Racism and sexism make double the oppression
feminism of oppression, especially, but not limited to, of women in the work environment.
racism .
Queer feminism Calls for the elimination of binary gender Traditional definitions of feminism that
categories since they are at the core of gender solely focus on achieving equity between
inequality. women and men contribute to oppression
because they exclude people with non-binary
gender identities.
Post-colonial / Connects women’s inequity to the continued It is important to build coalitions, rather than
transnational feminism legacy of colonialism. assuming one unified voice of sisterhood.
Note. Sample survey items for queer feminism and post-colonial/transnational feminism were written by the authors. The other items arc
all drawn from the Feminist Perspective Scale ( Henley ct al., 1998 ).
The F-Word 31
The Power of Feminist Theory
Each of these perspectives has made lasting contributions to feminism, and they
seek to provide a framework for understanding gender inequities. In this effort,
theory aims to provide an explanation for why women experience inequities.
! Understanding theory is critical for consciousness raising, a form of activism
that tries to promote awareness through knowledge. Many women experience
discrimination or find themselves in situations that make them uncomfortable,
but they often lack the language to talk about how they feel
or to understand that their experiences are part of a larger
problem . As a result , they may unnecessarily blame them -
your turn selves. Understanding feminist perspectives and the fact that
personal struggles often represent larger sociopolitical prob-
What does the word feminism mean to lems can give women a sense that they aren’t alone . It can
you? Would you call yourself a feminist? also help to explain the basis for certain inequalities. In this
Why or why not? Are women the only way, theory can have multiple benefits ( hooks, 1994 ).
ones who can be feminists? Why or why Understanding feminist perspectives can also help people
not? Ask your friends, your relatives,
identify the best ways to make changes for the better. Fem -
and your professors whether they call
inist theory provides the tools to discuss society’s problems
themselves feminists and what they think
of feminism. Is there a particular school
and ways to deal with them . This can lead to social change
of feminist thought that appeals to you? that is truly empowering for everyone. However, many peo-
Is there a particular school of feminist ple don’t understand the diversity of feminist thought, they
thought that appeals to others in your reject feminism entirely, or they think there’s no longer any
Vfe? If so. explain why. need for it. This is largely because they don’t understand
what feminism is.
I'm Not a Feminist , But . . .

What is post-feminism, and how is it related to not identifying as a feminist?
In her book Modern Misogyny, psychologist Kristin Anderson ( 2015 ) explains

that we are living in an era of post-feminism , which began in the 1990s and
evolved following the 9/11 attacks. A defining feature of post-feminism is the
idea that the women’s movement has reached its goals and , therefore, feminism
is no longer needed . Feminists disagree with this belief. In fact, two of the goals
—• of this book arc to show ( a ) how gender inequities shape all aspects of the psy-
chological development of girls and women and ( b ) how addressing inequities
has the potential to improve everyone’s lives.
In this post-feminist era, stereotypes about feminists arc widely disseminated
as a way to stigmatize women who speak out against sexism . As a result, a goal
of the post-feminist era is to convince girls and women that identifying with
t
i
—
feminism is problematic and this leads to tremendous confusion about what
it means to be a feminist ( Anderson, Kanncr, 8c Elsaycgh , 2009 ). Susan Faludi
( 1992 ) coined the term backlash to explain how negative stereotypes gener-
ally develop when women begin to make social gains. From Fauldi’s perspec-
tive, negative stereotypes prevent women from organizing as an activist group
because they are less likely to sclf- idcntify as feminists when they’re aware of
such stereotypes.
There are no shortages of negative stereotypes about feminists. They’ve been
called bra - burners and man - haters; they’ve been described as hairy, selfish, unat -
tractive, angry, tense, and egotistical ( Alexander 8c Ryan, 1997; Hall 8c Rodri -
guez, 2003; Liss, Hoffncr, 8c Crawford, 2000; Rudman 8c Fairchild , 2007 ).
Surprisingly, even when women believe in some aspects of feminism , they assume
that the typical feminist is more radical than they are ( Liss ct al., 2000 ). This hap-
pens because negative beliefs influence a woman’s decision to identify as a feminist
( Alexander 8c Ryan, 1997 ). In one research study, for example, women who read
a paragraph expressing negative stereotypes about feminists were twice as likely
not to identify as feminist as compared to women who read a paragraph expressing
positive stereotypes ( Roy, Wcibust, 8c Miller, 2007 ).
Who Is a Feminist?
What are the similarities and differences among self - identified feminists,
non - labelers, womanists, and pro- feminists?
The backlash against feminists has an effect. Although many girls and women
believe in feminist ideals, it is less common for girls and women to identify as
feminists ( Liss, O’Connor, Morosky, 8c Crawford, 2001 ). In a survey of female
college students, 75% endorsed some beliefs consistent with feminism , but only
11% actually labeled themselves as feminists ( Liss, Crawford, 8c Popp, 2004 ).
In a more recent study, researchers found that 28% of female college students
identified as feminists ( Fitz, Zucker, 8c Bay-Cheng, 2012 ). Many took the
“ I’m not a feminist, b u t . . .” stance. This isn’t surprising because self-identified
feminists have to willingly take on a stigmatized identity. A woman who has
some pro-feminist attitudes but who doesn’t identify as a feminist is often called
a non - labeler.
There are so many non-labelers that comedians have started to poke fun at
the concept. Although comedian Aziz Ansari is not the perfect representative
— —
of feminism a topic we’ll return to in Chapter 12 he has offered what is per-
haps the perfect analogy: “If you believe diat men and women have equal rights,
if someone asks if you’re a feminist, you have to say yes because that is how
words work. You can’t be like, ‘Oh yeah I’m a doctor that primarily does diseases
Who Is a Feminist? 33
of the skin.’ Oh, so you’re a dermatologist ? ‘Oh no, that’s way too aggressive of
a word! No no, not at all not at all ”’ ( Gupta , 2014, para. 4 ).
The important distinguishing factor between women who self- label as femi-
nists and those who arc non -labelers is that feminists are aware that gender ineq -
uities still exist ( Liss & Erchull , 2010 ). Non - labelers generally think that women
I are already empowered and that no more work is necessary because women
have achieved equity. In contrast, feminists see work that still needs to be done.
This discrepancy has important social implications because without addressing
sexism it’s unlikely that social systems will change ( Anderson , 2015; Taylor &
Whittier, 1992 ). The very act of calling oneself a feminist in front of other people
is considered a form of activism because it undermines stereotypes of feminism .
If only a few people stand up against sexism, there won’t be enough critical mass
to draw attention and promote change. Women who call themselves feminists
understand this. They are willing to commit to causes larger than themselves
(Yoder, Tobias, & Snell, 2011 ) and are more likely to confront sexism ( Burn,
Aboud, & Moyles, 2000; Yoder et al., 2011 ). Women who identify as feminists
are also less likely to believe negative stereotypes about feminists, and they’re
more likely to hold positive views about feminists ( Liss et al ., 2001 ).
—
It isn’t surprising, then, that people who are exposed to feminism either because
they have feminist relatives or because they’ve taken a women’s studies course —
are more likely to identify as feminists ( Bargad & Hyde, 1991; Nelson et al .,
2008; Zucker, 2004 ). Having a sexual minority identity is also associated with a
higher likelihood of identifying as a feminist ( Friedman & Ayres, 2013; Leapcr &
Arias, 2011; Lottes & Kuriloff, 1994 ). Further, experiencing overt sexism leads
women to understand oppression, which results in a greater likelihood of identi -
fying as a feminist ( Leaper & Arias, 2011; Reid & Purcell, 2004 ).
Notably, some women choose not to identify as feminists because of bias
within the women’s movement. As we’ve discussed , the early feminist movement
ignored and thereby perpetuated discrimination among large groups of women,
including women of color, sexual minority women, trans and gender non -con-
forming women, and non-Western women. In response, for example, activist
and writer Alice Walker ( 1983 ) coined the term womanist, an identity label that
stems from the experiences of Black women and other women of color. The term
encompasses feminism, but it also differs because it doesn’t prioritize sexism over
other forms of oppression ( e.g., racism; Phillips, 2006 ).
There is evidence that women of color are more likely to identify with
womanist beliefs rather than those associated with different types of femi-
nism ( Boisnier, 2003). Several researchers have found that, among women of
color, holding womanist beliefs was associated with higher self-esteem ( Ossana,
Helms, & Leonard, 1992; Poindexter- Cameron & Robinson, 1997 ). Inspired
by their womanist sisters, Latinx feminists coined the term mujerista ( from die
Spanish word mujer, meaning “woman ”; Isasi - Diaz, 1992, 1996 ). Similar to
womanists, mujeristas are critical of the marginalization of women of color by
1'
i
i
White feminists and instead support a type of feminism
that prioritizes the lives of Latinx ' women. Mujeristas
especially act toward the decolonization of all people
spotlight on .
(Anzaldua, 2007; Isasi - Diaz, 1992 ). Taken together,
womanism and mujerismo offer a way for psychologists Misperceptions
to understand how women of color might identify with
feminism that takes a distinctive intersectional approach of Feminism
( Comaz- Diaz, 2008; Holiday, 2010 ) . In 2012, some Duke University students
started the Who Needs Feminism Tumblr
campaign, featuring photos of handwrit-
Current Issues Related to ten signs addressing misconceptions of
feminism. In 2013, an opposing Tumblr blog,
Feminist Identification Women Against Feminism , showcased selfies
of women holding signs with negative state-
How does racism play a role in whether or not a
ments about feminism. Seen together, the
person will identify as a feminist? What are the unique positive and negative messages reflect the
issues connected to men and feminist identification? different ways in which people dialogue and
disagree about feminism.
Although contemporary feminist thought includes the
concept of intersectionality, much work remains to / don' t need feminism because I
address discrimination within feminism ( Phillips, 2006 ) . believe in equality, not entitlements
For example, in 2015, the actress Patricia Arquette and supremacy.
( Women Against Feminism, 2014)
ignited tremendous criticism for saying in her Academy
Award acceptance speech, “ It’s time for all die women in / need feminism because I don' t view
equality as a radical concept.
America and all the men that love women, and all the gay
( "I need feminism because," 2013)
people, and all the people of color that we’ve all fought
for to fight for us now” ( Marcotte, 2015, para. 3) . The / don ' t need feminism because I am not
statement didn’t go over well because it sounded like she a victim.
was saying that unril now White women had fought for ( Borecka, n . d.)
gay people and people of color, and now it was time for / need feminism because I refuse to
them to fight for White women . Arquette later admitted be victimized by social, cultural, and
that she should have chosen her words more carefully. political misogyny. I am not a victim,
I am a survivor.
Another major critique has been launched against femi-
(whoneedsfeminism, 2014)
nist Lena Dunham for showcasing almost no women of
color in her popular HBO show Girls despite the fact
—
that it’s supposedly set in New York, a highly diverse city.
» / don ' t need feminism because I am not
a delusional, disgusting, hypocritical
Because of incidents like these, some women of color man-hater. I respect men and they
prefer not to use the feminist label at all. respect me!
( "I don ' t need feminism," n. d.)
There is also evidence that the experience of racism
/ need feminism not because I hate men ,
influences feminist identity ( Cole, 2009 ). While White
but because people think that is what
feminists can focus on countering sexism, women of
being a feminist means.
(Leonie, n.d.)
*Authorsf note: Latinx is a gender neutral term used as an alternative to Latina
or Latino. Because of its inclusivity, we will use Latinx throughout the book.
35
color worry about racism as well . To demonstrate this, researchers found that
Black feminists place a high value on wearing feminine clothing, but White
feminists did not ( Cole & Zucker, 2007 ) . The researchers proposed that Black
women strategically attend to physical appearance to combat racist stereotypes
! of Black women being sexually promiscuous, aggressive, and bad mothers. This
dynamic was evident when former first lady Michelle Obama was criticized by
some White feminists for calling herself Mom - in - Chief and focusing her activ-
ism on traditionally feminine domains. A White woman who’s worried about
sexism may try not to be too domestic in the White House because that would
activate sexist stereotypes. However, because a woman of color has to worry
about racism too, Michelle Obama may have focused on
domestic tasks so she wouldn ’t activate racist stereotypes
try it for yourself of Black women being overly domineering . This is another
example of how feminist identification can vary among girls
and women depending on other aspects of their other social
Spend some time thinking about what
it means to be a feminist man. Visit the
identities.
website feministvoices.com, and search There is also debate over whether boys and men can
for social psychologist Peter Hegarty. label themselves as feminists. Many do identify as fem -
Listen to his interview about the prob- inists, but some prefer the label pro - feminist , a term
lems of taking on a feminist identity as a that incorporates feminism but also expresses interest
man. Do you agree or disagree with him? in working alongside girls and women for social action
Explain your response. Then ask three and change. Pro- feminist men use the term to signal that
men to describe their thoughts about they aren’t speaking on behalf of women but, instead , sec
feminism. Would they consider them- themselves as allies. Pro- feminist men recognize social
selves feminists? Why or why not? Did inequities, and compared to men who don’t identify as
I you find any men who explicitly identi-
feminists, they’re more likely to report incidents of gender
fied as feminists? Was this task easy or
bias and less likely to use sexist language ( Hyers, 2007;
hard? How did you feel talking about this
tyc with men?
Swim , Mallett, & Stangor, 2004 ). Perhaps most interest -
ingly, research shows that when men confront instances of
sexism , they are more likely to be believed and experience
fewer personal costs than women who confront those instances ( Eliezer &
Major, 2012; Rasinski & Czopp, 2010 ). These findings underscore the vital
role that boys and men can play when they become engaged in the feminist
movement, regardless of how they refer to themselves. We’ll revisit this topic
in Chapter 14.
Although there’s less research on understanding how men become fem -
inists, the growing interest in examining men’s roles within the context
of unequal gender relationships has given rise to an entire academic field:
men’s studies. Although men continue to be less likely than women to recog -
——
nize sexism , some men particularly those who’ve been exposed to positive
portrayals of feminism report a great deal of support for feminism and sub -
sequently engage in feminist activism ( Flood , 2011; Swim , Hyers, Cohen , &
Ferguson , 2001 ).
i i f *.
Advantages of Feminist Identification
What benefits are associated with feminist identification?
Although the discussion of the negative stereotypes about feminists may suggest
otherwise, there arc many benefits to identifying as a feminist. For example, some
research has shown that feminists arc perceived as intelligent, knowledgeable,
productive, career-oriented, and active ( Rudman & Fairchild , 2007; Twenge 8c
Zucker, 1999 ). These positive beliefs influence girls’ and women’s decision to
identify as feminists ( Roy, Wcibust, 8c Miller, 2007 ) . Also, women who identify
as feminists report better psychological well - being, experience less body shame,
and have increased sexual satisfaction compared to those who do not ( Flurt et al .,
2007; Rudman 8c Phelan , 2007; Saunders 8c Kashubeck - YVest, 2006 ) . Feminism
—
helps women to develop relationships across difference among White girls and
women , having a feminist identity is associated with taking an anti - racist stance
( Banks, Murray, Brown, 8c Hammond , 2014; Rosette 8c Tost, 2013 ). Addition -
ally, feminism has helped to build positive relationships between heterosexual
women and sexual minority women , and between able - bodied women and
women with disabilities ( LaMantia, Wagner, 8c Boheckcr, 2015; YVehbi, 2010 ) .
Further, feminism has helped to cultivate relationships across national boundaries
( Norsworthy 8c Khuankaew, 2013 ). Some feminist activists that we’ve worked
with refer to these advantages as “ having a good dose of Vitamin F.”
Even among non - labelers, there is evidence that endorsement of feminist values
has psychological benefits; however, more research is needed in this area (Saunders
8: Kashubeck-West, 2006 ). For example, psychologist Oksana Yakushko ( 2007 )
explored the psychological well- being of mostly White, U.S. women and found that
those who endorsed feminist beliefs reported a greater sense of independence and
purpose than those who did not. They were also more open to new experiences.
In a different study of mostly White women, those who endorsed feminist attitudes
reported greater self-confidence about their sexuality and a greater inclination to have
sex based on their own desires and motivations as compared to women who didn’t
endorse feminist beliefs (Schick, Zucker, 8c Bay-Cheng, 2008 ). Greater endorsement
of feminist beliefs has also been linked to high self-esteem, self-efficacy, and academic
achievement ( Eiselc 8c Stake, 2008; Fischer 8c Good, 1994; Valenzuela, 1993).
Recent literature describes how men benefit from feminism as well. There are
many psychological costs of conforming to traditional norms of masculinity, and
feminist identification gives men the freedom to reject these rigid expectations
( Kilmartin 8c Smilcr, 2015 ) . When asked about identifying as a feminist, actor
Joseph Gordon- Lcvitt said, “YVhat [ feminism ] means to me is that you don’t
—
let your gender define who you are you can be who you want to be. . . . I’m
a believer that if everyone has a fair chance to be what they want to be and do
what they want to do, it’s better for everyone. It benefits society' as a whole”
( Stern , 2014, para. 12 ). Men’s roles have stayed relatively stable despite the
Who Is a Feminist? 37
1
I p
dramatic changes in girls’ and women’s roles over the last 50 years ( Levant,
2014 ). Organizations such as die Society for the Psychological Study of Men
and Masculinity, and scholarly journals such as Psychology of Men and Masculin-
ity, explore masculinity from a feminist psychological perspective .
i
,
i
!
Feminism Comes to Psychology
What were experiences within the field of psychology like for women from
i
the late 19th century through the mid -20 th century?
i
Now that you have a better understanding of what feminism is and isn’t, let’s
explore how feminism has influenced psychology. Much like the women’s
movement, discussed earlier in this chapter, it took many years for feminism
to transform the field of psycholog)'. Throughout the history of American psy-
cholog)', many individual women have worked toward change, and coalitions of
women have collaborated to end discriminatory practices within the field. There
have been some dramatic moments. Historians confirm that without feminist
activism, the field of psycholog)' would be very different from what it is today
( Rutherford & Granek, 2010 ) .
In the Beginning
At the end of the 19th century, corresponding with the first wave of femi-
ii nism, a select group of women were entering the field of psycholog)' for the
first time. It’s hard to imagine the world in which these first -generation female
psychologists worked. Most female applicants were denied entrance into grad -
— —
uate programs, but some women mostly wealthy and White found ways to
study psycholog)' ( Rutherford & Granek, 2010 ). For example, in 1890, with
the help of her father and the president of Wellesley College, Mary Whiton
Calkins petitioned Harvard University to let her sit in on psycholog)' lectures.
Although she completed all die courses required for a PhD and later became the
first female president of the American Psychological Association ( APA ), she was
never awarded her degree, either in her lifetime or after her death. It wasn’t until
1894 that Margaret Floy Washburn became the first woman to receive a PhD in
—
psychology from Cornell University. Helen Thompson -Woolley, who earned
her PhD from the University of Chicago in 1900, published the first dissertation
:
that examined sex/gender differences.
These women were pioneers who strategically used the scientific method
to challenge prevailing sexism. Most of their research focused on disputing
biological determinism, the belief that the differences between women and men
i- ' i
r 38 Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women
1
are biologically fixed . In the early 20th century, female psychologists conducted
studies exploring how cultural expectations influence the perceived differences
between women and men . These early psychologists were resisting biased ideas,
and although they didn’t realize it at the time, they were facing a feminist predic-
—
ament that continues today a topic we’ll explore in more detail in Chapter 3.
Early 20th Century

In the early 20 th century, more diverse women began to study psychology. In
1933, Inez Beverly Prosser became the first Black woman to earn a doctorate
in psycholog)'. However, it wasn’t until 1962 that Martha Bernal became the
first Latinx woman to earn a PhD in psycholog)' in the United States. She also
self- identified as a lesbian .
Women of color faced double ( and sometimes triple ) discrimination connected
to their multiple minority status. One such well - known Black female psycholo-
gist, Mamie Phipps Clark, was awarded her PhD in 1944. At the time, she was
the only Black student pursuing a PhD in psychology at Columbia University.
As just one of the challenges she faced , her academic
advisor believed in racial segregation . Moreover, she
subsequently couldn’t find a job because most job
descriptions were for men only. This barrier, however, .
?/*•
AV .
didn 't stop her desire to make a difference in the field
of psycholog)'. She observed that young Black chil -
dren were disproportionately affected by poverty and
had limited access to quality psychological assessment
and treatments. When she realized that existing clinics
weren’t going to extend services to poor Black chil-
dren from Harlem in New York City, she started the
Northside Center for Child Development in a one-
room basement apartment. More than 70 years later,
die center now provides services to more than 3,600
children and families each year.
Moreover, Dr. Clark’s research was critical to the
historic Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board
of Education (1954 ). With her husband, psychologist
Kenneth Clark, she published several studies showing
how Black children were affected by racism. In the
Dr . Mamie Phipps Clark started the Northside
famous doll study, children were shown two dolls: one Center for Child Development in a one- room
White and one Black ( Clark & Clark, 1947). They basement apartment. More than 70 years
were given a series of instructions: “Show me die doll later , the center now provides services to more
that is die nice doll,” “Show me the doll that looks than 3.600 children and families each year .
bad,” “Show me the doll that you like best.” The Black
Feminism Comes to Psychology 39

children consistently showed a preference for die White doll, which, according to
i
die Clarks, was evidence of internalized racism . This conclusion helped persuade
die Supreme Court to rule against segregation in U .S. public schools.
Although there have been critiques of both the methodology and the inter-
pretation of results from the Clarks’ studies, the doll experiment was the first
time social science served as evidence in a Supreme Court case . Today it is
standard practice to rely on psychological research in court hearings. Interest -
ingly, most psychology students don’t know that the doll study was based on
Mamie Clark’s master’s thesis. Although it’s a famous case , and one studied by
many psychology students, it’s Kenneth Clark who generally gets credit for its
influence. In many ways, Mamie Clark used her training to fight against social
injustice, even when she herself was facing discrimination.
It
Mid-20th Century
What factors contributed to, and signaled the formation of , a specific
discipline of psychology of women?
Although many women were working to undermine sexism in psychology, it

wasn’t until the 1960s that the field psycholog)' of women emerged . This cor-
responded with an upswing in civil rights activism in the United States and
other parts of the world. In 1963, author and activist Betty Friedan published
The Feminine Mystique, in which she identified Sigmund Freud and the entire
field of psycholog)' as being partially responsible for women’s oppression ( Eagly,
Eaton, Rose, Riger, & McHugh, 2012; Friedan, 1963 ) . Before the 1960s and
1970s, psychological research was almost “womanless” ( Crawford & Marccek,
1989, p. 147 ). Most studies didn’t include girls or women, and when they were
included, the research questions and methods were based on biased assump-
tions. When women were found to be different from men on various measures,
the results were generally interpreted as indicating that women were inferior to
men (Shields, 1975, 2007; Rutherford & Granek, 2010 ) . Such differences were
interpreted as arising from innate, generally biological, factors.
This practice was critiqued in psychologist Naomi Weisstein’s ( 1968/1992 )
publication “ Psychology Constructs the Female; or, The Fantasy Life of the
Male Psychologist ( With Some Attention to the Fantasies of His Friends the
Male Biologist, and the Male Anthropologist ).” Psychologist Carolyn Wood
Sherif (1979 ) would later refer to Weisstein’s publication as a “feminist shot
that ricocheted down the halls between psychology laboratories and clinics, hit -
ting its target dead -center” ( p. 58 ). By effectively using experimental research
to show how social expectations influence psychological research and prac-
tice, Wcisstein revealed a glaring bias. She argued that the second -class status

of women was responsible for many of the psychological effects observed in
women . In other words, until that point , psychologists hadn’t considered how
discrimination against women influenced their studies about women.
Further, the clinical practice of psycholog)' often involved sexist practices in
which clinicians abused their power over clients. Feminist psychologist Rachel
Hare-Mustin recounted attending a session at an American Psychological Asso-
ciation convention in the early 1970s where four male clinical psychologists
debated the merits of having sex with their clients ( Hare - Mustin, 2017 ). She
was shocked . Because of subsequent feminist activism , the APA revised its
Ethical Standards to prohibit sexual contact between a therapist and a client.
Today clients seek disciplinary action against psychologists concerning sexual
misconduct in therapy ( Pope, 1993 ) . The fact that the public understands die
damaging effects of therapists’ sexual exploitation is a direct result of activism
among feminist psychologists.
It may be hard to imagine now, but until 1969, female psychologists were
excluded from participating in much of the field . For example, job descriptions
were organized by sex , and few women held high - ranking positions. Psychol -
ogist Nancy Henley, reflecting on this time, spoke of how women’s role in
research was even called out with different practices related to referencing: “ in
the reference lists, men’s names were listed with initials only. Women’s names
had to have their first name so you could see they were women ” ( Henley, 2005,
p. 5 ) . Such discrimination was frustrating for the women who had spent years in
school working to become psychologists, but a tipping point occurred in the late
1960s. Angered by the APA’s overt sexism and lack of female leadership, several
psychologists formed an alternative organization , the Association for Women in
Psycholog)' ( AWP ) . In 1970, ten AWP members stormed a Town Hall meeting
of the APA, presenting a list of 52 resolutions that they thought could address
sexism within psycholog)'. They demanded immediate action . This famous activ-
ist moment, referred to as the Storming of Council, was a catalyst for change
within the field of psycholog)'.
From 1969 to 1973, women spent many hours organizing and petitioning
the APA to approve the formation of a division that solely focused on women.
When Division 35 of the APA, the Society for the Psycholog)' of Women, was
finally formed , its mission was “ to foster and nurture the growth of a femi-
nist psycholog)' of women and to create a knowledge base relevant to women’s
lives” ( Mcdnick & Urbanski, 1991, p. 652 ).
With an increased focus on girls and women, feminist psychologists turned
their attention to developing college courses and textbooks. This move not only
provided academic legitimacy but also helped to build feminist consciousness on
college campuses ( Unger, 2010 ). With many more psycholog)' students discuss-
ing concerns that disproportionately affected girls and women, a renewed com-
mitment to feminism blossomed. Another sign that the psycholog)' of women
Feminism Comes to Psychology 41

was flourishing was the development of specialized journals, including Sex Roles
(1975 ), Psychology of Women Quarterly ( 1976 ), Women & Therapy ( 1982 ),
and Feminism & Psychology (1991). These journals have helped to disseminate
research to colleges and universities throughout the world and arc critical to
the production and sharing of gender research. Indeed , much of the research
reviewed in this book was conducted by feminist psychologists using the scien -
tific method to better understand the experiences of girls and women.
Late 20th Century into the 21st Century

How have feminists challenged the way that knowledge is produced and
interpreted?
As feminist psychologists were developing organizations, academic programs,

courses, and journals to enhance knowledge and scientific credibility, another
competing movement arose in the late 20 th century. Probably due to Weisstcin’s
publication and a broader feminist critique of science that was happening in the
ear ) 1980s, feminist psychologists began to critique the scientific method and
its p i osophical underpinnings. In particular, they questioned the assumption of
positivism, the idea that science is progressive and cumulative and that it relies
on o jectivity, neutrality, and rationality. In other words, feminist psychologists
ere c ling attention to the ways scientists bring their own perspectives into
what they study ( Keller, 1987). This may be less obvious when the scientists are
—
in powerful and privileged positions their truth can simply look like the truth
( Fine, 1994 ). However, according to critics, the positivist
claim that scientists have access to a detached and objective
truth reflects power and an inherently masculine approach.
try it for yourself Feminist psychologists also critiqued the positivist view
that science could discover universal psychological truths.
Go to the website feministvoices.com. Instead , they proposed that it was possible for multi-
Explore the Women Past section, which ple truths to exist. This viewpoint was shared by scholars
features female psychologists who involved in the multicultural movement within psychology
received their PhDs before 1950. Then
that began in the 1960s and 1970s. The movement sought
explore the Feminist Presence section,
which features female psychologists who
-
greater diversity and inclusion in the discipline of psychol
received their PhDs after 1950. Imagine
ogy, including in psychological research. As multicultural -
that women from the present could speak ism and feminism became influential perspectives within
to women of the past. What would they psychology, feminist psychologists began to develop fem-
say to each other? Watch the video The inist epistemologies, or new ways to critique and produce
Changing Face of Feminist Psychology . methods of creating knowledge that attempt to address
How do prominent feminist psychologists iases against certain groups of people, including girls and
discuss the changes in the field? women. We’ll focus on these ideas in more detail in the next
section of this chapter.

Understanding Research
Methods
What are the key elements of the research process that you need to know in
order to critique research presented in this book?
The field of psychology relies on a scientific approach, and becoming familiar

with how psychological research is conducted can help you be a more critical
consumer of it . Moreover, as we just discussed, the history of using the scien -
tific method to study girls and women has not always been bias- free. One goal
of this book is to help you develop skills in uncovering hidden gender biases
and appreciating the complexities associated with conducting psychological
research .
One complexity involves how we define what it means to be a woman. You
may like to rely on biological definitions. However, as we’ll explore in Chapter 4,
not everyone with a vagina, for example , considers themself a woman, and not
all people who consider themselves women have a vagina. Furthermore, not all
people who consider themselves women act or dress in ways that one might
expect a woman to act. Researchers have clarified that it’s possible to refer to
someone’s sex or gender, and that these are not necessarily the same thing. The
APA publication manual instructs authors to use sex for biolog)' and anatomy
and gender for attitudes and roles associated with a biological sex ( American
Psychological Association [ APA ], 2009 ), yet there’s still a tendency to con-
fuse sex and gender ( Smith, Johnston - Robledo, McHugh & Chrisler, 2010 ).
It’s not always clear, for example, when a researcher is referring to biology,
psychology, or both, when studying girls and women . Furthermore, as we’ll
discuss in Chapter 4, the idea that there are only two sexes and two genders is
an oversimplification of reality.
Because defining woman isn’t always clear, research about sex and gender can
be controversial . Problems come up when observations are interpreted through
an oversimplified lens, which, especially when conveyed in the popular press, can
be demeaning to everyone. For this reason, feminist psychologists have called
for a more socially responsible approach to psychological research, one that
doesn’t shy away from a complicated exploration of sex and gender ( Fine &
Roberts, 1999 ).
Doing Research
Because we’re constantly surrounded by sex and gender, ideas for research
can come from everyday interactions. For example, let’s say you’re planning a
day at the beach during a family vacation, and you notice a distinct difference

between two of your cousins. Your 6 - year- old cousin excit -
edly puts on her bathing suit and grabs her Frisbec . Your
13 - year- old cousin , in contrast, spends over an hour trying
on different bathing suits, standing in front of the mirror,
and evaluating her body. Although there arc probably lots
of explanations for this, you think their ages might explain
their different behaviors . 1 his is a theory, or a proposed
explanation for why certain things occur. Initially, theories
can come from personal observations or from previously
established concepts . 1 hey are then refined through the
process of collecting data and drawing conclusions based on
that data . Let’s explore how.
First, a theory will lead to a scientific question that can
produce a testable hypothesis, or prediction . In our example ,
your hypothesis might be: "As a girl ajjes, her body anxiety
Do you think these girls experienced increases . ” Each of the italicized words or phrases in the
getting ready to go to the beach the hypothesis is a variable, and variables can be measured in
same way? Do you think they have many different ways. For example , to measure body anxiety
different levels of concern about their
you might use direct observation by recording behaviors that
appearance? What would be involved
in doing scientific research to answer —
reflect body anxiety such as by noting how many times a
girl examines her body in a mirror. As another option , you
these types of questions?
might use a survey to ask participants to report their beliefs,
attitudes, and behaviors related to body anxiety. Although
the conceptual definition of body anxiety is the same , the
measurement , or operationalization, of it can vary quite a bit . And data can
change depending on how the researcher decides to operationalize a variable .
For example, the 13-year-old may not want to admit she’s anxious, but as a
researcher you might observe her frequently checking herself in the mirror. This
measurement decision could affect the results, since anxiety might be lower
if operationalized through self-report and higher if operationalized through
observation .
Returning to our example , the research process requires expanding your
imestigation beyond your cousins and collecting data from a larger sample
of girls of different ages. A common method is to recruit girls you already
know, referred to as a convenience sample . You might ask fellow classmates
or post a message about your study on Twitter. Of course , this might mean
that all the people in your sample share similar characteristics because they
all have something in common : their relationship to you ! It’s more challeng-
ing to recruit participants you don’t know, and for this reason , it might be
necessary to offer an incentive for participating in your study. This type of
—
recruitment takes longer and requires more resources like money to pay for
the incentives.

Once data are collected , more often than not you’ll use statistics to make interpre-
tations about the data . Most psychological research relics on quantitative methods,
an approach that attempts to represent variables with numbers. For example, body
anxiety could be represented numerically as the score on a self-report measure so
that higher numbers signify higher levels of body anxiety. Let’s say that a group of
-
6 year-olds averages a score of 15 and a group of 13- year-olds averages a score of
25. When psychologists use statistics to examine this difference, dicy’re interested
in evaluating statistical significance. Statistical significance suggests that if body
anxiety was not actually related to age, finding a difference dais large ( 15 vs. 25 )
by chance would be unusual. How unusual this would be is often indicated as
probability, or a p-value, and results arc typically considered statistically significant
if p < .05. This level of statistical significance means diat there’s a probability ( p) of
less than 5% that the results of the study arc due to chance.
If you were to find statistically significant differences in body anxiety among
girls of different ages, you could have confidence in assuming that develop-
ment is related to body anxiety. If the results were not statistically significant,
however ( i .e., p > .05 ), you might have to revise your original theory: Maybe
body anxiety is related to general levels of anxiety, rather than age. In other
words, maybe your 13- year-old cousin is just a more anxious person than your
6-year-old cousin . With this revised hypothesis, the scientific process can begin
again . However, this time, you might reconsider your study’s design , as design
decisions can also play a role in non -significant findings.
When researchers don’t find statistical significance, it can be frustrating
because they have to start the process over again and typically don’t submit
the original findings to an academic journal for publication. In general, aca-
demic journals only publish studies that show statistically significant findings.
This means that most published psychology research reflects a preference for
—
finding differences, rather than similarities, between groups including gender
differences, a topic we’ll focus on in Chapter 3.
When researchers do find statistical significance, however, they can write up
the findings in a report and submit it to an academic journal for peer review.
During the peer- review process, experts in the field review die research and
determine if it meets a rigorous standard for publication . If the reviewers and
the journal editor decide that the research is of high value, it will be published.
Such research then has the potential to influence people, policies, and social
structures.
In our example, you might submit your report to a journal that focuses on
gender, such as Psychology of Women Qiiarterly or Sex Roles. By doing this, you
know that the reviewers are other scientists with expertise in gender. Once the
research is published , a media outlet might feature the study in a magazine or
on a morning talk show. The study might also influence curriculum decisions in
middle schools, high schools, or after-school programs.

Experiments versus Correlational Research
Whaf are the key differences between experimental and correlational designs?
If you have already taken a statistics or research methods course, you may have
noticed that the above example isn’t an experiment. Instead , it would be con -
sidered a correlational design. In a correlational design , relationships between
—
variables are examined in this case, the relationship between age and body anx-
iety. One of the most important tenets of psychology is that correlation does not
imply causation. In other words, even if variables are related ,
it doesn’t mean that one caused the other. For example, if
try it for yourself umbrella sales go up when grass grows, it doesn’t mean that
selling umbrellas causes grass to grow or that growing grass
In what ways have your views on any causes increased umbrella sales. In this case, they’re both
topic been influenced by reports about caused by another variable: rain . However, in an experiment,
scientific findings? How often have you the researcher manipulates a variable in order to investigate
questioned the results of a scientific study whether changes in that variable ( the independent variable )
presented in the news or through social
cause a change in another variable ( the dependent variable ).
media? Have you noticed bias in the way
A critical component of experiments is random assign -
science is reported? Why or why not? Ask
three people if they would question a
scientific finding presented in the popular
—
ment the process of assigning participants to conditions in
a way that guarantees all participants have an equal chance of
press. Now find a news story summariz- being in any group. Returning to our example, you couldn’t
ing a research study, locate the original randomly assign people to different age conditions because
research report, and compare the two. Is people already have an age. In odier words, you couldn’t
the summary in the news story accurate? randomly assign people to the 6-year-old condition or the
Is it complete? What are the differences -
13 year-old condition because the people in diose groups
between the way the journalist framed already exist as 6 -year-olds or 13-ycar-olds. Therefore, even
the results and the way the scientists did? if you were to find a difference between 6-year-olds and
13-year-olds, you couldn’t conclusively say that age causes the
change in body anxiety. You could, however, design an experiment diat explores
another variable that might affect the development of body anxiety. For example,
you could randomly assign girls to two conditions. In the manipulated condition,
sometimes referred to as the experimental group, you could tell the girls that boys
are watching them. In the control condition, the group you’re comparing the
effects of the manipulation against, you could tell the girls to simply enjoy one
another s company. If you were to find that body anxiety is statistically significandy
higher in the manipulated condition, then you could confidendy state that the
anticipation of being watched by boys caused the increase in the girls’ body anxi-
ety. Because all participants had an equal chance of being in cither condition, you
likely eliminated other factors that might have influenced the outcome. However,
it s important to note that many variables cannot be randomly assigned , including
sex and gender. Therefore, the ability to use psychological research to make causal
statements about the role of sex or gender is limited .

Identifying Sex /Gender Bias
in Research
The field of psychology has produced many studies with relevance to people’s
lives, and results found using the scientific method have tremendous economic,
political , and social influence ( Hare - Mustin Sc Merecek, 1990 ). As you may recall,
Mamie and Kenneth Clark’s research was one factor that contributed to school
segregation being deemed unconstitutional . Given that psychological research is
socially influential , it’s important to understand the various ways in which research
—
can be biased and , specifically, biased against women. Many people take research
results that they read in the media at face value, assuming that if something is
published it must be “ true.” However, much research, even when it’s published
-
in peer reviewed journals or summarized in popular magazines, contains hidden
bias against girls and women . This section will give you the tools to be a critical
consumer of that research and to be able to identify sources of potential bias.
Who Is the Researcher?

How does the identity of the researcher contribute to bias?
Many factors influence the research process, including who actually does the
research. The phrase “ the myth of the impartial researcher” refers to a common
— —
misperception drawn from positivism that people who conduct research are
value - neutral and thoroughly objective. As discussed earlier, all psychological
theories start from personal observations or previously established theories ( i.e.,
concepts based on a previous researcher’s work, perhaps based on their own
observations ). Therefore, if science is primarily conducted by one group of peo-
ple, it results in a narrow range of possible theories. Most senior authors of
peer- reviewed publications are White, upper-class men who are senior professors
at top research universities ( Cundiff, 2012; Eagly & Riger, 2014 ). Although it
is certainly valuable to develop theories that stem from the life experiences of
White, upper-class men, it becomes a problem when that is the predominant
worldview represented in psychological research.
As an example, Freud, the founder of psychoanalysis, said that a key com-
ponent of women’s psychological development is their experience of penis
envy ( Freud, 1905/1949 b ). In the 1930s, Karen Homey, a psychoanalyst,
criticized Freud’s inability to consider a woman’s perspective and called for a
more woman-centered approach ( Westkott, 1986). Astonishingly, Freud later
responded to her critique by saying, “We shall not be very greatly surprised if a
woman analyst, who has not been sufficiently convinced of the intensity of her
own wish for a penis, also fails to attach the proper importance to that factor
Identifying Sex/Gender Bias in Research 47

in her patients” ( Freud , 1940/1949a, p . 107 ) . How fascinating that Freud was
accusing someone else of bias! This example demonstrates the limitations of
having only one type of person conduct research.
In 1988, several feminist psychologists published “Guidelines for Avoiding
Sexism in Psychological Research ” ( Denmark , Russo, Frieze, 8c Sechzer, 1988 ).
They noted many examples of how the predominance of White male researchers
caused a bias in what is studied and how questions are asked. For example, they
noted that leadership had traditionally been understood as dominance and that
topics relating to White men ( e .g., television and aggression ) were seen as more
important than topics relating to women or people with other marginalized
identities ( e.g., pregnancy and menopause ).
What Is the Research Question?

How do research questions themselves contribute to bias ?
ii Who the researcher is will influence not only the formation of theories but
also the specific research questions asked . In discussing research about sex dif -
ferences, for example, psychologist Rhoda Unger ( 1979 ) argued that the very
decision to study differences between women and men reinforced the status quo
rather than allowing the discovery of anything new. It’s intriguing to consider
how different the entire field might be if we changed the question to ask “ How
are women and men similar ? ” As another example, you might consider what
would happen if we asked women to describe their experience of menstrual joy
instead of menstrual discomfort.
There are also hidden assumptions in research questions. Let’s imagine, for
example, a group of researchers exploring the effects of daycare on child devel -
opment, with a specific interest in maternal working status. Their research ques-
tion might be “Should mothers be employed out of the home early in their
child’s life ? ” This question doesn’t include fathers, so the hidden assumption
here is that mothers, not fathers, are the ideal caretakers, and that researchers
should question a mother’s, but not a father’s, employment status during their
child’s early years. How different do you suppose the findings would be if the
researchers explored “Should mothers or fathers be employed out of the home
early in their child’s life? ” ?
Who Are the Research Participants?

How does the identity of research participants contribute to bias ?
Another area of potential bias is choice of participants. Psychological research
has a long history of using male participants and then generalizing results to

all humans ( Eagly & Riger, 2014 ) . For example, Carol Gilligan criticized fel -
low psychologist Lawrence Kohlbcrg because his theory of moral development
was entirely based on interviews with wealthy, White boys and men ( Gilligan,
1982 ) . Kohlberg ( 1969 ) argued that children move through a fixed set of stages
in which morality shifts from focusing on avoiding punishment, to focusing
on following the rules or being “ good ,” to focusing at the highest stage on
abstract ideals of individual rights and autonomy. In response, Gilligan argued
that Kohlberg’s highest stage of development , based on individual autonomy,
reflected an androcentric view and didn’t include the communal and care ethic
often observed in girls and women. Gilligan was especially critical of the way
Kohlberg used data collected from boys and men to explain human develop-
ment. According to Gilligan, it was unreasonable to apply findings based on
boys and men to girls and women .
Psychological research continues to be guilty of this tendency, which under-
mi nes generalizability, or the ability to use findings from a given study to explain
phenomena that occur in the general population . Even today, the titles of stud -
ies rarely indicate when participants arc exclusively men or exclusively White
( Cundiff, 2012 ). Yet when participants deviate from the White male norm ,
researchers not only provide a rationale for their decision but also often signal it
in the title of their article ( Cundiff, 2012 ) .
Recently, the number of female participants has substantially increased
probably due to their overrepresentation in psychology undergraduate partic-
—
ipant pools, a source of convenience samples for many psychologists ( Cundiff,
2012 ). As a result, most of what we know about human behavior is now based
on a very specific type of woman . She’s likely an undergraduate student at a
large university who is enrolled in an Introduction to Psychology course. Such
sampling bias overlooks the experiences of all other people. If you think back
to other psychology courses you’ve taken, it might be interesting to recall how
often your textbooks indicated who was included in the samples used in the
studies described. If you knew that a study sample was based only on undergrad -
uate women , would that change your perception of the results ?
Sampling bias is also a challenge within the field of psychology of
women . In its early stages, feminist research didn’t fully address the diversity
among women . Instead , it focused primarily on the experiences of White,
well -educated, middle-class, heterosexual women who were disproportional -
ity members of Western , industrialized, rich, democratic societies ( Henrich,
Heine, & Norenzayan , 2010 ). Within a field that was supposedly trying to
undo bias, feminist researchers’ sole focus on such privileged women actu-
ally replicated power hierarchies. It’s easy to see how this can happen . When
researchers use convenience samples, they tend to get a group of partici -
pants who resemble them or the students at their college or university. When
research, even feminist research, is predominantly done by White women at
predominantly White institutions, this can lead to systematic sampling bias

that over- represents the concerns of White, well - educated women . For exam -
ple, body anxiety centering on concerns about thinness is well researched
within the feminist community. However, this research area might reflect con -
cerns that are particularly important to White women , an issue we’ll revisit in
Chapter 6.
—
Bias also exists in the ways demographic questions arc asked such as when
marginalized women are clumped into one social identity category. The term
LGBTQ ( lesbian, gay, bisexual , transgender, and queer ) places all sexual minority
individuals into one category, ignoring differences among them. For example,
there is tremendous diversity among bisexual women , but this will be overlooked
if researchers don’t study bisexuality separately from other sexual - minority iden -
tities. Notice, too, that the term places all people who are sexual minorities in
contrast with people who are heterosexual. In other words, all other people are
being compared to heterosexual people. This reinforces the idea that some peo-
—
ple are the norm against which all others should be compared which creates a
bias within research .
How Are the Variables Measured?

How does the operationalization of variables contribute to bias?
Another potential source of bias involves the way variables are measured. Recall -
ing the example from above, body anxiety could be measured in many different
ways, and decisions about how to operationalize a variable could be a source of
bias. Let’s take something as seemingly straightforward as aggression . In die
past, researchers have measured aggression in mosdy overt ways ( c.g., physical
and verbal assaults; Brown, 2005 ). By doing this, their data showed that boys
were more aggressive than girls. However, when researchers began to measure
relational aggression ( c.g., gossiping and socially isolating other girls ), a differ-
ent picture emerged: Girls were aggressive too ( Crick & Grotpeter, 1995 ) .
Ideally, consumers of psychological science should be informed about how
variables are defined, although this information is rarely included in popular
press summaries of research . The lack of information makes it hard to evaluate
research claims because doing so requires tracking down the original article.
How often have you looked for the original article of a study you read about
on social media ? It can be difficult to find the time to do this, and costly too,
because academic journals generally aren’t free to the public. For example,
in 2017 it cost $36 to purchase access to an individual article published in
Psychology of Women Quarterly and $106 per year to subscribe to the journal
as a whole. If you’re a student at a college or a university, you can probably
—
access articles for free through your school’s library system a privilege that
not everyone has.

How Are the Data Analyzed?
How does the method used to analyze data contribute to bias?
Most psychological research relies on quantitative methods. As we’ve dis-

cussed , the reliance on statistics also perpetuates bias since the design of many
statistics is to look for differences within a sample. Although quantitative
research is the most widely used methodology among psychologists, some
feminist scholars have advocated the use of another methodology. Qiialitative
methods produce descriptive data, with little attention to statistics. Qualita -
tive researchers often rely on interviews, diaries, observations, and archival
data . In these cases, data analysis involves identifying themes or patterns in
participants’ responses in order to understand how participants interpret var-
ious aspects of their lives. Since themes emerge from the data , researchers
are, theoretically, less likely to control or manipulate variables and are more
flexible in making design changes alongside their study participants. In this
approach , researchers and participants can develop close relationships, which
is very different from the detached relationships usually associated with quan -
titative methods.
Feminist researchers are critical of the rigid separation of researchers from
study participants, suggesting that it reflects power and control ( Rutherford
&: Granck , 2010 ). In labs, researchers are considered experts who manipulate
situations in order to study outcomes. This hierarchy may be problematic for
collecting accurate data. However, qualitative methods
offer an exciting alternative to the detached aspect of
quantitative methods. One such qualitative method, par-
ticipatory action research ( PAR ), includes participants in
the decision process during every stage of the research
( Yost &: Chmiclewski, 2013 ). For example, participants
might use cameras to document their day- to-day experi-
ences and then collaborate with the researcher about how
to use this information to develop research questions and
to design a study.
Despite their appeal, qualitative articles are far less
likely than quantitative ones to appear in psycholog)'
journals. In a review of all psycholog)' journals listed
with the academic database PsycINFO from 1960 to
2009, only 8.7% of articles were qualitative ( Eagly et al.,
2012 ). Interestingly, most of these articles were written
and published outside of the United States ( e.g., in Can -
ada, Australia, the United Kingdom ), and there was a
26.2% increase in qualitative methods in journal articles
that focused on gender ( Eagly et. al., 2012 ). So does

!
!
research need to be qualitative to be considered feminist ? Not at all! Femi -
nist researchers use both qualitative and quantitative methods. However, no
matter what methods feminist researchers use, they pay attention to how their
own experiences and perspectives influence the questions they ask and the
.*/
results they find .
How Do Researchers Write about Their Results?

How does the way researchers write about their work contribute to bias?
Bias is also evident in the language used to present research . One concern
is use of the generic man or be to describe humans. This usage is problem -
atic because it both includes and excludes women ( Smith et al., 2010 ). As
we’ll discuss in Chapter 2, the generic be also excludes people who use pro-
nouns that aren’t gender specific ( e . g., they/ them/ their ). Because of this, the
APA publication manual advises against using generic pronouns ( APA, 2009 ).
—
Language can also reflect more subtle biases for example, use of words that
have masculine connotations ( e .g., penetrate, dominate ) or descriptions of
sex - related differences in ways that are demeaning toward women ( e .g., sub-
missive ) . Even in writing this textbook, we came across an instance of our own
bias. A reviewer of an early draft pointed out that we were consistently putting
men first when we made a statement about “ men and women . ” In a textbook
about women , she said , please start with women . These subtle biases might
seem unimportant , but the cumulative effect suggests that men should be pri -
oritized . In fact, in a review of psychological studies, male participants’ results
were disproportionately presented before those of female participants ( Miller,
Taylor, Sc Buck, 1991 ).
Where Are the Results Published?

How does the place where research is published contribute to bias?
You might recall that when describing the hypothetical body anxiety study ear-
lier, we suggested submitting the research article to a journal that focuses on
gender. This would ensure that the reviewers had previous knowledge about sex
and gender. Although doing this makes a lot of sense, the drawback of always
doing this is that research about sex and gender would then only appear in spe-
cialized journals. For example, in a review of the literature in 2012, researchers
found that 89% of articles published about sex and gender appeared exclusively
in Psychology of Women Quarterly or Sex Roles ( Eagly et al., 2012 ). This means
that journals specializing in other aspects of psychology will be less likely than
specialized publications to include feminist perspectives.
?
; 52 Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women
li
Further, according to feminist psychologist Stephanie Riger ( 1992 ), feminist
research shouldn’t simply be used for the production of knowledge; it should
also be used for social action and social justice. If research is only published in
academic journals, it will only reach a small subset of the population that would
benefit from it . Feminist researchers prefer to “ give research away.” Examples
include sharing results on social media or through e- mail, and using results in
formal conversations with policy makers and legislative bodies that often over-
look the psychological needs of marginalized individuals. These efforts arc in
distinct contrast to the role of detached and objective researcher. Indeed , fem -
inist researchers become advocates as they share their findings and continue to
ask questions in hopes of finding answers that can increase equity.
Another way to give research away is to talk about research findings in the
popular press. Unfortunately, the popular press tends to simplify the findings
of psychological research , particularly those that confirm popularly held stereo-
types ( O’Connor & Joffe, 2014 ) . Television and social media predominantly
feature stories that exaggerate the differences between women and men ( Fine
2010; O’Connor & Joffe, 2014 ). They also generally ignore the diversity among
women and often reinforce the idea that everyone can be clearly labeled as either
a woman or a man ( Golden, 2004 ). This probably happens because short, sim -
ple stories are more likely to be read , which ultimately increases revenue for the
media outlets ( O’Connor & Joffe , 2014 ) .
Minimizing Bias in Feminist Research

What are key ways psychologists minimize bias in feminist research?
Because the foundation of psychology relies on conducting studies, feminist

psychologists have worked to transform inherent biases in both the content
and the methods of psychological research ( Eaglv & Riger, 2014 ). From their
perspective, science is not counter to feminism because it has value in generating
reliable information about women’s lives. While there is no one type of feminist
research , two characteristics tie contemporary feminist researchers together:
n Ttjcy are aware of power dynamics inherent in research. A core belief
is that no research method is free of bias and that, therefore, it is
essential to carefully consider potential problems at every stage of the
research process ( Crawford & Kimmel , 1999; Rutherford & Granek,
2010; Unger, 1983 ) . For example, feminist researchers reject the
myth of the impartial researcher and avoid making overly simplistic
interpretations of their research results. Ironically, feminist researchers
have commonly been criticized because they often explicitly acknowl-
edge their biases. In reality, all research is biased , and feminists are
just being honest.
i
I
r
They consider intersectionality. In addition to attending to gender,
feminist researchers take into account interscctionality ( Cole , 2009;
Rutherford & Granek, 2010 ). In order to ensure that psychological
!! research addresses interscctionality, psychologist Elizabeth Cole ( 2009 )
proposed three questions that researchers should ask :
i 1 . Who is included within this category ? For example , at most universi -
ties, if student samples are used , then the experiences of predomi -
:
nantly White and middle-class women are likely to be taken for the
experiences of all women. This practice should be avoided.
I
2. What role does inequality play ? Due to historical and institutional
forces, some social groups have more power than others, and these
power differences can shape behavior and experiences. We will
l
address this more in Chapter 2 .
3. Where are the similarities? Even if people are from different social
groups , they may have shared experiences or concerns. For exam -
ple , people of diverse social identities may all be concerned with
violence in their community, although their concerns may express
themselves in different ways .
Table 1.2 shows how these questions can inform each stage of the
research process.
TABLE 1.2 Questions to Encourage Intersectionality throughout the Research Process
Question
Who is included What role does Where are the

; within this category? inequality play? similarities?
Attends to diversity within social Background research and theory May be exploratory rather than
Research question categories. generation attends to social and explicitly focusing on similarities.
historical contexts of inequality.
Focuses on underrepresented Social categories mark groups Diverse groups connected by
Participant recruitment groups. with unequal access to power similar relationships to social and
and resources. institutional power arc included.
Measures used are developed Differences arc conceptualized as Social categories arc understood in
Measurement of variables from the perspective of the
group(s) being studied.
coming from structural inequal -
ities rather than from individual-
terms of both individual and insti -
tutional practices rather than just
level differences. as characteristics of individuals.
Analysis of data
—
Attends to diversity within a
group analyses may occur sepa
rately for each group studied.
No group’s findings arc assumed

-
Statistical tests should explore
both similarities and differences.
Attention is not just placed on
differences.
Differences arc interpreted in the Attention is paid to variations

Interpretation of results to represent a universal experience. context of structural inequalities
. across groups even when similar-
ities arc identified.
I .
Note Adapted from Cole ( 2009 ).
'
In practice, every methodological choice has advantages and limitations. The
goal is to constantly reflect on research decisions in order to minimize bias.
No method can be completely neutral or objective. Therefore, it’s important to
read every psychological study with a degree of caution .
Conclusion
As we conclude this chapter, we hope you’re developing more questions than
answers. You arc now in the process of sharpening your critical thinking skills as
they relate to psychology. This book has drawn on the most up - to -date research
in the psycholog)' of women and gender, but the field is quickly changing. New
approaches arc urgently needed to address many gendered social and psycho-
logical realities. As you continue reading, you might ask yourself how these
theories and studies can help you tackle some of the most complicated and
controversial topics.
Chapter Review
SUMMARY
A Feminist Psychology for Modern The second wave began in the 1960s and
Girls and Women focused on improving women’s day-to-day lives,
Psycholog)' of women is a subficld in including having more equitable access to paid
psychology that focuses on the lives and work and redefining the roles of wife and mother.
experiences of girls and women. It arose The third wave began in the mid-1990s as a
alongside the political and social movements movement to change dominant ideas within
connected to feminism. feminism, including the notion that there is
Feminism is die movement to end sexism, one universal experience of womanhood.
sexist exploitation, and oppression. Some feminist scholars say we’re currently in a
Feminist psychology includes research and retraction between waves; others claim we’re in a
practice that is explicitly informed by feminism. fourth wave characterized by more sophisticated
use of social media to promote activism.
Feminism: Riding the Waves
Historians believe the first wave of feminism The F-Word
began in 1848, and it is most associated with There are many feminist perspectives, including
the movement for women to gain the right liberal, radical, socialist, cultural, women of
to vote. color, queer, and post-colonial/ transnational.
Chapter Review 55
Despite diversity and occasional conflict In the early 20 th century, many women of
within feminist perspectives, all feminisms color faced double discrimination because of
share the goal of ending sexist exploitation their multiple minority status.
and oppression . Psychology of women became an academic field
in the 1960s and the 1970s, corresponding with
I'm Not a Feminist, But . . . a surge in civil rights activism.
il Some people claim we arc living in a post -
In the early 1980s, feminist psychologists
ili
feminist era, characterized by the idea that the
women’s movement has achieved its goals and,
therefore, feminism is no longer needed .
began to critique the scientific method
particularly assumptions that science is
—
progressive and cumulative; that it relies on
Negative stereotypes about feminists contribute objectivity, neutrality, and rationality; and
to some people not identifying with feminism, that it can discover universal truths.
which makes them less active in addressing
social inequities. Understanding Research Methods
! ! The field of psychology relies on the scientific
Who Is a Feminist?
method , and the history of its use to study girls
Although many women endorse some feminist and women has not been bias- free.
beliefs, fewer arc willing to identify as feminists.
The scientific method begins with a theory,
Some women prefer the term womnnist or which leads to a hypothesis, which becomes
mujeristn ( compared to feminist ) because refined through the process of collecting data
it acknowledges racism and other forms of and drawing conclusions based on those data .
discrimination along with sexism .
In a correlational research design , relationships
Some men prefer the term pro feminist, a label between variables are examined. In an
that incorporates feminism but also expresses experiment, the researcher manipulates a variable
an interest in working alongside girls and to investigate whether changes in one variable
women for social change.
cause a change in another variable, providing the
Men who identify as feminists are less likely ability to make causal conclusions.
to use sexist language and are more likely
to recognize social inequities and confront Identifying Sex /Gender Bias in Research
instances of sex bias than men who don’t To minimize bias in research, feminist
identify as feminists. psychologists pay attention to every stage of the
: Women who identify as feminists reap the —
process including researcher and participant
identities, research questions, operationalization
greatest psychological gains and are more likely
than those who don’t identify as feminists to of variables, data analyses, publication of
engage in activism , which promotes social results, and media attention. When people
change. evaluate research , it’s important for them to
consider these factors too.
Feminism Comes to Psychology Feminist researchers are unified through their
Most early research by female psychologists awareness of power dynamics and consideration
aimed to dispute biological determinism . of intcrscctionality.
KEY TERMS
psychology of women ( p. 15 ) oppression ( p. 15 )
feminism ( p. 15 ) empowerment ( p. 17 )
feminist psychology ( p. 15 ) interscctionality ( p. 22 )
n 56 Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women
j
liberal feminism ( p. 24 ) queer feminism ( p. 29 )
structural inequalities ( p. 24 ) heternormativity ( p. 30 )
radical feminism ( p. 25 ) cisgender identity ( p. 30 )
patriarchy ( p. 25 ) transgender ( p. 30 )
androcentric ( p. 25 ) post -colonial / transnational feminism ( p. 30 )
lesbian feminism ( p. 25 ) third world feminism ( p. 31 )
compulsory heterosexuality ( p. 25 ) post -feminism ( p. 32 )
socialist feminism ( p. 25 ) womanist ( p. 34 )
myth of meritocracy ( p. 26 ) mujerista ( p. 34 )
cultural feminism ( p. 27 ) positivism ( p. 42 )
gender essentialism ( p. 27 ) feminist epistemologies ( p. 42 )
women of color feminism ( p. 27 ) LGBTQ ( p. 50 )
ethnocentrism ( p. 29 )
LI I M|/ V60UT IT
1 . What are the limits of and opportunities for 4. In what ways arc current political and
the concept of empowerment ? Does it offer academic climates similar to those experienced
girls and women an opportunity to make by feminist psychologists in the past? In what
change in the world ? ways arc they different?
2 . Think about a current issue facing women 5. Using PsycINFO, find a peer- reviewed
in your community. How would each of the research article that discusses an issue
different feminist theories think about and related to the psychology of girls and
address it ? women . Applying the three questions of
3. Imagine you’re having a conversation with a interscctionality, in what ways does the
friend who isn’t familiar with feminism. How article address intersectionalitv? If it doesn’t,
would you explain feminism to that person ? how could it be improved to better address
Given the research on feminist identification, interscctionality ?
what is the value in identifying as a feminist ?
ONLINE RESOURCES
—
AMENA- Psy resources provided by the
American Arab, Middle Eastern , and North
—
Feministing an online community of
feminist activists and bloggers by and for young
African Psychological Association, with feminists: fcministing.com
; attention toward interscctionality and post -
colonial psychology: amenapsy.org
—
Psychology’s Feminist Voices firsthand
accounts of feminist psychologists who were
Feminist.com
feminist .com
—activist resources: instrumental in creating and sustaining feminist
psychology: feministvoices.com
Chapter Review 57
t
a
AT SIX YEARS OF AGE, Sophie Cruz appeared small, but her voice was gigantic when
she addressed the 500,000-plus people who gathered for the Women's March in
Washington, D.C., in January 2017. In both Spanish and English, she called on people
i
to "fight with love, faith and courage so that our families will not be destroyed" ( Blay,
2017, para. 3). Sophie spoke about the urgency of immigration reform, one of the
:
many social issues elevated at the Women's March. Along with 2.6 million people
.
worldwide Sophie showed up to demand recognition for a series of principles uniting
women that were outlined on the march's official website ( Rogers, 2016). These prin-
.
ciples included ending violence and advocating for reproductive freedoms LGBTQIA
rights, rights, civil rights, disability rights, women’s rights, immigrant rights,
workers'
and environmental justice ( "Our mission," n.d.). Sophie was the youngest speaker
that day, showing that involvement in feminist activism can occur at any age.
For some, this march was a great success — a resurgence of feminist activism. The
New York Times reported that it was the largest single-day demonstration in U.S.
history (Chenoweth & Pressman, 2017). Many sister marches took place on the same
day, with at least 261 solidarity marches occurring outside of the United States,
from Antarctica to Zimbabwe. The momentum was undeniable, but critics raised
concerns about the march's inclusivity and messaging (Tolentino, 2017). Since these
criticisms started at the origin of the march, it is helpful to understand its evolution.
The Women 's March started as a grassroots initiative when Teresa Shook, a
retired attorney and grandmother, created a Facebook event suggesting that
Sophie Cruz was the youngest

person to address the
500,000 - plus people who
gathered for the Women' s
.
March in Washington D C ., in
January 2017.
59
friends rally in Washington, D.C., against what she saw as the biased and in-
flammatory rhetoric that occurred during the 2016 U .S. presidential campaign.
Her message went viral, and overnight more than 10.000 people agreed to at-
tend. Shook wanted to call the event a Million Woman March, a name originally
claimed by a famous Black women's unity march held in Philadelphia in 1997.
As interest in Shook's event grew, however, contentious conversations began
(Stockman, 2017 ). Author Mariella Mosthof ( 2017 ) reported that many women of
11 ! color felt White women's use of this name was inappropriate and an example of
appropriation, especially given the concern that the rally would primarily focus
on issues that affected White women. This concern was related to the fact that
Ir
:\ the march' s initial leadership consisted of White women ( Desmond -Harris 2017;.
Ramanathan, 2017). Racial tensions especially flared up on social media when
some White women became defensive and angry after being " asked to check
their privilege" ( Stockman, 2017, para. 15 ). Eventually, the name was changed to
|5 the Women’s March, and the planning became more sophisticated when three
experienced and well- respected female community leaders of color Tamika —
Mallory, Carmen Perez, and Linda Sarsour — joined as co- chairs.
Others were angered by the predominant use of genitalia imagery (Goins-Phillips,
2017). On the day of the march, many participants wore pink "pussy" hats. While this
seemed fun and empowering to some of the participants, the use of genitalia as a
political symbol seemed exclusionary to other participants, especially to transgender
women. Some also felt that emphasizing women's genitalia to symbolize women's
rights was objectifying rather than a symbol of empowerment (Perlmutter, 2017).
Figuring out the best way to mobilize women in order to combat oppression is
challenging and complex. Much of the complexity is due to the fact that sources
of inequality are not simply based on gender; they' re also based on race, so-
.
cioeconomic status, religion, age and a multitude of other variables. Without
paying careful attention to how systems of power and oppression work, there is
a problematic tendency to replicate exclusionary and oppressive practices. The
organizers of the march wanted to make clear that " women's rights" meant those
of all girls and women of all backgrounds. This was an important goal, but it led
to conflict when the effort to balance the interests and needs of many diverse
women became a source of tension among would-be participants.
Conflict like this is an inevitable part of organizing women from a variety of
backgrounds with different levels of power and representation. Yet anti-feminist
critics used the within-group conflict as evidence that the march lacked a unified
. .
I
or justifiable message (Christie, 2017; Dalmia 2017; May, 2017; Van Laar 2017).
60 Chapter 2 Power and Privilege

In particular, critics felt that a focus on so many principles spread feminism too thin,
making it politically useless. Brittany Cooper, a professor of Women's & Gender
.
Studies and Africana Studies, disagreed. She said "When we organize under the
banner of shared womanhood, acknowledging all these moving parts makes our
collective work not weaker but stronger" (Desmond-Harris, 2017, para. 49).
Anti- feminist critics also wondered why women were marching at all. They
felt that the rally promoted a false sense of victimhood on the part of women
who were looking for a reason to be angry (Christie, 2017). From the critics' per -
.
spective it was inappropriate for women participating in the march to claim dis-
enfranchisement because, as the critics saw it, the only thing that would stop a
woman from achieving empowerment is her own inabilities. As we discussed in
.
Chapter 1 this position is consistent with post-feminism ideas.
The conflicts surrounding the march demonstrate some of the critical issues
facing contemporary feminism. Many dynamics are involved, as well as dozens of
urgent social concerns. In 1984, the feminist writer and activist Audre Lorde said,
"There is no such thing as a single-issue struggle because we do not live single-
issue lives" ( Lorde, 2007, p. 138). As a result, figuring out how to be inclusive and
attentive to many different issues, while staying unified enough to actually get
something done, continues to be one of the most pressing challenges for feminists.
In this chapter, we’ll explore what it means to say that some people have more
power than others. First, we’ll examine women's varied social identities and how
they're connected to larger social systems that give some women more access to
.
power than other women — and in general, give men more power than women. We'll
also explore how these power dynamics are often difficult to see. We'll then consider
how certain stereotypical assumptions contribute to maintaining power dynamics
among groups of people. Finally, we’ll explore how power relates to sexism and how
sexism is sometimes so subtle that it blends into normal parts of daily life.
Not Just a Woman

What are women's varied social characteristics, how do they influence an
individual woman's experience, and how do they connect to the matrix of
domination?
A woman is not just a woman. Her identity also includes a race/ethnicity, social
class, sexual orientation, religion , nationality, and age as well as a variety of other
Not Just a Woman 61

characteristics. These categories form a social identity, a person’s sense of self,
which is based on that individual’s affiliations with different social groups (Tajfel
& Turner, 1979 ) . As individuals, our social identity is deeply personal because it
ultimately determines how we experience and express ourselves ( Shields, 2008 ).
At the same time, our social identity is connected to other people . For example,
we derive positive feelings of self-worth and belonging when a member of our
group succeeds, and we worry that poor behavior on the part of a fellow group
member might reflect poorly on us ( Cohen & Garcia , 2005; Sellers, Rowley,
Chavous, Shelton, & Smith, 1997). Additionally, how we perceive ourselves
—
and how others perceive us isn’t necessarily fixed it can vary across time and
from situation to situation . For example , Evelyn Alsultany, director of Arab and
\ Muslim American Studies at the University of Michigan , reports that she is per-
ceived to be Latinx in some U.S. contexts, Arab in some other places, and not
adequately Arab, Latinx, or American in other places ( Alsultany, 2002 ).
r
Social Identity
One way to think about social identity is through a model developed by psychol -
ogist Pamela Hayes ( 2001 ) called the ADDRESSING model (sec Table 2.1 ).
She oudined 10 social characteristic variables with initial letters that spell the
TABLE 2.1 The ADDRESSING Model for Exploring Social Identity with Examples from the
United States
Social Characteristic Power Less Power

Age Adults Children , adolescents, ciders
Developmental disability Neurotypical individuals Ncurodivcrgcnt individuals
Disability status (acquired) People without a disability People with acquired physical / cognitive/
psychological disability
Religion Christians Jews, Muslims, atheists, other non -Christians
Ethnicity European Americans People of color
Social class Middle-class and educated people Poor and working- class people
Sexual orientation Heterosexual people People with sexual minority identities
Indigenous background Non - native people Native peoples
National origin U.S.-born people Immigrants and refugees
Gender Men Female, transgendcr, non - binary, and
intersex people
.
Note Content adapted from Hayes (2001 ).

word addressing, and noted that these characteristics arc linked to power. This
situation reflects social stratification, or the idea that people are ranked in a hier-
archy such that some people and groups have more power and status than oth-
-
ers. In contemporary society, being White, male, able bodied , heterosexual, well
educated, and middle-aged are all social categories that arc deemed powerful.
In Chapter 1, we discussed interscctionality, a concept that describes the
ways in which different types of oppression ( e.g., racism , classism, homophobia,
transphobia , ableism , sexism ) are interconnected and cannot be examined as
separate entities ( Crenshaw, 1993 ) . When an intersectional framework is applied
to social identity, it’s best to think of the social characteristics outlined in the
ADDRESSING model as a cake, rather than as a beaded
necklace ( Bowleg, 2013; Ferbcr &: O’Reilly Herrera, 2013;
Ken, 2010; Spelman , 1990 ). In the beaded necklace analogy,
individual social characteristics ( e.g., race, gender, religion )
your turn
are seen as different -colored beads strung together to make
Using the characteristics in the ADDRESS-
up a single piece of jewelry ( Spelman, 1990 ). This analogy
ING model, how do you understand
is problematic because any bead can be removed or added as
your social identity? In what ways do
a separate entity without changing the substance of another these characteristics inform one another
bead ( Fcrber & O’Reilly Herrera , 2013 ). In the cake anal - to make your social identity unique? On
ogy, each social characteristic is seen as an ingredient in a which characteristics do you have power,
cake ( Ken , 2010 ). For example, gender could be sugar, and and on which do you have less power?
religion could be eggs. Once the cake is baked , the result is Which of these characteristics do you
something fundamentally different from any and all of its routinely think of as part of your identity,
ingredients ( Bowleg, 2013 ) . Each ingredient changes form and which ones are not typically included
and interacts with the others during the process of baking, in how you define yourself?
with the result that, say, the sugar can no longer be separated
from the eggs. The whole is greater than the sum of the
parts, but the parts also change in relation to one another. In this way, the cake
analogy is a better depiction of social identity. It’s not truly possible to study
gender in isolation because it’s only one part of the overall cake ( Ken, 2010 ).
Research provides support for the notion that individuals perceive inextri-
cable links among their various social characteristics ( Chun, Lipsitz, & Shin,
2013; Harnois, 2015; Juan , Syed, & Azmitia, 2016 ). For example, in one study
of 89 Black women , all participants rated the combination of a Black-woman
identity as more important than a singular identity of race ( Black ) or gender
( woman; Settles, 2006 ). Therefore, for these participants, race and gender
couldn’t be separated , resulting in a unique racialized gendered identity. In
another study, researchers found that across three biracial subgroups of women
and men ( Latinx-White, Asian -White, and Black -White ), socioeconomic status,
religion , and gender determined how participants defined their racial identity
( Davenport, 2016 ). For example, those who were upper class and had a Jewish
religious affiliation were likely to identify as White, whereas those affiliated
with religions that are usually associated with racial minorities were likely to
Not Just a Woman 63

!
i claim a minority identification. Women , however, were more likely to identify

as multiracial than were their male counterparts. Overall, then, how people
see themselves on one dimension ( e.g ., race ) may be affected by their status on
another ( e.g., class, religion , gender ) .
Our different identity characteristics can also influence how others sec us. In a
:
I study conducted in the United Kingdom , researchers found that South Asian
i
Muslim women were less likely to receive employment than their similarly cre-
dentialed White Christian female counterparts ( Tariq 6c Syed , 2017 ). This find -
: '
ing suggests that the combination of race, religion , and gender influenced and
i
;
—
changed another social characteristic class ( because class is connected to social
mobility and income, which are affected by employment status ). Class inter-
i
11
sected with other social characteristics in another study comparing working-class
; i;
;
i
and upper- middle - class Chinese immigrant women ( Zhou , 2000 ) . After immi-
!
i
grating to the United States, participants reported a shift in gender roles within
die family, but this outcome was based on class. Upper- middle - class participants
!
experienced a decline in their power to make financial decisions for the fam -
\ »
!
ily, and working - class participants reported increased power because they had
1
begun to financially contribute to their families.
The various aspects of women’s social identities arc intertwined and com -
plex. No two women’s experiences are the same because access to power var-
ies. According to an intersectional perspective, it’s not enough to examine bias
based on sex/gender without also considering the ways other forms of oppres-
sion contribute to any given situation ( Cole, 2009; Gunnarsson , 2017 ). The
idea that each system of bias ( e.g., racism , homophobia, sexism ) interconnects
with and stems from the same system of social stratification is known as the
matrix of domination ( Collins, 1990 ) . From this perspective, it’s impossible to
eradicate sexism without also ending other interconnecting oppressions ( e.g.,
racism, classism ). Therefore, many feminist scholars argue that developing the
—
capacity to work together even with tensions and conflicts like those experi -
—
enced during the planning of die Women’s March is the best approach for
undoing the overall structure of oppressive forces.
Power Hierarchies
;
What are the mechanisms by which those with a dominant status maintain
their power, and why is this often difficult to see?
As discussed in Chapter 1, there is a widely held perception that merit often

accounts for why some people have more than others. However, life’s playing
. i
field isn t level , and some people have advantages simply because of aspects ot
i
their identity. Privilege is a term that describes the social, economic, and /or
;
political advantages that people enjoy simply because they’re part of a certain
i

:
ii
TABLE 2.2 Characteristics Associated with Members of
Dominant and Subordinate Groups
Dominant Group Subordinate Group
Have access to power and resources Have reduced access to power and resources
Are perceived as less than or deviant from

Establish norms and standards
dominant norms and standards
Have limited awareness of or knowledge about Have increased awareness of and knowledge
subordinate groups about dominant groups
Arc believed to be competent and credible

given the benefit of the doubt
— —
Are viewed suspiciously not given the benefit
of the doubt
Have their truth and experiences dismissed
Create “ truth ” or “ reality”
and /or invalidated
Are seen as individuals Are seen as representing a group
Have a sense of belonging Feel invisible or hyper -visible
Note. Content adapted from Goodman ( 2011 ).
group, rather than because of anything they did or failed to do ( Johnson , 2006;
—
McIntosh , 1989 ) . Privilege results in tangible benefits such as increased secu -
rity and money for housing, food , health care, and education which almost —
always results in greater power ( Case, 2013 ). Table 2.2 shows key characteristics
associated with people who have either more privilege or less that is, who are
members of either dominant or subordinate groups.
—
Unearned Entitlements Privilege gives people unearned entitlements, or
things of value that ideally should be provided to everyone but aren’t ( Johnson,
2006; McIntosh , 1989 ). Let’s consider high school sports events. Boys’ teams
tend to have more fanfare and publicity than girl’s teams. Girls’ sporting events
arc less likely to have halftime performances, cheerleaders, or a stadium hill
of spectators ( Dusenbery & Lee, 2012 ). Also, teams from wealthy school dis-
tricts generally have more access to nicely fitting uniforms and transportation to
games. In fact, even the ability to have a high school sports team is more likely in
wealthier districts ( Wong, 2015 ). In other words, some athletes enjoy additional
perks simply because they live in a wealthy school district ( mostly likely indi-
cating that they were born into an upper-class or upper- middle-class family ) or
because they play on male sports teams. In this sense, the perks are an unearned
entitlement because they aren’t necessarily based on performance.
Another aspect of an unearned entitlement is that the characteristics of priv-
ileged groups are considered normal ( or the default ), and all others are com -
pared to that group. For example, being male is considered the norm, and
Not Just a Woman 65

_
I
many institutions arc organized around a male
standard . As one feminist scholar pointed out,
'
V
“ Men’s physiology defines most sports, their
health needs define insurance coverage, their
® % social needs define biographies, workplace pat-
terns and career expectations . . . their image
defines god , and their genitals define sex ”
m .u ( MacKinnon, 1989, p. 224 ). The same dynamic
7 occurs with Whiteness. For example, as we’ll
4 discuss in Chapter 6, White beauty is considered
the norm , and women are held to that standard,
even when reaching it is impossible. When
celebrities of color arc featured in beauty mag-
azines, they’re often “ whitewashed ” or “ angli -
~ cized ” ( Kite, 2012 ). And in theatrical contexts,
ln 016, controversy erupted when an all-White
^
team of directors and producers cast Zoe Saldana
lighter-skinned actresses are often given the
( left ) to play Nina Simone ( right ) in the biopic about parts of darker-skinned characters, although the
the singer. Although Saldana identifies as Black, reverse is rarely true . For example, the singer/
some critics claimed that Saldana s features are
' songwriter Nina Simone was a dark -skinned
much whiter and more anglicized than Simone s, ’ Black woman who often spoke out about
and that Simone wasj> eing white-washed. how she was mistreated due to her skin tone.
However, when a movie was made about her
life ( Nina, 2016 ), an all -White team of direc-
—
tors and producers cast Zoe Saldana a light -
—
skinned actress with more typically European features in the title role.
The idea that White is normative is also evident in what’s considered an appro-
priate hairstyle. For example, companies such as Air France, Six Flags, and FedEx
faced and lost lawsuits when they created policies that banned people of color
from wearing their hair natural and /or in dreadlocks ( Afro-Europe, 2012; Battle,
2017; Cukan, 2001; Gandy, 2017; Gearty, 2001; Gordon, 2006; Honey, 2017).
The companies claimed that such hairstyles were not typical or appropriate for the
workplace ( Dossou, 2013 ). In one study, Black women reported more anxiety
surrounding their hair and more pressure than White women to straighten their
hair for work ( Johnson, Godsil, MacFarlane, Tropp, & Goff, 2017 ) . To combat
such discrimination, many career women have posted pictures of their natural
hair to the # naturalisprofessional campaign ( Wells, 2016 ). Feminist scholars have
identified that an unearned entitlement of White people is the ability to wear
eir hair as it grows and to have their hairstyle considered normal , professional,
and appropriate. This is an entitlement that White women rarely think about.
Black women, however, must spend time, money, and effort managing their hair
it they want to more closely match the dominant norm. In fact, market research
indicates that Black female consumers are the highest users of hair-care products,
i
resulting m a $2.7 billion industry in die United States ( Hare, 2016 ).
a
Invisibility As another consequence of dominant groups being considered
normative, individuals with multiple marginalized social characteristics are
often invisible ( Purdie -Vaughns & Eiback, 2008 ). This is because their identity
isn’t considered prototypical in a particular social category ( Purdie -Vaughns 8c
Eibach, 2008 ) . For example, in the category of race, the prototypical member
is White, and in the category of gender, the prototypical member is male. As
a result, Black women often go unnoticed or unheard because of their non-
prototypical status in regard to race ( Black ) and gender ( female ). This is very
evident in the fact that the contributions ofWhite women are more readily asso-
ciated with second wave feminist activism ( Freedman, 2013 ) and in the fact that
the contributions of Black men during the 1960s civil rights movement tend to
overshadow those of Black women ( hooks, 1989 ) .
The tendency to render non - prototypical people less visible has been tested
empirically. In one study, researchers provided White college students with a
memory task and found that the participants were less likely to remember pho-
tos of Black women than those of White women or Black men (Sesko 8c Biernat,
2010 ) . The same participants were also less likely to recall statements made
by Black women than those made by White women or Black men. In another
study, participants read about a pair of employees assigned to work together at
a task in which they either succeeded or failed ( Biernat 8c Sesko, 2013 ) . Partici -
pants were then asked to rate the competence and deserved salary of each of the
employees. Researchers found a pro- male bias in the White male-White female
work pair, but not in the White male-Black female pair or the Black male-Black
female pair. The researchers speculated diat the Black women were buffered
from the effects of gender bias by virtue of their non - prototypicality, or invisibil-
ity. These findings support the idea that both White women and Black men have
the privilege of being seen as prototypical members of their groups ( women and
Black people, respectively ), and that they are more likely than Black women to
be noticed and remembered .
Conferred Dominance A second component of privilege is conferred domi -

nance, in which one group ( e.g., men ) is socially assumed to have more authority
or power over another group ( e.g., women; Johnson, 2006 ). There are many
ways in which men are considered more dominant and, therefore, more capable
than women. One way this assumption plays out is in the expectation that men
are more effective leaders than women or that men should be in charge and
women should follow ( Eagly 8c Sczesny, 2009; Ryan, Haslam, 8c Postmes, 2007;
Schlehofer, Casad , Bligh, 8c Grotto, 2011 ). Another example occurs among
people with disabilities, who are often treated as if they are much younger than
their actual age or not capable because of their disability ( Johnson, 2006 ). For
example, in the 1988 Winter Paralympic Games, Diana Golden Brosnihan won
a gold medal skiing on one leg with regular ski poles. Although she wanted
to be admired for her athleticism and skill, in media reports her capacity to
Not Just a Woman 67

:
“overcome” her disability became the sole focus of her success ( Litsky, 2001;
Lorber & Moore, 2007 ).
i Why don’t people regularly challenge such expressions of privilege ? This
t!
is because most people adhere to legitimizing myths ( Chen & Tyler, 2001 ).
These are attitudes, values, or beliefs that exist to justify social hierarchies.
11
—
Many people tend to believe that certain things are “ just true ” for example,
that men are natural leaders and that women are naturally better at doing care
1 work ( Koenig, Eagly, Mitchell, 8c Ristikari, 2011 ) . Many legitimizing myths
ii
i —
about gender are based on assumptions about gender differences a topic we’ll
explore in Chapter 3. Other legitimizing myths may involve race, class, or ability
status. For example, some people believe that individuals with disabilities are
i *, i less competent than those without disabilities or that people who speak English
i
as a first language will be better representatives of an organization than those
for whom English is not their first language ( Cichy, Li , McMahon, 8c Rumrill,
! 2015; Lee 8c Rice, 2007 ).
i
r
The Invisibility of Privilege
!
Why is it often difficult to notice privilege, what does it mean to check your
privilege, and how can having a subordinate status positively influence
someone?
You may have heard the phrase “check your privilege,” but you may not be
entirely sure what that means or how you’re supposed to do that. As was evident
during the Women’s March, there’s often a lot of confusion about privilege,
who has it, and how it works. It’s also difficult to see when we have privilege.
Indeed, privilege is often invisible to those experiencing it, even among people
who are socially conscious and trying to address inequality ( McIntosh , 1989;
Wildman, 1996 ) . This might have been the case for the White women who
responded angrily and defensively in discussions about White privilege during
the planning of the Women’s March. White people probably don’t spend a great
deal of time contemplating their Whiteness and what it means to their position
in society. Likewise, heterosexual people probably don’t spend much time won -
dering if they’re heterosexual and why diey are, or wondering when or if they
should come out as heterosexual to friends or family. In the same vein , a Chris-
tian student probably wouldn’t notice that classes are cancelled for Christmas
—
but not for Yom Kippur but a Jewish student probably would.
Because most people have both subordinate and dominant identity charac-
teristics, people can be in one or more privileged groups but still not think they
have a great deal of status or power overall ( Wise & Case, 2013 ) . For example,
if a White man is poor, not well educated , and under-employed, he may think
f:

he doesn’t have much power or status in society. In this case, the social class
dimension may be more noticeable to him than the race or gender dimensions.
He still benefits from a great number of privileges associated with being White
and male. For example, this man would probably be perceived as more compe-
tent than a similarly educated woman, especially within a masculinized setting
like a blue -collar job ( Eagly & Carli, 2003 ) . He would also be less likely than
a man of color in his social class to be pulled over by police or harassed while
shopping ( Brunson, 2007 ).
However, it can be difficult to notice the rewards associated with being in a
dominant group because people generally don’t notice when things are not hap-
pening to them. For example, the man described above may feel angry and put
upon, especially when listening to upper-class people of color speaking about
race or upper-class women speaking about feminism . In fact, he may resent peo-
ple telling him that he’s privileged because he’s a White man, because he cer-
tainly does not feel privileged. The privileges he does have are invisible to him,
and when people point them out, he may feel that he’s being criticized. This is
a major barrier for creating positive change because, rather than directing anger
at the power structure that causes his feeling of subordination, he may engage in
scapegoating . In other words, he may blame a person or a group for things that
are not their fault. Even though his resentment may be directed toward women
or ethnic minority individuals, the real source of his perceived low social status
is the social stratification that makes his social class subordinate.
Individuals who have multiple social characteristics that are low in privi-
lege face many challenges. However, there is evidence that they also develop
unique perspectives ( Fiske, 2010 a ). In a study that explored altruism among
Black adults in an urban , economically distressed housing community, partic-
ipants reported a heightened sense of responsibility toward their fellow com -
munity members ( Mattis et al ., 2008 ). Those with slightly more resources
shared food , clothing, housing, or child care because they empathized with
the challenges of others less well -off than them. In interviews with three
Afro- Peruvian female leaders participating in the World Conference against
Racism held in Durban , South Africa, in 2001, sociologist Sylvanna Falcon
( 2008 ) discovered that their approach to political action was unique because
of their capacity to encompass race, gender, and nationality in their world -
view. In other words, their multiple marginalized identities gave them unique
insights and interpersonal skills to navigate between and among different
social identity groups.
What might you discover if you “checked your privilege” ? Recognizing privi-
lege can be difficult, but feminists and other activists recommend that everyone
consider their own privileged identities when thinking about tlje challenge of
eradicating oppressive systems, including sexism. We’ll return to these ideas in
Chapter 14.
Not Just a Woman 69

;
• I
Stereotypes, Power, and
:
; !
;|
Subordination
;
! What are common gender stereotypes, and how do they vary based on
women's other social characteristics?
fii
The counter to privilege is subordination , and much like privilege, experiences
« of subordination are often difficult to notice. Sexism, or a bias based on the
i
belief that men are superior to women, looks different today than it did in the
past. In Chapter 1, we discussed the fact that sexism has changed forms over
time and is now more difficult to see. This is one reason why many people think
w we live in a post-feminist era where the women’s movement has achieved its
goals and , therefore, feminism is no longer needed . But sexism still permeates
all societies worldwide. It has been said that a fish doesn’t know it’s swimming
in water. We can think of sexism as water, and all of us as fish . We don’t notice
—
sexism because it’s all around us we’re swimming in it!
Sexism begins with stereotypes. A stereotype is a set of beliefs about the
characteristics of a particular group that are generalized to all members of that
group ( Judd & Park, 1993 ). Since nothing can ever be true of all group mem -
bers, stereotypes are inherently problematic, and they influence not only what
we expect from people but also how we interact with them . Some stereotypes
are based on gender roles, or the behaviors within a culture that are generally
considered acceptable or desirable for a person based on that individual’s actual
or perceived gender. Feminist psychologists consider rigid gender role beliefs to
be a source of control over girls and women because of the ways in which people
are socialized to adhere to stereotypes.
Gender stereotype research has often focused on two major dimensions:
communion and agency ( Bakan, 1966; Fiske, Cuddy, Glick, & Xu , 2002 ). In
—
the past, men were likely to be considered agentic that is, assertive, domi-
nant, competitive, and acting to get things done ( Newport, 2001 ). In contrast,
—
women were likely to be considered communal that is, warm, friendly, con-
cerned with others, and emotionally expressive. These traits were considered
fundamental to what it meant to be a woman and a man . For example, when
study participants were asked to list traits associated with the terms feminine and
masculine, the vast majority of responses fell on the communal/agentic dimen -
sion ( Deaux & Lewis, 1984). But these stereotypes don’t strictly reflect today’s
II reality. Other research has shown that women and men are equally assertive and
:
agentic (Twenge, 1997, 2001; Twenge, Campbell, & Gentile, 2012 ). However,
the association of men with agentic traits and women with communal traits
continues to this day (Abele, & Wojciszke, 2014; Conway & Vartanian, 2000 ).
Traditionally, communal or feminine traits are considered “ nice,” but
they don’t confer power or status. Being seen as nice but incompetent is

characteristic of other lower-status groups. For example, people over age 65
or people with disabilities are often seen as “ nice” and “sweet,” but they’re
considered less competent than younger or able - bodied and neurotypical peo -
ple ( Fiske , 2010 b ). In contrast, traditionally agentic or masculine traits confer
a sense of competence and power. In fact, participants in
one study described low-status people as having commu -
nal traits and high -status people as having agcntic traits
( Conway & Vartanian, 2000 ) . Some scholars believe that
try it for yourself
boys are socialized to take on characteristics associated with
masculinity ( c.g., strength, ambition, restricted emotion, Describe a typical woman on a piece of
paper. Now flip it over and describe a
aggression ) because these characteristics convey power and
typical man. What characteristics did
status, which ultimately maintain patriarchy ( Levant &
you list for each? Do they fall on the
Richmond , 2016 ). dimensions of agency and communality?
Although , in general , women arc stereotyped as commu - Would you classify your attributions as
nal, there are within-group differences. In one study that positive or negative? What characteristics
examined the intersection of class and gender, primarily would you assign to yourself? Does your
White midwestern college students described poor women self-description look more like the one
in ways that matched both masculine ( c.g., hardworking, you gave for one of the "typical" groups?
responsible ) and feminine ( e.g., friendly, loving, family- If so, how? If not, why not? This activity
oriented ) stereotypes ( Cozzarelli , Tagler, & Wilkinson, assumes a gender binary. How does that
2002 ). A similar finding emerged for lesbian women, assumption limit how we think about
people and their characteristics?
who were stereotyped by undergraduate German students
as having more masculine attributes than heterosexual
women ( Nicdlich & Steffens, 2015 ). In contrast, transgen -
der women were stereotyped by a sample of primarily White American univer-
sity students as being communal and having a high degree of attentiveness to
feminine appearance ( c .g., wearing makeup and wigs; Gazzola & Morrison,
2014 ). In this regard, they were seen as stcreotypically feminine in similar ways
to cisgender women.
Racialized Sexist Stereotypes

What are some specific ways in which gender stereotypes can be impacted
by racism?
Gender stereotypes can also be influenced by racial/ethnic identity. In one

study, researchers asked primarily White college students to assess the commu-
nal and agentic characteristics of 20 people who were described differently in
terms of gender ( female, male ), race ( Black, White ), and age ( adolescent, young
adult, middle-aged, young-old, and old-old; Andreoletti, Leszczynski & Disch,
2015 ). Responses showed that while gender stereotypes about agency and com-
munion generally held up across the life span, they were more applicable to
Stereotypes. Power, and Subordination 71

White people than Black people. In particular, Black women were less likely to
be perceived in traditional gender-stereotypic ways across the life span .
In another study, researchers asked American undergraduate students to gen-
erate attributes of different groupings of people based solely on race/ethnicity
or gender (e.g., Asian Americans, Black Americans, Latinx Americans, Middle
Eastern Americans, or White Americans; men or women ), or by groupings
based on race/ethnicity- by- gender pairings ( e.g., Black men or Latinx women;
Ghavami 8c Peplau, 2013 ). As shown in Table 2.3, the researchers found many
stereotypes that differed by bodi race /ethnicity and gender as well as by the
interaction of the two. In the race/ethnicity- by-gender condition, participants
generated different and unique attributes that weren’t generated when students
worked with groupings focusing on only race or gender. For example, Middle
Eastern women were described as family oriented, quiet, and housewives, but
these attributes weren’t offered when participants were asked
about Middle Eastern people in general or Middle Eastern
men . Attributes associated with ethnic groups when no gen -
der was specified were more similar to those given for men
than for women in each group. Also, when participants were
asked to list attributes of women and men with no race /eth -
3
' nicity specified , their descriptions were most similar to those
-
v'
provided for White women and White men as compared
to ethnic minority women and ethnic minority men. Black
II u
women in particular, who were described as “ loud, assertive,
!
and having an attitude,” were found to share few attributes
\v
1
\n
• *»
with White women ( p. 118 ).
>1
1 5c f The prominent stereotype of die strong Black woman
\
•
Vvs - . K
(SBW) combines two central and overlapping concepts:
f V
caregiving ( feminine ) and strength ( masculine; Donovan &
West, 2015). This stereotype perpetuates the idea that Black
women are tough , naturally strong, self-sacrificing, and com -
i i
:
munal (Collins, 2004; Wallace, 1990 ). In her description of the
bBW stereotype, writer Tamara Winfrey Harris said , “We are
the mothers who make a way out of no way. On TV, we are die
; inspired by a speech given by Michelle ,
no nonsense police chiefs and judges. We are the First Ladies
1
with the impressive biceps” (Winfrey Harris, 2014, p. 1).
Obama, CaShawn Thompson created i
Histori ans believe that the concept of the strong Black
the hashtag #blackgirlmagic to 1
!
woma n arose as a means to cope with the violence of slavery
i celebrate the resiliency of Black girls , and that it has been passed down intergenerationally, partic-
and women. While many people found i
I
1 | the hashtag empowering, others 1 ularly from mothers to daughters (Thomas & King, 2007 ).
V i were concerned that this effort might
1 When Black women endorse the SBW stereotype, they see it
i i reinforce the strong Black woman , as a positive way to promote pride ( Abrams, Maxwell, Pope,
! stereotype. What do you think?i 8c Belgrave, 2014; Romero, 2000 ). However, this stereo-
type emphasizes self-sacrifice, and in response, Black women

TABLE 2.3 Attributes Associated with Women and Men of Different Racial / Ethnic Groups
Black People Black Men Black Women

Ghctto/ unrcfincd Athletic Have an attitude
Criminals Dark-skinned * Loud
Athletic Loud Big butt*
Loud Quick to anger* Overweight*
Gangsters Tall Confident*
Middle Eastern People Middle Eastern Men Middle Eastern Women
Terrorists Bearded Quiet*
Dark -skinned Dark -skinned Religious
Oppress women Terrorists Covered*
Muslim Sexist Oppressed
Hairy Speak English with accent Conservative
Latinx People Latinx Men Latinx Women
Poor Macho Feisty*
Have many children Poor Curvy*
Illegal immigrants Dark-skinned Loud
Dark -skinned Day laborers Attractive
Uneducated Promiscuous* Good cooks*
White People White Men White Women
High status Rich Arrogant

Rich Tall Blond
Intelligent Intelligent Rich
Arrogant Assertive* Attractive
Privileged Arrogant Small build/petite
Asian American People Asian American Men Asian American Women
Intelligent Intelligent Intelligent

Bad drivers Short Quiet
Good at math Nerdy Short
Nerdy Quiet Bad drivers
Shy Good at math Shy
.
Note. Content drawn from Ghavami & Pcplau ( 2013). Additional attributes arc listed in the source ‘Attributes participants used to
describe only one gender arc designated with an asterisk.
.
Stereotypes Power, and Subordination 73
may de- prioritize self-care and be less willing to ask for help. In fact, endors-
ing the idea of constant resiliency in the face of serious hardship is associated
with negative mental and physical health outcomes. For example, embracing the
SBW stereotype has been related to depression, obesity, and cardiovascular dis-
ease among Black women ( Donovan & West, 2015; Harrington, Crowther, &
Shipherd, 2010; Watson & Hunter, 2015 ). In addition to the SBW stereotype,
there is another, more pejorative stereotype of an angry Black woman, which
depicts Black women as hostile, irrational, and overbearing ( Ashley, 2014 ). This
stereotype can serve to silence Black women who are afraid that if they express
any negative emotion they will be characterized as an angry Black woman and,
consequendy, dismissed.
Other pervasive and influential stereotypes depict female sexuality in heteronor-
I '
—
—
mative and racialized ways. The historical image of die Jezebel a hypersexual,
aggressive, and uncaring Black woman is another stereotype stemming from slav-
ery when White men used it to justify their sexual abuse and rape of Black women
( Brown, White-Johnson, Griffen -Fennell, 2013; Lack, 2015 ). Contemporary
media examples of the Jezebel, like those often depicted in music videos, create a
framework for how some Black girls and women internalize and subsequendy think
about Black female sexuality (Stephens & Phillips, 2003 ). In one study, for exam-
ple, Black women who were primed with a three- minute video clip featuring the
Jezebel stereotype, compared to participants who viewed a neutral clip, were likely
to perceive a Black female job candidate as more sexual and to recommend she seek
employment as a cocktail waitress or exotic dancer ( Givens & Monahan, 2005 ).
—
The frequent representation of Asian women as submis-
sive, sexy, and in need of rescuing stems from die china doll
your turn stereotype. One example is Miss Saigon , a highly successful
HB
B r o a d w a y musical, based on the Vietnam War, which has
been criticized for its gendered racism ( Mok, 1998 ). In a
Think of the images of women of color in
review of its 2017 revival, a theater critic noted that the lead
the media. How do they fit the stereo-
types described here? Do you think other
Asian female character, Kim, has no story line, doesn’t make
representations are starting to show up her own decisions, and is continuously victimized ( Teeman,
as well? If so. what are they? What are 2017). In addition, the colonial constructs of the Native
the implications of having limited images American princess and the squaw have remained influential
of women of color? in contemporary stereotypes of Native American women
( Bird, 1999 ). Both were deemed highly sexual, but the
s
princess was considered exotic and self-sacrificing, while the
squaw was seen as a servant who had sex frequendy and indiscriminately, often
resulting in multiple pregnancies ( Merskin, 2010 ). The tendency to see women
!i of color as sexually promiscuous simultaneously reinforces racism and sexism
and also perpetuates an image of White womanhood that is based on sexual
purity (Stephens & Phillips, 2003). This can be considered an example of how
stereotypes reinforce social stratification by setting different expectations for
women based on their gender and race/ethnicity.
, ii
id
One reason stereotypes of women of color are problematic is that there are
so few positive images of them in popular media ( Rios & Stewart, 2016 ). For
example, Black and Latinx women are often portrayed as criminals or villains
( Rios & Stewart, 2016 ). One privilege of being a member of a dominant group
is having a diverse array of representations of your group present in the media
(Schug, Alt, Lu , Gosin, & Fay, 2017 ). Therefore, even diough White women are
often sexualized and stereotyped in the media, there are many more images of
them, so any one stereotypical or sexualized image carries less weight. Women of
color, women with disabilities, and LGBTQ women are less visible. Because the
few images that exist arc largely negative, people may develop discriminatory atti-
tudes and behaviors based on that limited information ( Rios & Stewart, 2016 ).
How Stereotypes Shape Behavior

How do stereotypes shape behavior in relation to both the self and others?
In addition to influencing how people are likely to view girls and women, gender
stereotypes convey how they should behave. As we’ll discuss in Chapter 5, children
learn rules about gender very quickly, and they can apply rigid stereotypes to both
themselves and others. Although adults are less rigid in their beliefs about gender,
knowledge of gender stereotypes continues to affect the way people view themselves
-
and how they choose to act. This is called self stereotyping. In other words, individ-
uals can act in ways that confirm stereotypes because that’s how they think they’re
supposed to act. For example, if a woman believes that it’s more important to be
nice than academically successful, she may attempt to present herself as nice but
not work as hard at presenting herself as intelligent. Alternatively, a man who is
very caring and considerate may choose to present himself in a more dominant or
assertive manner because he has internalized that masculine stereotype.
Of course, die more that people act in ways that confirm gender stereotypes the
more the stereotypes continue. This reflects a circular process in which social expec-
tations influence die performance of gender, which in turn influences social inter-
actions. This is known as doinggender (West & Zimmerman, 1987). There is also
tremendous pressure to adhere to traditional stereotypes. Many people notice and
react when stereotypes are violated. When individuals violate gender stereotypes, they
often experience some degree of social and economic penalties, known as backlash
effects ( Rudman, 1998; Rudman & Fairchild, 2004). For example, as we’ll discuss in
Chapter 10, when women in leadership positions act in traditionally masculine ways,
they’re more likely than other female leaders to be criticized and seen as unlikeable
( Eagly & Carli, 2007). For this reason, stereotypes are quite resistant to change.
Despite considerable advancement for women in all domains of public life, many peo-
ple continue to hold the same beliefs about strong stereotypical differences between
women and men that they did in the 1980s ( Haines, Deaux, 8c LoFaro, 2016).
.
Stereotypes Power, and Subordination 75
I
'
Sexism
What types of discrimination do women commonly experience, and why
can it be challenging to know when this has happened?
Whereas stereotypes arc beliefs about what members of social groups are like,
prejudice is a negative attitude toward someone because of their actual or per-
ceived membership in a certain social group. Sexism is a form of prejudice.
Typically, when people think of sexism , they come up with examples of overt
sexism, or unequal treatment of women that’s easily identifiable and, therefore,
easily documented. Discrimination is a form of prejudice that occurs when
someone is treated unfairly because of actual or perceived membership in a
:I
social group that is less powerful than the dominant group. For example, not
hiring a woman for a leadership position simply because she’s female would be
an example of sex discrimination. An example of overt sex discrimination would
II involve telling a woman during a job interview that the company doesn’t like
to hire young women because they tend to quit to have babies, and then not
giving her the job. As a result of many anti -discrimination laws, including the
Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Pregnancy Discrimination Act of 1978, these
types of practices arc illegal in the United States.
Modern Sexism and Subtle Discrimination

Rather than overt sexism, it’s now much more likely that girls and women
will experience modern sexism, or gender bias that is communicated in subtle
or indirect ways (Swim, Aikin, Hall, & Hunter, 1995 ). Modern sexism often
leads to more subde discrimination . For example, a woman might not get a job
offer but not actually know that her gender played a role in the hiring decision.
As we’ll discuss in Chapter 10, it’s not always easy to prove discrimination when
this happens. One reason why modern sexism is so hard to notice and, there-
fore, change is that much of it is implicit. Explicit bias is conscious and deliber-
ate. In contrast, implicit bias occurs outside of conscious awareness and can be
unintentionally directed toward specific groups.
Because most people aren’t aware of their implicit biases, psychologists have
devised tests, such as the Implicit Association Test ( IAT ), to assess them . The
IAT records the time it takes for a person to associate certain words or images
\ with other words or images associated with different social groups. For exam-
i! ple, participants might be asked to pair pictures of women and men with words
relating to either career or family. If participants respond more quickly when
i
pairing women with family and men with career ( the stereotypical pairing) than
when pairing women with career and men with family ( the non-stereotypical
paring), that is considered to be evidence of an implicit bias associating women
1
with family and men with careers. Many studies using the
IAT find that well -intentioned people may not know they try it for yourself
have biased associations related to girls and women ( Ebert,
Steffens, & Kroth , 2014; Latu et al., 2011; Mascret &
In 2011, researchers at Harvard Univer-
Cury, 2015; Simon & O’Brien, 2015 ). However, other
sity created the Project Implicit website:
researchers have qualified these findings because results can https://implicit.harvard.edu/implicit/.
be different , especially for first - time users, if a test is taken It offers a free opportunity for anyone
multiple times, and IAT results don’t consistcndy predict to take Implicit Association Tests. Take
discriminatory behavior ( Fiedler, Messner, & Bluemke, a test that is specific to gender (you can
2006; Mitchell & Tctlock, 2017; Rezaei, 2011 ). take others as well). Are you surprised
Because modern sexist attitudes are often implicit, it can by the findings? What are the challenges
be hard to notice them . A central feature of modern sexism in addressing implicit forms of sexism?
is the denial of discrimination ( Ellemers & Barreto, 2009; Is it easier to address the more explicit
Swim & Campbell, 2001 ). That is, if people assume that gen- forms of sexism? Why or why not? What
der equality has been achieved, they’re likely to see any failure approach might you take for each?
of women to succeed as a result of women’s own shortcom-
ings rather than systematic disadvantage (Swim et al., 1995 ).
People who hold modern sexist views arc often resentful of demands for equality;
they see these as coming from women who expect special treatment. As we men -
tioned earlier, some of the criticism directed at participants in the Women’s March
included many of these sentiments. However, denial of discrimination is consid -
ered sexist because it justifies not addressing gender inequalities and maintains the
status quo while also blaming women for their lack of equality and social mobility
( Becker & Swim, 2012; Hayes & Swim , 2013 ).
Modern sexism is viewed as harmful because it prevents social change and
can have negative consequences. Women who experience modern sexism have
been found to report greater anxiety and insecurity than women who don’t
report experiencing modern sexism, and they’re also more likely to engage
in self-defeating behaviors ( Barreto & Ellemers, 2005; Ellemers & Barreto,
2009 ) . Interestingly, some women also engage in denial of personal discrimina -
tion ( Crosby, Iyer, Clayton, & Downing, 2003). They acknowledge that sexism
—
exists, but they feel they don’t personally experience it at least, not often. Psy-
chologists suggest that this may be a form of self- protection because it’s difficult
to accept that one is disadvantaged due to being a woman ( Barreto & Ellemers,
2005; Ruggiero & Taylor, 1997 ). Such denial makes it less likely that women
will engage in collective social action, which in turn maintains the status quo
( Ellemers & Barreto, 2009; Wright, 2001 ).
Microaggressions
Modern sexism and the resulting subtle gender discrimination can be so unob-
trusive that they begin to seem like normal parts of life (Swim & Cohen, 1997 ),
Sexism 77
I
I
I
i
so there is often guesswork involved in deciding whether one is experiencing

it. Let’s consider a male boss telling a female employee, “ You look nice today.”
.
i
*
Does he avoid making the same type of comment to male employees ? He might
ii be paying her a compliment, but he might also be cultivating a work environ -
ment in which female employees, but not male employees, are noticed for their
appearance. Gender microaggressions are brief, everyday acts of sexism , whether
>s
intentional or unintentional, diat demean and insult a person based on that indi -
! vidual’s gender (Sue, 2010 ). These everyday acts are frequently perpetrated by
i
people with good intentions who most likely don’t see themselves as prejudiced
(Sue, 2010; Swim & Cohen, 1997 ), an idea we’ll revisit later in this chapter.
Microagressions are often the result of stereotyping. For example, one study
• \ . showed that Black women at predominantly White institutions experienced gen -
I
dered racial microaggresions based on stereotypes such as those discussed above,
1
. including the Jezebel or the angry Black woman ( Lewis, Mendenhall, Harwood,
I
& Browne Huntt, 2016 ). In anodier study, researchers found diat , compared to
Latinx men, Latinx women experienced more microaggressions that were based
on racialized gender stereotypes ( Nadal, Mazzula, Rivera, & Fujii - Doe, 2014 ).
Other microaggressions reported by women of color include feeling as though
they were sexual objects and being treated as if they were a nanny instead of a
mother ( Nadal et al., 2015 ). Researchers have also found that people with disabil -
ities frequently experienced microaggressions ( Keller & Galgay, 2010 ). They were
often infantilized (i.e., treated as children ), patronized ( c.g., praised for doing
mundane tasks ), and de -sexualized ( e.g., punished for displaying sexual interest ).
Other research shows that microaggressions may appear ambiguous or neu -
tral ( Cortina, Kabat-Farr, Magley, & Nelson, 2017 ). An example is selective
—
incivility the tendency to make rude, condescending, and ostracizing acts that
violate norms of respect toward women and people of color ( Cortina, 2008 ).
Because acts of selective incivility ( c.g., using a condescending tone, ignoring or
interrupting a colleague ) appear neutral, they aren’t identified as sexist or racist
acts ( Cortina et al., 2017). They’re attributed to the personality or carelessness
of an individual instigator rather than seen as indicating a hostile climate. How-
ever, incivility is actually a covert manifestation of bias.
Vi Identifying and Addressing Microaggressions Although the idea of subtle,

unintended slights toward members of socially disempowered groups isn’t new,
this is a relatively new area of research. As a result, there are still inconsistencies in
how microaggressions are operationalized, which make it hard to draw clear con-
« clusions about outcomes and impacts ( Lilienfeld, 2017). When we leave die lab
and look to the real world, then, it’s no surprise that microaggressions are hard to
document and many people don’t notice when they’re taking place. The Every-
day Sexism Project created #everydaysexism in order to more regularly document
and promote awareness of gender microaggressions. With over 250,000 Twitter
followers, there are postings made every day showing women’s experiences with
i

l
microaggressions. For example, one mother posted a picture of a sign in her son’s
classroom that listed all the children’s names under the category of either Gor-
geous Girls or Brilliant Boys. A waitress in her forties posted that while waiting
on a table of businessmen she was referred to as a “good girl” for clearing the
table. A college student explained that she was groped in a bar by a man who later
apologized to her two male friends while simultaneously ignoring her.
Microaggressions can also be difficult to address. For example, if someone
calls a woman “ a girl ” or inappropriately stares at her body, she has to decide
whether it’s better to ignore or confront it. This process can be stressful. First,
she simultaneously has to discern the truth, protect herself from additional
insults, and make a decision about whether to take action ( Cadinu, Maass, Ros-
abianca, & Kiesner, 2005; Salvatore & Shelton, 2007; Sue, 2010 ). For a woman
of color, the process can be more complex because she also
has to take into account negative racialized stereotypes. For
example, one Black woman described how a man at a club
told her to “shake her booty.” She wanted to tell him that your turn
he was being inappropriate but censored herself because she
feared being labeled as an angry Black woman ( Lewis, Men - Have you or anyone you know ever expe-
denhall, Harwood, & Browne Huntt, 2016, p. 769 ). rienced incidents such as the ones we've
Women can have a hard time deciding whether to described ? If so. would you classify the
experience as overt or modern sexism?
directly address microaggressions or if other strategies are
How did you or your friend handle it? Can
more appropriate. Research shows that women are con -
you think of a time when you inadver-
cerned about the consequences associated with responding tently said or did something that you
to microaggressions, and it can be difficult to know what to didn't intend to be offensive, but that
say ( Kahn, 2015; Sue & Capodilupo, 2008 ) . For example, was perceived as offensive? If so. how
in one study, researchers found that Black women used a did you handle that situation? Would you
variety of strategics to deal with microaggressions based on handle a similar incident the same way in
their power in the situation ( Lewis et al., 2016 ). If the per- the future? Why or why not?
petrator was a boss or professor, participants reported with-
drawing in order to be self- protective. They deliberately did
not address the incident because the power difference made it likely that they
couldn’t safely predict the outcome of the situation.
However, when microaggressions go unaddressed, there can be psycholog-
ical costs, including decreased self-esteem and increased anger and frustration
(Sue, 2010 ). In one study, researchers found that Asian American women who
were exposed to microaggressions reported more negative mental and physical
outcomes than their male counterparts who were more likely to be affected
when they were exposed to more overt forms of discrimination ( Hahm, Ozo-
noff, Gaumond, & Sue, 2010 ). This finding suggests that microaggresions
motivated by both racism and sexism are likely to be particularly problematic
because the person being targeted has to do additional work to determine if the
attack is motivated by race, gender, or some combination of both. We’ll return
to this topic in Chapter 13.
Sexism 79
I
: I
•
Ambivalent Sexism: Hostility and Benevolence

What are hostile and benevolent sexism, and how do they work together to
maintain gender hierarchies?
Another reason that it’s often hard to see sexism is that it can be cloaked in a
!
IIi positive context. As we’ve discussed , stereotypes can include both positive and
negative components, and the positive aspects can cloak die negative ones. For
1 example, people don’t usually go around saying, “ I hate women . They’re horri -
ble.” In fact, many sexist beliefs arise from the assumption that women ( at least
women who conform to traditional gender roles ) are wonderful, virtuous, and
warm . Ambivalent sexism is a term that describes die ways in which contemporary
sexism includes two related but complementary components: hostility and benev-
olence ( Glick & Fiske, 1997 ). Hostile sexism consists of negative and derogatory
beliefs about girls and women . Examples of hostile sexist beliefs arc that women
are incompetent, unintelligent, or sexually manipulative. In contrast , benevolent
sexism takes a positive spin, suggesting that girls and women should be treated
differently than men because they are special and worthy of being cherished and
in need of protection. Examples of benevolent sexist beliefs are that women arc
pure, maternal, or intuitive. One can say that benevolent sexism puts women on
a pedestal and hostile sexism puts women in die gutter ( Begun & Walls, 2015 ).
Hostile and benevolent sexism work together to create sexist environments
( Glick & Fiske, 1997; Wood & Eagly, 2010 ) . Hostile sexism operates by punish -
ing women for challenging traditional gender expectations; benevolent sexism
rewards women for maintaining the gender status quo. One tool for assessing
people’s endorsement of hostile and benevolent sexism is the Ambivalent Sex-
ism Inventory ( ASI; Glick & Fiske, 1997 ), and sample items for each type of
sexism are shown in Table 2.4. Research with 15,000 women and men from
Benevolent sexism is based on the

idea that women should be protected
and cherished . Regardless of gender
identity, it can be nice when people
open doors for us or carry heavy
objects, but benevolent sexism places
women in a " less than" position in
relation to men and has been shown
to have detrimental effects on girls
and women.
ft

TABLE 2.4 Sample Items from the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory
Hostile Sexism Benevolent Sexism
Many women arc actually seeking special Women, as compared to men, tend to have a
favors, such as hiring policies that favor them more refined sense of culture and good taste.
over men, under the guise of asking for
“equality. ”
Most women interpret innocent remarks or No matter how accomplished he is, a man is
acts as being sexist . not truly complete as a person unless he has
the love of a woman.
Most women fail to appreciate fully all that Every man ought to have a woman whom he
men do for them . adores.
Women seek to gain power by getting control A good woman should be set on a pedestal by
over men. her man.
Once a woman gets a man to commit to her, Men should be willing to sacrifice their own
she usually tries to put him on a tight leash . well - being in order to provide financially for
the women in their lives.
Note. The entire Ambivalent Sexism Inventory is provided in Ghck and Fiskc ( 1997 ). Respondents
are instructed to rate the extent to which they agree with each item using a 6- point scale ranging from
Strongly Disagree to Strongly Agree.
19 countries using the ASI showed that levels of hostile and

benevolent sexism can reliably predict the status of girls and
women ( Glick ct al ., 2000 ). In countries with high levels of your turn
both hostile and benevolent sexism , women were found to
be less likely than men to hold high - ranking government Students frequently ask us. “What's
positions, receive pay equity, or have equivalent levels of wrong with chivalry? Isn't it nice for
education to their male counterparts. men to hold doors for women and pay
Benevolent sexism is based in paternalistic chivalry, die for dinner?” The problem isn't the act of
idea that women should be protected and cherished at least,
as long as they conform to traditional gender roles. It can be
— opening a door for someone else—it's
the fact that it only involves men opening
appealing for many women to be put on a pedestal, and the doors for women. After all. how common
appeal of benevolent sexism is what makes it so insidious and is it for a man to open a door and stand
hard to change. However, a pedestal is a tight place to stand, to the side so another man can enter?
How do men react when a woman opens
and being there traps women within a narrow range of what’s
a door for them in this way? Were you
acceptable. Also, hostile and benevolent sexism go hand in
raised in a family that valued chivalry?
hand. In fact, people who hold negative beliefs about women Was it framed as men needing to be
( as evidenced by hostile sexism ) tend to hold positive beliefs chivalrous toward women or as human
about women who conform to traditional gender expectations beings needing to be kind? Where do you
( as evidenced by benevolent sexism; Glick & Fiske, 2001 ). think the line falls between chivalrous
Given this relationship, it can be easy to switch between hos - behavior reflecting sexism and acting out
tile and benevolent sexism . This occurs, for example, when of kindness and concern for others?
a man who cherishes his girlfriend calls her a slut after they
Sexism 81
I
i break up. It also occurs in the cases of men who worship their mothers but are very
—
hostile to sexual women a phenomenon known as the Madonna/ whore complex
(Tanzer, 1985; Tavris & Wade, 1984 ). This phenomenon stems from die fact that
some men see the women they care for and respect and the women they desire as
being in mutually exclusive categories, so men will engage in both benevolent and
i
I !!
1 —
hostile sexism but toward different women ( Tavris & Wade, 1984 ) .
Although women are likely to reject hostile sexism, they often do endorse
benevolent sexism ( Glick 8c Fiske, 2001 ). In fact , one study has found that, in
countries where men endorse high levels of hostile sexism, women arc more
likely to endorse benevolent sexism ( Glick et al., 2000 ). This may, in part, be a
.* !i self - protective response ( Fischer, 2006 ). If a woman is in danger of being perse-
l!
•» * •
cuted because she deviates from gender norms, it would be to her advantage to
\ internalize the importance of staying within gender norms.
People appear to differentially apply benevolent sexism across groups of
women . In one online study, researchers found that primarily White partici-
pants expressed more benevolent sexism toward White women than toward
Black women ( McMahon 8c Kahn, 2016 ) . However, when Black women were
described as chaste, the participants expressed more benevolent sexism toward
them . As a result, the researchers concluded that when Black women conform
to traditional expectations of femininity, a possible outcome would be experi -
encing benevolent sexism .
Negative Outcomes of Sexism It probably seems obvious how hostile sexism

is detrimental. Studies show that those who more strongly endorse hostile sexism
make less favorable attributions about career women and are less likely to believe a
woman’s claim about sexual harassment in the workplace ( Carli, 2001; Heilman,
Wallen, Fuchs, 8c Tamkins, 2004 ). Among men, hostile sexist attitudes are also
associated with finding sexist jokes amusing rather than offensive, being more likely
to minimize the seriousness of rape, and thinking that a woman is to blame for
being raped if she was wearing revealing clothing or had too much to drink (Chap-
leau, Oawald, 8c Russell, 2007; Greenwood 8c Isbell, 2002; Yamawaki, 2007 ). In
one study, hostile sexism was significantly associated with more negative evaluations
1 of a female job candidate and with lower recommendations that she be employed
as a manager ( Masser 8c Abrams, 2004 ). Women and men high on hostile sexism
5 were also likely to evaluate male candidates more favorably than female candidates.
It’s often harder to see why benevolent sexism is detrimental, but it can
impede women’s advancement. Benevolent sexism assumes that women are
in need of men’s protection, an attitude that places women in a “less than ”
position in relation to men. Because many people see male protection as nat -
ural, and even beneficial, benevolent sexism is often not considered sexist.
1 In fact, during the 1970s, the justification for not ratifying the Equal Rights
Amendment (ERA) was based on benevolent sexist principles. Opponents of
the ERA claimed that equality would actually disadvantage women because it
i
v 82 Chapter 2 Power and Privilege
•t
would eliminate protections that had been put in place
for women ( Sue, 2010 ). More recently, politicians have
used benevolent sexism to justify limiting military wom -
spotlight o n . .
en’s participation in active combat by suggesting that
women are weaker than or not as capable as their male Sexism and Violence
counterparts, which subsequently prevents advancement
of women in the military ( Choma, 2016 ). In 2014, a man killed two White women
and four men of color and injured 14 others
Also, when women are exposed to benevolent sexism,
in Isla Vista, California. Following the
they may show increased levels of stress. In one study, a
attack, authorities uncovered a manifesto
racially diverse group of women was asked to complete a in which the attacker outlined his hatred
challenging problem -solving task prior to being exposed to for women and racial minority men
a male researcher who made either a hostile, a benevolent, ( Magnoli, 2015).
or a non-sexist comment (Salomon, Burgess, & Bosson, The attack and the documents spurred
2015 ). In the benevolent condition, he said , “Girls don’t a national discussion about misogyny,
like the hard section, so I’m going to go ahead and get or hatred of girls and women. Some
rid of it for you . I’m willing to sacrifice a little data, so I commentators saw this as reflecting a
don’t make another girl upset about how hard the last widespread problem of sexism in American
section is” ( p. 472 ). Compared to women who weren’t culture ( Hess, 2014). Other commentators,
however, claimed that this was a singu -
exposed to benevolent sexism , the women who were had
lar act, more connected to mental illness
increased cardiovascular activity that took longer to return
and the problematic beliefs of a single
to baseline. This outcome indicates that the women who
individual. This perspective was mostly
were exposed to benevolent sexism experienced the stress shared through Twitter via the hashtag
of the problem -solving task for a longer period than was # notallmen to claim that not all men are
true for the women who were exposed to cither the hos- sexist. In reaction, #yesallwomen was
tile sexist or the non -sexist comment. In another study, created to offer the perspective that all
women who simply witnessed a benevolent sexist act (a women experience sexism.
man offering to pick up a box for another woman ) felt The challenge is that both sides are
more self-conscious about their bodies than those who right. Most people condemned the
didn’t witness such an act (Shepherd et al., 2011 ). On the killings, including those who tweeted with
#notallmen. They could see how harmful
basis of these findings, one can say that even witnessing
and unjustified these acts were and could
benevolent sexist acts has detrimental effects.
rightly claim that not all men engage in
Benevolent sexism can even interfere with women’s
overt violence. Those who posted with
thinking. In one study researchers examined women’s #yesallwomen, however, highlighted that
brains while completing a memory task after hearing a the very fact that men can live without
male researcher make a benevolent sexist statement, a the threat of sexism is an example of male
hostile sexist statement, or a neutral statement ( Dardenne privilege. In this way, acts of sexism are
et al., 2013 ) . When the women were exposed to the not always overt, and privilege exists in
benevolent sexist statement, the brain regions associ- day-to - day interactions that can appear to
ated with stopping intrusive thoughts ( e.g., bilateral, .
be harmless but over time, can add up in
dorsolateral , prefrontal, and anterior cingulate cortex ) potentially lethal ways (Sue, 2010) .
reacted. This finding indicates that those in the benevo-
lent sexism condition shifted attention from the task to
block out intrusive thoughts. Since this wasn’t true for
83
; ,
i i tliose exposed to the hostile sexist statement or the neutral statement, benevo-
lent sexism may well be particularly detrimental to women’s performance.
i|
II Language as a Source of Power

What are different ways that language is used to maintain gender
it -« hierarchies?
ii Language is another area in which sexism can be overlooked . There are many
patriarchal assumptions in language. When internalized, these messages can fur-
ther reinforce sexist attitudes and behaviors ( Swim , Mallett, & Stangor, 2004 ).
Yet, in the same way that most people may not notice benevolent sexism or
microaggressions, it’s often the case that people don’t notice the problematic
messages in everyday conversations. Psychologists have identified biased lan-
guage as a source of microaggressions ( Nadal, 2013; Sue, 2010; Woodford,
Howell, Kulick, & Silverschanz, 2013 ) . Let’s explore some of the subtle ways
language reflects sexism .
People = Male Bias

—
Words like humankind and freshman have one thing in common they use man
to represent everyone. As we mentioned earlier, one component of privilege
is that die privileged group is considered the norm . Accordingly, man is often
used interchangeably with human, and this usage reinforces the idea that male
characteristics and actions are representative of all humans. In fact, classic stud -
ies have shown that when participants receive no other information , they tend
to associate the generic word person with a White, heterosexual , able - bodied,
young man ( Fiske, 1998; Stroessner, 1996). This tendency reflects the people
= male bias. For example, when researchers asked a sample of primarily White
college students to read passages in which an occupation was introduced with
either a male- biased noun (e.g., policeman, salesman ) or a gender- neutral noun
(e.g., police officer, sales person ), participants later recalled the gender- neutral
noun in reference to a man (Hamilton, 1991). In another study, college stu-
dents most frequently assumed that a generic person named “Chris” was a man,
and White college students were more likely than students of color to label
“Chris” as a White man (Merrit & Harrison, 2006).
Both women and men are likely to name men as examples of famous peo-
ple they know and are likely to refer to God as male ( Foster & Keating, 1992;
Moyer, 1997 ). Moreover, when study participants were asked to describe the
most typical person they know, men were mentioned more often than women

( Hamilton , 1991 ). The same study showed that participants were three times
as likely to spontaneously describe a man, instead of a woman, after reading a
gender- neutral description . In another study, when discussing attitudes toward
sexual minority individuals, participants overwhelmingly referred to men
( Haddock, Zanna, & Esses, 1993 ).
There is even an animal = male bias in which both children and adults are
likely to refer to animals using a male pronoun ( Lambdin, Greer, Jibotian,
Wood, 8c Hamilton, 2003 ) . This effect was even found when researchers shared
a story with children about an animal that used a female pronoun . All the chil-
dren later used a male pronoun to refer to the animal.
In addition to emphasizing the masculine, language has a strong cisgender
bias, most notably in the use of pronouns. In English, there is no gender- neutral
third person singular pronoun . Only the third person plural pronoun ( they ) is
gender neutral . Since English pronouns arc based on a binary ( he/ she), he often
serves as the human generic ( McHugh 8c Hambaugh , 2010 ). But such usage
wasn’t always standard . The singular use of they was much more common until
1850, when the British Parliament required that all official documents only use
masculine pronouns ( McCurdy, 2013 ). The change was made because, accord -
ing to Parliament , men were simply superior to women. Although some gram-
mar enthusiasts might argue otherwise, use of the generic he in English was the
result of a sexist political decision . In this way, pronoun use can be seen to reflect
social beliefs ( McCurdy, 2013; Zimman, 2015 ).
Additionally, when language patterns change, social perceptions also change.
For example, when feminists introduced the term Ms. as an alternative to terms
that reflect women’s marital status { Miss or Mrs. ) , it initially met significant resis-
tance . Today, however, Ms. is commonly used to refer to women regardless of their
marital status. This practice subsequently changed the way women are viewed
there is less focus today on marital status as their most important attribute.
—
The use of gender- neutral pronouns is gaining in popularity. In 2014,
Facebook and the dating website OkCupid publicly announced they would pro -
vide non - binary pronoun options. In the same year, the University of Vermont
became the first institution of higher education in the United States to offer stu -
dents the option of registering with gender- neutral pronouns (see Table 2.5; Poon,
2015 ). Since then, several other institutions have also permitted gender-neutral
pronouns, although K-12 schools have been more reluctant to do so. These
decisions did come with challenges, though. The capacity to add gender- neutral
options to the University of Vermont’s information system took years of lob-
bying, a special task force, and S80,000 in software updates. And not everyone
supports using resources in this way. In order for attitudes to change regarding
the use of gender- neutral pronouns, scholars say that people will need to start
introducing them more often in everyday language ( Zimman, 2015 ). As with
the Ms. movement, gender-neutral pronouns would probably become more
commonplace if large groups of people began to use them on a regular basis.
Language as a Source of Power 85

i
!
TABLE 2.5 Possible Pronouns in Different Grammatical Forms
Pronoun Nominative Objective Possessive Possessive

(all singular) (subject) (object) determiner pronoun Reflexive
\
i He He smiled. I called him. His eyes That is his. He likes

gleam . himself.
She She smiled. I called her. Her eyes That is hers. She likes
gleam . herself.
i They* They smiled. I called them. Their eyes That is theirs. They like
gleam. themselves.
1
ii Zc Zc smiled . I called zir. Zir eyes
gleam .
That is zirs. Zc likes
zirsclf
Xe Xe smiled. I called xem. Xyr eyes That is xyrs . Xe likes

gleam . xcmsclf
Note. Content drawn from Wikipedia. * They is being used as a third - person singular noun .
Men Come First

In language, men come first. Shakespeare didn’t tide his play Juliet and Romeo.
We don’t refer to royalty as queen and king , and teachers generally don’t address
their classes as girls and boys. The tendency to name men before women is char-
acteristic of a binomial pair, a two-word expression in which the word order
is fixed and unchangeable ( Hegarty, Watson, Fletcher, & McQueen , 2011 ).
In fact, researchers have found that participants habitually named men first in
heterosexual pairings, and among non - heterosexual couples, they attributed
first-named partners with more stcreotypically masculine qualities. Also, men’s
names tend to appear before women’s names on the Internet ( Wright & Hay,
2002). The common phrase “ladies and gentlemen” does break from this rule,
but it’s worth mentioning that the term lady isn’t always perceived favorably.
One study showed that people are more likely to associate the term gentlemen
with greater competence and warmth than the term lady, which is associated
with being cold and distant ( Moely & Kreicker, 1984 ). Further, historically the
concept of ladyhood was associated with White, upper-class, married women
(Myers, 2010 ). As a result, it’s possible to say that die term lady not only has
elements of benevolent sexism, but it also prioritizes a particular social order
that privileges some women over others.
If you review the words in Table 2.6, you’ll notice a pattern of prioritizing
men and viewing the male as the norm. Unmarked words tend to be used as the
generic. For example, the unmarked word lion can describe a male or female
lion. The word lioness, however, only refers to a female lion . The female version
is a marked word and can’t be used to describe a male. In this way, the female

version is a deviation from the norm. Women may choose to call themselves
waiters, hosts, or actors. But men would never call themselves waitresses, hostesses,
or actresses. However, when unmarked terms are used, people generally assume
that the person being referred to is male ( McHugh & Hambaugh , 2010 ). Fur-
dier, marked words can be seen as conveying a lower status, which can influence
how girls and women think about themselves as well as how others behave
toward them ( McHugh & Hambaugh, 2010 ) .
For example, even in writing this textbook, we discovered our own biases.
One reviewer of our early work pointed out that we were consistently marking
the race of people of color, but not doing the same for White people. As we
mentioned in Chapter 1, we also found that our default was to say “ men and
women ” rather than “women and men.” It is important that we address these
linguistic biases. They may seem subde, but the cumulative effect shows a
tendency to prioritize some types of people over others. These patterns revealed
how easy it is to perpetuate the status quo.
Gender- fair language, which refers to all people with symmetrical linguis-
tic forms, has been found to promote gender equality ( Koeser & Sczesny,
2014 ). Instead of using male generics, gender- fair language aims to use
more inclusive terms, like they ( as singular use ) instead of he or first -year
student instead of freshman. Further, gender- fair language seeks to reduce
stereotypes. Instead of saying, “ Dear Mothers, please bake cookies for the
bake sale,” a gender- fair alternative would be: “ Dear Parents, please bake
cookies for the bake sale . ” Gender- fair language is less common in everyday
language than gendered language is, but research shows that women are
more likely to use gender- fair language than men ( Koeser, Kuhn , & Sczesny,
2015 ). In another study, when men were made aware of sexist language,
their use of gender- fair forms did increase, but they tended to return to
TABLE 2.6 Examples of Marked and Unmarked Language
Male/Unmarked Female/Marked
author authoress
waiter waitress
host hostess
headmaster headmistress
landlord landlady
actor actress
hero heroine
lion lioness
i
I
sexist language when tired or distracted ( Kocser 8c Sczesny, 2014; Koeser

et al ., 2015 ).
One example of a move toward gender-fair language is use of the word Lat-
inx, meant to be a gender- neutral alternative to Latina and Latino. People who
use Latinx are part of a linguistic movement seeking to reject gender binaries,
be inclusive, and modify the language and traditions of Europeans that relate to
:\ people of Latin American descent ( Love Ramirez 8c Blay, 2016 ). Critics, how-
: ! ever, feel that the new word is disrespectful to the Spanish language, which is
i —
linguistically gendered . In Spanish, nouns are gendered such as guitar being
—
feminine and referred to with la instead of el but there is evidence that this
practice reinforces sexist beliefs. In one study, when bilingual high school stu -
dents were randomly assigned to complete a survey addressing sexist attitudes
i !I
in either English or a language with a grammatical gender ( French or Spanish ),
ill
students in the English condition expressed less sexist attitudes than those in the
i 'I
French or Spanish conditions ( Wasserman 8c Weseley, 2009 ) . Further, because
language is used every day, the repetition can normalize these subtle forms
i
of sexism .
Most people are not aware of the larger social effect of language, but research
shows that using more gender- biased language and holding sexist beliefs are
related ( Prcwitt- Frcilino, Caswell, 8c Laakso, 2012; Wasserman 8c Weseley,
2009 ). In the years to come, as gender-fair language becomes more integrated
i ; into our daily lives, as has already happened with the use of Mr., it will be inter-
esting to see if research continues to show the same patterns related to marked
and unmarked words, a people = male bias, and so on .
What's in a Name?
Names also reveal hidden biases. For example, some girls’ names reflect aesthet-
ics or femininity ( e.g., Bella, Lily, Jasmine, Grace ) , and gendered patterns arc
even found among nicknames. When researchers analyzed 380 popular nick-
— —
names, they found that male nicknames especially among peers often implied
strength, largeness, hardness, and maturity ( e.g., Champ, Digger, Stud , Maddog',
Phillips, 1990 ). In contrast, female nicknames were more associated with beauty,
pleasantness, kindness, and goodness ( e.g., Angel, Babe, Munchkin , Honey ).
Women’s subordinate status shows up again with the use of formal titles.
i In formal settings, the probability of being addressed by a professional title is
!
greater for men than for women. It’s likely that most faculty at your school are
!
1 referred to as either Professor or Doctor. Have you ever heard instructors being
I
-
addressed as Mr. or Ms. or Mrs }. It’s likely that if you have, it was a female pro
fessor being addressed this way. One study showed that students were more
likely to refer to male professors by a formal tide than female professors ( Takiff,
Sanchez, 8c Stewart, 2001 ). However, when female professors were addressed
.
ii
—
by title, students perceived them as less accessible a pattern that didn’t hold
for male professors. This is especially true for women of color, who are often
referred to as Ms., while their colleagues are referred to as Doctor or Professor
( Berry, 2014 ). Being addressed as Mrs. is a major pet peeve of ours. Addressing
a professor this way not only denies the status and recognition of being called
—
Dr. or Professor that she earned it also reflects an assumption that ( a ) she is
married and ( b ) she changed her name when getting married.
Each year, about 90% of women in the United States who marry men will
change their last name to their husband’s last name ( Goldin 8c Shim, 2004;
Johnson 8c Scheuble, 1995 ). This practice originates from the traditional family
structure in which , upon marriage, a woman became her husband’s property
(Suarez, 1996 ). The practice basically erases maternal lines over generations and
can also erase many of the social networks that women develop prior to marriage.
This happens because people can be difficult to find, even through social network
searches, when they change their name unless you know their new last name.
Until the 1970s, in some states women were not permitted to vote unless
they registered using their husband’s last name ( Goldin 8c Shim, 2004 ). The
practice of taking a husband’s name varies considerably by country. In Spain ,
Latin American nations, and China, women typically keep their birth name after
marriage. In France, most women retain their birth name for legal documents
and use their husband’s name in social settings ( Chapman 8c Ciment, 2015 ).
In the United States, changing one’s name is time-consuming and expensive.
Several Internet businesses, like HitcbSivitch.com and MissNoivMrs.com, have
emerged to help manage the time and cost of ordering a new driver’s license
and passport, updating bank accounts, and changing other official documents
( Urken , 2012 ). Despite the hassle, the practice appears to be popular, particu -
larly among White women . In an analysis of wedding announcements published
in the New York Times from 1982 to 2002, 71% of all women changed their
names, while 29% chose to keep their birth name or hyphenate it ( Hofifnung,
2006 ). However, only 39% of women of color changed their names. This find -
ing is consistent with other research showing that women of color are less likely
than White women to change their name following marriage ( Twenge, 1997 ).
Women’s level of education can also be a factor ( Gooding 8c Kreider, 2010;
Hoffnung, 2006; Twenge, 1997 ). According to results from one study, women
with a master’s degree are nearly three times more likely to use their birth name
than those without a bachelor’s degree, and those with a doctorate are nearly 10
times more likely to do so ( Gooding 8c Kreider, 2010 ).
The decision to take a spouse’s name is far less common among non - heterosexual
couples. In one study, lesbian and gay couples reported diat diey kept their own
surnames in order to maintain their personal and professional identities, reject
heterosexual customs, and avoid die cost and inconvenience of having to change
their name ( Clarke, Burns, 8c Burgoyne, 2008 ). Interestingly, within die United
States, a husband who wishes to take his wife’s last name ( or a hyphenated version

!
I I
EMPOWERING
OR OPPRESSING?
I Reclaiming Words
an misogynistic words ever be used in ways simple. According to those who hold this perspective, it's
C or
that are empowering? Reappropriation oc-
curs when a person or group of people from a
subordinate group intention
stigmatize them
y
that was previousl used
(
by
Galinsky
a
ally
important to advocate for the complete elimination of their
use because such words cause harm, particularly when
reclaims a slur normalized as acceptable parts of everyday language
dominant group to oppress (Hodge. 2012). Some scholars have even suggested that
et al., 2013). The ability to such words qualify as hate speech and should be taken
reclaim negative words has been hotly debated within as a literal threat, particularly when used by someone in a
feminist circles, and much like other feminist discussions, dominant position (Horn, 2008; Hornsby, 2001).
there is tremendous diversity in how people think about it. Despite this view, slurs are used by many women to build
For some feminists, words like bitch and slut are hateful solidarity and to mobilize for political purposes. As an ex-
terms that perpetuate denigration and rape culture. From ample of reappropriation, we can think of the enthusiasm
their perspective, these words—and others that are gener- around the pussy hats during the 2017 Women's March.
ally considered even more offensive— are sexist, plain and Before that, in 2011, activists used the provocative title Slut
I Walk to describe their protest against the ways in which law
enforcement routinely suggests that women invite rape by
wearing revealing clothing. In The Vagina Monologues.
one very popular monologue encourages the audience to
repeat a word for women's genitalia that many find par-
ticularly offensive as a way to gain momentum and power.
There is also evidence that reappropriation can be suc-
cessful under the right conditions (e.g., Croom. 2013;
Galinsky et al., 2013). For example, in one experiment, par-
ticipants were exposed to the term slut in different contexts
(Gaucher. Hunt. & Sinclair. 2015 ). Women were less likely to
endorse common rape myths after being exposed to the
word in the context of a protest march (e.g.. Slut Walk) than
they were if they heard it on the street. Further, within the
context of Slut Walk marches, the use of the word did not
significantly lower women' s feelings of empowerment, and
5 lutWaTks
“
began In 2011 in Toronto in response women were more likely to refer to themselves and friends
,to a police officer telling a group of college 1 as sluts after participating in the event (Gaucher et al., 2015 ).
women that, in order to prevent sexual assault. I What are your thoughts about this debate? Is the use
they shouldn' t dress "like sluts. " The comment i of slurs empowering or oppressing? Why or why not? Are
sparked a worldwide campaign. Although many there certain situations in which it may be politically ben-
people supported the goal of ending rape culture, eficial to do so? Does it matter who uses the slurs? Are
not everyone was comfortable_with_ the_ name_ J there ways in which other variables ( e.g., racism or clas-
" SlutWalks ." sism) might determine whether the use of a slur is em-
powering or oppressing?
of it ) must obtain a court order (Slade, 2015). Only nine
states do not require this: California, Georgia, Hawaii, Iowa,
Louisiana, Massachusetts, New York, North Dakota, and
try it for yourself
Oregon . The fact that husbands, and not wives, are required
If you’re married, did you change your
to obtain court permission shows how the government con -
name? Why did you make the choice
tinues to regulate gender relations in marriage.
you did? If you're not married, have you
Some individuals ( usually women ) have adopted the considered your options in regard to sur-
strategy of using their surname in some situations ( e.g., names if you were to get married? What
professional settings ) and their spouse’s name in other set - do you think you will do? Ask a diverse
tings ( e .g., familial situations ). This practice is known as group of people these questions. What
name shifting. Among 600 married women who taught at patterns do you see? Are men less likely
a college or university or were married to university faculty, to change or consider changing their
12% were found to use name shifting ( Scheuble & John - surname? What do you think explains the
son , 2005 ) . Engaging in name shifting was related to work- patterns you observe?
ing full - time, having a higher level of education, and being
older. Researchers suggest that name shifting might reflect
women’s ambivalence in managing social pressures that create a conflict between
personal identity and the role of wife and mother ( Scheuble & Johnson, 2005 ).
For example, when 222 college students were asked to rate women who took
their husband’s name, those who did were perceived as less agcntic and more
communal than women who kept their surnames or hyphenated their surname
with their partner’s name ( Etaugh , Bridges, Cummings- Hill, & Cohen, 1999 ).
Last names have implications for children too. Even when women keep their
last names, they are unlikely to pass that name along to their children. One
study found that 90% of heterosexual women who kept their own name when
they got married still gave their children their husband’s surname ( Johnson &
Scheuble, 2002 ) . It is worth considering this statistic in light of the fact that
women , not men , carry and birth children. Another study showed that, as an
alternative, women who kept their surname were more likely to include their
—
birth surname in their child’s name for example, as a first or middle name ( Liss
& Erchull, 2013 ).
Degrading Language
There arc many slang words that degrade women ( e .g . , bitch and slut ) . The
equivalent slang words for men aren’t nearly as negative ( e .g. , tool and stud) .
Most notably, slang words that are used to describe women are disproportion-
ally sexualized . One linguist found that North American English has no fewer
than 220 words for a sexually promiscuous woman but only 20 for a sexually
promiscuous man ( Lei , 2006 ) . People also seem to be more likely to sponta-
neously use sexual slang terms to describe women than men. When researchers
asked college students to list slang words used to describe women and men,

J
50% of the terms used to describe women were sexual as compared to 23% for
men ( Grossman & Tucker, 1997 ). Studies also show that men are more likely
to use slang and women are more likely to be targeted with slang words ( Braun
& Kitzinger, 2001; Grossman & Tucker, 1997 ). This is especially true when
J i women deviate from traditional feminine behaviors. In one study, when women
deviated from gender- typical behaviors, speakers were more likely to use animal
|
references ( e .g., chick , bitch ) to express their disapproval ( Nilsen, 1996 ). Also,
it girls and women are commonly referred to as food ( e .g., honey ) , animals ( e.g.,
; chick ) , or children ( e.g., baby, Hines, 1999 ) .
When men deviate from gender- typical behaviors, they are often described in
terms of female genitalia ( Fair, 2011 ) . Referring to someone by terms associated
i • with male genitalia, while not nice, still conveys status and power, which is why men
iii
don’t consider it as offensive as a homophobic slur (Saucier, Till, Miller, O’Dea, &
Andres, 2015 ). Also, when someone does something courageously, it’s common
—
to say, “That took balls” slang for a part of men’s genitalia. Ironically, the gonads
are actually very sensitive, and the uterus is the strongest muscle in the human
; body ( Norton, 2010 ). So maybe people should start saying, “That took uterus!”
Talking Styles
How do talking styles, speech use, and interrupting reflect power
differentials?
Another way in which we can see how language reflects men’s higher status and
power is by examining the different ways gender operates in conversation. It’s a
popular stereotype that women talk more than men, but numerous studies have
debunked this myth ( Cashdan, 1998; Mehl, Vazire, Ramirez- Esparza, Slatcher,
& Pennebaker, 2007; Tanncn, 1995 ). One study showed that men take up to
75% of talking time in a mixed -group setting ( Karpowitz & Mendelberg, 2014 ).
This is an example of how sexism can be overlooked since it’s generally not
noticeable when men take up conversational space, but it’s very noticeable when
women do it. The tendency for men to control most of a conversation is con-
sistent with the theory of communicator status, which holds that individuals with
higher status are perceived as having more credibility and expertise than those
with lower status. This translates into more talking time for men and women’s
decreased ability to control conversations.
This theory has very real implications because talking time influences every-
thing from whose thoughts get heard, to who gets to influence major deci-
sions in meetings, to who gets opportunities for active learning in a classroom .
For example, studies have shown that male students speak more frequently than
female students in college classrooms and are more likely to be listened to by a
professor ( Basow, 2004; Litosseliti, 2013; Swann, 1992 ). In elementary school,

boys raise their hands in more disruptive ways, which results in more teacher
attention ( Sadker & Sadker, 1994 ). Men appear to dominate media conver-
sations too. In 2012, the OpEd Project determined that men wrote 80% of
traditional opinion pieces, 67% of online opinion pieces, and 62% of college
newspaper opinion pieces ( Yacger, n.d.). In social media, although girls and
women make up 62% of Twitter users, men have been found to be retweeted
almost twice as often as women ( Bennett, 2012 ).
Another way men may exhibit control of conversations is through mansplain-
ing. This term was coined to describe a man explaining something, typically to
a woman, in a condescending way ( Solnit, 2015 ) . Some feminists have critiqued
the term because it implies that the problem is only about men explaining things
to women ( Kelly, 2015 ). In reality, it’s likely that people in positions of power
often attempt to explain things to those in lower-status positions; this may
have to do with many different characteristics that make up a person’s social
—
identity including, but not limited to, gender ( Bridges, 2017 ).
Tentative Speech In her now-classic book Language and Women’s Place, the
feminist linguist Robin Lakoff ( 1975 ) was one of the first to offer an explana -
tion for why men, rather than women, dominate talk time. Women, she said,
are taught to be polite and to speak in ways that are unconfident and powerless.
In particular, Lakoff proposed that women are more likely than men to use
tentative speech forms, including hedges ( e.g., mostly), hesitations ( e.g., um),
tag questions ( e .g., right ?), and intensifies ( e.g., very ). For example, a woman
may say “ I . . . um . . . don’t really like it ” rather than “I don’t like it,” or “ I just
wanted to check the time, okay? ” rather than “ I’m checking the time.”
Several studies have been done to examine women’s and men’s conversations
in order to test the dominance model, and the results have been mixed. Overall,
results do show a small difference, with women being somewhat more likely
than men to use tentative speech ( Reid , Keerie, & Palomares, 2003). However,
linguists are concerned that these small findings have led to overgeneralizations
about women . For example, most women in most contexts will not use tentative
speech; however, when they do use tentative speech, people notice it, contribut-
ing to confirmation bias ( Reid et al., 2003 ). In other words, people selectively
attend to stereotypical behaviors and then conclude that certain behaviors are
characteristic of the whole group. One sociolinguist has referred to this as the
“ naming and shaming” phenomenon ( Liberman, 2007, para . 2 ).
Further, LakofPs original claim that tentative speech reflects powerlessness
may not be true. In fact, tentative speech may improve connection and increase
power in certain social contexts. For example, in one study, women were more
likely to use tentative styles of speaking in longer versus shorter conversations,
in research labs versus other settings, and in groups versus dyads ( Leaper &
Robnctt, 2011 ). Some researchers believe these findings reflect interpersonal
sensitivity rather than a lack of assertiveness. Tentative speech has also been
i
found to relate to some aspects of success, particularly among women . For exam-
ple, successful female contestants on Jeopardy are more likely than contestants
who aren’t successful to use uptalk ( also known as upspeak ), a style of speech in
which declarative sentences end with a rising intonation that is typically indica-
tive of questions ( Linneman, 2013 ). In high school settings, the “ cool girls” are
more likely to use tentative talk than the “ nerd girls” ( Bucholtz, 2001 ).
In fact, it appears that when women do use more direct styles of communication,
they risk social punishment. There is no shortage of studies showing all the ways in
which girls and women face a “damned if you do, damned if you don’t ” situation,
known as a double bind. In other words, if girls and women speak in tentative ways,
they’re perceived as weak and inferior. However, if they speak up and act assertively,
they’re perceived as stepping out of line and, more often than not, experience back-
lash. The communication double bind happens in many settings and situations.
For example, in one study, researchers asked businesswomen
and businessmen to evaluate die competence of chief execu-
tives who voiced their opinions ( Brescoil, 2011 ). Male exec-
.
; your turn utives who spoke up were often rewarded with higher ratings
of competence; however, the same behavior was punished in
In 2015, Fortune magazine published female executives. When female executives spoke with more
a satirical essay in which famous quotes frequency, both women and men punished them with lower
were rewritten as if women had said ratings. We’ll talk more about how the double bind affects
them (Addady, 2015). For example. U.S. women in work contexts in Chapter 10.
president Ronald Reagan's Cold War Policing women’s language is a profitable social phenom -
challenge—"Mr. Gorbachev, tear down
enon . For example, in 2015 the app Just Not Sorry was
this wall!" —directed to Soviet leader
marketed to women to help them develop “stronger voices”
Mikhail Gorbachev was rewritten this
way: "l*m sorry. Mikhail, if I could? Didn't
by warning them about their use of so-called undermining
mean to cut you off there. Can we agree words , such as sorry znd just ( Czutcrucci , 2015 ). As another
that this wall maybe isn't quite doing example, women, but not men, have been critiqued for
what it should be doing? Just looking their use of vocal fry ( an unnaturally low, creaky voice ). The
at everything everyone's been saying,
it seems like we could consider removing
— —
irony here is that many famous men including Leonardo
DeCaprio, Johnny Depp, and Bruce Willis use vocal fry
it. Possibly. I don’t know, what does the (Saxena, 2015 ). In fact, radio-show host Howard Stern crit -
room feel?" (Addady. 2015, para. 6). icized women about their use of vocal fry while he himself
The goal of the article was to showcase was using it. In her blog, language: a feminist guide, socio-
the double bind that women face with linguist Debbie Cameron sarcastically described all die arti -
language. If a woman had actually said
cles written in the Economist and the Business Insider aimed
the original quote, she probably would
have been perceived as aggressive, but
the alternative wouldn't have been nearly
as effective. Do you think this essay helps
to point out power dynamics in language,
at coaching men on their use of language in business set-
tings: “OK, people haven’t been talking about that article
mainly because I made it up. No one writes articles telling
men how they’re damaging their career prospects by using
—
or does it hurt and shame women? the wrong words” ( Cameron, 2015, para. 2 ). From her per-
Explain your response. spective , the critique of female voices is just another way to
tell women to stop talking ( Marcotte, 2015 ).

Interrupting Another manifestation of power in language
is that women are interrupted more than men. These inter-
ruptions can come from both men and women. In one study,
when researchers transcribed the conversations of 20 women
and men in pairs, they found that, in a three- minute con-
versation, women interrupted men just once, on average,
but they interrupted other women 2.8 times ( Hancock 8c
Rubin, 2015 ) . Men interrupted their male conversational
partner twice, on average, and interrupted female partners
2.6 times. Also, a comprehensive review of 43 studies found
that men were likely to interrupt women with the intent to
assert dominance in the conversation, meaning that men
were interrupting to take over the conversation ( Anderson
8c Leaper, 1998 ) . When women interrupted , it was because There have been four female U .S.
of increased enthusiasm or interest in the speaker’s topic. Supreme Court justices. Pictured from
Women were especially likely to do this in mixed groups as left to right , they are Sonia Sotomayor,
Elena Kagan, Sandra Day O'Connor,
opposed to one -on -one conversations. and Ruth Bader Ginsburg. It has been
The phenomenon of men interrupting women is getting documented that women justices are
increasing attention in the media. In 2017, the Nnv Tork interrupted far more often than their
Times asked women to report on Facebook their experiences male colleagues.
of being interrupted ( Chira , 2017 ). There were hundreds of
responses. One woman said , “I can’t even count the num-
ber of times I’ve witnessed a woman being interrupted and
talked over by a man, only to hear him later repeat the same ideas she was trying
to put forward ” ( para. 8 ). Another reported , “My female boss told me she needed
to allow each man to interrupt her four times before protesting in a meeting. If
she protested more often, there were problems” ( para. 9). Even women in very
high - powered positions are interrupted more than men in the same positions. For
example, between 2004 and 2015, the female U.S. Supreme Court justices were
three times more likely to be interrupted than male justices ( Jacobi 8c Schweers,
2017) . Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Sonia Sotomayor, and Elena Kagan were each inter-
rupted more than 100 times. However, only 4% of interruptions were by female
justices. Clearly, women in positions of authority are likely to be interrupted
especially if they’re in the minority, as the female justices are.
—
Body Language
How do people use body language to demonstrate their social status?
Language is not only spoken, and power is regularly performed in non-verbal

ways ( Hall, Coats, 8c LeBeau, 2005 ). Non-verbal communication is commu-
nication without words. It includes gestures, expressions, body posturing, eye

! .
i
contact, and physical appearance ( Mast 8c Sczesny, 2010 ). Much like spoken
communication, non -verbal cues reflect a social hierarchy ( Hall et al., 2005 ).
\ Many high-status people have been found to say whatever they want without
•.
concern for social approval, appear more relaxed , take up more space, and be
illi : likely to make eye contact when speaking as opposed to listening ( Renninger,
!
i
Wade, 8c Grammer, 2004; Tiedens 8c Fragale, 2003 ) . They have also been
i !• found to be more likely than lower-status people to display non-verbal cues
i;
!i
»
3 of disengagement ( e.g., doodling, self-grooming ) and less likely to show non-
• i i \
I
verbal cues of engagement ( e.g., laughing, nodding, raised eyebrows; Kraus 8c
Keltner, 2009 ).
Because of women’s lower social status, psychologist Nancy Henley ( 1977 )
\V initially proposed that women are more likely to engage in low-status non -ver-
bal behaviors whereas men are more likely to engage in high -status non -ver-
‘ bal behaviors. However, this theory hasn’t received consistent research support
i
since there is evidence that women in high - powered positions don’t always
I
engage in low-status non -verbal behaviors ( Mast 8c Sczesny, 2010 ). In other
words, much like other forms of communication , non - verbal communication
|i
and its relationship to gender and status are complicated .
i
In some ways, women have been found to be more likely than men to exhibit
\ behaviors that reliably predict low status ( Mast 8c Sczesny, 2010 ) . In one study,
girls and women were found to smile more, gaze more, exhibit more expressive
gestures, self- touch more, speak with a softer voice, and maintain smaller inter-
personal distance ( Hall, Carter, 8c Horgan , 2000 ). The same study showed that
men appeared to engage in behaviors that display dominance. This finding was
indireedy supported in 2014 when the New York Metropolitan Transportation
Audiority released a series of public service ads targeted at men’s tendency to
engage in manspreading, a sitting style characterized by spreading the legs wide
into a V-shaped slouch, effectively occupying two seats ( Fitzsimmons, 2014 ).
I*
i Moreover, the tendency to take up space isn’t limited to public transportation.
If you look around the next time you’re sitting in class, you’ll probably notice
some degree of manspreading on the part of male students, while female stu -
I dents are likely to be sitting with legs crossed and body turned inward, a low-sta -
tus position . In fact, some of our female students say they feel uncomfortable if
‘ 1I
<
they aren’t sitting with their legs crossed. This practice might come from years
i
'
I of being told to cross their legs as a way to shield their genitals.
I
I
Smiling, in particular, seems to be something women do more than men
( Hall, 2006). This tendency appears to come from a feeling of obligation rather
il
than a display of authentic positive emotion ( LaFrance, 2001). After all, women
are taught to be “ nice” and “sweet” rather than “strong.” If you Google men
telling women to smile, you’ll find several hundred links suggesting that this phe-
i
t
nomenon is a popular topic. Particularly when the request comes from a stranger,
women report accommodating because of fear of retaliation ( Glaser, 2014 ). Smile
requests can be considered a form of street harassment that disproportionately
«
II
Have you noticed instances
of manspreading as
illustrated here? How do
you think people would
react had it been a woman
sprawled across two seats?
affects women of color ( Nielsen, 2000 ). In fact, artist Tatyana Fazlalizadeh

unveiled a series of public art displays in 2013 entided Stop Telling Women to
Smile in order to draw attention to this problematic practice.
The practice of asking women to smile also can occur in high- profile situations.
After winning her 21st Grand Slam tennis title, an exhausted Serena Williams was
asked by a male reporter why she wasn’t smiling ( Capogna, 2015 ). Later Roger
Fcderer, also a non -smiling, winning tennis player, wasn’t asked to comment on
his stoic appearance. Not surprisingly, the frequent request for girls and women
to smile results in one of die largest gender differences in non -verbal behavior
between women and men ( Mast 8c Sczesny, 2010 ). A comprehensive review of
several studies that explored smiling showed that girls and women smile 66% more
than boys and men ( Hall, 2006 ). Smiling is an excellent example of doing gender
since it conforms to gender- role stereotypes that girls and women should be nur-
turing and communal ( Bosak, Sczesny, 8c Eagly, 2008 ).
Conclusion
In 1993, author Octavia Butler said, “All struggles are essentially power struggles.
Who will rule? Who will lead ? Who will define, refine, confine, design ? ” (Butler,
1993, p. 94 ). This quote illustrates much of the current questioning both within
feminism and within society as a whole. As we discussed in tills chapter, power
operates on many different levels. When people and institutions abuse power, there
can be negative psychological and social implications. The ideal scenario is for peo-
ple to learn how to share power, yet this is often difficult to do because so many
aspects of privilege and power are unseen. Feminist psychologists aim to explore
these unseen realities and make recommendations for more equitable ways to live.
Conclusion 97
J •
Chapter Review
:
SUMMARY
Not Just a Woman Microaggressions are not easily identifiable, and
Women have a wide variety of social identity many people don’t notice when they are taking
characteristics that intersect in ways that can’t place. For this reason, microaggressions are
II i . be untangled and explored separately. challenging to address when they occur.
Some social characteristics are associated with Sexism involves both positive and negative
I! more power, while others are associated with attitudes toward women .
less power. In contemporary society, being Benevolent sexism is generally aimed at women
i i
White, male, able - bodied, heterosexual, well who conform to traditional gender roles.
educated, and middle-aged are all social Hostile sexism is directed at women who fall
categories that are deemed powerful. outside them.
Power works through unearned entitlements When women are exposed to benevolent
and conferred dominance. sexism, diey show increased levels of stress and
Privilege is often invisible to those who have it. reduced task completion .
Because everyone has a mix of social identity The idea that not all men commit sexist acts
characteristics, someone can be powerful on has been countered by the fact that all women
n one dimension and subordinate on another,

making it difficult to identify the source of
one’s oppression.
Stereotypes, Power, and Subordination

experience some form of sexist discrimination.
Language as a Source of Power

The way in which we use language is an
important form of sexism .
Sexism can be difficult to see because it Generic forms of language are usually assumed
permeates society and is largely based on to be male.
stereotypes.
There are accepted , singular, gender- neutral
Women have traditionally been stereotyped as pronouns gaining acceptance in the English
communal and men as agentic. language.
Women of color face specific stereotypes such Men are usually mentioned first ( c.g., boys and
as the strong Black woman (SBW), the squaw, # irls ) .
or the Asian china doll.
Unmarked language usually refers to men .
Stereotypes influence people’s behavior,
Girls’ names and nicknames are likely to
and people can hold stereotypes about
represent beauty and kindness.
themselves.
The frequent practice of women changing their
Sexism last name to their husband’s name is based in
Overt sexist discrimination is less common than patriarchal practices.
it used to be. More subde discrimination and Slang words for women’s sexuality are more
microaggressions are now the norm. pejorative than slang for men’s sexuality.

Despite stereotypes to the contrary, men talk Mansplaining is another expression of dominance.
more than women. Typical male body language demonstrates
Women are more likely than men to engage in dominance.
tentative speech consistent with subordinate Women are often expected to smile, which can
status. Men are more likely to interrupt be a sign of having low status and wanting to
women, which is an expression of dominance. please others.
KEY TERMS
social identity ( p. 62 ) overt sexism ( p. 76 )
social stratification ( p. 63 ) discrimination ( p. 76 )
matrix of domination ( p. 64 ) modern sexism ( p. 76 )
privilege ( p. 64 ) gender microaggressions ( p. 78 )
legitimizing myths ( p. 68 ) ambivalent sexism ( p. 80 )
scapegoating ( p. 69 ) hostile sexism ( p. 80 )
sexism ( p. 70 ) benevolent sexism ( p. 80 )
stereotype ( p. 70 ) paternalistic chivalry ( p. 81 )
gender roles ( p. 70 ) misogyny ( p. 83 )
agcntic ( p. 70 ) gender-fair language ( p. 87)
communal ( p. 70 ) reappropriation ( p. 90 )
backlash effects ( p. 75 ) name shifting ( p. 91)
prejudice ( p. 76 ) tentative speech forms ( p. 93)
THINK ABOUT IT
1. Imagine that you and a classmate are in a 3. How often do movies and books depict
heated debate about gender and race issues. benevolent sexism ? Think about ways in which
Your classmate says, “ I don’t know what the you could rewrite them to eliminate sexism.
big deal is! I’m not sexist or racist. I’ve never Do you think they would be as popular? Why
been given any special privileges just because or why not?
I’m a White man . In this country, if you work 4. In your next class, notice how the students sit
hard enough, you have just as good a shot as and talk. Do the men take up more space than
anyone else.” Using the research from this the women? If so, what types of things could
chapter, how would you respond to your you do to make the discussion and the use of
fellow student’s comment ? the classroom more gender fair? What types of
2. What tilings would you recommend a friend barriers might you encounter, and how might
consider when deciding about responding to you address them ?
a microaggression ? What specific things could
your friend say or do that might be effective?
Chapter Review 99
i
I
I ONLINE RESOURCES
-
Dr. Kim Case a website featuring links Girls Inc. - a website dedicated to equipping
i
to Case’s writing. A social psychologist and girls with die skills needed to navigate gender,
i I
professor at the University of Houston, economic, and social barriers so that they can
!• i Clear Lake, she writes about intcrsectionality, grow up healthy, educated , and independent:
I;
ii
feminism, critical race theory, and queer girlsinc.org
i
i !: theory: drkimcase.com Language: A Feminist Guide - a feminist
I
:
Everyday Feminism - resources about blog about language: dcbuk.wordprcss.com
i
1
' r
i | intersectional feminism for everyday life:
j
everydayfeminism.com
;
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IF YOU VISIT ALMOST ANY BOOKSTORE, you'll probably find books about sex/
i
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t gender differences. Many of these are for couples seeking relationship advice,
and they typically describe women and men as totally different from each other.
i i
it
A famous book of this type was John Gray's Men Are from Mars, Women Are from
i
; Venus, an international best seller published in 1992. Gray (1992 ) imagines that
! "men are from Mars and women are from Venus" ( p. 1) and then tells how they
. i :
: fell in love and moved to Earth, after which they forgot they were supposed to
l!
i be different. When women and men in relationships think they' re supposed to be
;
similar, Gray says, the result is unmet expectations and relationship conflict. He
;
i
I
believes the fundamental difference is that men experience fulfillment through
.i
;t
success and accomplishment and women experience it through sharing, relat-
. .
ing and feeling.
I Another book, Men Are Like Waffles, Women Are Like Spaghetti ( Farrel &
i
Farrel, 2007), explains that men separate life into compartments like waffles and
t i
focus on one thing at a time ( career, family, leisure). Women, in contrast, see all
i
aspects of life as interrelated like pieces of spaghetti. They want to connect issues
and talk things through. In His Needs, Her Needs ( Harley, 2011), the author pres-
ents the contrasting needs of women and men. For example, she needs affection;
he needs sexual fulfillment. She needs financial support; he needs peace, quiet,
and domestic support. She needs intimate conversation; he needs recreational
The prolific Mars and

Venus series provides many
!
examples of books that take
i
an essentialist approach to
.
:
gender differences.
|i 102 Chapter 3 Similarities and Differences
A I
companionship. The book aims to teach heterosexual couples how to meet the
needs of their partner — needs that are completely different from their own.
In Act Like a Lady, Think Like a Man ( 2011), comedian Steve Harvey instructs
women about what to expect from and how to attract men. He notes that women
and men have different goals and needs: Men need to protect and provide for
their women, and in exchange they want support, loyalty, and sex. Harvey warns
women who are self -sufficient that "if you've got your own money, your own car .
your own house, a Brinks alarm system, a pistol, and a guard dog, and you're
practically shouting from the rooftops that you don't need a man to provide for
you or protect you, then we will see no need to keep coming around’’ (Harvey,
2011, p. 182). So he advises women, even those with plenty of money, to let men
pick up the check — and if they need their sink fixed, to "act like you haven't a
.
clue what to do" and then tell him "Baby, thank you so much for doing this for
me —I don't know what I'd do without you" ( p. 188 ).
All these books make assumptions about women and men being fundamen-
tally different. But does this view reflect reality? In this chapter, we’ll explore why
the assumption of difference is so popular and how it has historically served to
justify sexism. Then we’ll consider how psychologists study the topic and explore
the data on gender similarities and differences. Finally, using STEM fields ( sci-
ence, technology, engineering, and mathematics) as an example, we'll explore
how sex /gender differences that start small can become magnified to lead to
large differences in certain fields.
M£ZZ~
i he Pervasiveness of
Gender Essentialism
What is gender essentialism, and how has it historically served to justify
women's subordinate social status?
All die advice in books like those mentioned previously rests on the pervasive
assumption that there is something fundamentally different between women and
men . The assumption is also that difference lies at the essence , or core, of the
person and generally arises from biological or genetic factors. As we discussed in
Chapter 1 , this perspective is known as gender essentialism ( Prentice & Miller,
2006 ) . But what does this really mean?
The Pervasiveness of Gender Essentialism 103

1
I
it It’s easy to understand the idea of essential differences between groups by

thinking about animals. We know that a dog is a dog and a cat is a cat because
:
i —
fundamental differences make up their essence for example, dogs bark and
I
cats meow; dogs leave their poop uncovered and cats do not . Because dogs and
i ' cats have different essences, knowing that an animal is a dog as opposed to a
cat provides a lot of information about how it will behave. Gender esscntialism
makes the same assumptions about human gender. The idea is that because
il
i «
women and men have biological differences ( a topic we'll complicate in Chapter
•! 4 ), they must also have differences in behavior, attitudes, expectations, hopes,
. i
i
i goals, talents, and skills ( Dupre, 2016 ) .
i
1
I Gender cssentialist assumptions have an intuitive appeal. However, data show'
i . that in most ways women and men are more similar than different ( Hyde , 2005;
J
. Zell , Krizan, & Teeter, 2015 ). Despite this finding, the popular media typically
'
I
— —
take any difference even a small one and focus on it, creating a magnifying
effect. Let’s consider the following example. One group of researchers found a
small gender difference in the left and right hemispheres of the brains of women
and men , such that the two halves of women’s brains were somewhat better
able to communicate than the men’s ( Ingalhalikar ct al., 2014 ). The researchers
didn’t link the brain difference with actual differences in behavior or abilities.
However, the press release about the study suggested that this small difference
i'l
! explained why women and men have distinct sets of cognitive skills, such as
i:
better memory and social understanding in women and better spatial skills in
men ( Penn Medicine, 2013 ). Although , as we’ll discuss below', other research
has found small differences in some cognitive and social skills, this particular
study didn’t actually link the brain difference to any behavioral and cognitive
differences.
But because gender cssentialism quickly gains traction , in response to that
press release, the popular press and blogosphcrc used the research findings to
make statements expressing stereotyped views of women and men usually
—
reflecting the assumption that women arc inferior to men ( O’Connor & Joffc,
2014 ). This one article and press release generated at least 87 popular press
articles, 162 blog posts, and 420 blog comments. Some were overtly sexist.
One commenter said, “C’mon Ladies . . . let’s face facts. Men invented pirat -
ically [ sic ] everything you use and enjoy. The Telephone, The Computer, The
Jet Engine, The Train , the Motor Car, Etc Etc the list is endless. Without
us, you would still be scratching around in caves so lets [ sic ] have no more
of this nonsense and concentrate on your hand bags” ( O’Connor & Joffc,
. >
2014, p. 7 ) . Housework wasn’t mentioned in the research article or the press
i I
*
release, but another commenter noted that the article showed “ Men are less
likely to notice dust, which, women tell me, is a mix of fine particles that set-
tle on furniture” ( p. 6 ). As you can see, a very small finding snowballed into
something bigger that could influence people’s thoughts and help them justify
sexist beliefs.
;
104 Chapter 3 Similarities and Differences

Using biolog>^ to make claims about gender csscntialism
has a long history, and generally these claims justify stereo- your turn
types of women’s inferiority. Claiming that there are fixed,
biologically based differences between women and men as
Think about articles or books you’ve read
a means to justify or reinforce gender stereotypes is called
that deal with sex or gender differences.
neurosexism ( Fine 2010; Fine et al., 2013 ). In reality,
What are the common themes? Are they
though , neurosexist claims are not justified by scientific fact. derogatory to women or to men? If so .
in what ways? Have you read any books
or articles that focus on gender similar-
A Short History ities? Do you think books about gender
similarities— as opposed to differences—
Psychologist Stephanie Shields ( 1975, 2007 ) studied how would be best sellers? Why or why not?
gender differences have been understood historically and
noted that in the 19 th century many philosophers claimed
that women were fundamentally inferior to men. As scien -
tists sought explanations for why, one theory blamed women’s reproductive
capacities, arguing that menstruation consumed biological resources that could
otherwise have “ promoted further brain development ” ( Geddcs Sc Thomson,
1890, as cited in Shields, 2007, p. 96 ). Other explanations focused on brain
size (Shields, 1975 ) . Scientists initially thought that men had larger brains than
women ( since their skulls were larger ), which supposedly would justify women’s
inferiority. But when scientists subsequently measured brain weight as a ratio to
body weight and found that women’s brains arc actually larger than men’s, brain
size lost favor as an area of research.
So much early scientific research was explicidy sexist that when women
began to enter the field of psycholog)', they dedicated almost all their ener-
gies to debunking problematic stereotypes about women ( Rutherford &
Granek, 2010 ). Early feminist psychologists conducted studies showing that
menstruation did not impair mental or motor abilities ( Hollingsworth, 1914 )
and that women and men were actually more similar than different on most
psychological traits ( Thompson , 1903). The need to defend against sexism
continued for so long that eventually feminist psychologists questioned the
—
necessity of doing any research that focused on gender differences whether
to confirm or debunk those differences. The concern was that simply giving
attention to the issue of similarities and differences makes them seem more
important than they are . Instead , feminist psychologists turned to other areas
in need of attention ( e.g., rape, domestic violence, and pregnancy; Rutherford
& Granek, 2010 ).
Distinguishing between Sex and Gender In 1979, psychologist Rhoda

Unger boldly asserted that questions about sex differences, which seemed to
dominate psychological research and the popular press, were “someone else’s
questions” ( Rutherford & Granek, 2010, p. 29; Unger, 1979 ). To Unger,
The Pervasiveness of Gender Essentialism 105

I
.
i
I
questions of difference maintained the status quo because they couldn’t be

disentangled from their history, which involved a false assumption of female
t inferiority. To move the conversation away from gender essentialism, she made
a distinction between biological sex and the social construct of gender. In this
!
|
view, biological sex is fixed, but how one behaves is a product of socializa -
. 3i
! tion and , therefore, should be considered gender. Unger’s goal was to show
that sexist socialization practices, rather than innate features, might account
for observed differences ( even small ones ) between women and men. Unger
i
•i i
• i
1
also encouraged feminist psychologists to pursue research that focused more on
i
social explanations than on biological ones.
Although it was productive to delineate sex and gender, in doing so, Unger
1 1•
•
;
•i i opened the door to new challenges. First, separating sex and gender mistakenly
i :; i !i i suggests an exclusionary relationship between biology and psycholog)' when, in
i
fact, research shows that they’re interdependent. It is impossible to attribute any
i
one characteristic solely to biolog)' or psycholog)' ( Unger & Crawford, 1993).
i
When studying sex and gender, researchers remind us that “ complex inter-
:
i
actions are the rule, not the exception ” ( Unger & Crawford , 1993, p. 124 ).
:
:
:
• Unger’s decision to separate these concepts was a strategic push , specific to
i
the late 1970s, to move the field in a direction that focused less on biological
essentialism.
As we discussed in Chapter 2, more contemporary feminist researchers move
beyond defined categories of sex and gender and, instead, take intersectional
approaches that recognize the fluidity and dynamic nature of identity categories
( Rutherford & Granek, 2010 ). In other words, modern feminist psychologists
acknowledge that it’s impossible to distinguish between sex and gender, much
like it’s impossible to disentangle race from gender, because what we think of
as part of our biology can be socially constructed (see Chapter 4 ). In practice,
researchers use these terms inconsistently, and language choices vary over time
and among academic journals ( Unger & Crawford , 1993 ) . For this reason,
we will use the term sex/gender throughout this chapter to signify the interde-
pendence of the two categories, a practice that is increasingly popular among
contemporary feminist researchers (van Anders, 2015 ).
Sex/Gender Differences and Sexism Historically, sex /gender differences

have served to justify sexism, and this practice continues today. However, the sex-
ism is more subtle now than it used to be. Consider the books discussed above.
•! Nowhere do they describe women as explicitly inferior; they simply describe
:
women as different from men. For example, women are seen as good commu-
nicators who want intimacy and connection. These aren’t negative descriptions;
however, these attitudes are consistent with benevolent sexism. As we saw in
Chapter 2, benevolent sexism is often a justification for gender inequality and
can lead to hostile sexism when women step outside of the boundaries consid-
ered appropriate for their sex/gender.
m
In fact, research has shown that belief in sex/gender differences is related to
both hostile and benevolent sexism ( Zell, Strickhouser, Lane, & Teeter, 2016 ).
In one study, men who believed in large sex /gender differences were more likely
to endorse hostile sexism , and women who believed in large sex /gender differ-
ences were more likely to endorse benevolent sexism ( Zell et al., 2016 ). Also,
sexism increased among participants who read a paragraph about how women
and men are different , while it decreased among those who read a paragraph
about how they’re similar. In light of these findings, it appears that believing
that women and men are different is one current cause of sexism.
Because discussions about difference have historically been motivated by
assumptions about women’s inferiority, some feminist psychologists hesitate to
discuss sex/gender difference at all ( Rutherford & Granek, 2010 ). Neverthe-
less, it’s important to understand what the science says. Some sex/gender dif-
ferences do exist, but as this chapter will show, they’re mosdy small, and their
causes are extremely complex. Explanations focusing only on biology or social-
ization are now considered to be overly simplistic. Instead, many important
aspects of die lives of girls and women are best understood within a biopsychoso -
cial model in which biological, psychological, and social factors all interact. Since
popular culture is full of statements about gender essentialism and assumptions
about neurosexism, it’s critical to understand the history as well as the tensions
associated with research in this area.
Perspectives on Similarities and

Differences
What are some advantages and disadvantages of the similarities and the
differences perspectives?
Because claims about sex/gender differences have been long linked to sexism,
many feminist psychologists, especially liberal feminists, take a similarities per- ’
spective. This is the idea diat women and men are more similar than different
( Hyde, 2005 ). This view stems from the hope that if women and men are seen
as more similar than different, then barriers that keep women from achieving
in traditionally male -dominated domains would disappear ( Eagly, 1995 ). For
example, in 1903 psychologist Helen Thompson-Woolley tested motor skills
among 25 female and 25 male White undergraduate students (Thompson,
1903). She then graphed the distributions of data from the female and male stu-
dents demonstrating tremendous overlap and argued that the small difference
found resulted from socialization practices rather than from heredity. There-
fore, she argued that if women were given the same educational opportunities
Perspectives on Similarities and Differences 107
i
i
-
as men, those differences would likely disappear. Thompson Woolley’s work
is an example of how focusing on a similarities perspective provided evidence
to refute sexist ideas that girls and women shouldn’t advance in academic and
t* .
professional settings. More recently, feminist psychologist Janet Hyde ( 2005,
2014 ) has analyzed similarities and differences between women and men and
strongly supports the similarities perspective . She notes that there are import-
!
ant costs to over-emphasizing difference . For example, a couples therapist who
believes that women and men fundamentally cannot communicate may not be
optimally effective ( Hyde, 2014 ).
However, other feminist psychologists take a differences perspective. They
view women and men as more different than similar and think people should
. appreciate and value women’s unique experiences and attributes ( Hare- Mustin
i|
& Marecek, 1988 ). Although those who take a differences perspective may
appear to advocate for gender essentialism, this can be a strategic choice to help
support social causes that uniquely affect large numbers of women. This practice
is known as strategic essentialism (Spivak, 1990 ) . The 2017 Women’s March,
discussed in Chapter 2, is an example of strategic essentialism because it was
framed around how women are systemically disadvantaged
compared to men .
Those who hold a differences perspective generally view
try it for yourself women as a unified social group, despite the fact that women
vary on numerous other social identity dimensions. Seeing
Take a piece of paper, and list all the
women as unified and sharing a special quality of woman -
I ways in which you think women and
hood can be a way to mobilize for social activism ( although ,
men are different. Next ask five of your
t friends, of different genders, to come up
as discussed in Chapter 2, this approach can be contro-
with as many examples of differences versial ). Furthermore, the idea that women have unique
between women and men as they can. qualities that should be valued is consistent with cultural
Then list all the ways in which you think feminism . In Chapter 1, you considered whether cultural
women and men are similar, and ask your feminism is empowering or oppressing, and the same issues
friends to list similarities too. Which list are relevant in deciding whether a similarities or differences
was easier to generate? Do you advocate approach is helpful or harmful for girls and women .
< more of a similarities or a differences According to die differences perspective, ignoring differ-
perspective? As for your friends, do their ences between women and men can be harmful, especially
responses seem to relate to their gender
if knowledge gained from studying only men is applied to
identity?
women . In clinical research, for example, if die symptoms
of a heart attack typically differ in women and men, but if
only men have been studied, dien doctors may not recognize
; symptoms of a heart attack in women ( Eagly & Wood, 2011 ). The differences
perspective has also had some influence in modern science. In 2014, die U.S.
National Institutes of Healdi ( NIH ) changed its policy for cell and animal research
to require that all funded studies have a balanced number of female and male sub -
jects ( Clayton & Collins, 2014 ) . Previously, most animal research had been done
on males so that the female reproductive cycle wouldn’t complicate die data.

Both perspectives can be useful , and both can be problematic. It could also
be argued that questioning whether women and men are similar or different in
the first place is overly simplistic and reinforces gender esscntialism because it
keeps the attention on difference (Shields, 2013 ). Therefore, it would be more
useful to ask what factors increase or decrease similarities and differences.
Four Questions about Differences

What four questions should be asked when studying sex /gender differences?
It may seem easy to determine whether women and men are similar or different:
Simply measure their scores on a given variable. In reality, it’s much more com -
plicated . For example, this line of research rarely takes into account the expe -
riences or traits of transgender women and men. Contemporary scholars have
suggested specific questions to guide researchers when investigating sex/gender
differences ( Joel Sc McCarthy, 2017 ). Without rigorous scrutiny, researchers
may unknowingly propose simplistic models that risk over-emphasizing gender
esscntialism .
Does Everyone Show This Difference? As discussed in Chapter 2, much

of the research in psychology docs not incorporate an intcrsectional analysis,
so research has often ignored other important factors that shape sex/gender.
,
Therefore, a first question to ask is this: Is the difference consistent or does it
’
clmnrje based on other aspects of one s social identity?
Recent research shows that many sex /gender differences change when other
— —
intersecting variables such as age, race, or socioeconomic status are taken
into account. For example, some sex /gender differences may only appear
during certain developmental stages ( Joel & McCarthy, 2017 ). For example,
in one meta -analysis, researchers exploring aggression found that some differ-
ences were only true at certain ages ( Archer, 2004 ) . Specifically, while women
reported engaging in more indirect aggression ( e.g., socially isolating others )
than men, these effects greatly varied by age . Women were more likely than men
to participate in indirect aggression as children or adolescents, not as adults.
Other studies show that sex /gender differences disappear when race and /
or ethnic background is taken into account. For example, a meta -analysis of
almost 700 studies found that sex/gender differences in experiencing guilt were
only true for White participants and not for Asian American, Black, or Latinx
participants ( Else - Quest, Higgins, Allison, & Morton, 2012 ). In a study based
on hundreds of thousands of state assessments mandated by the No Child Left
Behind Act, researchers found that the overrepresentation of boys at the highest
levels of math achievement was only true for White students ( Hyde, Lindberg,
Linn , Ellis, & Williams, 2008 ). For Asian American students, the reverse was

.
true For example, at the 99 th percentile of math achievement , White boys out-
numbered White girls by a ratio of around 2:1. However, for Asian American
students at this level of achievement, there were slightly more girls than boys,
with 0.9 Asian American boys scoring at this level for every 1 Asian American
girl ( Hyde et al., 2008 ).
Social class also appears to influence research findings on sex /gender dif-
ferences. In a study of spatial skills, researchers found that among middle - and
I, i
*
* upper- middle-class participants, boys did better than girls ( Levine, Vasilyeva,
; i
Lourenco, Newcombc, & Huttenlochcr, 2005 ) . Among participants of lower
socioeconomic status, however, no sex/gendcr differences were found . All of
these findings illustrate how solely exploring differences between girls and boys
without considering other identity variables can result, at best , in incomplete
understanding.
As the influence of intersectionality becomes more mainstream , it’s likely
that research on sex /gender differences will become more nuanccd. Because so
much previous research has involved primarily White participants, an intersec-
tional approach will also address ethnocentric tendencies in this line of research.
Does the Difference Change in Different Contexts? Much research on

sex /gender differences hasn’t accounted for the ways in which context may
influence findings. So a second question to ask is: Does the difference depend on
context, or does it occur in any situation ?
Research suggests that a great number of gender differences can change, and
even reverse, depending on the situation. In one study, researchers examined
the density of neurons in the hippocampus of rats, a part of the brain involved
with memory (Shors, Chua, & Falduto, 2001 ). When the rats had led peaceful,
non-stressful lives, female rats had denser neurons than male rats. But when the
rats had been exposed to even a short stressful experience, the sex/gender dif-
ference reversed: Males had denser neurons. In other words, the context seemed
to matter quite a bit.
The same is true of helping behaviors. In studies where helping behavior was
openly observed by others, men tended to help more than women did ( Eagly
i & Crowly, 1986). However, when helping took place without anyone watch -
ing, there were no sex/gender differences. Men were also more likely to help
women than to help men. These findings suggest that men may act in a brave or
heroic manner because that’s how they think they’re supposed to act, especially
in front of others.
Research has also suggested that differences in spatial skills may have a great
1, deal to do with how researchers ask questions. In one study, researchers gave
women and men a spatial perspective-taking task that involved viewing a dia-
3 gram of a city from above and navigating from one location to another by writ -
IT ing “ right” or “left” at every turn (Tarampi, Heydari, & Hegarty, 2016 ). In
one condition, participants were given the start and stop points and were told
I
i 110 Chapter 3 Similarities and Differences
U
# Start
Og)J - /
/
&
N
/4
/
1 In the Tarampi et al. ( 2016 ) study, the map on the left was used for participants who were told that
the study was exploring spatial ability. The map on the right, identical except for the inclusion of a human figure at
each turn, was used for participants who were told that the study was exploring empathy. A sex/gender difference
was found when participants thought it was a task of spatial ability but not when they thought the task was about
empathy.
the task was a measure of spatial ability. Men did better than women. However,
in another condition , the researchers showed die exact same map but drew a
human figure that needed to be directed through the city (see Figure 3.1 ).
Participants were told that it was a task of empathy rather than of spatial ability.
—
Voila the sex/gender differences disappeared! The context in which partic-
ipants encountered the task mattered. This suggests that differences in some
spatial skills may have more to do with expectations about what women and
men are supposed to be good at than actual cognitive differences.
Is the Difference Categorical or Dimensional? If a sex/gender difference

is categorical ( i.e., occurring in two distinct forms ), then women and men can be
treated as truly different groups or separate categories. So an important third ques-
tion is this: Is the difference categorical ( women are one way, men are another way )
or dimensional (any differences between women and men are a matter of degree ) ?
Taxonomic analysis is a statistical technique for determining whether observed
groups can be classified as categorical or dimensional ( Carothers & Reis, 2013).
If women and men are categorically different, then they’re so different that they
can be considered completely different groups ( or classes or taxons ). Accord -
ingly, simply knowing that someone is a woman or a man would enable others
to predict what that person is like on a given trait.

i
; I
i
!
For example, dogs and cats arc categorically different ( they represent differ-
ent taxons ), and knowing that Puddles is a dog and Whiskers is a cat allows you
to predict with near certainty that Puddles will bark and Whiskers will meow.
This kind of assumption about women and men is found in the popular press
books described previously ( men = waffles and Mars; women = spaghetti and
1 Venus ), and it also underlies gender essentialism . In contrast, if the differences
between women and men are dimensional , then any differences found arc dif-
i
—
ferences of degree with considerable overlap and knowing that someone is
a woman or a man wouldn’t give much information about how that person
i
would score on a given trait. Two species of dogs may have barks that, on aver-
age, differ in loudness, but knowing whether you have a Labrador or a Golden
J
Retriever won’t tell you with certainty how loud a given bark will be .
:i
In one study, researchers used taxonomic analysis to determine whether the
differences between women and men could better be described as categori -
cal or dimensional ( Carothers & Reis, 2013 ). The authors picked the most
gender-stereotyped behaviors they could identify, such as enjoying taking a bath
and using cosmetics ( associated wadi women ) and enjoying boxing and playing
video games ( associated with men ). Not surprisingly, they found that interest in
these activities was categorical ( see Table 3.1 ). Therefore, if the researchers knew
whether a participant liked using cosmetics more than playing video games, they
could relatively accurately guess whether diat person was a woman or a man. Of
course, just because diere were categorical differences doesn’t mean that all women
like to take badis and all men like to box. It simply means that , on average, this
information does a good job predicting whether a person is a woman or a man.
However, on all other psychological variables studied , the differences between
women and men were better described as dimensional than categorical ( Carothers
& Reis, 2013). Knowing that a participant was a woman or a man didn’t even
enable researchers to accurately predict whether that person was feminine or
masculine. Empathy, interest in science, and comfort with casual sex were also
found to be dimensional. This study suggests that women and men may, on
average, be different, on these variables, but there is too much overlap between
I women’s and men’s scores to describe them as being in distinct categories.
What Is the Source of the Difference? Even if an observed sex /gender

;•
difference persists over time and across situations and is found to represent a
categorical difference between women and men , it isn’t clear what causes the
difference. It could be based in biological factors, and biological differences may
; be rooted in different evolutionary pressures. However, differences may also be
due to differential gender socialization, internalized stereotypes, or a complex
combination of factors. To make things more complicated , differences may be
related to an array of variables across various social identities. Often , many vari -
1 ables contribute to sex/gender differences. Therefore, a fourth question must
be: What is the source of the difference ?
!i
.
ij
TABLE 3.1 Categorical Sex /Gender Differences Identified
in Carothers & Reis ( 2013 )
Categorical Differences Found Categorical Differences Not Found*
Men sexual attitudes

enjoy playing golf sexual behaviors
enjoy boxing mate selectivity
enjoy construction empathy

enjoy video games perspective taking
enjoy watching pornography importance of relationships

better at long jump, high jump, and javelin throw masculinity
have wider shoulders femininity
importance of care
Women interest in science
enjoy taking a bath fear of success
enjoy talking on the phone personality traits
enjoy scrapbooking social support
enjoy watching talk shows intimacy with friends
enjoy cosmetics ( including hair and nail care ) intimacy with partners
Note. *For these variables, dimensional differences were found .
Four Explanations for Differences

What are four explanations for sex /gender differences? How are they
distinct , and how may they overlap?
As we discussed previously, historically there has been tension between those
who emphasize biological explanations and those who emphasize social and
cultural explanations for sex /gender differences. Biological and evolutionary
explanations have often served to justify sexism, so feminist psychologists have
instead gravitated to social and cultural explanations. However, it’s overly sim-
plistic to assume that anything is either completely biological or completely
sociocultural, as these factors often can’t be clearly separated. Given this com -
plexity, it’s important to understand evolutionary, biological, and more social
explanations for sex/gender differences. For any given trait or behavior, any or
all of these explanations may apply.

Evolution The evolutionary perspective holds that differences between women
and men stem from pressures for survival and reproduction throughout human
evolutionary history ( Buss & Schmitt, 2011 ). Of course, women and men faced
many similar challenges to survival as humans evolved , so it’s possible to expect
that they should be quite similar. However, one evolutionary theory empha -
sizes the different pressures women and men faced in terms of mating and sur-
if vival, leading them to develop different mating strategics to ensure their success
ii
( Buss, 1995; Buss & Schmitt, 1993 ). This sexual strategies theory argues that,
as humans evolved, men impregnated as many women as possible in order to
maximize the chance that some of their children would survive. As a result,
H according to this theory, even today men should be more invested in short - term
mating strategies ( e.g., hookups, flings ) and have lower standards for short -
ii I term relationships. Women , in contrast, had greater maternal investment in each
!i child in order to aid their survival ( e .g., pregnancy, breastfeeding ) and therefore
preferred long- term, stable mates who would contribute resources to promote
their children’s survival. Evolutionary psychologists point to data that suggest ,
.
;
for example, that tall men have greater reproductive success ( Nettle, 2002 ).
ill They argue that this mate preference is due to an evolved tendency for women
to select mates who could protect them . Of course, a preference for taller male
partners may have nothing to do with protection. Being taller could have sig-
naled better health, which could make someone a more desirable mate as one’s
children may then be more likely to be healthy.
The fact that women, due to gestation and lactation , are more invested in their
offspring than men underlies the differential parental investment theory—
an evolutionary explanation for why women are more invested in child care
than men ( Bjorklund & Shackelford, 1999 ) . Another reason men may be less
invested relates to the fact that early human men could never be 100% sure that
a child was theirs, an idea known as paternity uncertainty ( Goetz & Shakleford,
2009 ). Evolutionary psychologists also argue that paternity uncertainty helps
explain why men developed aggression toward and control over women ( Goetz,
Shackelford, Romero, Kaighobadi, & Miner, 2008 ). Such tendencies ensured
that the children the men were supporting hadn’t been fathered by other men .
Although evolutionary theorists claim that women and men adapted to ensure
survival, it’s unclear what the best reproductive strategy actually was during
humans’ evolutionary past. For example, one might assume ( as sexual strategies
theory does) that men would maximize the likelihood of producing children
by impregnating lots of women. However, if humans traveled in small bands in
which many individuals were related, a man would probably do better by mat-
ing with and remaining monogamous to one of the women in his social group.
In contrast to sexual strategies theory, attachment fertility theory focuses on
how evolutionary forces may have selected for similarity in reproductive strate-
gies ( Miller & Fishkin, 1997). This theory suggests that survival was enhanced
when women and men worked together to ensure the survival of their offspring.
;

.
ii
Because human infants arc dependent and vulnerable, this theory implies that
it wouldn’t be adaptive for men to impregnate women and then leave their off-
spring to potentially die. Instead , it was more adaptive for men to stay with their
mating partner and help nurture infants to ensure offspring survival.
Evolutionary theorists are often criticized because, although attitudes and
behaviors can be measured in the present, one can only make hypotheses about the
evolutionary past ( Ketelaar Sc Ellis, 2000 ). Also, while there are feminist approaches
to evolutionary theory ( e.g., attachment fertility theory ) and evolutionary theorists
who identify as feminists, evolutionary theories about gender have a long history
of tension with feminism (Smith Sc Konik, 2011). For example, some evolutionary
theorists have argued that rape was an adaptive strategy to help men impregnate
fertile women (Thornhill 8c Palmer, 2000 ). Others have argued that domestic vio-
lence was a way for men to control women to make sure they weren’t having affairs
or having children with other men ( Peters, Shakleford, Sc Buss, 2002 ). Critics have
accused evolutionary theorists of insensitivity, victim blaming, and assuming that
men can’t control sexual urges ( Rose, 2000 ). Of course, not all evolutionary psy-
chologists view rape and domestic violence as adaptive traits. Furthermore, viewing
sexual and domestic violence as having evolved to control women does not mean
excusing or justifying these behaviors ( Peters et al., 2002 ) .
Biology Most research on biological explanations for sex/gender differences

has focused on the brain and on hormones. In general, research on brain dif-
ferences between women and men has yielded a complicated picture. Although
some studies find small differences between the brains of women and men, the
differences often disappear when other variables are taken into account.
A review of research found no compelling evidence for many beliefs held
—
by both the general public and scientists themselves about differences between
—
women’s and men’s brains ( Wallentin, 2009 ). One belief is that women have a
bigger corpus callosum, the band of fibers that connect die brain’s hemispheres,
and some have used this supposed difference to justify sex/gender stereotypes. For
example, in die 1990s, a Time magazine article claimed that die fact that wom -
en’s brain hemispheres talk to each odier more than men’s accounts for women’s
greater intuition ( Gorman, 1992, as cited in Bishop Sc Wahlsten, 1997 ). However,
a review of die literature reported no consistent difference across studies and called
diis belief a mydi (Wallentin, 2009 ). The fact that studies finding non-significant
sex /gendcr differences are less likely to be published dian those that do find sig-
nificant differences is a particular problem for brain research ( Fine et al., 2013).
Even if a sex /gender difference in the brain is found, the difference doesn’t
necessarily lead to women and men acting differendy. In 2009, a review of the
literature concluded that “ hundreds of sex differences have been found in the
central nervous system, but only a handful can be clearly linked to sex differ-
ences in behavior . . . we do not know the functional consequences of most of
the others” ( de Vries Sc Sodersten, 2009, p. 598 ). For example, in a study of

women and men with similar scores on intelligence tests, there were some brain
differences in what areas correlated with intelligence ( Haier, Jung, Yeo, Head ,
& Alkire, 2005 ). But because the participants’ intelligence levels were the same,
this was an example of brain differences having no actual behavioral effect. In
fact, researchers hypothesized that instead of causing sex /gender differences,
observed brain variations might serve to compensate for other biological dif-
ferences ( e.g., hormonal levels ), so that behavior is actually more similar than
might be expected ( deVries, 2004 ).
Another complication to biological theories is that while there may be small sex /
gender differences in the brain, on average, that doesn’t mean individual women
and men have clearly gender-typed brains. In one study, researchers examined MRI
scans of over 1,400 adults and identified die brain areas where the largest average
differences between women and men occurred ( Joel ct al., 2015 ). Researchers
then looked at each brain , one at a time, to see if women and men consistently
had gender-typed brains. But instead of “female” or “ male ” brains, the researchers
found a mosaic wadi a mix of female - typed and male - typed brain characteristics.
Most participants had parts of the brain that were “female- typed,” other parts
“ male-typed,” and still other parts somewhere in between ( see Figure 3.2 ).
Finally, even if there arc brain differences between women and men , one can’t
assume that different brains cause different abilities or behaviors. In fact , research
I
—
suggests diat the reverse may be true. Brains demonstrate plasticity that is, they
have die ability to change to a certain degree in response to aspects of the envi -
ronment and learning experiences. For example , taxi drivers develop larger- than -
i usual brain structures devoted to visual memory due to their experience with
driving ( Maguire et al., 2000 ), and musicians develop a larger-than - usual audi -
tory cortex due to their greater need to process sound ( Jancke, Gaab, Wiisten -
berg, Scheich, & Hcinze, 2001 ). So even if women and men do show brain
differences, it may be die result of different experiences. In other words, biolog-
ical explanations don’t rule out social explanations. They can go hand in hand.
Biological explanations also focus on hormones’ potential for shaping sex /
gender differences. This research raises similar questions about whether biolog)'
is a cause of difference or a consequence of environmental factors. Although it’s
often assumed that stereotypically masculine behavior is caused by testosterone
( van Anders, 2013 ), the data are complicated . Instead of masculinity per se,
high testosterone appears to be linked to behaviors such as competitiveness,
and low testosterone appears to be linked to nurturance. Moreover, these con -
nections occur in both women and men. Testosterone levels also appear to be
reactive to environmental situations. For example, a longitudinal study found
that testosterone levels decreased in fathers and that men who did more child
care had die largest decreases ( Gcttler, McDade, Fcranil, & Kuzawa, 2011 ).
—= In another study comparing fathers from two communities in Tanzania, those

who were involved in daily child care had lower levels of testosterone than those
who weren’t ( Muller, Marlowe, Bugumba, & Ellison , 2009 ) .

Females Males
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FIGU ' '
-
v. This illustration shows the human brain mosaic. Each horizontal line
represents the brain of one participant ( women on the left and men on the right); each
column represents one brain region, and darker gray colors represent greater gray-matter
volume. Each brain is a unique mosaic of features. While there are some sex /gender
differences on average, each brain is unique and extremely variable. (From Joel et al. 2015) f
Variations in testosterone levels appear to be linked to the ability to nurture.

When young men were in a room with a fake baby that cried but couldn’t be
comforted, their testosterone levels went up ( van Anders, Tolman, & Volling,
2012 ). But when they were able to comfort the baby, their testosterone levels
went down . Testosterone levels are also linked to displays of power and aggres-
sion . In another study, when women were asked to act out firing someone ( an
act that demonstrates power ), their testosterone levels went up ( van Anders,
Steiger, Sc Goldey, 2015 ). In general, men have higher testosterone levels than
women ( Mayo Clinic, n.d . ). However, researchers hypothesize that die fact that
women are socialized not to display aggression may be one reason for their
lower testosterone ( van Anders et al ., 2015 ).
Social Role Theory Another dieory, known as social role theory or social
structural theory, emphasizes how gender roles are responses to, rather than
causes of, different roles in society ( Eagly & Wood, 1999, 2011 ). This theory
holds that differences between women and men arise from the roles they’ve

traditionally held rather than from biologically based differences. These roles,
such as women being caretakers and men being breadwinners, may have their
origins in biology. However, according to social role theory, cognitive and per-
sonality differences, such as women having nurturing qualities and men having
better spatial skills, reflect adaptation to social roles. In other words, this theory
argues that being a caregiver causes someone to be nurturing, not that being
nurturing causes someone to be a caregiver.
It’s important to note that this theory is not inconsistent with some of the
biological research we’ve discussed . After all, hormone levels can change in
response to social roles ( e.g., they decrease during caregiving). Furthermore,
due to plasticity, the very structure of the brain can change in response to the
activities one engages in . Therefore, social role theory and biological theories
can be seen as complementary rather than oppositional. Gendered behaviors
shape the brain and endocrine system , which, in turn , influence gendered
behaviors ( Kaiser, Haller, Schmitz, 8c Nitsch, 2009 ) .
Expectancy Role Value Theory Yet another theory, expectancy role value
theory, also focuses on how environmental factors and gender socialization pro-
mote sex /gender differences. This theory centers on the notion that women
and men have internalized stereotypes about how they’re supposed to act ( Eccles,
1994 ). As a result, men may have a difficult time assuming caretaking roles
because doing so goes against their internalized beliefs that a man is supposed
to be assertive and a powerful breadwinner ( Croft, Schmader, & Block , 2015 ).
According to this theory, people make decisions about what activities to pursue
based on two factors: the expectation that doing the activity will lead to success,
and the value that person puts on the activity ( Eccles, 1994 ) .
For example, if a woman is thinking about taking a chal -
lenging math class, she’ll first consider whether she believes
she can succeed in the class. She’ll then consider whether
your turn the class is interesting and valuable to her. Even if she has
the skills to successfully complete the class, she may think
Think about the four explanations pre- she doesn’t. Also, she may not value math because she
sented previously. Which one (or combi- doesn’t see it as something that wgirls” do. Expectancy role
nation of them) do you think best explains value theory adds to the idea of social roles by noting that
some of the research on differences be-
people make active choices about the kinds of activities they
tween women and men? Which one have
1 wish to pursue.
you most heard other people use to ex-
X
plain differences? Why do you think some
The four explanations are not mutually exclusive. Evo -
explanations are more appealing than lutionary forces can help shape social roles. Biological dif -
others? These four don’t reflect all possible ferences can be influenced by evolution but can also be a
explanations. What other explanations can result of gendered environments. While arguments often
\! you think of for why some differences are present evolution and biology on one side and social roles
found between women and men? and expectancy role value on the other side, this needn’t be
the case. The explanations can be complementary.
im
[Wiethe
* 3s 1 Used to Study
Sex /Gender Similarities
and Differences
What are some methods and statistics used in studying sex /gender
similarities and differences?
Before reviewing data on sex /gender differences in cognitive skills, personality,

and behavior, it’s important to discuss commonly used research terminology
and statistics. Human sex difference is an index term in PsychINFO, and there
arc over 79,000 peer- reviewed studies with this index term . Since the results of
these studies may vary, it’s useful to consider how researchers combine results
from many studies to examine the big picture. This involves meta-analysis, a
process that statistically combines results from a large number of studies. It’s
essentially a study of studies in which findings from existing studies serve as the
data used in the new summary study. A meta -analysis has the potential of com -
bining data from thousands of studies that look at millions of people. A more
recent technique is meta -synthesis, which statistically combines the results of
many meta-analyses ( Zell et al., 2015 ) .
Once again , it’s important to note that the field of psychology has tradition-
ally been , and continues to be, geared toward detecting and reporting differ-
ence. There are no index terms in PsychINFO about sex or gender similarities.
However, if you search for “sex similarities” or “ gender similarities” ( putting
quotation marks around the words ), you’ll find fewer than 500 results. Addi -
tionally, while researchers’ statistical tools measure difference, there are no tools
to measure similarity ( Nelson , 2015 ). When a study looking for sex/gender
differences doesn’t find any, the findings are considered “ non-significant”
( e.g., no significant differences are found ) and generally remain unpublished,
leading to the file drawer problem ( Rosenthal, 1979 ) . In other words, studies
that don’t find differences are often filed away ( in the metaphorical circular file,
or trash bin ) . For this reason, the field is biased toward finding and explaining
difference.
Although the file drawer problem is a challenge, it may not be insurmount -
able. A lot of published studies report scores for women and men separately,
even when they weren’t designed to explore sex/gender differences. These
studies may find similarities between women and men but still get published
because their main finding is about something else. Therefore, meta-analyses
and meta -syntheses can be used with some level of confidence to determine the
level of sex/gender difference. In fact, some meta -analyses account for the bias
toward difference by reporting a fail -safe number, which represents how many
non -significant and non- published results would need to exist for the findings
Methods Used to Study Sex/Gender Similarities and Differences 119

1
I
! . that they report to be eliminated ( Chaplin 8c Aldao, 2013 ) . Other meta -anal-
yses examine both published and unpublished studies, such as data sets from
dissertations ( sec Else- Quest et al ., 2012 ).
When data from many studies arc combined in a meta -analysis or
| .
l
meta -synthesis, the results are generally presented in terms of an effect size, or a
i d statistic ( Cohen , 1988 ) . This number indicates how big or small a difference
1
l is. As Table 3.2 shows, an effect size of 0.1 ( or less ) is considered negligible,
ii* . l meaning any difference is essentially assumed not to exist. An effect size of 0.2 is
i
considered small, 0.5 is considered medium, and 0.8 is considered to be a large
difference between groups. It is also important to understand how to interpret
the d statistic . It’s a general convention to report effect sizes such that positive
i d scores reflect men scoring higher than women and negative d scores reflect
: \ women scoring higher than men . Although not all studies do this ( Priess 8c
Hyde, 2010 ), we’ll use this convention when reporting effect sizes.
i •
'
It’s important to remember that even when a large effect is found to exist,
I l
this doesn’t mean that women and men are two completely distinct groups.
After all, taxonomic analysis has shown that women and men are not distinct
groups on most variables ( Carothers 8c Reis, 2013 ). To think about this in
terms of effect sizes, consider that even with a large effect there would be a
69% overlap between women and men , as Table 3.2 shows. The overlap is even
greater with smaller effects, and small effect size differences are the most com -
mon in sex /gender difference research . If the effect size is small, 92% of women
—
and men would have similar scores indicating a great deal of overlap.
Another statistic to consider is variability, or the degree to which the scores
are spread out. Imagine a set of five scores with an average of 100. If the scores
were 99, 100, 100, 100, and 101, there would be low variability. But if the
scores were 50, 75, 100, 125, and 150, there would be greater variability. Men
and women may have similar scores on average, but their scores may differ in
—
variability in other words, even though the groups don’t differ on average,
there may be more of one group who score very low and very high .
In her review of how assumptions about sex/gender difference have served
to justify women’s subordinate status, psychologist Stephanie Shields wrote in
1975: ctThe variability hypothesis is all but absent from contemporary psycho-
I
logical work, but if it ever again promises a viable justification for existing social
values, it will be back as strongly as ever” (Shields, 1975, p. 751 ). Indeed , the
variability hypothesis did come back. In 2005, Larry Summers, then president
of Harvard University, spoke at a conference on diversifying the science and
engineering workforce to address why there are proportionally fewer women
; than men in the sciences. He noted that “ in the special case of science and engi -
neering, there are issues of intrinsic aptitude, and particularly of the variability of
aptitude” (Summers, 2005, para. 6 ). His comments caused a firestorm of con -
—
troversy at the time probably because they sounded very similar to statements
made historically to justify claims about women’s supposed inferiority.
'
i
• hi
TABLE 3.2 Common Effect Size Standards
Percentage overlap
Effect Size: d Effect Size: Label between groups What does it look like?
0.1 Negligible 96.01% Cohen’s d: 0.1
-3.0 -2.5 -2.0 -1.5 -1.0 -0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0
0.2 Small 92.03% Cohen’s d: 0.2
/
/
/
.
-3.0 -2.5 -
-2.0 1.5 -1.0 -0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0
0.5 Medium SO.26% Cohen's d: 0.5
-3.0 -2.5 -2.0 -1.5 -1.0 -0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0 3.5
0.8 Large 68.92% Cohen’s d: 0.8
-3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3
Methods Used to Study Sex/Gender Similarities and Differences 121

:
i
i
i
The Big Picture
! Overall, are women and men more similar or different, and what is the
i degree of overlap?
Researchers have reviewed data from many meta - analyses to gain an overall pic-
ture of the extent of sex/gender differences. In 2005, psychologist Janet Hyde
I
reviewed 46 meta -analyses. She found that 30% of the effect sizes were negligible
( d < 0.1 ) and 48% were small ( d = 0.11 to 0.35 ) . Therefore, 78% of sex /gender
differences were either negligible or small . In 2015, researchers conducted an
i
updated review using meta -synthesis of 106 meta-analyses with 386 different
reported results ( Zell et al., 2015 ). The total number of participants across all
the studies reviewed was over 12 million. The meta -synthesis found an effect
size for the overall difference between women and men of 0.21, a small effect.
—
i
Overall, women and men were found to have a great deal in common over
90% of women and men overlapped , but there was a small overall difference.
When the authors of the meta -synthesis looked specifically at the 386 different
*; meta -analytic results, they found , similar to Hyde ( 2005 ), that 85.5% of the
effect sizes indicated either negligible or small differences.
: i Interestingly, the meta -synthesis authors also provided some support for the
file drawer problem, in which only studies that find statistically significant sex/
gender differences get published ( Zell et al ., 2015 ). When the authors incorpo-
rated results from both published and unpublished studies, there was a slightly
smaller effect size ( d = 0.19 ) than when using only published studies ( d = 0.24 ).
Cognitive Variables
What are the main findings on similarities and differences in cognitive
variables, and what role does culture play in these findings?
We’ll now focus on sex/gender similarities and differences in general intelligence,
mathematical ability, spatial skills, verbal ability, and academic achievement.
Much of the data we discuss is based on large -scale studies or meta - analyses.
As you’ll see, the cognitive picture is complicated . In some domains, women
have a slight advantage; in odiers, men do. In some domains, die interesting
question is not who scores better on average but who has the greater variability.
However, in all cases there is high overlap, and similarity is more the rule than
!1 difference. We’ll also explore data relevant to the four questions above. For
many cognitive skills, context matters, and the findings can change depending
on how the question is asked and where or when the data are collected. Also,
[: ij
I
it’s important to remember that finding a difference doesn’t tell us the cause.
.
;
’
i :
«
—
Differences may have biological or social causes and most likely a combination
of factors is in play.
General Intelligence
Women and men typically score similarly on tests of general intelligence. This is
largely because IQ ( intelligence quotient ) tests are designed to be free of sex/
gender bias. During test development, when women and men score consis-
tently differently on an item , either it is removed or items are balanced so that
there arc no sex / gendcr differences overall ( Halpern, 2006 ). In fact, one early
intelligence test , the Stanford-Binet, showed a small advantage for women , but
the items were subsequently revised so that women no longer outperformed
men (Terman 8: Merrill , 1937 ). There arc, however, some differences in spe-
—
cific domains included in IQ tests memory, for example. Meta -analyses indi -
cate that women consistently score better on memory tasks, with effect sizes in
the small to moderate range ( d = -0.20 to -0.56; Halpern 8c LaMay, 2000 ).
Another component on which women consistently outperform men is process-
ing speed , or the ability to maintain concentration and perform quickly while
under pressure ( Camarata 8c Woodcock, 2006 ).
There are also small sex /gendcr differences in variability on IQ tests. Men’s
scores generally have greater variability than women’s. For example, researchers
found more men than women at both the very top and the very bottom of the
score distribution in a study with more than 80,000 participants from Scodand
( Dreary, Thorpe, Wilson , Starr, & Whallcy, 2003 ). However, a later analysis
of this sample indicated that men had extremely variable scores at the low end
of the distribution . At the high end, the variability was less extreme ( Johnson,
Carothcrs, 8c Deary, 2008 ) .
Mathematical Ability
Because general intelligence tests are designed to be free ofsex/gender bias,
more attention has been given to differences between women and men on tests
of specific cognitive abilities such as math skills, spatial skills, and verbal skills.
The stereotype is that women excel in verbal skills and men excel in math skills.
However, the data represent very complex findings. An effect size of -0.05
was found in a meta-analysis on math skills done in 1990 ( Hyde, Fennema, 8c
Lamon, 1990 ). This means that the difference in math skills was negligible but
in the direction of women having higher scores than men! However, there was
—
some indication that at the highest levels of math skills, men did outperform
women. For example, when only looking at highly selective samples, such as
those who attended very selective colleges or those who were selected for study

!
because they excelled at math, the effect size was larger, with men having higher
scores than women ( d = 0.54 ).
A more recent meta-analysis reviewed math achievement scores of almost
a half million students across 69 nations ( Else-Quest, Hyde, Sc Linn , 2010 ).
i Researchers found , on average, a very small male advantage in various domains of
math skills ( d < 0.15 for each skill ). However, this small effect indicates large gen -
:
i] der similarities. Also, there were extensive variations from nation to nation , and
i
• i
: girls outperformed boys in some countries. Furthermore, in nations with greater
> gender equality ( c.g., more women enrolled in schools, represented in the legis-
!' :
lature, and holding high - level science and math positions ) , girls performed better
!! on math tests, and die sex/gender difference often disappeared . Another study
I! looked at almost 300,000 students in 40 countries who took identical , challeng-
« ing math tests designed to be free of cultural bias ( Guiso, Monte, Sapienza, &
I
Zingales, 2008 ). This study confirmed that countries with the greatest level of
gender equity, such as Iceland, Norway, and Sweden, show either similarities
between women and men or a difference with a slight female advantage.
I These two studies support the gender stratification hypothesis, the idea
'
;
that differences found between women and men ( especially on cognitive skills )
relate to the level of gender equality in a country. Interestingly, countries that
—
—
have smaller sex/gender gaps in mathematics possibly because of social pro-
grams that promote the education of girls also tend to have large sex /gender
.
gaps in reading, with girls outperforming boys ( Marks, 2008 ) .
The international data have also challenged the idea of greater male variabil -
ity. In one study, researchers found , based on data from the international math
study described above, that in Iceland , Thailand , and Great Britain cither as
many or more girls scored in the top 99% of math tests as boys ( Guiso ct al.,
2008 ). Other researchers have found in several nations, including Ireland , Tuni-
sia, and the Czech Republic, that women and men are equally variable in their
math performance ( Machin & Pckkinarin , 2008 ).
Finally, the idea that men are over-represented at the upper levels of math
performance may have been more applicable decades ago than it is today.
For example, in one study, researchers reviewed data of mathematically gifted
—
children those who take and excel on the math portion of the Scholastic Apti -
tude Test (SAT ) before they reach age 13 ( Hyde & Mertz, 2009 ) . In the early
!
1980s, boys doing this outnumbered girls by a ratio of 13:1, but by 2005, boys
only outnumbered girls 2.8:1.
1 I.
Spatial Skills
—
\
There are a wide variety of spatial skills, but mental rotation the ability to imag-
—
I
ine what an object would look like when rotated in three -dimensional space
; has been the subject of much research . Mental rotation has consistently shown a
t

male advantage, with generally large effect sizes ( d = 0.70; Voycr, 2011 ). How-
ever, it’s important to remember that even this large effect implies an approxi -
mately 72% overlap between groups. There arc also data suggesting that men do
particularly well on this task under time limits ( Macda & Yoon , 2013 ). Other
spatial skills, though , don’t show such a strong sex /gender difference. For exam -
ple, imagining what a paper will look like when folded demonstrates a pattern of
gender similarities ( Miller & Halpern, 2014 ). If you look at the sample materials
from the two tasks shown in Figure 3.3, can you explain why men reliably out -
perform women on one but not the other ? Stumped ? So are the researchers who
found this outcome ( Harris, Hirsh - Pasck , Sc Newcombc, 2013 ) .
There arc some spatial skills in which women have an advantage. As noted
earlier, women generally outperform men on memory tasks. In line with this,
spatial memory, or the ability to remember where an object was located , shows
a small female advantage, although still a great deal of overlap ( d = -0.23;
Voycr, Postma, Brake, Sc Imperato- McGinley, 2007 ) . Interestingly, this female
advantage can disappear and even reverse when the objects arc stereotypically
masculine ( e.g., a car or a train; Chcrney Sc Ryalls, 1999; Voyer ct al., 2007 ).
In another study conducted in France, researchers showed girls and boys a
(A) Mental rotation task
B C D
(B) Mental folding task
B C E
FIGURE 3.3 For the example mental rotation task shown on top. participants are asked to imagine rotating the
drawing on the left and to pick two of the four drawings on the right that match (Answers: B and C). For the example
mental folding task shown on the bottom, participants are asked to imagine folding the drawing on the left along
the dotted lines and to choose the folded shape on the right that would match (Answer: A).The mental rotation task
shows a large sex /gender difference, while the mental folding task shows a very small one. The reason why there are
large sex /gender differences for one but not the other remains a mystery. (After Miller & Halpern, 2014)

I
i!
I EMPOWERING
OR OPPRESSING?
i '
1
Single-Sex Education
li 1
.! 1
T
ii I
hose who claim that single-sex education is better However, others have argued that girls and boys actu-
I l for girls generally offer two arguments (Pahlke, ally act in more gender- stereotypical ways in single- sex
i Hyde. & Allison, 2014). First, they argue that bio- .

classes (Halpern et al. 2011) . Critics claim that just as racial
logical differences between girls and boys mean segregation failed to create racial equality, sex /gender
•i
that they have different learning styles and should be ed- segregation fails to create gender equality. They argue
.
ucated in different ways. For example Leonard Sax, author that the best way to eliminate sex /gender differences in
of Why Gender Matters, argues that boys respond better to educational outcomes is to allow girls and boys to work
energetic teachers who speak to them loudly and abruptly, together on meaningful tasks and to train teachers to use
but because this approach makes girls scared and nervous, the most effective methods to teach all people ( Halpern
they should be addressed in a kind, soft voice (Sax, 2007, .
et al. 2011).
as cited in Halpern et al., 2011). One problem with research in this area is selection ef -
The second argument is that girls do better if they aren't fects , that is, higher- achieving students are usually the
around boys, who may dominate the classroom or receive ones placed in these kinds of educational settings in the
undue attention from the teacher. The underlying idea be- first place. If they do better than those in co- ed settings,
hind this "girl power" argument (Pahlke et al., 2014, p. 1043) it's not clear whether this is due to single - sex education
is that a single-sex educational setting gives girls the free- or the fact that they were high achieving to begin with.
dom to excel in these domains without the sexism and dis- Results from a meta-analysis showed that, in the poorly
crimination that may occur in co-educational classrooms. designed studies that didn't control for selection ef-
fects, positive effects of single- sex education were found
(Pahlke et al., 2014) . But when only studies that controlled
for selection effects were analyzed , there were negligible
1 effects. Another recent study showed that when prior ed-
ucational achievement was accounted for. high school
girls did equally well in single- versus mixed-sex class-
rooms for math and science subjects, but they actually
underperformed in single- sex classrooms in other sub-
i .
jects (Pennington, Kaye Qureshi & Heim , 2018 ). However,
when prior achievement was not considered, single-sex
education appeared to result in better performance
across all subjects.
What do you think? Is single-sex education empow-
Do single - sex classrooms provide girls with a ering or oppressing? Can you think of circumstances in
beneficial learning experience , or do they just which you'd seek out single-sex educational opportunities
promote gender stereotypes? for yourself, your children, and others you know? Would
you avoid single- sex education? Explain your responses.
I
i, .
1 126
li!
m
complicated object and then asked them to draw it from memory. The test’s
context made a big difference . Girls did better than boys when told it was a test
of drawing skills, but boys did better than girls when told it was a test of geom -
etry ( Huguet &: Rcgner, 2009 ).
Verbal Ability
Data show that women generally have higher verbal abilities than men, although
the difference is relatively small, meaning that there is more similarity than dif-
ference ( d = -0.11; Hyde & Linn , 1988 ). More recent data suggest a moder-
ate female advantage in reading comprehension, which varies from nation to
nation. For example, in 2009 when almost a half million students in 69 coun -
tries took a standardized reading assessment , there was a female advantage in
reading comprehension both in the United States ( d = -0.26 ) and internation-
ally ( d = -0.42; Reilly, 2012 ) . A key component of this difference may have been
that a much greater proportion of boys than girls scored very poorly on the test
( 4.5:1 boys to girls at the lowest levels of achievement ). Girls also outperformed
boys at the high end of the test 2.4:1, but the difference was not as large as at
the low end .
Academic Achievement
Although most meta -analyses focus on achievement as measured through stan-
dardized tests, one meta -analysis of 350 studies from die period 1914-2011
examined sex/gender differences in grades across subjects from elementary
school through college (Voyer & Voycr, 2014 ). Researchers found that girls got
higher grades than boys across all subjects ( d = -0.23 ), aldiough the small effect
indicates considerable overlap. The differences were largest for language-related
courses and were near zero for math, but girls still had higher grades in math.
There was also no effect of year of publication, indicating that the female advan-
tage in grades is not a recent phenomenon. It’s interesting that women get higher
grades, even in math courses, all the way through college but are still extremely
under-represented in STEM fields: science, technology, engineering, and math-
ematics. It’s also interesting to consider why girls get better grades but boys
have a slight advantage on standardized tests. It may be that girls are likely to be
socialized to be attentive and polite in the classroom, behaviors that may posi-
tively impact their grades ( Houtte, 2004; Zusman, Knox, & Lieberman, 2005 ).
In sum, the data on cognitive differences between women and men paint an
overall picture of sex/gender similarity rather than difference. Although there
are some small differences in various domains, they vary according to race,
culture, and social class.

11 i
Personality, Beliefs, and Behavior

How similar or different are women and men in personality and behavioral
variables, and what role does cultural context play in these patterns?
Many of the stereotyped sex /gender differences expressed in the books men -
\ tioned at the beginning of this chapter have to do with personality and behavior.
; i
' : Women supposedly want relationships, desire intimacy, and seek connection.
;
' » Men supposedly want sex , are poor communicators, and are protective of their
romantic partners. But in reality, how different or similar are women’s and
I
III i men’s personalities ? In this section , we’ll explore sex /gender similarities and
i
differences in personality and behavior. As we present the research, it will be
iiii useful to think back to the four questions discussed above. Many of the findings
; vary according to other aspects of social identity such as the race or age of the
I,
participant as well as the sociocultural setting. Also, a combination of biological ,
social, and psychological factors probably contributes to these patterns.
Personality Traits
Researchers generally view personality as varying on five major dimensions,
known as the Big Five: openness to new experiences, conscientiousness, extra -
version, agreeableness, and neuroticism ( c .g., the tendency toward anxiety and
depression; Costa, Tcrracciano, & McCrae, 2001 ). Each dimension has many
sub- dimensions. In a meta -analysis, researchers found sex /gendcr differences
on several of the dimensions as well as on particular sub - dimensions ( Feingold,
1994 ). The largest effects were for men outscoring women on measures of asser-
tiveness ( a sub- dimension of extraversion; d = 0.50 ), although some studies indi -
cated that this was more true on paper-and - pencil personality assessments than
in behavioral observations. There was also a large effect for women outscoring
men on tender- mindedness ( a sub-dimension of agreeableness; d = -.97 ) and
a small effect for anxiety ( a sub-dimension of neuroticism; d = -0.25 to -.28 ).
Ii However, these differences still imply a great deal of similarity. Even the larg-
est effect mentioned represents an overlap of approximately 62%. Also, these
1
I differences arc consistent with sex/gendcr stereotypes. Being tender- minded
is part of the feminine stereotype, and being assertive is part of the masculine
I stereotype.
More recently, researchers have reviewed studies that examined the Big Five
internationally. Data from 26 countries and over 23,000 people were used to
test for sex/gender differences ( Costa et al ., 2001 ). Researchers found results
i
1
similar to those described above. Women tended to be more agreeable, neu -
1 I rotic, and open to feelings. Interestingly, this study found that sex/gender dif-
n ferences were magnified in the United States and Europe and were less strong

.
Mi
in countries with more traditional gender roles, such as those in East Asia and
Africa. For example, in Japan there was no difference between women and men
in neuroticism, and in Zimbabwe and Black South Africa there were no differ-
ences in neuroticism or agrccablcncss.
The authors suggested that one explanation for these findings is that person -
ality is typically measured through self - report, and how people report their per-
sonality may depend on whom they compare themselves to ( Costa et al., 2001 ) .
In countries with cultures that arc heavily sex /gender segregated, women may
compare themselves to other women, and men may compare themselves to
other men . In more egalitarian countries, women and men probably compare
themselves to both women and men . For example, if you’re a very agreeable
woman in Zimbabwe but only compare yourself to other women who arc just
as agreeable as you are , you may rate yourself as less agreeable than you would
if you compared yourself to the men in your community. This tendency would
reduce or eliminate reported ( but not actual ) sex/gender differences.
Emotions
There arc many stereotypes about gender and emotions. Women are generally
—
perceived as “ more emotional ” than men although the same level of emotion
in a man is generally seen as passion or stress. For example, when researchers
gave participants scenarios describing women and men in problematic, emo-
tion - inducing experiences ( e.g., having relationship problems, getting a bad
medical diagnosis ), women were described as “emotional ” and men as “stressed ”
( Robinson 6c Johnson , 1997 ). Women are expected and encouraged to show
traditionally feminine emotions such as sadness but aren’t encouraged to show
—
anger an emotion associated with masculinity. When women do show anger,
—
they’re often punished for example, with loss of status and influence ( Brcscoll
6c Uhlmann, 2008; Salerno 6c Petcr- Hagcne, 2015 ) . Women and men have
internalized these stereotypes, so when researchers ask participants to imagine
their responses to hypothetical situations, gender differences are generally found
( McCormick, MacArthur, Shields, 6c Dicicco, 2016 ) . However, when asked to
identify their emotional response close to the time when an actual event hap-
pened, gender differences are largely absent.
—
Also, there are differences in the expression of emotion which isn’t
surprising, given that what people express is influenced by what they consider
appropriate for their gender. For example, women tend to cry more than men,
although this is actually more true in Western countries that are affluent and
democratic (such as the United States ) than in non -Western countries ( van
Hemcrt , van de Vijver, 6c Vingerhoets, 2011 ).
Gender similarities and differences in emotion are also not consistent across
the life span . For example, research on emotional expression in children has
Personality. Beliefs, and Behavior 129

i 11 i shown almost no differences. A meta-analysis of studies on emotion expres-
!
t, sion in children showed that , overall, there were small sex/gender differences
i!:
ih ( Chaplin & Aldao, 2013 ). Girls, as compared to boys, did show somewhat more
internalizing emotions, such as anxiety and sadness, and more positive emo-
\
tions, such as happiness. Furthermore, boys showed somewhat more external-
izing emotions, such as anger. However, all the effect sizes were less than 0.1,
which puts them in the very small to negligible range. In other words, similarity
i —
was more the rule than difference this represents a 96% overlap. When the
ii researchers looked at whether sex/gender differences in emotions changed with
:
I
age, they found no differences in emotions in infancy, and any differences were
only seen starting in pre -school .
• i .
: 1
j
li ;
i
!
I Sexuality
i
Although we’ll talk more about sex and sexuality in Chapter 7, we’ll mention
here that many people think men want sex and have sex more than women do. In
one meta -analytic review, researchers explored sex /gender differences in sexual
behavior based on data from 730 studies published between 1993 and 2007 with
almost 1.5 million participants ( Petersen &: Hyde, 2010 ). The researchers identi-
fied some differences in sexual behavior; for example, men reported masturbating
more than women ( d = 0.53 ), having more relaxed attitudes toward casual sex
( d = 0.45 ), and having more sexual partners ( d = 0.36 ) . However, even the largest
difference here represents over a 76% overlap between scores. Small or negligi -
ble differences, and consequendy large similarities, were found for frequency of
intercourse, sexual satisfaction, and attitudes toward extramarital affairs.
Interestingly, differences between women and men in studies on this topic
may be exaggerated because when participants report their sexual behavior, they
might over- or under- report in order to fit what they believe is expected of their
sex/gender. In one study of predominately White participants, researchers tried
to account for this phenomenon by asking randomly assigned participants to
answer questions under one of three different conditions ( Alexander & Fisher,
2003 ). In the bogus pipeline condition , participants were hooked up to what
they thought was a lie detector and were told that the machine could identify
lies, even if they wrote down their responses. (The device actually did nothing.)
They were then left alone to answer the questions in private. In the anonymous
condition, participants completed the survey privately and put their anonymous
surveys in a locked box. In the exposure threat condition, they were told they
. would have to hand in their completed survey to a peer who would be able to
*
i
sec their responses.
\
Do you suppose the different conditions produced different results? Indeed,
they did . For example, women reported more masturbation and use of pornog-
raphy when they thought they were hooked up to a lie detector. In fact, their
\ :
|
i . 130 Chapter 3 Similarities and Differences
answers didn’t differ from men’s in that condi-
tion ( Alexander & Fisher, 2003 ). Also, women
reported having had more sexual partners when
they thought they were connected to a lie
detector than they did in the exposure threat
condition ( 4.4 vs. 2.6 ). Men’s results didn’t
change as much , and in fact, in the bogus pipe -
line condition , women actually reported having
had somewhat more sexual partners than did
men ( men reported 4 ), although that difference
wasn’t statistically significant. In the exposure
threat condition , women reported having had
fewer sexual partners than men did ( women:
2.6; men: 3.7 ) . These results suggest that, par-
ticularly for research on sexual behavior, b o w
researchers ask questions matters. As this study When participants believe they' re answering
questions about their sexual history while
shows, women may be having much more sex
connected to a lie detector, they give responses
than researchers might have thought; women that differ from those of participants who aren' t
have just been socialized not to admit it. Fur- connected. Why would thinking you' re connected to
thermore, the results of this study have been a lie detector result in different reporting patterns
replicated in other research ( Fisher, 2013 ) . than when completing an anonymous survey
Moreover, the same approach has been used to in which your responses can' t be attributed to
show that when men think they’re being mon - you personally ?
itored by a lie detector, they report the use of
illegal sexual assault strategies 6.5 times more
often than under standard testing conditions
( Strang 6c Peterson , 2016 ) .
Aggression
Earlier in this chapter, we reviewed how differences in the use of indirect aggres-
sion between women and men vary by age. There are also theories about men
being more likely than women to use physical aggression . One meta-analytic
review showed moderate sex /gender differences in physical aggression based on
self- report data ( d = 0.59 ) and observational studies ( d = 0.53 ). Peer- report data
—
reflected a larger difference ( d = 0.80 although this still represents a 69% over-
lap; Archer, 2004 ). Men also showed greater verbal aggression, but the effects
were smaller ( e.g., d = 0.19 for self- reports ). Researchers noted that while the
majority of women and men were similar in level of aggression, some men were
highly aggressive, and their data influenced the overall results. Therefore, while
there is some support for men showing more physical aggression, much of this
can be accounted for by a small number of particularly aggressive men.

I
i Self- Esteem
There is a common stereotype that young women lose self-esteem as they reach
adolescence. This is the basis of books such as Reviving Ophelia (Pipher, 2005 ),
which point to a crisis in young women’s self-esteem . However, the data don’t
1
support such extreme assumptions. Results from one meta -analysis indicate that
{ men do have slightly higher global self-esteem than women ( d = 0.21; Kling,
Hyde, Showers, & Buswell , 1999 ). Moreover, they indicate that differences
\ in self-esteem are small in pre -adolescents ( d = 0.16 ), grow in middle school
i ( d = 0.22 ) and high school ( d = 0.33), and decrease again in college and through
i >
;
•
;
aduldiood ( d = .18 in college, d = 0.10 between ages 23 and 59, and d = -0.03
for participants over 60 ). However, even at die height of the difference, the
ii !
effects are small, and more than 85% of women and men overlapped in their
scores. This meta-analysis also showed that differences were not seen in research
samples of predominantly Black participants.
In anodier meta-analysis, researchers exploring domain -specific self-esteem
found a more nuanced relationship ( Gentile et al., 2009 ). For example, men
scored higher dian women in appearance - based self-esteem ( d = 0.35 ) and athletic
—
self-esteem ( d = 0.41 ) although this indicates around a 84% overlap. Women,
however, scored higher than men in moral/ediical self-esteem ( d = -0.38 ), and
there were no differences in family, social acceptance, or academic self-esteem .
Finally, when people hear diat women have lower self-esteem than men, die
assumption is that women should raise dicir self-esteem to match diat of men.
However, overly high self-esteem can be related to poor adjustment. In one study,
college students with higher self-esteem reported drinking more alcohol dian those
with lower self-esteem (Sharp & Getz, 1996 ). Negative consequences are espe-
cially likely when people widi high but unstable self-esteem feel threatened. Then
they may engage in negative behaviors such as bullying, sexual experimentation, or
drug or alcohol use in order to protect dieir self-esteem ( Baumeister, Campbell,
Krueger, & Vohs, 2003; Stake & Eisele, 2010 ). Therefore, even if adolescent girls
have somewhat lower self-esteem dian boys, tiiis may actually not be a crisis at all.
Helping and Morality

If you picture someone you consider to be a hero, what do you see ? Chances
are you picture a man, perhaps pulling someone out of a burning building.
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Given this likelihood, one might think that men are generally more helpful
than women. However, as discussed previously, one study showed that men
. were only more likely to help when they were being observed and when dicy
, ! were helping women ( Eagly & Crowly, 1986 ) . The type of help can also mat-
fl ter. Other research has shown diat women were more likely than men to pro -
vide emotional support, and that both women and men would rather turn to
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a woman than a man for emotional support ( Eagly, 2009 ) .

Women are even more likely than men to donate a kidney
to a relative ( 58% of donors are women ), and many report
turn your
seeing such a donation as part of their family obligation
Would a woman or a man be more likely
( Eagly, 2009 ) . So both women and men have the potential
to rescue a baby from a burning build-
for pro-social behavior, but rates are related to context, not ing? Who would be more likely to help
just sex /gender. an elderly person cross the street? Who •
Some scholars have argued that women and men have would be more likely to comfort someone
fundamentally different senses of morality. In her book In who's upset? As you consider these ques-
a Different Voice, psychologist Carol Gilligan ( 1982 ) pro- tions. do your answers change depending
posed that women base their judgments of morality on an on the kind of help being given and to
ethic of care, thinking about how their actions will affect whom? If so. why might that be?
interpersonal relationships and the well - being of others. The
ethic of care theoretically stands in contrast to men’s ethic
of justice, in which moral judgments are based on abstract
principles of right and wrong. Gilligan’s view, a perspective most aligned with
cultural feminism , is that women and men are fundamentally different in their
sense of morality. She argued that previous research had ignored women’s care
orientation and had considered the highest levels of morality as those based on a
justice orientation. While her work is valued for pointing out that caring for oth-
ers is an important aspect of morality, the data don’t suggest that women and
men differ much in their moral reasoning. In fact, studies have shown that both
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women and men use reasoning based on both justice and care when making
moral judgments ( Rothbart, Hanley, Sc Albert, 1986; Jaffee Sc Hyde, 2000 ).
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Interests
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Aldiough sex/gender differences in intelligence and personality are small, dif-

j ferences in interests are larger. A popular way of classifying interests involves
1! indicating whether a person is interested in people or things. One meta -analysis
(Su, Rounds, Sc Armstrong, 2009 ) showed a large effect in which women were
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more interested in people and men were more interested in things ( d = 0.93 a —
statistically large effect, but one that still represents over a 63% overlap in scores).
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For example, women were more interested in social tasks such as being involved
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I. in social causes, teaching, and helping others. Men were more interested in
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hands-on, practical tasks, including building and fixing things and working on
! cars. These interest differences tended to be stable across the life span starting
around age 12 and have been found in research spanning many decades.
i
i In sum, while there are some generally small differences in personality and
:
behavior, most have a “ now you see them; now you don’t ” quality. In other
l words, they’re more likely to appear in situations where sex/gender stereotypes
are activated . In everyday life, it’s hard to disentangle the cause of a sex /gender
•! difference because we live in a world where gender stereotypes are constantly
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activated. Therefore, even a small difference can become magnified as people

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internalize gender stereotypes and act in ways to confirm them.
The Case of STEM / EMCP

If, overall, sex/gender differences in intelligence and personality are relatively
small, why do researchers find such large differences in certain fields ? Let’s look
at STEM fields to explore how small sex /gender differences can become mag-
nified to ultimately promote larger differences in women’s and men’s career
choices. In particular, we’ll look at engineering, math, computer science, and
physics ( EMCP fields ), a subset of STEM that is particularly sex /gender imbal -
anced ( Hyde, 2014 ). This is a controversial topic. Recently, a Google employee
circulated a memo claiming that women don’t hold leadership positions in tech
companies because of biological differences, largely in personality ( Bergen &
.
:
Huet, 2017). This memo caused considerable controversy, and ultimately its
author was fired . But the controversy highlights the need to understand the var-
ious factors that can influence women’s participation in STEM/ EMCP fields.
At the high school level , there are small sex/gender differences in math and
< science participation. For example, male students are more likely than female
if
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students to take calculus Advanced Placement exams
( 59% vs. 41%; National Science Board, 2014 ). In col -
lege, the difference gets larger. Between 2002 and 2007,
spotlight o n . .
men earned an average of 7,521 and women earned an
average of 6,102 bachelor’s degrees in math per year Initiatives to Increase
( Gillen & Tannenbaum, 2014 ) . The numbers were
lower for some women of color. Although Black, Lat- Women’s Participation
inx , and Native American women represent 16% of the in STEM
U .S. population , they earn only 10% of the bachelor’s
degrees in STEM fields ( Espinosa , 2011 ). Gender and Women remain underrepresented in STEM
racial disparities are greatest at the doctoral level , where fields. However, increasing numbers of
initiatives seek to encourage women to
men earned almost three times as many doctoral degrees
choose STEM careers and stay in them.
in mathematics compared to women ( 2,341 vs. 788 ),
and only 6% of those degrees were awarded to Black, Scientista offers conferences, mentoring,
Latinx, and Native American women . and web- based resources. It was started
As one moves up the ladder of success in math, the by two Harvard graduates who were
concerned about how few women stay in
sex /gender discrepancies increase. For example, only 3%
STEM careers.
to 12% of the top 50 universities in the United States
have female professors at the highest rank in math - in - The Career Communications Group pro-
tensive fields ( Ceci , Williams, 8c Barnett, 2009 ) . Overall, motes workplace diversity. The organiza -
in 2010, women made up only 13% of people employed tion has sponsored several conferences
in engineering and 25% in math and computer science for women of color in STEM.
( National Science Board , 2014 ) . Furthermore, in 2010, Girls Who Code offers classes , camps,
Black , Latinx, and Native American women held only and mentoring for girls interested in
2.1% of STEM faculty positions ( Hess, Gault, 8c Yi, computer science. One of its programs
2013 ). for rising high school juniors and seniors
It’s clear that something happens in women’s pro- is a free summer immersion program
gression toward careers in math and science. The fact held at companies such as Amazon and
Twitter . Girls from diverse backgrounds
that women aren’t pursuing these careers at the same
are encouraged to apply, and stipends
rates as men is particularly striking considering that girls
for transportation and living expenses
get better grades in math than boys, even at the under-
are available.
graduate level (Voyer 8c Voyer, 2014 ) . Although all
women experience academic and professional barriers in Some colleges are also making an effort
to enhance women ' s participation in STEM.
STEM/ EMCP fields, the type and magnitude of those
barriers depend on other aspects of social identities for
example, the challenges are greater for women of color
— For example, at Harvey Mudd College in
California, 55% of computer science majors
are now women. The school attributes
( Williams, Phillips, 8c Hall, 2014 ). The following sec- this strong percentage to policy changes,
tion reviews some of the research that explores these var- including promoting women to leadership
ied experiences. If you keep expectancy role value theory positions and changing the curriculum to
in mind as you read about those studies, you’ll discover emphasize functional aspects of computer
that the barriers keeping women from STEM/EMCP science ( Staley, 2016 ) .
careers can affect not only their expectations for success Does your school have any programs
!
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but also the value they place on these careers. that encourage women in STEM majors?
135
Lowered Expectations
How do expectations relate to the performance of girls and women in STEM
fields, and how can other aspects of their social identities interact with
these expectations?
Although she is tremendously successful in her career, psychologist Maria
|l
Dolores Cimini recalls many times when people downplayed her skills, likely
•
due to her visual impairment. In high school, when Cimini intended to apply to
Ivy League colleges, her guidance counselor suggested she consider “ a special
—
school not necessarily even a college or university” ( Miller, 2013, para . 3 ) . Now
Cimini works to make sure that other students who have disabilities and show
interest in STEM fields have a different experience ( Miller, 2013 ). Her efforts
couldn’t be more timely. Research shows that both teachers and parents have
l‘
I; lowered expectations about girls’ math ability ( Gunderson , Rameriz, Levine,
!
& Beilock, 2012 ), and especially for girls with disabilities ( Hammrich, Price,
& Noursc, 2002 ). Much like Cimini, girls with disabilities arc often advised to
; pursue academic tracks other than STEM ( Faulkner, Crossland , & Stiff, 2013).
I! To complicate matters, a disproportionately large number of low-income
and Black, Latinx , and Native American students are placed in special educa -
tion programs ( Hawley, Cardosa, Sc McMahon , 2013 ) . Researchers speculate
that some of these students have been misclassificd because of racial bias in
1 the referral and evaluation processes ( Fcrri, 2010; Sullivan Sc Artiles, 2011 ) .
When students are placed in special education tracks, because of either a doc-
umented disability or misclassification, their teachers often lack the knowledge
base or experience to teach high - level math or science ( Aron Sc Loprcst, 2012;
Faulkner et al., 2013; Moon , Todd , Morton, Sc Ivey, 2012 ). Such inequalities in
early education probably prevent potentially qualified students from developing
STEM/EMCP- relatcd skills and interests ( Hawley et al ., 2013 ) . These findings
lead some scholars to conclude that recruitment and retention of underrepre-
sented minorities in STEM/ EMCP fields won’t change until biases found in
middle and high school are addressed ( Hawley et al., 2013 ).
Unfortunately, low expectations can lead to a self-fulfilling prophesy. This is
the idea that expectations for how someone is going to behave, in either a pos-
itive or a negative way, influence that person’s behavior so that the expectations
arc fulfilled, making the prophesy come true ( Merton, 1948 ). For example,
in one study of primarily White participants, parents who believed that boys
were better at math than girls had lower expectations for how their daugh -
ters would perform in future math courses ( Jacobs, 1991 ). When parents had
lower expectations for their daughters, the daughters also had lower expecta -
tions for themselves and did less well in math courses. These expectations pre -
dicted achievement more accurately than the girls’ actual grades in previous
math classes. In another study with mostly White participants, seventh -grade
; girls, as compared to boys, perceived their teachers as having lower expectations
;

• •
for them in math ( Wang, 2012 ). These expectations predicted how motivated
the girls were about math and how well they expected to do in tenth grade. Fur -
thermore, the expectations from seventh grade predicted whether the girls took
challenging math courses in twelfth grade. Researchers have also found that
Latinx and Black high school students perceive their science teachers as being
particularly unsupportivc ( Aschbachcr, Li, 8c Roth , 2010 ).
Expectations about math are somewhat different for individuals who arc Asian
American . A common stereotype is that Asian American people arc hard -working,
smart , and over- achieving. As reflected in this stereotype, they’re thought of as
a model minority, or the ideal example of a minority group. Although this per-
ception may seem positive , research shows it has drawbacks (Suzuki , 2002 ) . For
example, when teachers treat Asian American students in differential ways, that
behavior can create conflict with other students and perpetuate the stereotype
that all Asian American people are good at math ( Thompson, Kiang, 8c Witkow,
2016 ) . Therefore, despite not facing low expectations around math and science,
Asian Americans, particularly women, face different academic, professional, and
social pressures ( Thompson et al ., 2016; Williams ct al ., 2014 ).
Low expectations appear to follow girls into their working environments
in adulthood . Women in STEM / EMCP careers often have to provide more
evidence of competence in order to be seen as credible ( Eagly 8c Mladinic,
1994; Foschi , 2000 ) . One study showed that over 75% of Black female scientists
felt pressured to provide more evidence than was typical of other colleagues in
order to prove competence to colleagues ( Williams et al ., 2014 ). The numbers
were also high for other women: 65% of Latinx female scientists, 64% of Asian
American female scientists, and 63% of White female scientists felt a need to
prove their competence ( Williams et al., 2014 ) .
Stereotypes
What is stereotype threat, and how can it contribute to the experiences of
girls and women in STEM?
There’s a pervasive stereotype of a scientist as a White man in a lab coat working

alone ( Archer, Dewitt, 8: Osborne, 2015 ). It’s an image that probably alien-
ates many people who don’t match this perception. For example, in one study,
researchers found that many LGBT individuals working in STEM/ EMCP
fields weren’t completely “out” to their colleagues, although those working in
STEM/ EMCP fields with better female representation reported a higher degree
of openness ( Yoder 8c Mattheis, 2016 ). Other research showed that transgender
women were more likely to avoid male-dominated professions because of fear
that the climate wouldn’t be supportive ( Brown et al., 2012 ).
Research also shows diat STEM/ EMCP colleagues interact with women on the
basis of stereotypes, which are often racialized (Williams et al., 2014 ). One study
The Case of STEM/EMCP 137

showed that Latinx female scientists were more likely than
White, Asian , or Black female scientists to experience back -
try it for yourself lash for expressing frustration in the workplace. Latinx
female scientists reported that if they weren’t deferential, col -
Picture a scientist. What images come to
leagues perceived them as being angry or “ too emotional ”
mind? Do you see someone with a white
( Williams et al., 2014, p. 6 ). Black women , however, were
coat working alone in a laboratory? Do
you see someone working on a team
with others? Do you see men? Do you seen
—
given more latitude to act assertively as long as they weren’t
as “angry Black women ” ( p. 6 ). Asian American women
see women? How do these internalized reported more pressure to conform to traditionally feminine
images of what constitutes a scientist and roles, such as office mother or dutiful daughter. Research
science affect your interest in science? such as this indicated that many female scientists’ experience
Ask three of your friends these questions, of work has been influenced by racialized gender stereotypes.
and see if their answers are similar to or Such stereotypes can interfere with performance. The term
different from your own. Talk to people stereotype threat refers to the idea that when people think
who are majoring in STEM/EMCP fields as their social group does poorly on a certain task ( or think that
well as those majoring in other fields. Are
others believe this is true ), their anxiety about confirming that
there differences in their responses?
stereotype can actually undermine their performance ( Shap-
iro Sc Williams, 2012; Steele Sc Aronson, 1995 ). In a testing
situation, stereotype threat likely interferes with performance
because becoming self-conscious and having distracting, stressful thoughts about
doing poorly can hijack attention and memory resources that are needed to do
well on die test (Schmader, Johns, S: Forbes, 2008 ). In the absence of an interven -
tion, women generally come into math tests with internalized negative stereotypes
about their math abilities. In fact , one meta -analysis showed that women had lower
math self-confidence than men despite having similar math abilities ( Else - Quest et
al., 2010 ). Ironically, women’s reduced self-confidence in math seems unjustified ,
given that the sex/gender differences in math achievement are small enough to be
negligible ( e.g., Hyde et al., 1990 ) and that women get better grades than men in
math all die way through college ( Voyer & Voyer, 2014 ).
One study showed that when women and men were told that performance
on the math test they were taking typically showed large sex /gender differences,
the differences in participants’ actual test scores were very large (Spencer, Steele,
& Quinn , 1999 ). But participants who were told that die same test typically did
wot show sex/gender differences had no differences in performance . In other
words, thinking there was a sex /gender difference magnified it, and thinking
there was no difference eliminated it. Because die idea diat women are less skilled
at math than men is pervasive, most women taking a math test are probably
aware of it, and this perception may actually interfere with their performance.
In fact, simply having women write their sex/gender on a test can decrease their
performance. In one study, researchers asked a diverse sample of girls and boys to
record their sex/gender on a calculus Advanced Placement exam (Strieker & Ward,
2004). Although the effects were small and originally seen as non -significant,
a re-analysis of the data indicated some important findings ( Danaher &

Crandall , 2008 ). When researchers asked for sex/gender information after giving
the test ( i.c., participants took the test before the sex/gendcr stereotypes were
activated ), die sex /gender difference in test scores was reduced by 33% compared
to when die researchers asked before giving die test. In fact, based on these data,
Danaher and Crandall ( 2008 ) calculated that 4,700 additional girls could get col -
lege credit for calculus if sex /gendcr were regularly asked after the test!
As we discussed earlier, dierc are two contrasting stereotypes about math perfor-
mance by Asian American women (Shih, Pittinsky, & Ambady, 1999 ). As women,
they’re stereotyped to have poor performance in madi, but as Asian Americans,
they’re stereotyped to have good performance. In one study, researchers randomly
assigned Asian American women to direc groups. One group answered questions
designed to make them think about dicir sex /gender ( e.g., whether they lived on
a co-ed or single -sex floor ). Another group answered questions designed to make
them think about their race or ethnic background (e.g., how many generations it
had been since their family immigrated ). For the control group, researchers asked
questions unrelated to the women’s social identities ( e.g., whether participants
liked die phone service provided by die university ). All participants dien took the
same math test. Women who were prompted to diink about their sex/gender per-
formed worse than diosc in the control group, and women who were prompted to
diink about their race or edmic background performed better. Therefore, internal -
ized stereotypes can affect women’s performance. Anodicr study showed that more
than half of Asian American female scientists surveyed felt die need to continuously
prove their competence to colleagues, suggesting that die negative stereotype about
women was probably more salient than the positive stereotype that Asian American
people are good at madi and science ( Williams et al., 2014 ). It may be that the
positive stereotype actually benefits Asian American men more than women.
Stereotypes interfere with the value women place on STEM/ EMCP careers,
and stereotype threat can interfere with their perception that they will succeed.
However, it’s important to note that while stereotype threat may be one factor
affecting women’s performance in math, it isn’t the only one. A meta -analysis
of data on stereotype threat specifically on math performance showed that the
effects are generally small. It also showed that while stereotype threat may affect
some women , it would be inaccurate to say diat stereotype threat is the main
cause of sex/gendcr differences in math (Stoet & Geary, 2012 ).
Goal Congruity
What is the goal congruity perspective, and how does it explain the low
rates of participation by women in STEM fields?
Because White men generally dominate STEM/EMCP fields, their lifestyles

and interests shape the norms around work. People in STEM/ EMCP careers
The Case of STEM/EMCP 139

generally commit to long hours and almost constant availability, and this can
contribute to assumptions about the ideal worker ( Kachchaf, Ko, Hodari, &
Ong, 2015 ). One Black woman in the last year of a post -doctoral position in
mathematics noted that she had to work 12 - hour days, six days a week, to meet
the expectations and level of work of her advisor. She commented: “[ Many ] of
the people are men without family, or with wives that don’t do anything else ”
( Kachchaf et al., 2015, p. 181 ). This norm discourages people who might have
different priorities from joining the field .
Also, many women want a career that meets their interests in working with
people and their goals of caring for others ( Diekman, Clark , Johnston , Brown , &
Steinberg, 2011 ). This attitude reflects the goal congruity perspective, which
holds that people want to engage in activities that meet their goals. Because
most women value communal goals ( e .g., caring for and feeling connected to
others ) and have internalized stereotypes about the type of work involved in
STEM/EMCP fields, many may not value STEM / EMCP careers. For exam -
ple, one study found that Native American women and men and White women
who were majoring in STEM fields highly endorsed communal goals ( Smith,
Cech, Metz, Huntoon, Sc Moyer, 2014 ). In a follow- up study, Native American
STEM students with particularly high communal goals ( especially compared
with White male STEM majors ) had low motivation around their STEM major,
perceived poor performance after one semester of college, and felt they didn’t
belong (Smith et al., 2014 ).
Both women and men tend to think that STEM/ EMCP careers involve
>
working alone in a lab without much interaction with others. In other words,
STEM/EMCP is perceived as being more about working with things than with
people. Yet this stereotype is largely untrue. Being a scientist can be extremely
collaborative and often involves working on a team and mentoring others. In
fact, one study investigated die goal congruity hypothesis by having participants
respond to statements describing the life of a scientist as either independent
( e.g., “ Do data analysis . . . and troubleshoot any problems that come up by
Which of these two images

best represents your idea of
the life of a scientist ? Is it the
woman on the left working
alone, or the group of people
working together on the
i
I! right ? Most people think that
being a scientist involves
working alone, but the reality
is that scientists spend a lot of
time collaborating with others.

myself ’) or collaborative ( c.g., “ Mentor new members of my statistics group
in doing data analysis”; Diekman et al., 2011, p. 910 ). When die work was
described as independent, men were more interested in the career dian women .
When the work was described as collaborative, women were more interested
than men .
The fact that women may not consider STEM/ EMCP fields as valuable
to them is reflected in research suggesting that it’s not women’s math scores,
but their language scores, that predict whether they pursue careers in STEM/ :
EMCP. One longitudinal study identified two groups of people with equally
high math skills: those with high verbal abilities ( mosdy girls ) and those with
moderate verbal abilities ( mostly boys; Wang, Eccles, & Kenny, 2013 ). While
only 34% of those with both high math and verbal skills went into a STEM/
EMCP field , 49% of those with high math but only moderate verbal abilities
did so. Because girls with high math skills are also more likely than boys to have
high verbal skills, they have more options. Given these greater options, girls
may prefer to choose careers that they regard as valuable and in which they feel
welcomed and comfortable.
Discrimination
In what ways do girls and women experience discrimination in STEM, and
how can being a token exacerbate this?
Another factor that decreases women’s expectations for and likely success in
STEM/ EMCP fields is discrimination. It can interfere with a woman’s confi-
dence that she will succeed in STEM/ EMCP as well as the value she places on
it. After all, why would she choose a field in which she’ll probably experience
discrimination ? These attitudes are acquired early in a girl’s academic career.
For example, in high school , girls with physical disabilities may not have the
same opportunities to engage with STEM/ EMCP fields as able- bodied students
( Lunsford, & Bargerhuff, 2006; Rankel , Amorosi, & Graybill, 2008 ). Labs may
not be accessible for people using wheelchairs or other assistive devices, and
research shows a tendency for teachers to ask visually impaired students to simply
listen to summaries of experiments radier than being involved and analyzing data
themselves ( Rankel et al., 2008 ). When these factors are added to the sexism that
girls already encounter in STEM/ EMCP fields, it increases die barriers they face.
Discrimination also occurs among peers. In one study, researchers asked
primarily Asian American and White biolog)' students to nominate the strongest
students in the class ( Grunspan et al., 2016 ). Male students were nominated
more frequently than female students, especially if they were outspoken. For
example, in one class, an outspoken male student with a 3.6 GPA received
52 nominations while an outspoken female student with a 4.0 GPA received
The Case of STEM/ EMCP 141

.
i
only 9 nominations. Male students were particularly likely to see other men as
the stars of their class.
!
Discrimination may continue after students graduate from college. In one
' study, researchers sent identical applications with identical resumes for a posi -
tion as a laboratory assistant to science faculty at large research institutions
( Moss- Racusin, Dovidio, Brescoll, Graham, & Handclsman, 2012 ) . The hiring
:
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faculty were randomly told that the application was from either a female student
( Jennifer ) or a male student ( John ). Both female and male faculty said John was
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more competent. They also expressed greater willingness to mentor him and
said they would pay him $3,730 more than Jennifer per year ( sec Figure 3.4 ).
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As we’ll discuss in Chapter 10, workplace discrimination is very common,
especially in fields where women are a minority. Since women are a minority in
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: : STEM/ EMCP fields, the conditions there are ripe for workplace discrimination
i! II ( Ceci et al., 2009 ) . Results from a survey of approximately 1,300 scientists indi -
i
. 1
cated that 53% of female respondents had personally experienced sex /gender
bias during their careers ( American Association for the Advancement of Science,
j
,
*
2010; see Shen, 2013, for a review ) . Only 2% of men reported the same. Fur-
ther, racialized gender biases may prevent women of color from advancing in
! •
the field. In one study comparing White female scientists with female scientists
of color, White women reported higher levels of influence in their departments
Male Student Female Student

5
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4.5
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3.5
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2.5
1.5
1
Competence Hireability Mentoring
FIGURE 3.4 Scientists at research-intensive universities were randomly assigned to rate

. application materials from either a woman or a man for a laboratory assistant position.
ii» The only difference was the applicant 's name. When the application was from a male
*
student, scientists rated the applicant as more competent, were more likely to want to hire
.
him and were more likely to offer mentoring than if the application was from a female
student. All questions were asked on a 1-7 scale where higher numbers represented
higher perceptions of competence and greater likelihood that the participant would hire or
i
:
.
mentor the applicant. Error bars represent Standard Errors. ( After Moss-Racusin et al. 2012 )
li
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2
.
than did the women of color ( Settles, Cortina, Stewart, & Malley, 2007 ) .
Another study showed that Latinx female scientists were far more likely than
other groups of women to report that their colleagues expected them to man-
age the office, including making coffee and providing emotional support to
colleagues and students ( Williams et al., 2014 ) . Given this atmosphere, women
who enter STEM / EMCP fields may not remain in them .
It’s also noteworthy that women working in STEM / EMCP fields are often
one of very few women in their lab or division . A member of a socially margin -
alized group whose group makes up less than 15% of the workforce in a work -
place setting is known as a token ( Kantcr, 1977; Yoder, 1994 ). When tokens
are members of lower-status groups ( e.g., women or Latinx ), negative effects
can occur. For example, tokens have increased visibility, so their work is more
carefully scrutinized ( Williams et al., 2014 ). In one study of STEM professors
working at colleges and universities, 43% of women of color reported feeling
under close scrutiny as compared with 33% of White women and 18% of White
men ( Hollenshead 8c Thomas, 2001 ).
When a woman is a token , she feels considerable pressure not to make mis-
takes because her work is viewed as representing that of all people like her. She
may also feel socially isolated and likely to be seen in sex /gender-stereotyped
—
ways such as a temptress or a mother ( King, Hebl, George, 8c Matusik, 2010 ).
Race and ethnic background can exacerbate women’s experience of tokenism.
In one study, researchers found that Black and Asian American women reported
tokenism more often than Latinx and White women ( Williams et al., 2014 ).
However, conditions do improve as more members of that group enter the field
as a whole or in a given workplace. For example, as the number of women in a
science department increased , women in that department felt more comfortable
and were more likely to believe their department valued the advancement of
women ( Hillard, Schneider, Jackson, 8c LaHuis, 2014 ).
An excellent example of how discrimination can marginalize women in
STEM/EMCP fields is found in the 2016 book and subsequent Oscar- nominated
movie Hidden Figures ( Shctterly, 2016 ). Both relate the stories of three women
— —
of color Katherine Johnson , Dorothy Vaughan , and Mary Jackson who con-
ducted important mathematical analyses for NASA during the space program’s
early years. These women were systematically discriminated against, required to
use a separate bathroom far from their work area, and had their work dismissed
as unimportant. Their work was, in fact, vital to the success of the space pro-
gram , but they didn’t receive any public recognition for it until 2016.
In sum , sex/gender differences in abilities cannot sufficiently account for the
disproportionately small number of women in STEM/EMCP fields. The situ-
ation is much more complicated . What starts as a negligible or small difference
between girls and boys can develop into a large difference, especially consider-
ing how other structural pressures ( e.g., racism ) influence girls’ and women’s
success in these fields.
The Case of STEM / EMCP 143

I »
Conclusion
i
Psychologists have a long history of exploring sex /gender differences, both
to support and to disconfirm beliefs about innate, biological differences. The
• !
differences that have been identified seem to be the result of complex interac-
tions between sociocultural variables and biology ( Eagly, 1995; Hyde, 2005 ).
i Although the perception that women and men are “from different planets” is
I
•• •
popular, women and men are actually more similar than different. While small
i
differences do exist, they’re often magnified in popular culture, and over-stating
difference has served as a way to justify sexism . Therefore, education about the
I
reality of relatively small sex/gender differences is key for reducing sex/gender
i
prejudice. So the next time you hear a sexist joke or comment that reflects gen -
! —
der essentialism, you now know that spaceships truly aren’t necessary women
and men are actually from the same planet!
Finally, it’s worth reflecting on die fact that much research has been devoted
to discussing and debating similarities and differences between women and men .
However, feminist psychologists sec this entire conversation as flawed. Asking “ Are
there differences between women and men ? ” keeps the focus on whether there arc
differences instead of explaining and contextualizing them (Shields, 2013 ). Further-
more, the question assumes one clear, singular identity of “ woman ” and “ man.”
Instead, every woman ( and man ) is uniquely different as a result of a complex array
I
of intersecting identities ( McCormick et al., 2016; Shields, 2013 ). Many feminist
psychologists would argue that instead of focusing on difference, it would be more
—
useful to explore how psychological research can improve the lives of women and ,
ultimately, of all people ( Kitzinger, 1994; Rutherford Sc Granek, 2010 ).
;
?

i
Chapter Review
SUMMARY
The Pervasiveness of Gender Essentialism Men have higher levels of testosterone, but
Gender essentialism is the idea that women and testosterone can vary based on one’s experiences.
men are fundamentally different at their very Acting aggressively increases testosterone; acting
core, or “essence,” because of biological or in a nurturing way decreases it.
genetic factors. Plasticity is the capacity for biological structures,
Gender essentialist arguments arc popular and such as the brain , to change in response to
have an intuitive appeal. environmental factors and learning experiences.
Historically, sex/gender differences have been Social role theory emphasizes that sex/gender
used as a way to justify sexism. differences stem from die roles that women
Belief in gender essentialism is linked to hostile and men have traditionally held.
and benevolent sexism . Expectancy role value theory holds that
differences stem from women and men
Perspectives on Similarities and Differences valuing different activities and having different
A similarities perspective emphasizes the ways expectations for success.
in which women and men are similar and is
aligned with liberal feminism. A differences Methods Used to Study Sex /Gender
perspective emphasizes the ways in which Similarities and Differences
they arc different and is aligned with cultural Because there is so much research on the topic,
feminism . it is useful to look at the results of meta-analyses
In order to understand sex /gender similarities -
and meta syntheses. These analyses use a statistic
and differences, one must ask: ( a ) Is the called an effect size to quantify difference.
difference consistent, or does it change based Because non -significant results are generally
other aspects of one’s social identity? ( b ) Does not published , published research tends to be
the difference depend on context, or does it biased toward studies that find difference.
occur in any situation ? ( c ) Is the difference Psychologists are also interested in whether
categorical or dimensional ? ( d ) What is the women and men differ in variability, reflected
source of the difference ? by whether there are greater differences on
Evolutionary psychologists argue that very low or very high scores.
differences stem from evolutionary pressures, Meta-analyses and meta-syntheses generally
especially different mating strategies and find that women and men are more similar
parental investment. Other psychologists than different.
emphasize sex/gender similarities based on
similar evolutionary pressures. Cognitive Variables
On average, there are some small biological There are no differences on tests of general
differences between women’s and men’s brains, intelligence.
but these have not been clearly linked to
There are no overall differences in mathematics
behavioral differences. skills, but men have greater variability'.
Chapter Review 145

Men score better at mental rotation , and Both women and men use reasoning based on
women score better on verbal tasks. ethics of justice and care when making moral
Women tend to have higher academic judgments.
achievement through college. Women arc more interested in people , and men
All the differences found vary according are more interested in things.
to race, culture, and social class and arc Most of the above differences represent
inconsistent from task to task. relatively small effect sizes and vary according
to how questions are asked , the participants’
Personality, Beliefs, and Behavior age, and the participants’ culture.
There are some differences in personality
women tend to be more agreeable, and men
— The Case of STEM / EMCP
tend to be more assertive. Research suggests that parents and teachers
Gender differences in emotion are consistent have lower expectations for girls than they do
with internalized gender stereotypes and are for boys in math and science , which influences
more likely to be seen in self- report data than girls’ interest and performance.
in behavioral data. Lowered expectations can be a particular
Men self - report having more sexual partners problem for girls with physical disabilities.
and experiencing greater comfort with sex. People associate being good at science with
However, the data depend on whether being White and male.
participants think they are being monitored for Stereotype threat may lower achievement in
truth telling. math and science for some women .
Men are more likely than women to exhibit Women may not be interested in STEM / EMCP
physical aggression; however, die data are careers because they sec them as incompatible
skewed by small numbers of highly aggressive with communal goals. This interferes with the
men, and most women and men show similar value women place on math and science .
levels of aggression.
Women experience discrimination in math and
Men have somewhat higher global self-esteem , science fields. This can be related to being a
but this varies depending on age as well as the minority in these settings and being treated as
type of self-esteem measured. tokens.
KEY TERMS
neurosexism ( p. 105 ) expectancy role value theory ( p. 118 )
similarities perspective ( p. 107 ) gender stratification hypothesis ( p. 124 )
differences perspective ( p. 108 ) ethic of care ( p . 133 )
strategic essentialism ( p. 108 ) ethic of justice ( p. 133 )
sexual strategies theory ( p. 114 ) self- fulfilling prophesy ( p. 136 )
ii
differential parental investment theory ( p. 114 ) model minority' ( p. 137 )
paternity' uncertainty' ( p. 114 ) stereotype threat ( p. 138 )
; attachment fertility' theory ( p. 114 ) goal congruity perspective ( p. 140 )
II
I i plasticity' ( p. 116) token ( p. 143 )
social role theory/social structural theory ( p. 117)
:
!
THINK ABOUT IT
1. Imagine you’re conversing with a friend 3. In explaining sex/gender similarities, can you
who is convinced that there arc fundamental use the same theories that have been proposed
differences between women and men . Using to explain sex/gender differences? If not,
research results from this chapter, explain how what other theories might explain sex/gender
this perspective is more complicated than your similarities? Why aren’t we likely to discuss
friend might expect . theories on sex /gender similarities?
2. What are the benefits and drawbacks 4. Design a campus-wide campaign to address
of conducting research on sex /gendcr gender disparities in STEM fields. What types
differences ? How would you advise of information are important to include ? What
psychologists to approach research in this area ? types of interventions do you believe will have
the greatest influence ?
ONLIfv RESOURCES
—
Cordelia Fine a website featuring links to
Fine’s writing. A neuroscientist and professor
—
STEM Women a website created by women
in STEM fields to encourage and promote
of history and philosophy of science at the gender equity in STEM fields: stemwomen .net
University of Melbourne , she writes about
neurosexism and gender esscntialism in the
—
Van Anders Lab a website hosted by
Dr. Sari van Anders at the University of
popular press: cordeliafine.com Michigan, Ann Arbor, offering resources about
Girl Start — a blog dedicated to increasing
girls’ interest and engagement in STEM
social neuroendocrinology, feminist science,
sexuality, gender/sex, and sexual diversity:
educational programming: girlstart .org wwv- personal.umich .edu / ~smva/
Chapter Review 147

THE COMPETITION WAS SET. Contestants would endure a series of intensive
weight-lifting, gymnastics, and interval workouts in order to compete for the title
of The 2014 Fittest Woman on Earth. Chloie Jonsson, a personal trainer, was no
stranger to the Reebok CrossFit Games ( Sieczkowski, 2014). She had competed
before and was preparing again for the brutal test of strength, endurance, and
toughness. This time, however, was different. Motivated by an anonymous tip,
the competition organizers declared that all participants had to compete ac-
.
cording to their sex as assigned at birth. Chloie who had identified as female
since adolescence, had received cross-sex hormone treatment, had undergone
gender - affirmative surgery, and was now legally recognized by the state of
California as a woman, could not compete in this year 's competition. She was
devastated. She would later sue for discrimination, but the games continued
without her.
The requirement for elite female athletes to prove their true sex isn't new.
Between 1968 and 1999, the International Olympic Committee ( IOC) required
that all female athletes, but not male athletes, undergo gender verification
.
testing ( Ha et al. 2014; Mitra, 2014). Such tests were deemed necessary after ru-
mors emerged that some male athletes were masquerading as women in order to
.
have a competitive advantage (Ha et al. 2014). Yet from the start of testing, there
were problems. Because there is no scientific criterion for separating all women
from all men, critics claimed the testing was both ethically and medically flawed
.
In 2009, Caster Semenya a
decorated track athlete from
South Africa, was forced
into the spotlight when
she was disqualified from
competing in the Olympics
based on results from gender
verification testing. After
much controversy, she was
cleared to compete again
in 2010.
149
i
( Ha et .
al. 2014; Simpson et al. 2000). For example, between 1972 and 1984,
(
.
13 female athletes did not pass the gender verification tests ( Elsas et al. 2000).
These athletes didn't neatly fit into female or male categories. Instead, they were
I
.
classified as intersex a term that describes a wide variety of conditions in which
a person's body isn't sex typical. Many of these elite female athletes, who had
spent their entire lives training to compete in the Olympics, were encouraged to
; feign injury as an explanation for their non -participation in order to prevent pub-
i lic humiliation (Henne, 2014). The IOC eventually replaced its compulsory gender
testing policy with a different system: Female athletes would only be tested in
! !
•
cases of "reasonable doubt" ( Ha et al., 2014, p. 1036).
It didn't take long, however, for a new case to emerge. In 2009, after win-
ning the 800-meter race as part of the World Championships in track and field,
! Caster Semenya, a South African runner, aroused suspicion because of her mas-
I .
culine appearance ( Wiesemann 2011). Although Semenya maintained that she
i was a woman and had been raised as a girl, she was forced to undergo gender
verification testing. She was no stranger to having people question her sex — she
! regularly took coaches and teammates into the bathroom so they could inspect
her genitals because people didn' t believe she was female ( Wieseman, 2011).
I But in 2009, in a blatant disregard for her privacy, the results from her medi-
1
i cal evaluation — which included a gynecological exam, blood test, and chromo-
:
i some test— were leaked to the international media ( Levy, 2009 ). It turned out
that she had both external female genitalia ( vulva, labia ) and internal male
genitalia ( undescended testes). She did not have ovaries or a uterus. Therefore .
Semenya was disqualified from competing in the Olympics— a blow that not only
crushed her Olympic dreams but also caused her to experience depression and
an identity crisis (Wiesemann, 2011). South Africa would later file a human rights
complaint with the United Nations stating that the testing violated international
1 commitments on the protection and advancement of women's rights, including
I
= 1l i their right to privacy and their right to participate in sports ( Dworkin, Swarr, &
Cooky, 2013).
1
The fact that Semenya was a woman of color caused some people to point
out that gender verification tests also reveal racialized assumptions about sex. In
sports, people perceive the bodies of athletes of color differently than the bodies
of White athletes, and this is especially the case for female athletes ( Douglas .
2012; Withycombe, 2011). In particular, Black female athletes are associated with
«
increased muscularity and are often depicted as being hyper-masculine (Schultz,

2005; Messner, 2002; Withycombe, 2011). As anthropologist and bioethicist
I1
1
) i
150 Chapter 4 Beyond the Sex/Gender Binary

Katrina Karkazis ( 2008 ) stated, "[Semenya ] did not conform to White, Western
standards of what a woman should look like" (p. 2). The head of Athletics South
Africa agreed with Karkazis's assessment. He said, "Who are White people to ques-
tion the makeup of an African girl? I say this is racism, pure and simple" ( Smith,
2009, para. 2 ). In fact, in mainstream, dominant society, expectations for the
female body are based on White and /or Western cultural norms (Beauchamp &
D'Harlingue, 2012 ) . Women who don't fit such standards often struggle to recon-
cile these norms with their racial and national identities, and in the case of elite
athletes, there is increased scrutiny on bodies that don’t adhere to dominant ideas
about feminine appearance ( Karkazis & Fishman, 2017; Singh & McKleroy, 2011).
All these cases highlight the difficulty of labeling a person's sex. The sex/gender
binary, or the idea that there are only two sexes, dictates that a person must be
assigned a sex of either female ( F) or male ( M) that will align with a predictable gen-
der. This standard is widely held despite significant medical and social evidence that
.
some people cannot be classified in this way (Fausto-Sterling, 2000; Karkazis 2008).
In reading this textbook, by now you may have become comfortable with the idea
that gender roles are complicated. There are plenty of women who act masculine
and plenty of men who act feminine. Feminist psychologists have greatly contribut-
ed to critiquing the social construction of gender. To date, though, much less atten-
tion has been paid to how the understanding of bodies, and therefore biological sex .
is also socially constructed ( Fausto-Sterling, 2000). But as this chapter will show, sex
and gender are deeply intertwined, making the sex /gender binary complicated too.
Biological processes don ’t always conform neatly with gen-
dered expectations. Some women are flat-chested, and some
men have large breasts. Some women are bald and grow hair
on their chins, and some men don't grow beards. Despite these
your turn
variations, most institutions in our society act as though every
Many schools organize their sports teams
person can easily be identified as either a woman or a man. by sex. Some feminist scholars have
Prisons, sports teams, bathrooms, toy stores, and some reli- argued that, in addition to reinforcing
gious organizations and schools use sex as a primary means of the sex/gender binary, this perpetuates
the myth that girls are less athletic than
categorizing and separating people, as well as their interests
boys. How are sports organized at your
and the physical spaces they use (McKenna & Kessler, 2000). school? What are your thoughts about
Even the Oscars are divided into Best Actress and Best Actor organizing teams about something other
categories. Because so many social structures are organized than gender? Should schools consider
organizing sports by other variables such
around expectations about our bodies, people tend to think
as skill level, height, or motivation? Why
that one's sex is an important and unchangeable fact of life. or why not?
In reality, however, biology is not so clear -cut.
151
!
In this chapter, we'll explore the sex /gender binary and examine the various
ways in which the categories of woman and man are defined and regulated with-
in Western society. We'll consider important questions about who determines a
person's sex and gender, what harm can come from others deciding a person's
sex and gender, and what it means to identify and live outside of the sex /gender
\ binary. As we consider these questions, we'll keep in mind that the answers have
'
very real implications for how all of us think about who we are and how best to
I I: organize our lives.
' h
.
;
I
I
i
Challenging Heteronormath/e
1i Assumptions about Sex
and Gender
1 •
What are common assumptions about how biological factors, gender

identity, and sexual orientation relate to one another , and how have
feminist scholars challenged these assumptions?
Figure 4.1 shows the traditional assumptions about how biological factors
( including genes and hormones ) , gender identity, and sexual orientation relate
to one another. This model has been dominant in White, Western culture and
reflects an essentialist view. In this model , genetic differences tied to biological
sex arc seen as the core from which both gender identity and sexual orientation
No prenatal
Vulva:
masculinizing
"It’s a girl!”
> .
I’m a girl
hormones
Prenatal
Penis:
masculinizing I’m a boy.
hormones * "It’s a boy!”
*
FIGURE 4.1 This diagram illustrates traditional assumptions about how biological factors
(including genes and hormones), gender identity,
and sexual orientation relate to one
another. It reflects an overly simplistic essentialist view as genetic differences tied to sex
ii
!
are seen as the core from which both gender identity and sexual orientation develop .
l:

develop. The model acknowledges only two genetic variations: XX ( female )
and XY ( male ). The chromosome pairs XX and XY lead to specific prenatal
hormonal patterns that, in turn , lead to two different sets of easily identifiable
external genitalia ( c.g., XX chromosomes will yield a clearly identifiable vulva;
XY chromosomes will yield an easily identifiable penis ) and internal genitalia
( e.g., XX will yield a uterus and ovaries ). XX people believe “I’m a girl ” and
XY people believe “ I’m a boy,” and this self-identification then determines the
individuals’ gendered - aligned characteristics and behaviors ( e.g., acting femi -
nine, acting masculine ) . Finally, this model is heteronormativc. It assumes that
girls/women will be attracted to boys/ men and boys/ men will be attracted to
—
girls/women in other words, that people will have a heterosexual orientation .
Although many people today realize that this linear model is no longer applica -
ble , it still holds power in shaping assumptions. For example, most people are
aware that not everyone is heterosexual, but they still tend to assume heterosex -
uality until they encounter evidence to the contrary.
Feminist scholars have challenged the assumptions in this model in many
ways ( Fausto-Sterling, 2000; Karkazis, 2008 ). First, they assert that at each
step there are more than two options ( e .g., more than two genetic possibili -
ties, more than “ I’m a girl ” or “I’m a boy ” ). Second, the process, as depicted
in Figure 4.1, can be disrupted because the sequence isn’t necessarily linear
and straightforward. The arrows in the diagram actually can cross over and
change at any point throughout a person’s life. Although , as noted above, these
assumptions reflect White, Western norms, in many cultures such assump-
tions have long been challenged , and anatomical sex is not the primary factor
in determining gender ( Davis, 2015; Karkazis, 2008; Kessler, 2002; Nanda,
2014 ) . In the West , however, individuals who don’t fit the model are gener-
ally deemed “ deviant ” and “ ill ” ( Karkazis, 2008 ) . We will spend much of this
chapter challenging the assumptions at each stage of this traditional model and
exploring how their normative influence creates strain on people for whom this
model doesn’t apply.
Feminist scholars regard the sex /gender binary as overly simplistic and
exclusionary ( Karkazis, 2008; Springer, Mager Stellman , & Jordan -Young,
2012 ). They advocate approaching the concept of gender as having multiple
dimensions that can interact in a variety of ways ( Butler, 1990; Dean 8c Tate,
2017; van Anders, 2015 ). The metaphor of a gender bundle is useful because
it suggests that aspects of sex /gender ( e .g., gender assignment, gender iden -
tity, gender bodily expression ) aren’t necessarily ordered or connected in a
meaningful way ( Tate, Youssef, & Bettergarcia, 2014 ) . Instead, they’re all
part of the personal and social understanding of gender. Later in the chapter,
we’ll present another multi - faceted model that considers sex , gender, and sex-
ual/ romantic attraction. Because of the complex interplay among these con -
structs, we’ll use the term sex/gender throughout this chapter, much like we
did in Chapter 3, as a way to make explicit that both sex ( biology, evolution,
Challenging Heteronormative Assumptions about Sex and Gender 153

;
mcdicalization ) and gender ( socialization, identity, politics ) arc interrelated

and cannot be easily untangled ( van Anders, 2015 ).
I
Transgender : An Umbrella Term
What are gender identity and gender expression, and in what diverse ways
do transgender individuals identify?
•
•
A good way to start exploring the gender bundle is by examining the experiences
of transgender individuals because they disrupt binary assumptions that one’s sex
assignment at birth corresponds with one’s sense of being a woman or a man.
Instead, gender identity can be seen as just one part of die gender bundle that may
1
or may not be related to other parts of it. The term gender identity refers to one’s
understanding of oneself as gendered ( e.g., as a girl, a boy, or as holding an identity
that does not fit into the binary ). It is based on a fundamental sense of belonging
to a sex/gender category regardless of assignment at birth. As we saw' in Chapter 1,
die term cisgender describes individuals whose gender identity conforms to societal
i .
1
expectations for die sex diey were assigned at birth: A cisgender person is someone
w'ho either was assigned F at birdi and identifies as a girl/woman, or was assigned
M at birdi and identifies as a boy/ man . In contrast, the term transgender describes
individuals whose gender identity and /or gender expression do not conform to
societal expectations for the sex they were assigned at birth.
Transgender is an umbrella term that encompasses a variety of self- labels and
definitions ( Gagne, Tewksbury, &: McGaughey, 1997 ). It can include many
types of people, including those who identify with binary
identities ( e.g., transwoman /transfemininc, transman/
transmasculinc ) and non -binary identities ( e.g., genderqueer,
your turn gender non -conforming ) . Individuals who identify with
I
non- binary identities feel that their gender identity is either
Why is it important to label gender? somewhere in between that of woman and man or not con -
Imagine a world in which the sex /gender nected to the sex/gender binary altogether. Table 4.1 high -
binary has been disrupted and a third
lights some of the gender identities that often fall under the
gender or multiple forms of gender are
transgender umbrella. Although the actual number of trans-
accepted. What would need to change-
gender people is unknown, in 2016, researchers estimated
think beyond bathrooms—and what
; would stay the same? Currently, people
often ask about and group others by gen-
—
that 0.6% of adults in the United States about 1.4 million
—
people identified as transgender ( Flores, Herman , Gates,
der. If the current gender system were & Brown, 2016 ).
j disrupted , in what situations would such Because the term transgender encompasses so many
groupings continue , and in what situa - diverse types of people, there is variability among gender
tions would they be a relic of the past ? identities and expressions within the transgender com -
: ; munity Stryker, 2008 ). Some trans individuals want to
(
i
Li
TABLE 4.1 Gender Identities under the Transgender Umbrella
Identity Label Definition
An umbrella term for people whose gender identity is

Genderqueer outside of, not included within, or beyond the binary
of female and male.
A term used to refer to individuals or communities

Gender non-conforming who may not identify as transgender but who do not
conform to traditional gender norms.
Transwoman, Transfeminine A transgender individual who identifies as a woman
individual and /or has a feminine gender expression.
Transman, Transmasculine A transgender individual who identifies as a man and /

individual or has a masculine gender expression.
Gender bender, Pangender, Terms used to refer to individuals who arc

Polygender non - binary; they may identify with all genders.
A term used to refer to individuals who have complete

Androgynous
gender neutrality; they may be people whose gender
identity is both female and male or neither female nor
male .
The term comes from the traditions of some Native

North American cultures to describe Native peo -
Two- spirited ple who display characteristics of both male and
female genders; this is often associated with having a
third gender.
“go stealth ” and live as clearly gcndcr-catcgorizcd as possible rather than chal-
lenging binary assumptions about sex /gender ( Lev, 2004 ). They prefer to
conform to the dominant biological and socially ascribed gender expectations
associated with their identity ( Kessler & McKenna, 2000 ). For that reason, they
might not identify as transgender, since they eventually become clearly recog-
nizable as cither women or men ( Fassingcr & Arsencau, 2007 ). Other individ -
uals may identify in any number of other ways, some of which are presented in
Table 4.1.
Some people believe that the presence of such diverse identities and labels
causes confusion and division within mainstream society, yet labels can be help-
ful as well as harmful ( Fincke, 2014 ). When sex/gender labels are imposed by
others, they can be oppressive because they limit self-expression and dictate
options, such as which public bathrooms people can use or what sports teams
they can join ( Galupo, Henise, & Mercer, 2016 ). When labels are self-directed,
though, they provide a way to name experience, and self-labeling can have pos-
itive social and political implications ( Fincke, 2014 ). Without a way to name
their experience, transgender individuals can have difficulty finding one another
for social support or for coalition building to gain political recognition.

Transgender Identity Development
What are some of the unique challenges that transgender individuals face
in terms of gender identity development, and how does misgendering play
a role in their experiences?
In 2014, at age 12 , Zoey Luna was featured on a morning show, surrounded by

1 p her family and friends. Although Zoey was assigned M at birth , she began telling
I
her mother she was a girl at a young age. Zoey described a painful reality: “ Even
kids that seem like good kids, they make fun of me ” ( “ Born this way,” 2014,
para. 3 ) . When asked what happens when she’s treated “ like a boy,” Zoey said , “ I
always get upset, because I’m not a boy. I’m a girl . You know, like , I like the color
pink . I scream like a girl. I act like a girl. I breathe like a girl . I’m not a boy!”
Because Zocy’s mother wants her to be true to herself and be happy, she whole -
heartedly supports Zoey living as an openly transgender girl . Still , Zoey’s mom is
fearful about how society will treat her daughter. “ It’s scary,” she says ( para . 4 ).
Much like Zocy’s experience, some transgender individuals begin to question
their assigned sex early in life. Transgender children as young as two years of age
may reveal dissatisfaction with their sex assignment through behaviors such as
wanting to wear cross- gendered clothing or refusing to comb their hair in ways that
are typically associated with their assigned sex ( Cohen - Kcttcnis & Pfafflin , 2003 ).
However, other trans people don’t reveal gender dissatisfaction until later in life
( Hunter, 2005 ). It’s worth noting that people often ask transgender individuals
Zoey Luna, shown here at age 15 .

faced bullying and had to stand
up to school officials for her
right to self - identify her gender
in school
Chapter 4 Beyond the Sex/Gender Binary

( and other LGBTQ* people ) “ How early did you know? ” because mainstream
society tends to grant more legitimacy to early awareness. In other words, a person
who says, “ I always felt diis way ” is considered more authentic than a person who
says, “Since I turned 40, 1 began feeling this way.” The fact that society privileges
early and continual awareness can be considered another example of the power of
:
—
esscndalism something is presumed to be more natural if it occurs early in life -
rather than later. However, research supports more fluidity and flexibility in gen -
der, sex, and sexuality, and a realization about one’s identity that happens later in
life is no less valid than one that happens earlier ( Diamond , 2008a ).
—
Among transgender people, gender identity not assigned sex is gener- —
ally closely aligned with gendered behaviors and attitudes ( Endendijk, Beltz,
McHalc, Bryk, 8c Bcrenbaum , 2016; Olson , Key, & Eaton, 2015 ) . For exam -
ple, when Zocy says she screams “ like a girl,” you probably imagine a high -
pitched scream because most people generally associate that type of scream with
femininity. However, the gender roles we all enact and the gender expressions
we present may or may not align with gender identity. For example, a cisgendcr
woman may enact masculinity, a transwoman may be more androgynous than
feminine in self- presentation , or a genderqueer individual may object to having
behaviors labeled as feminine or masculine at all.
Although everyone develops a gender identity, for transgendcr individuals the
process can be especially difficult. It often includes experiencing discrimination,
stigma, and prejudice ( Egan & Perry, 2001; Grant et al ., 2011; Katz-Wise 8c
Budge, 2015; Koken , Bimbi , 8c Parsons, 2009 ). Because mainstream society has
very clear cisgender expectations, the process of developing a transgendcr iden -
tity takes time and can be highly stressful ( Devor, 2004 ). In fact , psychologists
have developed several models of transgender identity development ( Gagne et
al ., 1997; Lev, 2004 ). The process typically starts with awareness ( Barr, Budge,
8c Adelson , 2016; Devor, 2004; Lev, 2004 ) . One study showed that among
65 primarily White transgendcr women between the ages of 24 and 68, per-
sonal awareness started with a doubtful feeling that their sex or gender was
“ wrong” and that it didn’t “ fit ” ( Gagne et al., 1997, p. 486 ). Other studies have
shown that awareness came along with experiencing social disapproval ( Gregor,
Davidson , 8c Hingley- Jones, 2016; Katz -Wise 8c Budge, 2015 ). For example, in
one study, transgender women of color reported experiencing harassment, vio-
lence, and sexual objectification when they expressed cross-gendered desires or
engaged in cross-gendered behaviors ( Koken et al., 2009; Lombardi, Wilchins,
Pricsing, 8c Malouf, 2001; Mallon 8c Dc Crescenzo, 2009 ). Those who were
* Authors' note: Wc generally use the acronym LGBTQ ( Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgendcr, Queer ) throughout
. this book. However, in this chapter wc sometimes use variations of the acronym with fewer letters ( i.c., LGBQ
and LGB ). We use LGBQ, leaving out the T, when we talk specifically about sexual orientation and want to keep
gender identity distinct. We use LGB at one point in the chapter when talking about how organizations and social
movements that are focused on the rights of gender and sexual minority individuals have, over time, expanded
their focus and added in the T and Q.

raised in traditional, religious households experienced the highest levels of rejec-
tion ( Koken et al ., 2009 ). As a result, awareness of their identity came from a
dynamic between their own desires and the social context in which they lived
( Fassinger & Arseneau, 2007 ).
When guardians reject transgender children , the likelihood of school drop-
out , homelessness, substance use, incarceration, and engagement in sex work
increases ( Wilson et al ., 2009 ) . Parents who struggle with their children’s gen -
der identity may think that the atypical gender expression is temporary, which
is one reason why parents may not be supportive ( Rosenberg, 2002 ) . In one
study, researchers found that fathers were more likely than mothers to react neg-
atively toward their transgender children ( Grossman , D’Augelli, Jarrett Howell,
8c Hubbard , 2005 ) . But even when parents are supportive of their children, the
youngsters may face criticism from extended family, friends, and school person -
nel ( Birnkrant 8c Przeworski, 2017 ) . However, when adults are flexible in their
attitudes toward young people’s exploration of gender, it reduces anxiety and
depression in transgender children ( Ehrensaft, 2014 ) .
Once transgender individuals discover that there’s a name for their feelings
and that there are others with similar feelings, they’re able to develop a stron -
ger sense of gender identity ( Gagne et al ., 1997 ). One transgender woman
described the discovery this way: “The lightbulb went off and I went ‘Wait a
minute. This isn’t really about clothes; it’s about who I am”’ ( Katz -Wise 8c
Budge, 2015, p. 162 ). Trans individuals who begin to feel “ true to themselves”
report a noticeable shift in their desire to show their gender and to experience
validation in their identity from others ( Katz-Wise 8c Budge, 2015 , p . 159 ). At
this point, they are ready to begin gender transitioning, the process of publicly
demonstrating their gender identity in both appearance and behavior ( Katz-
Wise 8c Budge, 2015; Lev, 2004 ). Gender transitioning is a complex process
that often unfolds over a long period and requires attention to many aspects of
a person’s life.
When a person publicly identifies as transgender, sometimes called a social
transition, family members must redefine their relationship and dieir family
structure ( Zamboni, 2006 ) . Some family members experience ambiguous loss,
the sense that they have lost a family member either physically or psychologi -
cally, which leaves them grieving and searching for answers ( Veldoralc- Griffin 8c
Darling, 2016 ). After all, even though they still have a child, sibling, or parent,
for example, they no longer have a son, sister, or mother. This type of grief was
evident on the reality TV show I Am Caity featuring Caitlyn Jenner. When she
disclosed her decision to transition, some of her children expressed anger and
i confusion ( Bueno, 2015 ).
For trans individuals, one aspect of publicly identifying as transgender
i involves asking friends, family, and odiers to refer to them with a new pronoun
and/or name. Trans individuals may use pronouns and names that are cidicr
consistent with the sex/gender binary (c.g., she/ her or he/ him ) or outside of it

i .
( e.g., they/ them ). These requests are often met with confusion and apathy, and
they are complied with inconsistently ( Kaccre, 2013 ). In one study, researchers
found that while cisgcndcr people may be able to temporarily focus on using a
pronoun requested by a transgendcr person , these efforts can be easily disrupted
when cisgcndcr individuals are distracted ( Friedman, 2014 ).
When interacting with trans individuals, many people routinely misgender,
or use a pronoun that doesn’t accurately reflect the trans person’s gender iden -
tity ( Ansara &: Hegarty, 2014; Friedman, 2014, Gazzola 8c Morrison , 2014;
McLemorc, 2015 ) . When trans people are misgendered through the incorrect
use of pronouns or names, they can feel stigmatized ( McLemorc, 2015 ) and
can experience depression and anxiety ( Stcts 8c Burke, 2005 ) . In contrast, one
study showed that having someone use a correct pronoun legitimized trans-
gender participants’ experience of themselves and created
a sense of connection and belongingness ( Bosson , Weaver,
8c Prewitt - Freilino, 2012 ). In another study, which focused
on racially diverse transgendcr individuals, participants try it for yourself
reported experiencing several positive emotions ( e.g., hap -
piness, hope, pride ) when people used correct pronouns For one day, don't use any gender-specific
pronouns ( e.g., she/her or he/his ) . How did
( Budge, Orovecz, 8c Thai, 2015 ). One transgender man
said , “ If my stepmom was sending me a card or talking to it feel? Was it challenging to do? Why or
why not? Now consider how easy or hard it
me, she would say ‘he’ or ‘son.’. . . And the other day, she
might be to change pronouns or names for
said , you’re a really good man . And man, that j u s t . . . I was
any of your friends or family members who
flying high all night!” ( p . 421 ). For this reason, one rec -
may transition their identity. What addi-
ommendation is that cisgcnder people indicate their pro- tional challenges (and motivations) might
nouns when meeting someone new as a way to recognize you encounter? Finally, ask a cisgender
that pronouns vary among people. In fact, we now have our person what it would be like to be routinely
students in all of our classes introduce themselves with their misgendered. What response did you get?
names and pronouns.
Medical Concerns
What are some of the diverse choices that transgender individuals can
make regarding gender -affirming medical interventions?
Gender transitioning may involve some type of body modification, often referred
to as a medical transition . This might include using cross-sex hormones, under-
going electrolysis for hair removal, or having surgeries ( Lev, 2004 ). A com-
mon term used in transgender literature is passing, or the degree to which a
—
person is perceived as their* gender usually based on gender expression and
* Authors' note: Wc use the singular they/ them here, and in other places throughout the book, in a conscious way .
-
While there is not yet one universally preferred pronoun adopted by those who have non binary gender identities,
the singular they is currently the dominant option.

conformity to gender norms. Some scholars, however, prefer the term recogni -
tion, which focuses on the social context rather than the individual ( Connell,
2009; Katz -Wise & Budge, 2015 ). Recognition also highlights the reality that
transgender individuals must continuously prove the authenticity of their gen -
—
der something that cisgender people don’t have to do because of cisgendcr
privilege ( Serano, 2007 ) . Further, if the gender identity of a transgender per-
son isn’t clearly expressed through their appearance and behaviors, there is an
increased risk of violence and discrimination , so body modification is often a
necessary change in order to be safe ( Mizock &: Lewis, 2008 ) . This can be a
particular focus during adolescence, when puberty begins and it becomes dif-
ficult to modify physical characteristics without medical support ( Lev, 2004 ).
For example, transgender adolescents who don’t pass are more likely than those
who do pass to experience homelessness and have negative experiences in trying
to access homeless shelters, many of which are gender segregated ( Begun &
Kattari, 2016 ) .
One medical intervention that can be helpful for adolescents involves tak -
ing a hormone ( GnRH agonist ) at the beginning of puberty that postpones
the onset of further pubertal changes. This gives adolescents ( and their guard -
ians ) time to evaluate the risks and benefits of starting cross - sex hormone
treatment, which typically begins around age 16. In one study, transgender
adolescents who used GnRH at age 13, took cross -sex hormones at age 16,
and underwent sex- reassignment surgery at age 20 had the same psycholog-
ical outcomes as their cisgender peers in their 20s ( de Vries et al ., 2014 ).
There are controversies around pubertal blockers, however. One concern is
that not much is known about the long- term effects of delaying puberty;
another is that pubertal blockers are very expensive and typically not cov-
ered by insurance, so this intervention often can only be accessed by people
with financial privilege (Schagen, Cohen - Kettenis, Delemarre-van de Waal , &
Hannema, 2016 ) . Furthermore, legal guardians have to support their child’s
—_
s gender identity and must consent to ( and pay for ) gender- affirming treat -
ments during childhood and adolescence . This requirement brings up ques-
tions about who has the right to make such decisions, an issue we’ll explore
later in this chapter.
Some individuals desire sex reassignment surgery ( SRS ) , the surgical pro-
cedures involved in changing one’s sex ( Lev, 2004 ). These procedures are
.! now often called gender -confirming surgery or gender-affirming surgery. Peo-
ple who believe their bodies don’t represent their sex and who have a strong
desire for body modification have traditionally been referred to as transsexual.
While some individuals still use this term to describe themselves, many others
prefer the term transgender because ti'anssexual seems dated and stigmatizing
—
( “ Glossary of terms Transgender,” n .d .; Zimman , 2016 ). An individual can be
pre-operative, post-operative, or non -operative ( Lev, 2004 ). For example, hor-
mone treatment may be sufficient to reduce anxiety about being recognizable

as a certain gender ( Meyer ct al ., 2001 ). Regardless, because studies show high
satisfaction following SRS, it is widely accepted as an affirming option ( Klein
& Gorzalka, 2009; Kuiper 8c Cohen - Kettenis, 1998; Rollc, Ceruti, Timpano,
Falcone, 8c Frea, 2015; van der Sluis et al., 2016 ).
Some trans individuals choose not to have any medical treatment, or they
may select some medical treatments but not others ( Aguayo- Romero, Reisen,
Zea , Bianchi, 8c Poppen; 2015; Fein, Salgado, Alvarez, 8c Estes, 2017 ). This is
particularly true for those who are non - binary ( Pinto 8c Moleiro, 2015 ). For
example, a person assigned F at birth who identifies as genderqueer may choose
to have top surgery ( breast removal ) but may never take cross-sex hormones.
—
Other medical considerations might also come into play for example, an older
transgender woman may not be able to take estrogen because of cancer or car-
diac risk. As a result, part of the gender identity development process for trans
individuals is not simply understanding themselves as transgender, but also fig-
uring out what they want their gender presentation to be and whether medical
modifications may help affirm that choice.
Transitioning Obstacles
What obstacles may transgender people encounter as they transition?
Transitioning obstacles arc impediments outside of a person’s control that

influence when and if they’re able to transition ( Katz -Wise 8c Budge, 2015 ).
Money and time are notable obstacles. The Philadelphia Center for Trans-
gender Surgery estimated that in 2015 the cost for male- to - female transition -
ing was $140 ,450 and the cost of female - to - male transitioning was $124,400
( Jackson , 2015 ) . Insurance may cover some expenses ( e.g., hormone ther-
apy, a portion of surgery ) but not others ( e .g., facial electrolysis, breast aug-
mentation ). Moreover, 19% of transgender individuals are uninsured ( dickey,
Budge, Katz -Wise, 8c Garza, 2016 ). Despite it being a risky practice, some
trans individuals seek hormones on unregulated markets, such as via the Inter-
net, because of the high costs associated with body transitioning (Sanchez,
Sanchez, 8c Danoff, 2009; Xavier ct al ., 2013 ). Getting hormones via the
Internet is also a route some adolescents take when they have unsupportive
guardians ( Shield , 2007 ).
Transitioning obstacles can be related to other aspects of one’s identity'
as well. In one study of racially diverse older transgender individuals, some
participants reported that they had waited to transition because they feared
being seen as mentally ill or losing family ( Elder, 2016 ). One participant
—
said , “ Back in the 50s when it was totally unacceptable to be transgender
one of the things they did was to tell you that you had to divorce your
—
family, leave your friends, your job and everything. You had to disappear ”

( p. 183 ). Others identified racism as an additional obstacle in transitioning.
One participant shared that the doctor “only gave hormones to the White
girls he thought would pass. Others he gave water shots instead of hormone
shots” ( p. 182 ). Religious beliefs can also influence decisions about gender
transitioning. In Islamic traditions, for example, genital surgery disallows
certain burial rituals, which can complicate family acceptance and reduce the
likelihood that a transgender person will pursue certain types of surgeries
( Lev, 2004; Teh, 2001 ).
Further, it can be difficult to find health -care providers.
Insensitivity or hostility from the medical community was
reported by 32% of transgender participants in one study
( Xavier & Simmons, 2000 ), so this can contribute to trans
individuals being less likely than cisgender individuals to
seek medical support ( Lombardi et al., 2001 ) . Counselors
and psychologists report lack of training on the unique needs
of transgender clients; as a result, therapists may unknow-
ingly hold anti - trans prejudice or engage in microaggressions
during the counseling process ( Nadal , Skolnik, & Wong,
2012 ) . This issue is particularly important because psycholo-
gists often play a gatekeeper role for those seeking SRS, even
though some view determining if a person is “fit ” for surgery
as an inappropriate role ( Bockting, Robinson, Benner, &
Schcltema, 2004 ). The issue also has the potential to create a
pattern whereby clients feel they have to act as “ perfect ” can -
didates instead of using therapy in a more authentic way to
address challenges they may be experiencing ( Benson, 2013;
Carroll, Gilroy, & Ryan, 2002 ).
Additionally, some feminist scholars, among others, have
critiqued the current existence of a mental health diagnosis
that classifies many transgender people as mentally ill. Accord -
Transgender activist Michael Hughes ing to the DSAf -5, die current edition of die American Psychi -
took to Twitter in order to change atric Association’s list of diagnoses for mental disorders, jjender
public perception about the idea dysphoria is characterized by a strong desire to be treated as
that people should be required to the “odier” gender or to want to change “ one’s sex charac-
use the bathroom associated with teristics” (American Psychiatric Association, 2013, p. 452 ).
their assigned sex at birth. Using This psychiatric label can further stigmatize individuals who
the hashtag # wejustneedtopee and
starting with the statement " Do I look
-
are already in need of empathy ( Drcsher, Cohen Kettenis, &
like I belong in women' s facilities?"
Winter, 2012 ) . However, from a different perspective, a med -
he emphasized that trans people are ical diagnosis makes it more likely that some insurance com-
not going into bathrooms to spy or to -
panies will cover gender affirming treatments, which greatly
cause women harm. increases access to them ( Richmond, Carroll, & Demboske,
2010 ).
162 Chapter 4 Beyond the Sex /Gender Binary

Everyday Living
What is minority stress theory, and what unique
spotlight o n . .
stressors do transgender individuals experience?
Legal Concerns
Minority stress theory suggests that having a mar-
ginalized identity, such as being transgender, carries Transgender individuals face many legal
additional social stressors that can negatively affect concerns. For one, it is incredibly difficult
to have sex designations changed on offi-
mental and physical health outcomes ( Hendricks &
cial documents. In the United States, many
Testa, 2012; Meyer, 2003 ) . Researchers have identi -
states require evidence of SRS, so many
fied three particular stressors that impact transgender transgender individuals are unable to have
individuals. First, they are exposed to discrimination their gender legally recognized (Grant
and prejudice . Second , they may internalize negative etal., 2011).
messages about transgender people, resulting in inter- Furthermore, 58% of transgender re-
nalized transphobia . Third , it’s estimated that over spondents in one study avoided going out
half of transgender individuals experience violence at in public because of lack of access to a safe
one time in their lives ( Kenagy, 2005; Lombardi et al., bathroom, and 70% reported being denied
2001; Stotzer, 2008 ), although the probability of entrance to or harassed while trying to use
experiencing a violent attack is related to younger age, a bathroom that matched their gender
identity ( Herman, 2013). In 2016, North
racial minority status, and lower socioeconomic status
Carolina passed House Bill 2 ( HB2 ) , which
( Lombardi et al ., 2001 ) . Given the negative effects of
banned transgender individuals from
these stressors, transgender individuals’ experiences using bathrooms that didn ' t align with
with violence and discrimination may create a justifi - their sex assignment at birth— ostensibly to
ably heightened fear of encountering future discrimi - protect girls and women from transgender
nation . This is known as stigma awareness ( which can women ( Scout, 2016 ). In reality, there is no
also be experienced by people with other marginal- documented case of a transwoman using a
ized identities ). All three factors were associated with public bathroom to prey on girls or women,
greater psychological distress in a large survey of racially and transwomen are the ones likely to ex -
diverse transgender individuals ( Breslow et al., 2015 ). perience violence in bathrooms ( Herman ,
Transgender adults also experience significant barriers 2013) . Laws similar to HB2 have been pro -
to obtaining employment, housing, and quality health posed in Arizona , Maryland , Kentucky, and
Florida . In response, transgender activists
care ( Grant et al., 2011 ). Transgender people of color
have posted selfies using the hashtag
experience even worse outcomes, with Black trans peo- #wejustwanttopee to showcase how chal-
ple reporting the highest levels of discrimination ( Grant lenging it would be for a transgender man
etal., 2011; Saffin, 2011 ). to enter a women ' s bathroom.
Transgender individuals also experience within-group Over the past 30 years, activists have
stress. Although former LGB ( lesbian , gay, bisexual ) tried to pass LGBTQ non- discrimination
organizations began to “add the T” in the early 1990s laws. While there is no federal law to date
in order to express inclusion of transgender individ - that bans discrimination against trans-
uals ( and more recently a Q for queer ), many trans gender people, 18 states and many cities
people felt that this was a shallow gesture ( Minter, have passed laws that ban discrimination
2006 ). Historically, the transgender experience has because of gender identity / expression .
. 163
been minimized and ignored within the LGBQ movement
try it for yourself (Stone, 2009 ). For example, Marsha Johnson and Sylvia
Rivera, two transgender activists, are often forgotten for
their role in the Stonewall uprising, one of the events widely
What could you do to increase the sup-
considered to have ushered in the contemporary fight for
port for transgender people? Think about
small steps you can take. What changes
LGBTQ rights in the United States. It began when mem -
to your campus would make the lives of bers of the LGBTQ community retaliated against a police
trans students easier? For example, do raid that took place on June 28, 1969 , at the Stonewall
all forms require a strictly F or M desig- Inn , a LGBTQ bar in New York City. Historians believe
nation? Are there bathrooms that trans that Sylvia Rivera threw the first brick during the police
students can use comfortably? What raid and that Marsha Johnson threw a shot glass at the bar
on-campus housing options are there for mirror ( Duberman , 2013 ).
students who identify as transgender or The level of support a transgender person feels from
non-binary? Also, what advocacy groups an LGBTQ group is dependent on the willingness of gay
exist on your campus or in your commu- and lesbian members to divide resources among different
nity? How could you become involved
priorities ( Stone, 2009 ) . Often , LGBTQ organizations
with their initiatives?
support initiatives that favor White, upper- middle - class,
able - bodied , lesbian and gay people who are legal residents
within the United States. For example, the issue of gay mar-
riage has been a priority for many LGBTQ organizations while other issues,
such as job discrimination and fair housing, have gone relatively unaddressed
( Alimahomcd, 2010 ) .
Resiliency
What contributes to the resiliency of transgender individuals?
Despite high levels of social discrimination, transgender people are quite resil -
ient. In one study with participants who identified as Black , Multiracial, or
White, researchers found that cultivating a strong sense of identity and self -
worth, while also being conscious of oppression and connecting with a support-
ive community, was related to developing hope and resiliency ( Singh, Hays, &
Watson, 2011 ). Another study, focusing on transgender youth of color, showed
that using media to affirm both gender and racial pride strengthened resil -
iency (Singh , 2013 ) . As one Black transgender girl said, “There are more trans
people on die media, but it’s all adults and no kids. I think the documentary
\Transgeneration\ about trans youth in college was good because I can show my
—
parents ‘There are trans people who are not White’” ( p. 697 ) .
The degree to which a transgender person has social support is crucial for
health and well- being. Transgender individuals who perceive strong social sup-
port and have satisfying friendships report positive mental health ( Bockting,
Miner, Swinburne Romine, Hamilton , & Coleman , 2013; Budge, Adelson,

& Howard , 2013; Meier, Pardo, Labuski, & Babcock , 2013 ). Connecting
with an LGBTQ community also increases activism , another important resil -
iency strategy that has been shown to decrease stress, anxiety, and depression
( Riggle & Mohr, 2015; Singh , 2013 ) . In fact, many trans individuals engage
in community- based activism in order to improve life for both themselves
and others ( Breslow et al ., 2015 ). This involvement can provide a sense of
agency, but particularly for women of color, activism is related to an increase in
anti-transgender discrimination ( Breslow et al., 2015; DeBlaere et al., 2014 ).
It may be that individuals who experience discrimination may be more likely to
engage in activism , or conversely, those who engage in activism may experience
more discrimination .
In the past few years, certain transgender people have become well known
( c.g., Laverne Cox , Janet Mock , Caitlyn Jcnner, and Chaz Bono ). The Amazon
series Transparent has also been praised for bringing the discussion of trans
people to the forefront. In this scries, Maura, a transwoman , makes important
decisions about transitioning, comes out to her family, and experiences discrimi -
—
nation even within the feminist community ( Zulch , 2015 ). Although feminist
psychologists and many others sec the growing representation of transgender
individuals in popular culture as a significant step toward social acceptance, the
success of the few who make it into the spotlight can overshadow the challeng-
ing day - today realties for most trans individuals, especially when their financial
resources are limited .
Intersex activists have

been at the forefront of
creating awareness and
change. Among many
accomplishments, they have
worked to reduce the use
of stigmatizing language
and labels. They have also
influenced doctors and
parents to exercise more
caution before agreeing to
genital surgery on children
who are too young to consent
for themselves.

Complicating Gender
Assignment
According to the traditional linear model shown earlier in Figure 4.1, your
gender identity should align with your sex assignment at birth . But transgen -
der individuals, as we have noted , have gender identities that don ’t match
i i their sex assignments at birth . As a society, we seem to care quite a bit about
sex assignment. In fact, one of the first questions expectant parents are asked
is “ Are you having a girl or a boy ? ” The answer has very real implications
for how society will perceive that person and how that person’s life will be
organized .
You might think the decision to assign someone as F or M at birth is relatively
; • —
straightforward a simple glance should do the trick. However, the process of
determining sex at birth can be complicated . As we’ll discuss below, there arc
several biological markers that medical providers use to guide decisions about
sex assignments. These include genes, hormones, internal genitalia, and external
genitalia. We’ll next look at the main biological markers of sex ( e .g., genes, hor-
mones ) and show how, for each of these markers, there is potential disruption
of the sex/gender binary.
11
Genetics
What are Klinefelter and Turner ' s syndromes, and how do they make it
harder to understand sex as a binary?
Non -invasive prenatal testing can determine the presence of sex chromosomes
as early as 10 weeks after conception ( Hall , Bostanci, & Wright, 2010 ) . You may
remember from biology class that people have 46 chromosomes: 22 matched
pairs ( called autosomes ), and two sex chromosomes ( XX or XY ). There are
exceptions to this rule, though . People with Down syndrome, for example, have
47 chromosomes due to an extra copy of chromosome 21. This is the result of
nondisjunction, or the process whereby chromosomes fail to disconnect when a
cell divides ( Callahan, 2009 ). Nondisjunction can occur with sex chromosomes
too. For example, a single sperm can have multiple X or Y chromosomes, and
the Y chromosome can vary in size. And even after fertilization , sex chromo-
somes can be lost or gained ( Callahan, 2009 ). Because of this variability, people
can have any number of genetic variations in their sex chromosomes ( e .g., XXX,
XYY, XXXY, XXXYY ). Below we’ll discuss some of the more common genetic
variations and how, for individuals with those variations, the concept of a sex/
gender binary is harder to apply.
t ;
i ; ..
Klinefelter Syndrome Harry Fitch Klinefelter, a physician , was one of the first
to explore variations in sex chromosomes ( Diamond & Watson , 2004 ). After
working with several men who had enlarged breasts, long arms, and small testes,
Klinefelter initially thought he was observing men with hormone irregularities.
Later he discovered that these men had 47 chromosomes. Each carried an extra
X chromosome. This genetic type was labeled Klinefelter syndrome (KS), and it
includes any chromosomal type that has more than one X chromosome plus one
or nvo Y chromosomes. Because of the presence of the Y chromosome, individ -
uals with KS have a penis and are generally assigned M at birth. However, not
all those with KS identify as male; some identify as intersex. Approximately 1 in
800 individuals assigned M at birth carry one or more extra X chromosomes
( Grumbach, Hughes, &: Conte, 2003 ) .
Most boys and men with KS will never know they have an extra X chro-
mosome ( Bourke, Snow, Hcrlihy, Amor, & Metcalfe, 2014; Hcrlihy, Gillam,
Halliday, & McLachlan, 2011 ). At birth , there’s no sign of anything atypical,
and they grow up living just like others assigned M at birth . There is tremen -
dous variability in the effects of KS, and it appears that the number of X chro-
mosomes matters: With each X chromosome, there’s a greater potential for
physical , cognitive, and emotional challenges ( Cederlof et al., 2014 ). Compared
to boys and men without KS, almost all boys and men with KS have lower levels
—
of testosterone, which makes it difficult to produce sperm a condition known
as hypogonadism.
Moreover, the medical community’s typical description of men with KS has
contributed to stigma ( Lauerma, 2001 ) . For example, some researchers have
focused on an association between KS and increased criminality and severe men -
tal illness. However, most individuals with KS lead typical lives. Despite this, one
study in the United States showed that 45% to 70% of expectant parents who
were surveyed indicated they would terminate a pregnancy if they received a
prenatal diagnosis of KS ( Girardin & Van Vliet, 2011 ).
Turner ' s Syndrome The second most common condition associated with an
atypical genetic makeup is Turner 's syndrome (TS) , or a chromosomal pattern of
XO . A person with TS only has 45 chromosomes; this occurs when a sperm car-
rying an X chromosome fertilizes an egg with no X chromosome or when a chro-
mosome becomes lost during fetal development. About 1 in 2,700 newborns has
TS ( Grumbach et al., 2003 ). Unlike KS, in which individuals have male-typical
genitalia, children with TS have female- typical external genitalia, and although
they have a uterus, they don’t have ovaries. Infants born with TS are assigned
F at birth , but some later identify as intersex ( El Abd, Turk, & Hill, 1995 ).
The most common attribute among people with TS is that they are typi-
cally shorter than their peers ( Gatta, Pertile, & Battistella, 2011 ). Without med -
ical intervention, die average height for those with TS is 4 ft 8 in., so many
Complicating Gender Assignment 167

;
children with TS take growth hormones ( Catinari, Vass,

& Heresco- Levy, 2006; Christopoulos, Deligeoroglou,
your turn Laggari, Christogiorgos, 8c Creatsas, 2008 ) . Because individ -
uals with TS don’t have ovaries, they’re unable to produce
If you were to find out that you have a
estrogen, and this condition prevents breast and pubic hair
different set of sex chromosomes from
)•
what you originally thought, would that
growth and menstruation ( Christopoulos et al., 2008 ). In
change the way you feel about yourself ?
fact, without genetic testing at an early age, many individuals
I !
I
In what ways would your life change or with TS don’t know they have the condition until they fail
stay the same? Should this new knowl- to develop typically when they reach puberty. At that point,
i edge change other people's opinion some girls with TS opt to use estrogen therapies to promote
about you? Why or why not? the development of female secondary sex characteristics.
If you are someone for whom this has Infertility can be a source of stress for individuals with TS if
occurred, what was your experience like? they want to have children ( Smith , 2015 ) . Although some
What would you want someone to know manage to carry an embryo provided by an egg donor, it’s
) i about it? rare that a woman with TS can conceive, so many women
chose adoption and /or surrogacy ( Toft 8c Rchan , 2014 ) .
I
|1
Hormones
1 What are three conditions related to hormones that complicate the
understanding of sex as a binary, and what happens for people with
each condition?
Turner’s syndrome and Klinefelter syndrome are two of many possible varia -
tions in genetics. However, even for individuals who have XX and XY chromo-
somes, the role of sex-specific hormones can be complex. For example, when
hormones are altered prenatally during fetal development, the result can be a
newborn with genitalia that don’t appear to fit neatly into F and M categories.
Before we discuss how that process happens, let’s review the role of hormones
in the typical development of a fetus.
For a little over a month after conception, a growing fetus has no internal or
external sex organs. Sex differentiation, the process of developing sex -specific
11 - characteristics, begins during the sixth week of pregnancy. A pair of sex glands,
referred to as gonads, then appear, which have the potential to become ovaries
( which will produce eggs and female sex hormones ) or testes ( which will pro-
duce sperm and male sex hormones ). Without the presence of a Y chromosome,
—
the gonads become ovaries female sex development is the default. Although
the Y chromosome is much smaller and carries fewer genes than the X chromo-
some, it plays a critical role in sex development. The Y chromosome carries a
sex-determining region that operates like a switch that can turn on other genes
that are responsible for the development of testes. Once the testes are formed,
additional hormones, known as androgens, shape the development of the typical
i .)

male body. Testosterone, a specific androgen , promotes the growth of internal
male reproductive organs, and dihydrotestosterone, a component of testoster-
one, promotes the growth of a penis and testicles. Testosterone converts into
-
dihydrotesterone with the help of an enzyme called 5 alpha reductase. We’ll
discuss this enzyme in more detail later because it can play an important role
during puberty.
Androgen- Insensitivity Syndrome The production of testosterone isn’t

enough to form a penis and testicles. Testosterone must also be able to bind
to specific molecules in order for typical male genitalia to develop. In other
words, when testosterone is present but cannot connect with cell receptors, die
developing tissue cannot use the testosterone to promote male genital growth.
This condition is referred to as androgen-insensitivity syndrome (AIS), and it
occurs in about 1 in every 20,000 people ( Saucier & Ehrcsman , 2010 ). Indi -
viduals with AIS have XY chromosomes, no female - typical internal organs, and
active testes ( Sobel & Imperato- McGinley, 2004 ). They also have typical male
levels of testosterone, but because of the body’s inability to process it, mascu -
linization of the genitals and development of secondary sex characteristics don’t
occur ( Saucier & Ehrcsman, 2010 ) .
Individuals with complete androgen insensitivity ( CAIS ) have genitals that
appear female and are typically assigned F at birth. Individuals with partial
androgen insensitivity ( PAIS ) can present with “ambiguous” or partially mascu-
linized genitalia and may be assigned either F or M at birth. Whether a person
develops CAIS or PAIS depends on the degree to which that individual’s body
can utilize testosterone . Caster Semenya, the South African Olympic runner we
discussed earlier, was presumed to have CAIS, and in her case, she was entirely
unaware of it ( Bowcott, 2009 ).
Congenital Adrenal Hyperplasia The inherited condition known as

congenital adrenal hyperplasia (CAH) causes the adrenal glands to over- produce
androgens. This impacts fetal genetic development and can also affect devel -
opment later on . For example, the increase in androgens causes fetuses with
XX chromosomes to develop varying degrees of male- typical genitalia. It can
also cause die uterus, the fallopian tubes, and the vulva to develop differ-
ently. Classical CAH is typically detected right after birth, and it occurs in 1
in 15,000 births. When infants with XX chromosomes are born with classical
CAH, their genitalia don’t typically fit into the categories of F or M. In many
cases, surgery is performed to change die appearance of genitalia to be more
“ typically” female. Non -classical CAH, also known as late-onset CAH, does
not present with “ ambiguous” genitalia and can occur at any time in a person’s
life. It’s usually noticed in late childhood or early adolescence and is associated
with early onset of puberty ( Callahan, 2009 ). When CAH is diagnosed, medical
interventions can stop the over- production of androgens.

'
j !
i !. Many studies have explored the effects of increased androgens on those with
CAH assigned F at birth . Research has found that, compared to their siblings,
these individuals were more likely to show behaviors associated with traditional
masculinity ( Berenbaum, 1999 ) and be more physically aggressive ( Pasterski
et al ., 2011 ). In one study, researchers found that parents’ doubts about the sex
!
:
of the child influenced their child’s gender role behavior, suggesting that both
i prenatal androgen exposure and parental socialization contribute to increased
.1
masculinity in CAH girls ( Wong, Pasterski, Hindmarsh , Geffncr, & Hines,
J
i 2013 ). Despite having some preferences for male- typical play, most individuals
i
with CAH assigned F at birth do identify as female ( Goorcn, 2006 ). In a study
i of 250 individuals who were assigned F at birth and who also had CAH , 95%
> t
S identified as a girl; 5% reported dissatisfaction with their sex assignment and
:
:f . : preferred to be identified as a boy ( Dcssens, Slijper, Sc Drop, 2005 ).
As we’ve already discussed , there is great variability in the possible number
and combinations of sex chromosomes, and CAH can occur in people with any
combination . The effects of the condition do differ, however. For example, in
*
those with XY chromosomes, the over- production of androgens can result in
hyper- masculinization, such as a deeper- than - usual voice and well -developed
muscles.
:
5-Alpha Reductase Deficiency In the early 1970s, physicians described a
group of girls who, at puberty, began to develop phalluses much like peniscs
( Callahan, 2009 ). They also began to speak with deep voices and grow facial
hair. Although they were born with female genitalia and had been raised as
girls, at puberty they underwent a complete physical change . Individuals with
5- alpha reductase deficiency have XY chromosomes, but because they don’t
have sufficient 5-alpha reductase, they’re unable to convert testosterone to
dihydrotestosterone and , therefore, cannot masculinize their external genitalia
in utero. These individuals are typically assigned F at birth .
There is very little research about individuals w'ith this condition , including
its prevalence. However, incidences seem to occur with more frequency in the
Dominican Republic, Papua New Guinea, Turkey, and Egypt ( “ 5-alpha reduc-
tase deficiency,” 2017 ) . Much is still not understood . For example, if there is no
F
medical intervention, secondary sex characteristics typically associated w'ith men
: | ( including a penis ) usually develop at puberty, but it’s not always clear when or
if this will happen. For example, one study found that siblings who have 5-alpha
. reductase deficiency, have similar hormone and enzyme levels, and were raised
» >
i in the same household don’t always develop in the same way ( Karkazis, 2008 ).
t One might develop male genitalia, and the other might not. Researchers have
yet to determine the exact mechanism that leads to the physical changes. Parents
; t of children with 5-alpha reductase deficiency report tremendous social isolation,
and there is no consensus about what sex to assign those with this condition
t ( Kessler, 2002 ).
i
• I l i,
Challenges of “Ambiguous" Genitalia
What does it mean for genitalia to be "ambiguous, " and how do society at
large and the medical community in particular react to such occurrences?
Sex assignments arc generally made at birth by visually inspecting a newborn’s

external genitalia. This sounds fairly straightforward, but the actual process of
labeling genitals is relatively arbitrary. Although most pcniscs of newborns range
between 2.8 and 4.5 cm in length, there is tremendous variability in how doc-
tors determine if a penis is too small to be considered a penis but still too large
to be a clitoris ( Kessler, 2002 ) . Doctors and nurses generally don’t carry rulers;
they report that they know a sex organ when they see it.
When an infant is born with “ambiguous” genitalia, clinicians and parents
describe a shift from the happiness of delivering a new baby to worry. As one
mother who had a child with CAH described, “The doctor delivered her, and
the resident mumbled , ‘You have a boy.’ The doctor immediately turned around
and shot the resident a look and said, ‘Shh . We don’t know yet.’” After some
time, the doctors returned to inform this new mother that they weren’t sure
if she “ had a boy or girl ” ( Karkazis, 2008, p. 184 ). She was stunned. In many
cases, parents aren’t aware that infants can be born with external genitalia that
don’t neatly fit into F or M categories ( Gough, Weyman, Alderson, Buder, &
Stoner, 2008; Zeiler & Wickstrom, 2009 ) .
Using genitals ( and other biological markers ) to determine sex is the stan -
dard practice in Western cultures, but this is not true in all cultures ( Nanda,
2014 ). In other words, nature doesn’t decide where the category of “female ”
ends and “ male ” begins. Humans decide. Biological factors can be a starting
point in determining sex, but behavioral factors can eventually become rele-
vant in making sex /gender designations. For example, Native American and
Polynesian cultures may determine sex through other means later in life, such as
through a person’s gendered occupation ( Nanda, 2014 ).
There is also no medical consensus regarding what exact combination of
bodily markers defines sex . For this reason, current standards of care, out -
lined by the American Pediatric Association, suggest that doctors or birth
attendants consider genital configuration, reproductive potential, and likely
psychological outcome when making a sex designation at birth ( Lee, Houk,
Ahmed, & Hughes, 2006 ). Further, the current standard of care outlines that
children should be permitted to change their sex designation later in life if
they want to. This recommendation prioritizes self-identification of sex, rather
than a medical or legal classification . However, it can be difficult to legally
change one’s sex designation, and government officials often require addi-
tional gender verification testing ( e.g., genetic testing ) for a change to occur.
In this way, sex assignment isn’t simply a medical decision; it’s also a legal and
civil decision.

A child with “ no sex” is in social and legal limbo. For example, the state of
I .
New York requires parents to complete a birth certificate, with an assigned sex,
within 48 hours of delivery, so parents and health -care providers can be left
scrambling to figure out options ( Kessler, 2002 ) . In one case, the parents com -
pleted two birth certificates and refused to sign either one until a sex assignment
had been made. In situations like this, the presence of “ambiguous” genitalia
turns a civil requirement to get a birth certificate into a medical emergency. In
fact, in December 2016, New York City issued the first known birth certificate
iiI
!
in the United States marked intersex rather than F or M to Sara Kelly Keenan
i i at age 55 as a result of a court order ( Segal, 2017 ). The idea that there can
i
only be two legal sexes does not exist in every country, however. In Australia,
Bangladesh, Denmark, Germany, India, Nepal, and New Zealand, individuals
can legally register with a gender outside of the F/ M binary ( Macarow, 2015 ) .
The term “ambiguous”genitalia is often used in medical literature. However,
i
i :
i
t
actually depends on a binary ( Davis, 2015; Karkazis, 2008 ). In other words,

—
some scholars believe this wording doesn’t just reinforce the idea of a binary it
genitals can only be “ambiguous” if we assume that only two types of genitals
are possible. There is actually tremendous variability in the appearance of geni -
tals. Yet because most of us haven’t seen the diversity among genitals, we assume
that all bodies look the same. Some artists have undertaken projects to high -
light die diversity of genitals and reduce stigma and shame . For example, Jamie
McCartney created “The Great Wall of Vagina ,” which depicted hundreds of
castes of vulvas. In describing his work, McCartney said , “ Vulvas and labia are
as different as faces, but many people, particularly women , don’t seem to know
that” ( McCartney, n .d ., para . 6 ). Another group of artists created a series of
penis emojis to showcase the diversity in penis sizes and shapes ( La Jeuncssc,
2015 ).
To demonstrate how culture influences the way we label genitalia, the ter-
minology used to describe individuals with “ambiguous” genitalia has changed
over time. For example, at one time the term hermaphrodite was used to
describe those with ambiguous genitalia and/or both ovarian and testicular tis-
sue. Although some intersex individuals today like to reclaim hermaphrodite in
reference to themselves, most now view the term as stigmatizing because it relics
on a binary assumption of sex and falsely implies that a person is both female and
male ( “ Is a person who is intersex,” n.d . ).
The term intersex is more widely used , but leaders in the medical community
decided to replace intersex with disorders of sex development (DSD) in 2006.
Although the new term was supposed to represent an “enlightened advance-
:
1 ment” ( Hughes, 2010, p. 161), some individuals with intersex conditions worry
that the new language continues to stigmatize (Topp, 2012 ). They’re con -
cerned that the continued medical focus, as in the word disorder, reinforces the
idea that there’s something “wrong” with the bodies of intersexed individuals
( Davis, 2015 ). Instead, they would prefer a questioning of why there is a binary

notion of bodies at all. Some clinicians and researchers have begun to define the
acronym DSD as “differences of sex development” rather than “ disorders of sex
development ” to address the concern about stigma. :
Medical Management Technologies advanced during the first half of the

twentieth century, enabling doctors to intervene when intersex conditions were
identified . Such interventions were aimed at “fixing” the bodies so they could
more readily fit the binary model of sex ( Karkazis, 2008 ). Although the majority
of intersex conditions aren’t life threatening, genital ambiguity is typically con -
sidered a medical emergency because of the potential for psychological trauma
for the parents and , some argue, ultimately, the child ( de Maria Arana, 2005;
Nussbaum 2000; Warne et al., 2005 ). Medical providers often recommend early
intervention , and research shows that many parents seek out medical interven -
tion because of tremendous social pressure from family members and health -
care providers to “ do something ” ( Lee , Houk, Ahmed, 8c Hughes, 2006;
Roen, 2008, p. 47 ) .
Often , medical procedures performed on intersex bodies are purely cosmetic
and don’t benefit ( and can even harm ) physical health . For example, although
CAH is rare, if doctors arc aware of an elevated risk ( because of a family history ),
they may suggest using a steroid known as dexamethasone ( DEX ). When taken
during pregnancy, it prevents the masculinization of female genitalia ( Dreger,
Feder, & Tamar- Mattis, 2012; Fausto-Sterling, 2000 ). Some research, how-
ever, has pointed to health risks for the child , including delayed motor devel -
opment and impaired memory ( Fausto-Sterling, 2000; Lajic, Nordcnstrom,
& Hirvikoski , 2011 ). Despite these risks, DEX remains a popular treatment
because of fear and stigma associated with having a child with “ambiguous”
genitalia ( Dreger et al ., 2012; Fausto-Sterling, 2000; Vos & Bruinse, 2010 ) .
There are remarkable variations in what parents are told about the risks and
benefits of early medical interventions, and many parents describe feeling iso-
lated and anxious about having to make a major medical decision on behalf
of their child ( Karkazis, 2008 ). Decisions are often made during times when
families are coping with confusion , fear, and grief ( Leidolf, Curran, Scout, 8c
Bradford , 2008 ) . Further, the fact that parents are making decisions on behalf
of their children can be considered ageism ( Holmes, 2008 ).
Many parents are asked to contemplate “corrective ” surgery for their new-
borns. Gcnitoplasty is any surgery on the genitals. Infants who are assigned F
may undergo clitoroplasty, a type of surgery that reduces the size of die clitoris,
and often have to undergo additional surgical procedures over the course of their
lives ( Kessler, 2002 ). In one study, 89% of clitoroplasty procedures were found
to require additional surgical interventions, and 41% of participants reported
poor cosmetic results ( Creighton , Minto, 8c Steele, 2001 ). Surgery can also
impair sexual function and pleasure ( Creighton 8c Minto, 2001; Creighton,
Minto, 8c Woodhouse, 2001 ). Among infants assigned M, phalloplasty may be

used as a surgical procedure to increase the size of the penis and to relocate the
placement of die urethral opening.
It’s estimated that five surgical procedures arc performed each day in an
attempt to cosmetically match newborns to an assigned sex ( Fausto-Sterling,
2000 ), yet there is no official protocol for how and when this type of surgery
should happen . Although research on the outcomes of genital surgery is limited,
some research shows that early surgical intervention was later associated with
—
feelings of anxiety, betrayal, and helplessness largely due to the child’s inability
to consent to irreversible surgical and hormonal treatments ( Creighton & Liao,
2004 ).
Further, because the presence of “ambiguous” genitalia is rare, health -care
providers are often extremely curious. The philosopher Michel Foucault ( 1973 )
referred to this as the medical gaze, a process of dehumanization that occurs
when medical providers treat a person’s body separate from that person’s sense
of self. For example, one woman with CAH described a room Rill of 30 people
who, after watching a doctor examine her, each inserted their fingers into her
vagina: “They didn’t look me in the face or eyes. They’d come in and talk about
me like I wasn’t there ” ( Karkazis, 2008, p. 222 ) .
Experiences like this can cause shame and depression , and many young
adults with CAH struggle with suicidal thoughts because of constant medical
surveillance ( Kessler, 2002 ). As a result of this
stress, there is also an increased risk for alcohol
abuse ( Engberg et al., 2015 ). Some individu -
als recall childhoods during which their condi-
tion was kept secret from them . For example,
one woman with AIS reported that her parents
and a doctor told her she was having “cancer
removed ” when , in fact , the doctor was remov-
ing her testes ( Callahan, 2009, p. 107 ). For
years afterward, the woman had baseless fears
about cancer until, as an adult, she discovered
the truth from her medical records. Understand -
ably, adults who learn about their DSD later in
life have considerable anger. Many adults report
feeling as though their parents failed to protect
them from pain, humiliation , and unnecessary
surgical procedures ( Karkazis, 2008 ).
Many intersex and trans individuals experience the
Research shows that individuals with DSD
" medical gaze " while receiving health care . Have
have a clear preference for open communica -
you ever experienced the medical gaze ? Would
having many health -care professionals staring at tion about their condition ( Alderson, Madill,
your body make you more cautious about seeking & Balen , 2004; Davis, 2015 ). However,
medical treatment ? some medical providers continue to push for
withholding information from children and
Chapter 4 Beyond the Sex/Gender Binary

adolescents because of a fear that such information would compromise a child’s
self-esteem and gender identity development ( Kessler, 2002 ). When individuals
do receive truthful information about their bodies and have the opportunity to
openly talk about their experiences, however, their shame is notably reduced
( Colapinto, 2000 ).
Despite this, some physicians argue that surgery prevents confusion in how
a child develops a gender identity and an eventual sexual orientation ( Karkazis,
2008 ). This belief stems from an older theory that if children undergo surgery
early and subsequently are unambiguously girls or boys, then they will be treated
as girls or boys, will grow up feeling like they’re girls or boys, and ultimately
will take on a heterosexual identity ( Money, Hampson, & Hampson, 1955 ). Of
course, this justification reflects the belief that die optimal form of development
—
is to have a binary gender identity and to be heterosexual assumptions that
many, including feminist scholars, now reject.
Medical interventions, particularly surgery, remain common practice with
interscx children today, but many organizations have issued formal statements
against this practice. For example, in 2013 the United Nations explicitly con -
demned countries for failing to ban unnecessary surgery on children ( United
Nations, 2015 ), and in 2017 three former U.S. surgeons general wrote that
they believed there was little evidence that genital surgery on infants was nec-
essary and that additional evidence suggested it was actually harmful ( Elders,
Satcher, & Carmona, 2017 ). Also in 2017, Human Rights Watch and Inter-
ACT released a 160- page review of the existing research and concluded that the
practice should end because of no evidence of its effectiveness or safety ( Human
Rights Watch , 2017 ). Because such medical interventions are generally irre-
versible, critics are especially alarmed by the lack of informed consent from the
—
individuals who are most affected the infants themselves ( Cull, 2002 ).
Advocacy groups have been at the forefront of creating change. In 1993,
for example, intersex activist Cheryl Chase organized the first patient advo-
cacy group, the Intersex Society of North America ( now known as Accord Alli-
ance ) . The goal was to advocate for improvements in the
way patients are treated , more caution surrounding genital
surgery, and the elimination of stigmatizing language and your turn
labels. In 2005, the group’s advocacy resulted in a consensus
statement, produced by medical professionals in the United
If you had a child with “ambiguous"
States and the United Kingdom, regarding treatment pro-
genitalia, would it be possible for you
tocols for people with intersex conditions ( Lee et al., 2006 ). to raise that child without assigning a
Although current recommendations favor delaying surgery binary sex/gender? Why or why not? If
and having more open and confidential communication you were that child, how might you feel
with patients, there is no formal mechanism to ensure these about having your sex/gender chosen for
protocols are followed . As a result, many intersex advocates you by your parents and/or health-care
are working to find ways to ensure compliance at health- providers?
care facilities. Furthermore, organizations like this tend to

i
' •
i i
i
, , • primarily consist of White, middle -class individuals and may overlook the needs
of intersex individuals from other demographic groups ( Davis, 2015 ).
I
j
r .
lij *
!!
1
1
Sexual Diversity
!i • How do common views about sexual orientation reflect an assumption of a
ii ! I sex/gender binary, what are some less well-known sexual orientations, and
H
what is heterosexism?
!
s . As we’ve mentioned , in the simple, linear model shown earlier in Figure 4.1,
i .
: ; the traditional assumption is that sexual orientation will align with one’s sex
:i
;
I assignment and gender identity. However, sexual orientation is far more diverse
:
: i
‘:
and complicated . Sexual orientation is generally understood as an individual’s
predisposition toward sexual and /or romantic attraction for persons of the same
l - sex /gender ( homosexual ) and /or the other sex/gender ( heterosexual ). There
i
i
are, however, more than just these two sexual orientations ( although Table 4.2
is not comprehensive, it defines sexual orientations that are not exclusive to
i
TABLE 4.2 Sexual Orientations beyond the Binary of : ;; osexuality

and Homosexuality
Orientation Definition
A sexual orientation in which a person has low sexual attraction or no

Asexuality
experience of sexual attraction.
A sexual orientation characterized by having attraction to both women

Bisexuality
and men .
A sexual orientation in which attraction occurs only when a person forms a

Demisexuality
strong emotional connection with another person.
This term refers to self- identified persons (either cis or trails ) who are mostly
> attracted to cis- or transgender individuals of the other gender but who arc
Heteroflexible
occasionally attracted to other individuals ( c.g., cis- or transgender individu -
als of the same gender; those who are gcndcrquccr ).
A sexual orientation in which an individual is sexually and/or romantically

Pansexuality
attracted to all genders based on an individual’s personality.
I A sexual orientation in which an individual docs not identify with any spe-
5 Queer cific sexual orientation; also an umbrella term sometimes used for those who
;
arc not heterosexual and /or gender- binary.

i :
i
* A sexual orientation in which a person experiences attraction toward
I Skoliosexuality
non- binary-identified individuals.
i
ii Note. Definitions adapted from The Safe Space Network ( http://safcspaccnctwork.tumblr.com/definc )

i
i
either heterosexuality or homosexuality ). Moreover, many people assume that
others are heterosexual ( at least until proven otherwise ) and that it’s more desir-
—
able to be heterosexual a bias known as heterosexism. Like sexism and rac-
ism , heterosexism can manifest in many different ways. Examples include being
harassed for showing public displays of affection with a romantic partner or
having a lack of positive and accurate depictions of romance and relationships
in movies or television .
Because sexual orientation is often conceived of as a binary, people who have
non- binary identities can feel invisible (Scarlette-Callis, 2014 ). For example,
— —
individuals whose sexual orientation is asexual that is, involving little or no
little or no sexual attraction report being ignored or discriminated against
( Bogaert, 2006 ) . There arc also negative and incorrect beliefs about asexual
people, including that they were sexually abused as children or that they use their
orientation as an excuse for being single because they’re unattractive ( Bogaert,
2006 ). Some mental health professionals have linked asexuality with illness a
claim that has been significantly challenged in contemporary research ( Bogaert,
—
2006; Prause Sc Graham , 2007 ) . In fact, the Asexual Visibility and Education
Network ( AVEN ) was formed as a way to combat inaccurate information that
has the potential to stigmatize those with asexual identities. However, asexual
individuals are still underrepresented in research and are largely absent from
advocacy groups ( Pinto, 2014 ) . Consider, for example, that the letter A is typi -
cally omitted in discussions of LGBTQ rights ( Pinto, 2014 ). Even in this book,
we as authors don ’t include A because most psychological research doesn’t reg-
ularly identify participants with asexual orientations. Indeed, one of the dilem -
mas associated with the expanding LGBTQ acronym is that in attempting to
be inclusive, it ignores unique differences and thereby alienates some groups of
people ( Bell , 2016 ) .
Theories of Sexual Diversity

What is sexual configurations theory, and how are romantic and sexual
attraction understood as part of sexual orientation?
Even among those who identify as gay, straight, or bisexual, there can be tre-
mendous diversity. This is not a new idea. In the 1940s, the biologist and sexol-
ogist Alfred Kinsey developed the Kinsey Scale to illustrate how people fall on a
continuous scale of sexual orientation ranging from same sex/gender attraction
to other sex/gender attraction ( Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948 ). However,
this model has weaknesses, including the assumption of a sex/gender binary
and the assumption that all people experience both sexual and romantic attrac-
tion ( and that the two always align ). While there’s no perfect way to reflect
the complexity of gender and sexual diversity, there are newer options, such as
Sexual Diversity 177

,
The Genderbread Person v3.2

i
X
/' — Identity
i!#
( render
( =
Identitw
£> Woman-ness
0°
/
i
: !
I
»
i
! •
« >N
i £> Man-ness
>%
-- Attraction
I
i i /
/
I /
: I
I
I
!
\
/“V /
I ,
1 \
\
If r, Gender Expression
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!
Expression !
—-
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i
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=£> Female-ness
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Sexually Attracted to Attracted

Nobody ^ (Women/Femaies/Femininity) ^ Romantically
/
Nobody
to
(Women/Females/Femininity)
(Men/Males/Masculinity)
^
FIGURE 4.2 Author and activist Sam Killermann created the Genderbread Person in order to illustrate the complexity
CAAen/Males/Masculinity)
of sex/gender /sexual orientation. This diagram has been revised numerous times in response to feedback about how
it could better represent the complexities of people's experiences with sex. gender, and sexual/romantic orientation.
the Genderbread Person ( Killermann, 2015 ), to help conceptualize sex, gender

identity, gender expression , and romantic and sexual attraction in more complex
ways. The Genderbread Person diagram ( see Figure 4.2 ) is one way to visually
represent the gender bundle we talked about earlier in this chapter.
Feminist psychologist Sari van Anders ( 2015 ) has developed sexual config-
urations theory (SCT) to better account for die fact that sexuality is multi-fac-
eted, socially situated, and dynamic. As is true with the Genderbread Person , SCT
argues that an individual’s sexuality must be understood along a variety of dimen -
sions. For example, someone may have fantasies about people of one sex/gendcr
but engage in sexual behaviors with those of another sex /gender. Although it’s
generally assumed that sexual orientation implies being attracted to someone’s
2 sex, rather than someone’s gendered characteristics, that may not always be true.
For example, if an individual is attracted to men, is that person attracted to penises
or, instead, to masculine gender expression, like having facial hair or a short hair-
1 . ;!: •
cut? What about women who are attracted to feminine men? Are they just as
;
1! 178 Chapter 4 Beyond the Sex/Gender Binary

heterosexual as women who are attracted to masculine men ? Furthermore, sexual
—
and romantic attraction and desire as well as sexual orientation identity and sex-
—
ual behavior can be fluid and changeable over time, a characteristic known as
sexual fluidity ( Diamond , 2008 b; Katz-Wise, 2014 ). In fact, some women have
reported an abrupt change in sexuality in midlife, beginning to experience attrac-
tion to women after years of being attracted to men ( Diamond, 2007).
Individuals may also make a distinction between romance and sex (Schcrrer,
2008 ). Although having an asexual orientation means having little or no sex-
ual desire, some asexual individuals do feel romantically attracted to others.
Within this group, there are heteroromantics ( romantic attraction to a different
sex/gender ), homoromantics ( romantic attraction to the same sex/gendcr ),
biromantics ( romantic attraction to more than one sex /gender ), and panro-
mantics ( romantic attraction regardless of sex or gender ) . Finally, some people
identify as a romantic, meaning that they experience little
to no romantic attraction . Aromantic individuals still form
relationships with others, but usually as friendships ( Van
Houdcnhove, Gijs, T’Sjoen, 8c Enzlin, 2015 ). For some,
try it for yourself
this type of relationship may even develop into a long- term,
How do you define sexual orientation?
non - romantic partnership. Also, while some aromantic
Ask five other people the same question.
individuals identify as asexual, others do experience sexual What sexual orientation identities can
attraction . people name? How are those defined?
Many non - Western cultures do not prioritize the gay/ How are they similar to and different
straight binary. In places such as Brazil, Thailand, Indonesia , from the more commonly known identi-
Polynesia , and the Philippines, effeminate men are typically ties? How do "typical" sexual orientation
seen as gay or transgender men , but their male partners labels fit the experiences of those who
aren’t considered to be gay or transgender ( Nanda, 2014 ). don’t identify as either female or male?
In India ( the sadhin ) and in the Balkans (sworn virgins ), What roles do genital appearance, chro-
some women assume a male social identity if they vow to mosomes. hormones, surgery, and legal
—
lead a virginal life a third gender option, and another that
disrupts the gay/straight binary.
status play in the explanations you, and
others, give?
Gender Diversity and Sexual Orientation

How can gender identity complicate the way people identify their sexual
orientation, and how can transitioning impact people's sexual orientation?
Gender diversity can complicate sexual orientation . Gender identity and sexual
orientation identity are different, yet many people mistake transgender identi-
ties as an expression of sexual orientation rather than as an expression of gender
identity ( Mizock 8c Fleming, 2011 ). It’s important to understand that whether
one feels like a woman, like a man , or like someone who doesn’t fit within a sex/
gender binary isn’t the same thing as whether one is attracted to women or men
( or both or neither ). Transgender individuals may use a wide range of sexual

I
I
orientation identity labels ( Katz -Wise, Reisner, White Hughto, & Keo - Meicr,
!
! 2015 ). For example, a transwoman who is attracted to men may consider herself
to be heterosexual ( although she may have been considered a gay man before
i
she transitioned ), but she may choose to use other sexual orientation identities
i
i
i instead , such as queer. Moreover, gender-affirming medical treatments, such
i .
> ! I :
i as cross-sex hormones, can affect sexual orientation ( Katz-Wise ct al., 2015;
]
.
Meier ct al., 2013; Reisner, Perkovich , 8c Mimiaga, 2010 ). In one study, 54%
i '
t •
t
! of transwomcn participants reported being primarily attracted to women before
;1
they transitioned, and 9% reported being primarily attracted to men ( Lawrence,
MM 2005 ). After they transitioned , 25% reported being primarily sexually attracted
i
to women , and 34% were primarily sexually attracted to men .
«
i Sexuality shift stress, the stressors associated with changes in sexual orientation
\
as a function of gender transitioning, can also influence intimate relationships
:
li i . ( Mizock 8c Hopwood , 2016 ) . In one study, partners of transgender individuals
showed increased anxiety related to changes in the relationship following transi -
i
:
i
tion ( Lenning 8c Buist, 2013 ). Transgender participants reported that both they
. and their significant others struggled with their identities during the gender tran -
sitioning process. They felt a sense of loss of the non - transgender partner’s sexual
identity and a rejection of their status as a couple from friends, family members,
and co-workers. A person’s sexual orientation may also change depending on the
sexual orientation identity of the partner. As an example, we can consider a les-
bian who marries a woman who, later in life, transitions to become a man . That
woman may continue to consider herself a lesbian who happens to be married
to a man . However, after her partner transitions, she may be perceived by others
as being heterosexual. Some transgendcr women describe a double stigma when
they go from being transgcndcr/ heterosexual to being woman / lesbian . As one
woman described , “I went from one closet into another because I went from
—
being trans to now I’m a lesbian ” ( Mizock 8c Hopwood , 2016, p. 98 ).
Given that some people don’t fall neatly into a binary, the idea that it’s possible
to easily label all people’s sexual orientation becomes invalid ( van Anders, 2015 ).
j
:* !
Some individuals may be specifically attracted to people outside of the binary,
>
. while others may be attracted to people who fall within the binary as well as those
!
! I
<
:
who fall outside of it ( Tate 8c Pearson , 2016 ) . Because most labels reflect the sex/
gender binary and don’t take into account sexual fluidity, some people reject the
idea that one’s gender should determine how one’s sexual orientation is labeled
( Galupo, Davis, Grynkiewicz, 8c Mitchell , 2014; Lenning 8c Buist , 2013 ).
Regardless, labels appear to matter quite a bit, especially when dating. For
i i
example, intersex individuals face a unique dilemma in deciding when and how
to bring up their intersex identity with a potential romantic/sexual partner. In
an attempt to seek advice, one woman with AIS posted to a discussion board
asking how she should approach the subject with a new male partner. “ I look
like a normal girl,” she posted , “ but my vaginal canal is considerably smaller
: than most women’s” ( Karkazis, 2008, p. 216 ) . Although most people posted
i
Chapter 4 Beyond the Sex /Gender Binary
i
\
• 180
:
I
J
t L
nuanccd and compassionate responses, one person commented that it was
‘i unethical for the woman to withhold her condition from any potential partner.
i
I his is one reason why many individuals with intersex conditions report a lack
of sexual confidence and sexual satisfaction ( Fliegner et al ., 2014 ).
Development of a Sexual Minority Identity

What is the process through which some women develop sexual minority
identities, and how can this process be more complex for non-monosexual
women?
How individuals come to define their own sexuality is complicated , and what it
means to identify with a particular sexual orientation can vary from person to
person . Many people are brought up in families where a heterosexual identity is
assumed , so developing a sexual minority identity can be a process of struggle
and difficulty. While the experiences of coming to identify as lesbian, bisexual, or
pansexual ( to name a few possible identities ) may share some commonalities, they
may also be quite different, particularly considering how other identity variables
( c.g., religion , class, race ) influence sexual orientation . One woman, for example,
stated that “often , [ she ] felt compelled to speak [ her ]sclf into existence as a coher-
—
ent, fixed , and finished subject a lesbian and Muslim . That [she doesn’t ] com -
fortably or uniformly identify as a lesbian , and that being Muslim is a complicated
set of religious and cultural processes, fell outside the purview of what was pos-
sible to speak” ( Gharania, 2005, p. 31 ). Because mainstream society expects that
sexual orientation ( and other social identities ) wall remain stable, it can be virtually
impossible to experience social validation for more fluid and flexible identities.
Furthermore, as noted previously, sexual orientation can shift based on the
person with whom one is partnered . One woman who identified as a lesbian
but who fell in love with a man described how this fact complicated her sense of
identity and how other people saw her: “ I can’t say I’m a lesbian dating a man.
People just don’t accept that, even though that’s sort of what I feel like. . . . My
feelings about women haven’t really changed, it’s just that I’m more open and
accepting about my feelings for men, or at least to this man ” ( Diamond, 2007,
p. 150 ) . In a 10-year longitudinal study of lesbian and bisexual women, psychol -
ogist Lisa Diamond ( 2007 ) found that two thirds of women shifted their sense
of identity over that period , and a quarter did so more than once. The changes
included shifting from labeling as bisexual to labeling as lesbian , shifting from
labeling as lesbian to labeling as bisexual , and shifting from labeling as lesbian
or bisexual to rejecting labels altogether.
Early work on the development of a lesbian identity described a process in
which women spent many years denying or blocking out their identity ( Kitzinger,
1995 ). Despite feelings of romantic and sexual love for other women, many

Jamie Shupe (left who uses
the pronoun they ) became the
first person in the United States 1
to legally have their gender
recognized as non - binary. They
are pictured here with their
wife, Sandy. Jamie and Sandy
married when Jamie identified as
male, and Sandy was supportive
when, after more than 20 years
.
together Jamie transitioned
—
their gender identity initially
to a transgender woman,
before publicly identifying as
non -binary. How might Jamie' s
changing gender identity
have influenced both spouses'
perception of their own sexual
orientation?
—
women denied these feelings through a variety of strategies such as noting
that their sexual attraction was a result of being “ a good friend ” or that any
sexual acts were just experimentation . For example, one woman noted: “After
Judy and I made love for the first time I got very scared that this meant I was
a lesbian . I withdrew right away. I said , ‘This doesn’t mean I’m a lesbian ”
( Kitzingcr & Wilkinson , 1995, p. 99 ) . Some women described having difficulty
accepting the lesbian label because of internalized stereotypes and the belief that
they couldn’t possibly be lesbians because, for example, they had long hair, had
children, or didn’t know how to fix cars. But once they embraced the label, they
felt a sense of exuberant rebirth . This was described variously as “an explosion
of aliveness,” “ like waking up having been half asleep all my life,” “ like a conver-
sion experience,” and “ like emerging from a chrysalis” ( p. 100 ) .
Consistent in accounts of lesbian identity development arc the presence of
intense, passionate friendships with other women during adolescence and early
adulthood ( Tate & Pearson , 2016 ). These friendships spark emotional and
sexual feelings, but the extent of these feelings is generally kept secret. Many
women who eventually identify as lesbians go through a period of dating or
even having sexual relationships with men before they become comfortable with
accepting a lesbian identity. Individuals who adopt a non - monosexual identity
- ( e.g., bisexual, panscxual, queer ) report a stage of sexual identity uncertainty;
however, unlike lesbian women , they report that the uncertainty can con -
tinue after the adoption of an identity or that they choose to label themselves
“ unlabeled ” ( Diamond , 2008a, p. 6 ).
Some researchers theorize that this uncertainty stems from external pressures to
—
adhere to the dominant binary of homosexual or heterosexual in other words, to

be monosexual, or sexually attracted to only one sex/gender ( Alaric, & Gaudet,
2013 ) . Stereotypes of people with non - monsexual identities arc often derogatory
and invalidating ( Brewster 3c Moradi, 2010; Dyar, Feinstein, 8c London, 2015 ).
One negative stereotype is that people who have non-monosexual identities are
—
in a transitional stage they’re simply at the beginning of recognizing they’re gay.
Another negative stereotype is that non - monosexual individuals arc promiscuous
and incapable of maintaining a monogamous relationship. Binegativity is a social
stigma directed specifically at bisexual people; it can come from people who identify
as heterosexual as well as from those who identify as lesbian or gay ( Yost 8c Thomas,
2012 ). Bisexual individuals are often viewed with suspicion by both the straight and
die lesbian /gay communities because of unstated assumptions that bisexual people
in cither gay or straight relationships will become unsatisfied and, ultimately', cheat.
When non - monosexual individuals internalize negative stereotypes, they’re
unlikely to disclose their non - monosexual identity to others ( Dyar, Feinstein,
Schick, & Davila, 2017 ). Moreover, negative attitudes can build pressure to con -
form to dominant binary standards ( Ross, Dobinson , 8c Eady', 2010 ). Because of
this pressure, some bisexual individuals choose to describe their sexual identity
differently depending on the gender of their partner ( Mohr, Jackson , 8c Sheets,
2016 ). For example, a bisexual woman may identify as a lesbian when dating
a woman or as heterosexual when dating a man. The varying self- presentation
may be a strategy to ward off binegativity. In this sense, the decision to publicly
label their sexuality is based on managing the negative attitudes of other people
rather than their own desires ( Dyar et al ., 2017 ) .
Negativity may be diminishing, however, as people in their 20s and 30s appear
to be endorsing a greater diversity of sexual identities (Savin -Williams, 2005;
Thompson 8: Morgan , 2008 ). Some college women , for example, describe their
experiences as “ mostly straight,” “ bicurious,” and “questioning” ( Morgan 8c
Thompson , 2006 ). Many describe the excitement of making dating decisions
based on factors like personality or emotional availability rather than gender
( Diamond , 2008a; Scales Rostosky, Riggle, Pascale - Hague, 8c McCants, 2010 ).
When girls and women with a non - monosexual identity reject binary notions
of sexuality, they report higher sexual certainty and increased psychological
well - being ( Brewster 8c Moradi, 2010; Dyar, Ly'tle, London, 8c Levy', 2015 ) .
Coming Out
What are the barriers to and benefits of coming out?
Coming out is a process by which LGBTQ individuals accept, appreciate, and
inform themselves and others about their LGBTQ identity. Coming out is a
lifelong process because there will always be someone new who doesn’t know
about one’s identity. As a result, a LGBTQ person will continually have to

II
t :l
I
EMPOWERING
OR OPPRESSING?
'
;
The Search for a “Gay Gene”
n 2011, Lady Gaga famously sang the lyrics "I was born our life span and in response to various social and environ -
'
I .
!‘
this way.” Her song illustrated a popular argument for .
mental factors ( Burri Cherkas, Spector, & Rahman 2011).
securing LGBQ rights: If sexual orientation is biologi- Even though there are no definitive research findings,
cally determined, people shouldn't be discriminated citing the concept of a "gay gene " has been very effec -
against because of an innate trait. This position counters tive as a political strategy. When political leaders suggest
an alternative argument that being gay is a choice, which that having an LGBQ lifestyle is a "choice" and that people
some people consider immoral. The implication of argu- .
should stop choosing it the alternative "born this way"
ments focused on choice is that discrimination is justified argument seems very practical. This argument may how- .
1
because gay people could voluntarily choose to stop be- .

ever be harmful to LGBQ rights in other ways. In 2012,
having immorally. However, associating biology with gay actress Cynthia Nixon came under fire for claiming that
rights and choice with discrimination over-simplifies a she chose to be a lesbian. She responded by saying, "Why
complicated situation. What if sexuality can’t be reduced can’t it be a choice? Why is that any less legitimate?"
to either biology or a choice? Would that undermine ar - ( Witchel, 2012, para. 21). Others agree that the exclusive
guments against discrimination? Some people worry that either /or debate reflects homophobia, since it suggests
defining sexual orientation within a rigid nature/nurture that LGBQ people "can't help themselves" and must
debate could actually constrain freedoms and undermine prove their legitimacy through biological means. Another
the notion that sexuality is fluid and identities can shift argument is that the search for biological proof relates to
throughout the life span. a time when being gay was considered an illness after —
In the early 1990s, a flurry of research studies explored .
all no one talks about a search for a "straight gene.” In
the potential biological bases of sexual orientation. Some other words, scholars don’t research what makes people
suggested that being gay ran in families ( Bailey et al. . heterosexual because that is deemed normal, which is
. .
1999: Whitam, Diamond & Martin 1993) or that the size of an indication of heterosexism. One researcher fears that
certain parts of the brain (e.g., hypothalamus, amygdala, identifying a "gay gene” may lead to terminating preg -
corpus callosum) could be related to the development of nancies when the so-called gay gene is suspected in an
a gay identity (LeVay, 1991). Scientists later changed their effort to reduce the population of sexual minority individ-
I
approach and suggested that variations in prenatal hor - .
uals (Spector 2014).
mone levels influence genetics, which, in turn, affect sex - What do you think about this issue? Is the search for
ual orientation (Balthazart, 2012; Baroncini et al., 2010). biological evidence of minority sexual orientation em-
Despite all the recent research on the human genome, no powering or oppressing? In what ways are biological ex-
“gay gene" that reliably predicts minority sexual orienta - planations more persuasive than other explanations for
tion has been identified. Like many other characteristics, sexual behavior and/or sexual orientation identities? In
sexual orientation may be both complicated and mallea - what ways may you unknowingly give more credit to an
ble. Our bodies, and thus our biology, change throughout argument because it is linked with essentialism?
I
184
decide when and how to share information about their sexual orientation and/
or gender identity with others ( Cohen & Savin-Williams, 1996; Hunter, 2007 ).
There are, however, real risks associated with coming out ( Hunter, 2007 ).
For example, in one study, coming out was related to greater likelihood of vic-
timization , which was related to lower academic outcomes among rural LGBTQ
individuals ( Kosciw ct al., 2015 ) . The process of coming out can range from
being easy to difficult depending on the individual’s social context. Members
of younger generations have come of age in a time when LGBTQ rights are
more widespread, including the legal right for same-sex marriage. In one study,
researchers showed that members of younger generations ( people in their 20s
and 30s ) come out at a younger age than did members of older generations
( people in their 50s and 60s; Grov, Bimbi , Nanfn, & Parsons, 2006 ) .
Religion has been identified as another factor contributing to difficulty in
coming out. In a study of LGBTQ Filipino American individuals, participants
described that the combination of being Filipino, gay, and Catholic couldn’t
be easily reconciled ( Nadal &: Corpus, 2013 ). They reported tremendous guilt,
shame, and conflict with family members who perceived their LGBTQ iden -
tity as “ morally wrong” ( p. 169 ) . Because of their multiple minority statuses,
some individuals felt they had to “ pick and choose ” which identity was the
—
most important ( race, religion , sexual orientation , etc. ) a challenge that was
psychologically draining ( p . 172 ). The degree to which any given social identity
is important to an individual varies by person and context, but it’s clear that
having multiple minority statuses complicates the process of coming out.
Overall , in terms of coming out , less is known about the experiences of bisex-
ual women and lesbians of color ( Greene, 2000; Moradi, DeBlaere , & Huang,
2010 ) . The few studies that have been done suggest that lesbians of color may be
more likely to conceal their identity in order to maintain family harmony ( Bow-
leg, Huang, Brooks, Black , & Burkholder, 2003; Parks, Hughes, & Matthews,
2004; Ryan , 2003 ) . There is also some evidence that people from racial/ethnic
minority groups are more likely than White people to hold conservative views
toward sexuality, which may influence a group member’s decision to come out
and limit the positive effects of being out ( Herek & Gonzalez- Rivera , 2006 ).
In one study, Latinx LGBQ adolescents were more likely to experience family
rejection than their White counterparts, and this rejection was associated with
depression and suicidality ( Ryan, Hucbner, Diaz, &: Sanchez, 2009 ). In another
study, Latinx lesbians were less likely to experience depression if they came out
to a non - family member than if they came out to a family member ( Aranda et al.,
2015 ). Because level of familial support has been found to predict life satisfaction
and well - being among poor Mexican American women, it’s not surprising that
they generally opt to conceal their sexual minority identities ( Diaz & Bui, 2016 ).
Still other studies find that White LGBQ individuals experience the fewest bar-
riers in coming out ( Grov et al ., 2006; Riley, 2010; Rosario, Schrimshaw, Hunter,
& Levy-Warren, 2009 ). Black and Latinx lesbian and gay adolescents ( between

the ages of 14 and 21 ) reported disclosing their identity to fewer people than did
White adolescents in one study ( Rosario, Schrimshaw, Sc Hunter, 2004 ). Ini-
tially, Black youths also had lower levels of comfort with their sexual identity and
participated in fewer activities with other gay/lesbian youths than White youths
did . However, over time, Black youths showed a greater increase of positivity and
in certainty toward their identity as compared to White and Latinx adolescents.
Individuals who are uncomfortable wadi their sexual orientation identity may
have internalized feelings of negativity toward being LGBQ and wish that they
didn’t experience attraction to members of the same sex/gender. This phenom -
enon has several names, including internalized homophobia and internalized
i .j biphobia. Another name is internalized heterosexism, as the w'ord phobia implies
a fear that is generally not present in those who are uncomfortable with their own
i
sexual orientation ( Bregman, Malik, Page, Makynen, & Lindahl, 2013 ). Others
have referred to the outlook as internalized homonegativity . Regardless of die
term used, diis set of attitudes has been widely studied and found to be related to
depression , especially among older individuals who came of age at a time when
variations in sexual orientation were less accepted ( Newcomb & Mustanski, 2010 ).
Parental reaction to coming out is a key predictor of whether LGBTQ indi -
viduals accept their identities, and it is also a predictor of their emotional health.
In one study, sexual minority youth discussing their experiences described a
broad range of family reactions, from being vehemently disapproving to being
extremely accepting and engaging in LGBTQ activism along with their children
These students are part of a

LGBTQ affinity group at their
school. These groups help
: students feel supported and
j | contribute to developing a
i
positive self - identity. What
i II
i would it be like to go to a
school where your sexual
i orientation and /or identity
was never acknowledged — or
! was explicitly disapproved
•; *
of ? Alternatively, what would

it be like to attend a school
where you could find support
from allies and others with
shared identities?
!i
LI
i
:
i
- !
. i
IL.
( Higa et al., 2014 ) . In another study, children who reported that their parents
rejected their sexual orientation identity were more likely to have negative feel -
ings about their sexual orientation identity, more likely to want to conceal it,
and more fearful that others wouldn’t accept them than those who reported
parental acceptance ( Bregman ct al., 2013 ) . Parental acceptance was also found
to be related to higher self-esteem , greater perceptions of social support, and
lower levels of depression and substance abuse, as well as fewer suicide attempts
( Ryan , Russell, Huebncr, Diaz, & Sanchez, 2010 ).
LGBTQ adolescents, especially adolescents of color, are also disproportion -
ately incarcerated in the juvenile justice system ( Hunt & Moodie - Mills, 2012 ).
This is likely because many LGBTQ adolescents who are rejected by family
members run away and experience homelessness, which can result in a higher s
Si
incidence of drug and alcohol use ( Birkctt, Koenig, & Espclage, 2009; Garofalo,
Deleon , Osmer, Doll, &: Harper, 2006; Walls, Kane, & Wisneski , 2010 ) . One
study estimated that 40% of homeless people in the United States are LGBTQ !
youth ( Majd , Marksamer, Sc Reyes, 2009 ) .

4
Further, sexual minority individuals can experience a great deal of discrimi -
nation and bullying. Bullying can come from peers at school or wkhin the com -
munity as well as in social or religious organizations. In one study, many youths
described being called names, being told they were going to hell or being called
out to “ repent,” and experiencing or witnessing physical harassment and violence
( Higa et al., 2014 ). In all contexts, having people who were supportive or having
other visible LGBTQ people who could be relied on helped to make a school or
community environment more positive and welcoming.
On a more positive note, many LGBTQ individuals accept their identity and
feel that it’s central to who they are. A major component
of feeling affirmed in one’s identity, coming out has been
associated with many positive outcomes, including higher
self - esteem and lower levels of depression ( Kosciw, Palmer, try it for yourself
& Kull, 2015 ). Some may also think that being LGBQ is
preferable to being heterosexual ( Mohr & Kendra, 2011 ) Think about various communities that
or feel special and unique because they don’t have a sexual - you're part of. such as your neighborhood,
ity that fits within a narrow definition ( Higa et al., 2014 ). your school, or your religious community.
Furthermore, some research suggests that when individuals What specific things could you do to cre-
ate (or add to ) an LGBTQ-affirming climate
have a positive racial /ethnic identity, they’re more likely to
in each of these communities? What
have a positive LGBTQ identity (Singh, 2013 ) .
barriers would you face? Would they be
different for different communities you’re
part of? Then ask a friend to also brain-
Conclusion storm ways to increase acceptance for sex-
ual and gender diversity. Work together to
We started this chapter questioning the dominant acceptance develop a plan to implement at least one
of essentialism and the traditional sex/gender binary the
assumed link from genes to bodies to identity to sexual
— strategy by the end of this semester.
Conclusion 187
orientation . Throughout the chapter, we’ve shown that there are many facets
in the gender bundle that influence people’s bodies, identities, expressions, and
orientations and that these don’t always conform to a sex /gender binary. None-
?! i
theless, mainstream society generally expects people to consistently identify and
express themselves as either a woman or a man with a corresponding heterosex-
ual orientation. These expectations arc encountered in places such as health -care
1t '
,
settings, school /work environments, and athletic competitions; they can even
relate to obtaining legal recognition . People whose lives conform to mainstream
assumptions about sex/gender binaries are often unaware that many individuals
fall outside of these expectations. This lack of awareness reflects privilege, and
it is yet another domain in which privilege needs to be acknowledged in order
for change to occur.
Chapter Review
I
SUMMARY
Challenging Heteronormative Compared to cisgender individuals, gender
Assumptions about Sex and Gender identity development is more complicated for
:: : Many people assume, inaccurately, that there trans individuals since diey often face stigma
are only two sexes that directly correspond to and prejudice from both loved ones and society
two genders. This view reflects the sex/gender at large.
binary. When trans individuals accept their identity,
Feminist scholars regard the sex/gender binary they typically opt to share their gender
—
:
as overly simplistic and instead advocate for the identity with odiers a process known as
concept of a gender bundle, in which aspects of gender transitioning, which can include
sex/gender ( e.g., gender assignment, gender medical interventions including hormones and
identity, gender bodily expression ) arc all part surgery. Transitioning also involves redefining
of the personal and social understanding of relationships with friends and family members,
gender. but cultural values, traditions, and prejudice
can all be barriers to transitioning.
j
Transgender : An Umbrella Term Misgendering is a common experience among
Gender identity and gender expression do not trans individuals.
always conform to assigned sex.
Transgender individuals identify their gender Complicating Gender Assignment
identity in diverse ways and may question their Not all cultures determine sex in the same way
assigned sex at any point throughout the life or focus on biological factors to do so ( as is
span. typical in the West ) .

Many potential genetic variations in sex Biomedical interventions, including genital
chromosomes can complicate identifying an surgery and hormone treatments, are common
individual’s sex within a simple binary. for children with intersex conditions. As this is 1
Klinefelter syndrome ( KS) occurs when often begun in infancy, the children generally
those assigned M at birth have more than have very little say in their treatments, and
one X chromosome. Some individuals with decisions about sex assignment are usually
KS identify as male while others identify as made by medical personnel.
L
intersex , and there is great variability in the The United Nations, Human Rights Watch,
degree to which KS impacts their lives. and InterACT denounce medical interventions
Turner’s syndrome ( TS ) occurs when those for intersex children . Advocacy groups such
assigned F at birth have only a single X as Accord Alliance call for improvements in
chromosome . While many individuals with TS the way patients are treated , more caution
identify as female, some identify as intersex. surrounding genital surgery, and the
TS is most often associated with being of short elimination of stigmatizing language and labels.
stature and not developing secondary sex
characteristics at puberty. Sexual Diversity
Androgen - insensitivity syndrome ( AIS ) There are many diverse sexual orientations,
is a condition in which those with XY although those that don’t reflect a sex/gender
chromosomes don’t have typical male genital binary are less well known, and people with
development because of an inability for these identities can feel invisible.
testosterone to connect with all cell receptors. Sexual and romantic attraction don’t always
Those with AIS are often assigned F at birth. align, and not everyone experiences both.
Congenital adrenal hyperplasia ( CAH ) is Sexual orientations can change throughout the
a condition in which androgens are over- life span for a variety of reasons.
produced ; in XX fetuses, this can lead to the Women can struggle to accept their sexual
development of male - typical genitalia. Infants minority identity, and it can be further
with CAH can be assigned either F or M at complicated by other social identities.
birth, and most assigned F do identify as girls Non-monosexual individuals can face
despite showing some behaviors traditionally particular challenges because of binegativity
associated with masculinity. from both the straight and the lesbian/gay
5 - Alpha reductase deficiency is a condition communities.
in which individuals with XY chromosomes Coming out is an ongoing process, as there
cannot process testosterone in a way diat are always new people who could be told
allows for the development of external about one’s gender and sexual minority
genitalia in utero. While many individuals identities. Coming out is associated with
with this condition arc assigned F at birth, positive outcomes, but many individuals do
they may develop male- typical secondary not find acceptance from their families and
sex characteristics at puberty, although the communities.
mechanism through which this occurs is not
yet understood .
When infants cannot be easily classified as F or
M because of “ambiguous genitalia,” there can
be complications with legal identity for birth
certificates and other legal documents.
Chapter Review 189

KEY TERMS
intersex ( p. 150 ) disorders of sex development ( DSD ) ( p. 172 )
sex/gender binary ( p.151) medical gaze ( p. 174 )
gender identity ( p. 154 ) sexual orientation ( p. 176 )
gender expression ( p. 154 ) heterosexism ( p . 177 )
gender transitioning ( p. 158 ) asexual ( p. 177 )
misgender ( p. 159 ) sexual configurations theory ( SCT ) ( p. 178 )
minority stress theory ( p. 163 ) aromantic ( p. 179 )
internalized transphobia ( p. 163 ) monosexual ( p. 183 )
stigma awareness ( p. 163) binegativity ( p. 183 )
Klinefelter syndrome ( KS ) ( p. 167) coming out ( p. 183 )
Turner’s syndrome (TS ) ( p. 167) internalized homophobia ( p. 186 )
androgen - insensitivity syndrome ( AIS ) ( p. 169 ) internalized biphobia ( p. 186 )
congenital adrenal hyperplasia ( CAH ) ( p. 169 ) internalized heterosexism ( p. 186 )
5-alpha reductase deficiency ( p. 170 ) internalized homonegativity ( p. 186 )
THINK ABOUT IT
1. After reading this chapter, what discussed in this chapter, what topics should
recommendations would you make to be covered by the media ?
organizations that are divided by sex/gender ? 3. What are the benefits and consequences of
Think about athletic teams, prisons, school medical intervention for intersex individuals?
dorms, bathrooms, and locker rooms. What Are dicre societal interventions that
barriers might you encounter when making might help ?
your recommendations? How could you
4. Design a high school affinity group that is
address them ?
supportive and inclusive of sexual diversity.
2. What are some drawbacks of having celebrities What would you name your group, and what
represent transgender concerns? In what type of support services would you include ?
ways could the concerns of trans and gender How might school personnel, parents, and
non-conforming people be more accurately students react to your new group ?
represented in media ? Given die research
ONLINE RESOURCES
—
Accord Alliance an organization that
promotes comprehensive and integrated
—
Black Girl Dangerous a blog dedicated to
amplifying the voices of queer and transgender
approaches to care that enhance the health people of color: bgdblog.org
and well- being of people and families affected
by disorders of sex development ( DSD ):
accordalliance.org
National Center for Transgender Equality a
website created by transgender activists to
—
advance transgender equality: transequality.org
i.
.
—
Autostraddle an online magazine and social
network for lesbian, bisexual, and queer women
Ii (cis and trans ) as well as non - binary people:
autostraddle.com
• >

;•
i l; Ji
n Theories of Gender Development
n Sources of Gender Socialization
t
Stages of Gender Development ;
’ Conclusion
fc
.y
a Chapter Review
I
i r
Marley Dias loves to read, but she noticed that none of the girls in the books
her teachers assigned looked like her — they were almost all White, and she
; is Black ( Anderson, 2016 ). So Marley decided to start collecting books about
girls who look like her, with the goal of collecting 1,000 books. Her project,
#1000blackgirlbooks, has exceeded its goal — she has collected over 4,000.
Her quest points to a major problem in how girls of color are represented.
At age 11, she was determined to resist invisibility,
n In 2011, a YouTube video of a 4-year -old White girl named Riley ranting
about marketing in stores went viral ( dbarry1917, 2011) — by 2017, it had been
viewed over 5 million times. "Why do all the girls have to buy princesses?"
she complained, standing in front of a toy aisle full of pink dolls. " Some girls
like superheroes, some girls like princesses. Some boys like superheroes, some
boys like princesses!" Her comments, along with other complaints, led Target,
in 2015, to decide that it would no longer designate toy aisles by gender,
n In September 2015, Ms. Nwoye's fourth - grade class in Montgomery County .
Maryland, posted a video entitled The Lie ( Untitled Productions, 2016 ). In
it, the 10-year-old students repeat lies that they' ve heard about people like
themselves. One girl stands and says, " Muslims are terrorists." Another girl
says, "Asian girls are not athletic." And another girl says, "I ' m too pretty to be
.
At age 11 Marley Dias ’
^7
!! collected over 4,000 books
to support her project
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#1000blackgirlbooks.
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Chapter 5 Gender Socialization

Togolese." The students wanted to open a conversation about the negative
comments they heard about minority groups during the 2016 U.S. presiden-
tial campaign. Over 60,000 people have now watched their video, and it
has gone viral internationally. One viewer said, "It was just powerful when
10-year -olds get the message and here we are adults, fighting and still trying
to get the message" (George, 2016, para. 32 ).
n In Pretoria, South Africa, administrators told Black girls at a prestigious high
school that had been all White under apartheid to "fix" their hair or they
wouldn't be allowed to attend school or sit for exams (Vilakazi, 2016). Zulaikha
Patel, a 13 -year -old girl, became the center of protests. She noted that she'd been
told her whole life that her Afro wasn't natural, was exotic, and was unwanted.
Ultimately, the protests succeeded after thousands of supporters started an
online petition, and the codes about hair were suspended ( Mahr, 2016).
These stories show how some young girls have reacted to socialization practices
with resistance, but such stories are the exception rather than the rule. Most
young girls passively absorb messages about gender, as well as other aspects
of their social identities. These messages send information about how they’re
supposed to look and act throughout their entire lives and shape the way they
perceive themselves and the world. In this chapter, we'll explore how gender so -
cialization takes place, sources of socialization, how socialization practices affect
girls and young women at various stages of development, and how other social
identities intersect with gender socialization.
:
Theories of Gender Development
Children are constantly trying to figure out who they are and how they’re sup -
posed to act. Messages about gender play are influential in figuring that out .
* This process, known as gender socialization, occurs when individuals internal -
ize the social expectations and attitudes associated with their perceived gender.
—
Gender socialization is a very complex process one that starts before we’re
born and lasts a lifetime . Because norms about gender change over time , it’s
challenging to study gender socialization . Psychologists have developed various
theories, although, as you’ll see , some are outdated and don’t take an intersec-
tional approach and/or consider many of the social and political changes that
have altered gender expectations over the years.
Theories of Gender Development 193

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FIGURE 5.1 Taking a moment to consider their options.
Psychoanalytic Theories
your turn
What are the main elements of the psychoanalytic
theories of Freud, Homey, and Chodorow ?
Before we review the dominant gender
development theories in psychology, Psychoanalytic theories suggest that gender development
take some time to reflect on what you ( and personality in general ) is controlled by unconscious
think gender is and how people develop
it. What is your theory of gender —
forces that is, forces that people aren ’t aware of ( Freud,
1924/1961a , 1925/1961 b; Person & Ovcscy, 1983). All
development? Do you think we're born
with gender, or is it learned— or both?
psychoanalytic theories consider early childhood to be the
In what ways do other aspects of one's critical time in development . Yet psychoanalytic theory is
social identity (e.g., sexual orientation, controversial . Some scholars claim that psychoanalytic con -
race/ethnicity, social class, ability status) cepts have not been properly operationalized or systemat -
Y?m rence gender development? ically studied ( Fonagy, 2003 ). Others disagree and report
research support for the core tenets of psychoanalytic the-
ory and practice ( Corvin & Fitzgerald , 2000; Lcichsenring,
Rabung, & Leibing, 2004; Westcn, 1999; YVcsten &
Gabbard , 2002 ). Nevertheless, psychoanalytic theories have had a profoundly
influential effect on many people’s understanding of development and gender.
Sigmund Freud Most people associate psychoanalytic theories with Sigmund

Freud, an Austrian neurologist who is considered the founding father of this
perspective. Freud started with the assumption that there are only two sexes and
that one’s genitalia determine whether a person is a woman or a man ( Freud ,
1924/1961a, 1925/1961 b; Person & Ovesley, 1983 ). In fact, in Freud’s view,
the genitalia ( vaginas and peniscs ) don’t simply determine whether a person is a
woman or a man but arc also the root cause of many of the differences between
women and men . Largely informed by the norms and values of the time in
? which he was writing, Freud proposed that being male and having a penis was
superior to being female and having a vagina. Also, he proposed that both girls
194 Chapters Gender Socialization
1
and boys realized the superiority of malcncss. As a result, according to Freud , a
driving force in the development of both girls and boys is that boys are protec-
tive of their penis while girls are jealous that they don’t have one.
Early psychoanalytic theory assumed that children arc raised in a traditional
!
nuclear family that includes a father, a mother, and their biological children .
Within the context of this traditional family, Freud theorized that young girls
and boys develop in a similar way until approximately 3 years of age ( Freud ,
1924 /1961 a , 1925/1961 b; Person & Oveslcy, 1983 ). At this time, he claimed ,
boys develop an unconscious love for their mothers and a feeling of hostility
toward their fathers. This is the Oedipus complex , named after the lead char-
acter in an ancient Greek play who unknowingly kills his father and marries his
mother. Freud believed that a central part of a young boy’s feelings at this time
—
is fear that his father will cut off his penis a fear known as castration anxiety
( Freud , 1900 /1999 ) . According to Freud , hostility toward the father and fear
of castration cause tremendous anxiety for the boy, and he eventually decides
that, instead of getting rid of his father and marrying his mother, he would
rather be like his father. As a result, he learns to identify with the masculine role
model in his life and forms his sense of masculine gender identity.
The situation for girls is quite different, according to Freud. As soon as a girl
realizes that she doesn’t have a penis, she experiences penis envy, which she
continues to have for the rest of her life ( Freud , 1925/1961 b ). She becomes
angry and hostile toward her mother because she blames her mother for her
—
“ inferior” anatomy. Instead , she becomes attached to her father a process
Freud’s protegee Carl Jung called the Electra complex , based on another
ancient Greek play in which Electra plots to murder her mother because her
mother and stepfather have killed her father ( Jung, 1915 ). According to Freud,
the girl never fully resolves her complex because she’s never able to get a penis,
and so she resigns herself to the inferior status of femininity. Acknowledgment
of this inferiority, Freud argued , results in women developing inherendy femi-
—
nine traits including passivity, narcissism ( an arrogant focus on the self), and
masochism ( the tendency to want to hurt oneself ).
Karen Horney and Nancy Chodorow Freud’s theories have been widely
criticized as being sexist. A focus of this criticism is his insistence that the differ-
ences between girls and boys have to do with whether one has or doesn’t have
a penis and the assumption that the penis is inherently superior. However, over
time, some feminist scholars have used Freud’s fundamental concepts, partic-
ularly his idea of the unconscious, to help explain the perpetuation of men’s
power ( Bcardsworth, 2004; Mitchell, 1974 ).
Karen Horney ( 1932 ), a feminist critic of Freud, argued that power inequali-
ties, not biolog)', cause the psychological differences observed in girls and women .
According to Horney, girls don’t envy having a penis simply because a penis is
—
superior to a vagina. Instead, they envy what the penis represents specifically,

men’s power and ability to have control over their own lives. Horney also stated
—
that men experience womb envy an envy of women’s reproductive ability. In
fact, she argued that one reason men try to dominate women is because of their
fear and awe of women’s reproductive capacities.
In the 1970s, during die second wave of the feminist movement, Nancy
Chodorow ( 1978 ), a feminist sociologist and psychoanalyst, combined psychoan-
alytic theory and feminist perspectives. She emphasized how the social structure
of the family ( again assuming a traditional nuclear family ) and the gendered divi-
sion of labor influence die development of gender roles. According to Chodorow,
most children develop a primary attachment to the mother because she is typically
their primary caregiver and has a strong attachment to her children. Since the
father is more likely to be engaged in work outside the home, lie is both physi-
cally and emotionally distant. Because a girl will recognize that she is similar to
her mother, Chodorow claimed, she will never fully disconnect from her mother.
A boy, however, must shift from being bonded and intimate with his mother to
seeing himself as different from her, thus developing a sense of himself as separate
and autonomous. In Chodorow’s view, this means that girls grow up to be women
who are more comfortable with the role of caregiver and emotional intimacy than
men. The fact that boys develop a sense of themselves as separate from others
means that they’re less likely to be intimately involved in caring for children than
girls are. In this way, Chodorow argued , the cycle of the family reproduces itself.
Of course, since the 1970s, many people’s ideas about what the “ typical ” fam -
ily structure looks like has changed . Not all children are raised in a family with a
mother and a father who are heterosexual and follow a traditional division of labor.
More contemporary psychoanalytic theorists recognize that all children have die
capacity for both feminine and masculine attributes and that gender develops from
a dynamic relationship among biological , familial, and cultural factors ( Dimcn,
2005; Harris, 2005 ). Moreover, contemporary psychoanalytic theorists acknowl-
edge that children , not just parents, influence how families enact gendered roles.
For example, in one study, parents of gender-variant children reported that it was
dieir child, not their own parenting style or familial configuration, that deter-
.!
1 mined their child’s gender identity ( Ehrensaft, 2011 ). In such cases, children’s
—
gender simply “showed up,” and parents had to respond suggesting that a child
can shape the family and familial roles much more than was described in die orig-
inal conceptualization of psychoanalytic theory ( Ehrensaft, 2011, 2014a ).
'
Behavioral and Social Learning Theories

How do behavioral and social learning theories explain gender socialization?
Instead of focusing on unconscious forces, behavioral theories consider how

aspects of the environment influence behavior. A behavioral approach uses

learning theory to understand gender development. For example, the princi-
ples of operant conditioning suggest that gender develops when certain behav-
iors are reinforced , or rewarded, and other behaviors are punished. Therefore,
according to these principles, gender development occurs when others reinforce
behavior that conforms to gender norms and punish behaviors that do not.
The messages that parents send about what is and isn’t appropriate are often
subde, and parents may not realize they’re doing it. For example, a father may be
wildly enthusiastic when his son wants to play football with him but give only a
tolerant smile when his son wants to play dolls. Research suggests that children
often receive messages that parents don’t realize they’re sending. In one study
of an economically and racially diverse group of pre-school children, researchers
asked them to sort toys into “ girl toys” and uboy toys” and say whether their par -
ents would approve or disapprove of them playing with the toys ( Freeman, 2007,
p. 357 ). The pre -schoolers were easily able to sort die toys and generally diought
that their parents wouldn’t approve of play that could be categorized as cross- gen -
der. This was especially true of boys. For example, only 9% of die 5 - year-old boys
said their fathers would approve of them playing with “girl toys.” But when the
parents themselves were surveyed, dicy reported considerably more egalitarian
attitudes than their children reported. While only 20% of girls said dieir mothers
would approve of them playing widi “ boy toys,” 100% of the mothers actually
said they would approve. ( Only three fathers participated in diis study, so the
researchers couldn’t accurately assess fadiers’ approval. ) These results suggest
that even if parents don’t realize what messages diey’re sending, children can be
influenced by the subtle, indirect messages they receive. Also, boys’ suspicion
that their fathers would disapprove of diem playing with “ girl toys” might be
based in reality. Other researchers have found that fathers, especially fadiers of
sons, were more likely than mothers to hold explicit attitudes about appropriate
gendered behavior, such as refusing to buy a boy a doll or being upset if their son
were to dress up in girls’ clothing ( Endendijk et al., 2013 ).
Parents also may not be aware of how their own gendered behaviors influence
their children’s gender socialization process. Social learning theories suggest
that learning takes place in a social setting even when children aren’t direedy
being reinforced or punished ( Bandura, 1971 ). In particular, observational
learning occurs when children learn from watching what others do ( Bandura,
1971; Bussey & Bandura, 1999 ). In fact, psychologist Albert Bandura argued
that observation is the quickest way for children to learn any new behavior
( Bandura, 1971 ). He made this claim at a time when many children grew up in
a traditional nuclear family, watching their mothers cook and clean while their
fathers relaxed after work. Although this dynamic continues to be the norm in
some families, it’s also possible for observation to be a way of teaching gender
non -conformity ( Chesley, 2011 ) . This has been found in families where the
father stays home while the mother works outside of the home. It can also
occur in families where both parents work but domestic roles aren’t traditionally

divided by gender. For example, in the home of one author of this
book, her husband does the vacuuming. One day, when her son
was playing house, he announced that he had to vacuum because
that’s something men do. Being a feminist, she considered this to
be a parenting win!
It’s important to note that even today our society continues to
be androcentric, or male centered. As a result , it values tradition -
ally masculine attributes ( e .g., being strong and assertive ) more
than feminine ones ( e.g., being caring and nurturing ). Because
masculinity is valued more and is associated with more power,
masculine behaviors are more likely to receive positive reinforce -
ment. In one study, researchers interviewed an economically and
racially diverse group of parents and asked how they felt when
Children often model what their children showed behaviors that didn’t conform to gender
their parents do. whether it ’s stereotypes ( Kane, 2006 ) . When girls didn’t conform and acted
gender conformity or gender tomboyish , parents generally responded in a positive light . One
non -conformity. What kinds of
mother noted that her daughter “ does a lot of things that a boy
gendered behavior do you think
you learned from your parents?
would do, and we encourage that ” ( p. 157 ) . But when boys didn’t
conform to gender stereotypes, there was much more concern.
One father noted : “ I don’t want him to be a sissy. . . . I want to see
him strong, proud , not crying like a sissy ” ( p. 161 ). One aspect of
this fear was parents’ concern that their sons would be perceived as gay if they
appeared to be too feminine.
A similar dynamic was seen when parents were asked what types of books
their children preferred ( Wagner, 2017 ). Parents stated that their daughters
would enjoy books starring both female and male protagonists. However, they
felt that their sons would only enjoy books starring male protagonists. In this
way, parental attitudes can reinforce and encourage behaviors and interests
unevenly. While masculine activities and traits arc encouraged in both boys and
girls, feminine traits and activities are only encouraged in girls. This further rein -
forces die idea that masculine characteristics are more valuable .
Cognitive Developmental Theories

How do cognitive developmental theories explain gender socialization?
Behavioral theories tend to emphasize how the environment shapes children’s

behaviors. But children aren’t passive recipients of reinforcement and pun -
ishment. They’re thinking beings who try to make sense of the world around
them. Children are “ gender detectives,” constantly trying to figure out what
being a girl or boy means for diem ( Martin & Ruble, 2004, p. 67 ). Cogni-
tive approaches focus less on reinforcements and punishments and more on
_
•,r
198 Chapter 5 Gender Socialization
what children are thinking and assuming about their gender roles. According to
psychologists, children engage in a process of self-socialization ( Zosuls ct al.,
2009 ) . In other words, they don’t need parents to tell them how to behave;
instead , they continually look for clues and figure it out themselves.
In Delusions of Gender, psychologist Cordelia Fine ( 2010 ) asks readers to
imagine a world where right - handers and left - handers arc separated and marked
as much as girls and boys currently are. Can you imagine if left - handed babies
were dressed in pink clothing and right - handed babies in blue clothing? What
if only left - handed babies had bibs, pacifiers, and cribs decorated with flowers
and fairies, while right - handed babies had these things decorated with trucks
and footballs ? In this imaginary world , children would almost certainly figure
out that handedness is an important part of who they arc, given the amount of
attention paid to the distinction . And so it is with gender.
Children arc smart. They quickly figure out that gender is one of the most
important distinguishing variables for people ( Horn , 2007; Martin et al., 2002 ).
Very early on , children are able to distinguish between girl and boy. For exam -
ple, infants can distinguish female and male voices by 6 months of age, and
female and male faces or photographs by 9 to 10 months of age ( Levy & Haaf,
1994; Quinn , Yah , Kuhn, Slater, & Pascalis, 2002 ) . Babies also learn stereotypes
about gender at very early ages. In one study, researchers found that children as
young as 18 months associated male faces with stereotypically masculine items
such as a fire hat, pants, and a hammer, as well as metaphorically masculine items
such a bear and a fir tree ( Eichstedt, Serbin , Poulin - Dubois, & Sen, 2002 ). In
an earlier study, researchers found that by 26 months, children put pictures
related to fire fighting and truck driving with a picture of a man and pictures
of laundry, cooking, and sewing with a picture of a woman ( Weinraub et al.,
1984 ). Overall , these findings strongly suggest that babies figure out that gen-
der is a very important social category and , in some cases, learn to distinguish
on the basis of this category even before they can speak.
Cognitive developmental theories emphasize that children’s understanding
of gender goes through stages corresponding to the development of cognitive
skills and that children are active participants in their attempt to understand and
take on gender roles. In this view, after children learn to distinguish women from
men and girls from boys, they learn to label people and things by gender. Gender
labeling, or the ability to say whether someone is female or male, is often assessed
by having young children sort photographs of girls, boys, women, and men into
categories. This ability is generally achieved by 30 months ( Fagot, Lcinbach, &
Hagan, 1986; Halim &: Ruble, 2010 ) and, according to one study, may develop
as early as 17 months ( Zosuls et al., 2009 ). Children’s ability to gender label
is closely tied to their ability to label their own gender. When this occurs, chil-
dren have gained a sense of gender identity, and this generally involves labeling
oneself within a gender binary as a girl or a boy. Most children develop this skill
between 2 and 3 years of age ( Halim & Ruble, 2010; Ruble & Martin, 1998).

T\
:
The very fact that psychologists have designed studies to explore when chil-
dren are able to gender label and how children learn to stereotype by gender
can be seen as supporting a gender binary. This is because such studies require
participants to indicate if they are a girl or a boy, rather than offering a wider
array of identity options ( Fine, 2010 ). In this way, such research supports the
1 binary both for participants’ families as well as for those who later read about
• i!
the research . The growing awareness of children who don’t clearly label them -
!
Il ! selves as a girl or a boy has called into question the way in which psychologists
I • research children’s thinking about gender.
Recent work has shown that developing gender identity can be a tremendously
stressful process for children who aren’t cisgendcr because of the predominant view
that there are only two genders ( Cicero 6c Wesp, 2017; Devor, 2004 ). For intersex
children, the stress can be almost intolerable. In fact, Accord Alliance, the largest
I organization in the United States dedicated to advocacy for intersex children, rec-
ommends that children have a gender assignment of either F or M at birth because
it is so hard to live in U.S. society without a gender assignment ( Consortium on
the Management of Disorders of Sex Development, 2006 ). According to this view,
even if parents and children reject rigid notions of gender, they would be better off
choosing a gender assignment in order to make it easier for children to function
in mainstream society. This shows how pervasive the gender binary is and how it
influences die choices parents make as well as the ways researchers ask questions.
Once children have established a gender identity, they usually accept that iden-
tity and start acting in accordance with gender norms ( Martin 6c Ruble, 2004 ).
In order to figure out how to act, children develop a ,gender schema, or a network
of assumptions about how people with different genders are supposed to think,
feel, and act ( Bern , 1983 ). Gender schema theory focuses on how children
integrate this network of assumptions about gender with their understanding
of themselves ( Bern , 1983 ). Their schemas generally involve stereotypes about
what it means to behave in accordance with socially acceptable gender- aligned
behaviors. As we’ll see, when these schemas first develop during the pre-school
years, they can be quite rigid ( Martin, Ruble, 6c Szkrybalo, 2002 ) .
Most children develop a sense of gender constancy. This is the understand -
ing that even if a change in physical appearance takes place, a girl will still be
a girl and a boy will still be a boy. So even if a girl wears pants or cuts her hair
short, she’ll still be a girl. And even if a boy grows his hair long, wears a dress,
or puts on nail polish ( aspects of appearance typically associated with femininity
and girl-ness ), he’ll still be a boy. Gender constancy generally occurs by the time
il children enter elementary school ( Ruble et al., 2007 ). Once they realize they’ll
1 remain girls or boys no matter what they do, their gender schemas generally
become more flexible. In other words, when children figure out that acting in
-
a gender non-conforming way won’t turn them into the other gender, they can
become more comfortable with people acting in ways that don’t reflect tradi -
tional gender norms ( Halim, Ruble, 6c Amodio, 2011; Ruble et al., 2007 ).

Moving forward, it will be interesting to see how gender-diverse children
might disrupt the traditional notion of gender constancy, especially because
adults are supporting more flexibility in thinking about gender now than was
true in the past ( Blakemore, Bercnbaum, &: Liben, 2009 ). For example, some
parents tell their children that “ not all boys have peniscs” and “some girls have
penises” ( Rahilly, 2015 , p. 356 ). One elementary school developed lessons
aimed at reducing rigid thinking about gender by discussing princess boys and
pregnant men ( Ryan, Patraw, & Bcdnar, 2013 ) . Children in this program sub-
sequently developed less rigid thinking around gender. Moreover, parents of
transgender children report different strategics in helping their children nav-
igate the world and the expectations of others ( Rahilly, 2015 ). For example,
they let their children define their own gender ( e .g., “ boygir” ) and help them
understand that while they, as parents, accept their children’s gender expression,
not everyone will be as accepting. Such flexibility has been shown to reduce
anxiety and depression among gender-variant children ( Ehrcnsaft , 2014 b ) . This
is one factor that has been shown to contribute to creating a more supportive
environment for these children’s exploration of their gender identity.
Social Construction Theories

How do social construction theories explain gender socialization?
Social construction theories arc based on a postmodern perspective. This per-

spective suggests that knowledge isn’t objective; rather, it is constructed and,
therefore, can change as a function of time, place, or culture ( Gergen , 2001 ). In
this perspective, even very basic ideas that many people think are facts, such as
there being only two genders ( female and male ), arc only true in certain social
situations ( Beall , 1993 ) . For example, India officially recognizes a third gender
—
( hijras people who were assigned male at birth and are officially recognized
as a third sex ), and the Navajo Nation recognizes five genders ( women, men,
hermaphrodites, masculine women, and feminine men; Thomas, 1997 ). In
these cultures, children develop a gender identity accordingly, showing that the
concept of gender can be affected by place.
According to social construction theories, cultural beliefs about gender exist
to uphold particular social and economic systems and inequalities. These beliefs
also inform people about how they’re supposed to enact gender. For example, by
defining masculinity as being dominant and aggressive and femininity as being
submissive and nurturing, the gender socialization process in most societies all
but guarantees that girls and women will continue to have a lower status than
boys and men ( Levant & Richmond, 2015 ). Also, social construction theories
emphasize die concept of doing gender ( i.e., performing or enacting behaviors
associated with a specific gender in day- to-day life ) rather than having a gender

( West Sc Zimmerman, 1987). In this way, all individuals have the capacity to
perform femininity or masculinity, but in a patriarchal society, rewards are gen -
erally associated with conforming to traditional gender roles and negative con -
sequences are associated with failure to conform ( Levant & Richmond , 2015 ).
Sources of Gender Socialization

Messages about gender socialization surround us. Often , they’re so pervasive
that we may not even notice they’re there. You may recall that we discussed in
Chapter 2 that a fish doesn’t notice the water it’s swimming in . Sources of gen -
der socialization surround us just as water surrounds that fish. Everything has the
potential to contribute to gender socialization , but researchers have identified
some major sources. In the following sections, we review the role of the media ,
toys, parents, peers, and schools in the gender socialization process. It’s import -
ant to note , though , that research on this topic has largely assumed a gender
binary. Little is known about the gender socialization of those with non - binary
gender identities. However, some research does indicate that the gender social -
II ization of transgender children typically aligns with their gender identity rather
than wdth the sex they were assigned at birth ( Olson, Key, 8c Eaton , 2015 ). When
matched with cisgcndcr children with the same gender identity, their preferences
for peer groups, clothing, and toys have been found to be indistinguishable.
The Media
How do books, television, video games, and social media send messages
about gender ?
The media constitute a large portion of die water we all swim in , and messages
about gender permeate it. There are many categories of media , but here we’ve
chosen to focus on books, television show's, video games, and social media . Our
discussion will illustrate how gendered assumptions surround us and can influ -
ence us as individuals as well as our understanding of gender as a whole.
Books When you were a child, did you love the stories of Winnie the Pooh ?
These are charming stories, but did you realize that all the characters, except
for Kanga ( the kangaroo mother ), are male ( Blakemore et al., 2009 )? The
overrepresentation of boys and men in children’s books has been w'idely stud -
ied . For example, when researchers examined award-winning children’s books
from the 1940s to the 1960s, they found that for every female human charac-
ter there were 11 male characters (Weitzman, Eifler, Hokada, & Ross, 1972 ).
There were also a whopping 95 male animals for every female animal in these

books. Of course, the books examined in this study were published a long time
ago. A more recent study of award - winning and best -selling books from 1995
to 2001 found a less extreme gender bias in terms of numbers of girls and
I
boys depicted , but for every book with a female main character there were
still 1.8 books with a male main character ( Hamilton , Anderson , Broaddus, &
Young, 2006 ) . However, disparities in animal representations haven’t equalized.
In a study of the last hundred years of children’s books, researchers found a ten -
dency toward greater equality in the representation of female and male human
characters over time but persistent inequality in animal representation ( McCabe, !
Fairchild , Grauerholz, Pescosolido, & Tope, 2011 ). i
:
Many children’s and young adult books lack diversity in other domains too.
Early in this chapter, we talked about Marlcy Dias’s difficulty in finding books
about Black girls. She’s correct that such books arc hard to find , but that situa -
tion has been changing. For example, the Cooperative Children’s Book Center
at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, has been counting the number of chil-
dren’s books by and about people of color ( “ Publishing Statistics on Children’s
Books,” n .d. ). In 2016, 22% of children’s books were about people of color.
This is in contrast to 8.6% from 1994, when the Center started collecting data.
It ’s not just people of color that are underrepresented in children’s books.
For example, people with disabilities are almost never portrayed. In one study,
researchers found that when they removed people with glasses or pirates with
eye patches from the count of those with a disability, only 7% of the books rep-
resented individuals with disabilities ( Koss, 2015 ). The majority of those were
older people using a wheelchair or a cane. Even when books make an effort
to represent diversity, they often do so in a limited way. For example , in an
investigation of 68 LGBTQ- themed children’s books, almost all characters were
White, middle class, and adhering to traditional gender roles ( Lester, 2014 ). In
another analysis of LGBTQ- themed children’s books, very few stories featured
bisexual characters ( Epstein , 2014 ) .
Although girls and women arc represented more frequently in books now
than was true decades ago, they’re still mostly shown in traditional roles.
One analysis found that adult female characters were largely depicted indoors
and working inside the home, while adult male characters were largely depicted
outdoors or working outside the home ( Hamilton et al., 2006 ). When women
were shown working outside the home, they were portrayed in traditionally
female jobs ( e.g., teacher, flight attendant, librarian ) ten times more frequently
than in non - traditional jobs ( e.g., police officer ). In another study, research-
ers examined how parents were portrayed in children’s books ( Anderson &
Hamilton , 2005 ). Mothers were much more likely than fathers to be shown as
nurturers and as providing hands-on care and emotional support. If fathers were
depicted at all, they were generally portrayed as ineffective or distant parents.
There are also differences in the way children are most commonly por-
trayed ( Kortenhaus & Demarest, 1993; Tsao, 2008 ). Boys, in children’s books,

I : :
are generally go-getters. They use their intelligence to solve problems and over-
come adversity. They’re described with adjectives like big , horrible, and fierce .
Girls, in contrast, are likely to appear in situations where things happen to them
rather than in situations where they make things happen . They’re often shown
i
as silly and concerned mostly with their appearance, and they’re described with
adjectives such as beautiful, frightened , sweet, and weak ( Turner- Bowkcr, 1996 ).
i
In an analysis of coloring books published after 1972 , boys and men were shown
in more active roles such as running, climbing, and rescuing others, while girls
and women were likely to be shown sitting or standing and not doing anything,
or looking in the mirror ( Fitzpatrick & McPherson , 2010 ). Male characters
I - were also likely to be shown in strong and powerful contexts such as being
adults or superheroes; female characters were likely to be shown as children .
In another study, girls were 3.3 times more likely to be portrayed performing
nurturing behaviors than were boys ( Hamilton et al., 2006 ).
I
t Not all books display girls and boys in such sexist ways. For example, a study of
award-winning Australian children’s books found little evidence of gender stereo-
!
typing ( Kok & Findlay, 2006 ). However, most research finds that stereotyping con -
>
: tinues, even if it’s subtle. In one study, researchers evaluated books that have been
praised as non -sexist ( Dickman &: Murnen, 2004 ). Although they showed girls as
active go-getters, they failed to show boys with traditionally feminine traits, such as
being nurturing and caring. Therefore, even if these books arc seen as endorsing
gender equality, their unequal portrayal of girls and boys likely promotes the idea
that masculine traits are acceptable for girls ( and women ) but feminine traits are
not acceptable for boys ( and men ). If the books were fully equitable, all characters
would display a diverse array of traditionally feminine and masculine traits.
The messages that books convey are important. In one study of mostly
White Australian third graders, when children read stories about protagonists
with a gender that matched their own ( c.g., girls read stories about girls ), their
self-esteem increased as compared to when they read about a character with a
different gender ( Ochman, 1996 ). This finding suggests that simply reading
stories with characters that represent one’s own gender can benefit self-esteem.
In another study conducted in Australia, this one including both White and
Aboriginal participants, researchers found that after children were exposed
l I
: —
to a counter-stereotypic children’s story for example, about a little girl who
I
—
gets a model plane and builds a runway for it girls engaged in less stereo-
typical play ( Green, Bigler, & Catherwood, 2004 ) . However, it may be that
i
non -stercotypical representations can only go so far. Other research suggests
that, especially in children with very rigid gender schemas, there’s a tendency
to misremember information that they read in books in order to make w'hat
t they’ve read consistent with the gender stereotypes they already hold ( Abad &
Pruden, 2013; Frawley, 2008 ).
f! Although there has been less research on gendered messages in young adult
(2 novels as compared to children’s books, an examination of a few of the most
( !
Hi
popular young adult series shows that characters arc often portrayed in stereo-
typed ways. The Harry Potter scries, for example, has been criticized for show-
ing boys having adventures while girls spend time being studious ( Maycs- Elma,
2006 ). The series has also been criticized for a lack of diversity among the charac-
ters ( Anne, 2015 ). Author J . K. Rowling confirmed Dumblcdore’s status as a gay
male character only after the books were published , and other forms of diversity
( c .g., religion and race ) were never explicitly discussed in the series. When the
actress Noma Dumezwcni was cast to play Hcrmione in the London stage play
Harry Potter and the Cursed Child , there was much controversy because many
readers had assumed Hcrmione was White and objected to a Black actress play-
ing the part ( Schaub, 2015 ). The Twilight scries has also been criticized for
glorifying the relationship between a controlling, powerful man and a passive,
—
dependent woman ( Silver, 2010 ) .
In contrast, some young adult novels do subvert gender
stereotypes. For example , Katniss in the Hunger Games
scries is a strong and powerful female protagonist (Scott try it for yourself i
Sc Dargis, 2012 ), and Tris from the Divergent series is i
—
also a strong character she jumps on and off moving
trains, faces her fears, and becomes a leader of a rebel fac-
Think about the books you read as a
child and as a young adult. What do you
t
tion ( Bennett , 2014 ). Both the Hunger Games and the think about the way the characters were
Divergent series have also been praised as promoting gen - portrayed? Did you read any books that
der equality because , even though they star female heroes, had non- traditional portrayals of gender
they’re marketed to both girls and boys ( Bell, 2014 ). Of roles? Did non-traditional books depict
course, the protagonists in both books are conventionally both girls acting in masculine ways and
boys acting in feminine ways? Go to a
attractive, heterosexual women whose love interests are cen -
bookstore or the local library, and visit
tral to the plots. Moreover, while Tris sacrifices herself for
the children's and young adult sections.
the cause at the end of die Divergent series, Katniss ends the
What trends do you see in the covers,
—
Hunger Games series getting married an outcome that can characters, illustrations, and so on?
perpetuate the idea that heterosexual coupling should be an
ultimate goal for young women .
Television, Movies, and Video Games According to a report from Com -

mon Sense Media ( Common Sense, 2017 ), children under age 8 spend over
two hours a day watching screens. While television accounts for almost an
hour of that time, mobile devices account for an ever-increasing proportion
up from five minutes a day in 2011 to 48 minutes a day in 2017. Levels are
—
even higher for tweens and teens, who spend approximately two hours a day
watching television and up to nine hours a day consuming screen - based media
once their time on phones, tablets, and computers is added in . This means
that, for many hours a day, children are encountering messages about gender
from these sources.
Television shows often convey sexist messages about gender. This can be
especially true for cartoons. An analysis from the 1930s to the 1990s found that

male cartoon characters appeared much more frequently than female characters
( Thompson & Zerbinos, 1995 ). This practice was so widespread that in 1991
the term Smurfctte principle was coined , in a New York Times article, to describe
instances in which a single female character exists only in reference to the male
characters in a book, movie, or television show ( Politt , 1991 ).
Much like depictions in books, there is an over-
representation of White, able- bodied , heterosexual tele-
i
your turn vision characters. An analysis of television shows popular
with adolescents in 2015 found that Black characters made
up approximately 15% of the total characters and women
Under-representation of women in the
media has led feminists to adopt the
were less than 40% of the total characters. The proportion
Bechdel test to assess the presence of for Black characters matched that of the number of Black
female characters in television shows individuals in the U.S. population; but as women make
and movies (Garber. 2015 ). The test gets up 50.8% of the U .S. population, female characters were
its name from cartoonist Alison Bechdel, underrepresented ( Ellithorpe & Blcaklcy, 2016 ). In another
who featured this idea in a 1985 Dykes to analysis, researchers found that among television ’s most-
Watch Out For strip. In order to pass the watched shows from 1987 to 2009, Native American , Asian
test , a show or movie must (a ) include American , and Latinx characters were all underrepresented
at least two female characters (b) who ( Tukachinsky, Mastro, &: Yarchi , 2015 ) .
have at least one conversation (c) about
Characters are also portrayed in stereotypical ways. When
something other than a man. In 2015,
television’s most -viewed shows between 1987 and 2009
for example, all the Oscar Best Picture
were analyzed (Tukachinsky, Mastro, &: Yarchi, 2015 ), it
nominees were movies about men; only
three of the eight films nominated passed was found that these shows tended to depict Latinx charac-
the Bechdel test. The winner. Birdman , ters as passionate and seductive and Black and Latinx char-
only passed because of a 30- second scene acters as having a poor work ethic. Another, more recent
in which two women discussed theater study found that less than 1% of characters on the most-
/ before going on to discuss men. There watched television shows have a disability, and 95% of these
was improvement in the 2016 and 2017 characters are played by able- bodied actors ( Woodburn &
nominated films. Five of eight 2016 films Kopic, 2016 ). Often , the plot revolves around the char-
passed the test (Whitmar, 2016), and seven acter’s perceived impairment rather than other important
of the nine 2017 films did (Radic, 2018).
I aspects of the person’s life , like work or relationships.
Look at television shows you watch
As with books, male characters in television shows are more
regularly. Also, review the last ten movies
you watched. Do any of them pass the
likely than female characters to ( a ) be shown as independent,
Bechdel test? How many? Do your find- assertive , and athletic and ( b ) have paid jobs as opposed to
ings motivate you to look differently at unpaid caregiving roles ( Thompson &: Zerbinos, 1995 ).
the media you consume? Although this study was conducted over 20 years ago, more
recent research reflects a similar pattern . For example, an anal-
ysis of tween television shows found that male characters out-
numbered female characters 2:1 overall and outnumbered them 3:1 in the action/
adventure genre ( Gerding & Signorielli, 2014 ). Female characters were more
likely than male characters to be conventionally attractive and more likely to be
shown primping or paying attention to their appearance. However, die re was no
difference between female and male characters in terms of how good dicy were

with technolog)' or whether they were likely to rescue others. In another study,
researchers asked first and second graders what their favorite shows were and then
analyzed the content of those shows ( Aubrey & Harrison, 2004). Among these,
male characters were more likely to be shown answering questions, showing inge-
nuity, and eating.
A similar pattern was found in a study of the portrayal of superheroes ( Baker &
Raney, 2007 ). There were many findings consistent with gender stereotypes for
example, male superheroes outnumbered female superheroes 2:1, and male
—
superheroes were more likely to express anger while female superheroes were
more likely to be emotional, excitable, and superficial. Female superheroes were
also portrayed ( once again ) as concerned about their appearance, and they were
highly sexualized. However, female superheroes were just as likely as male super-
heroes to demonstrate intelligence, bravery, dominance, and technical skills.
Of course, children aren’t only exposed to gendered messages through tele-
vision programming; they’re also exposed to these messages in commercials.
Research on stereotypes in commercials finds a similar pattern to research on
programming. In one older study, researchers found that boys appeared more
frequently than girls, took on more dominant roles, and were more active and
aggressive ( Browne, 1998 ). Girls were shown as shy, giggly, and silly, and less
likely than boys to assert control or take action. In a more recent analysis of fash-
ion advertisements directed at adolescent girls, researchers also found stereotypi-
cal racialized gender depictions, including the White beauty ideal , the hypersexual
Black woman, and the technologically savvy East Asian woman (Sengupta , 2006 ).
Some data suggest that gender inequality in TV commercials may be decreas-
ing, at least in some countries ( Matthes, Prieler, & Adam, 2016 ). In the United
Kingdom , for example, there was no difference in whether women or men did
a voiceover, and women and men were equally likely to be shown at home. In
the United States, women and men were equally likely to be shown at home
and at work and were equally likely to be shown using electronic products.
However, in other countries, such as Germany, some stereotypes were observed
more ffequendy. Interestingly, even in countries known for high levels of gender
equality, such as the Netherlands, women were more likely to be portrayed in
home settings and in advertisements for beauty' products while men were more
likely to be portrayed in work settings.
Children also receive sexist messages from movies. For example, in this chap-
ter’s Empowering or Oppressing feature, we discuss how Disney movies have sent
gendered messages in different ways over the years. Disney movies have also given
priority to men in odier ways. Linguists Carmen Fought and Karen Eisenhauer pre-
sented research at a conference in 2016 analyzing dialogue from Disney movies and
reported diat, in many, men dominated the vast majority' of talk time ( Guo, 2016 ).
For example, men spoke 68% of the time in The Little Mermaid (which made sense
because Ariel lost her voice ), 71% of die time in Beauty and the Beast, and 90% of
the time in Aladdin. Even in Mulan and Pocahontas, where the tide characters

were women, men spoke 76% and 77% of the time, respectively. It should be noted
that even when Mulan was dressed as a man, her utterances counted as a woman
speaking. Women do talk more than men in Brave, although men talk more in both
—
The Princess and the Frojj and Frozen even with die latter being about two prin -
cesses. Furthermore, children learn racialized sexist stereotypes from these movies.
Research has shown that Disney princesses of color ( e.g., Jasmine and Pocahontas)
are shown with less clothing and more sexual posturing than White Disney prin -
cesses ( e.g., Belle and Ariel; Lacroix, 2004 ).
Children also absorb messages about gender from video games. In fact, these
messages are just as problematic as those conveyed by television . For example,
in an analysis of popular video games, researchers found that female characters
were underrepresented ( Beasley & Standley, 2002 ) . Only 14% of characters
were women, and most appeared in one Olympic sports game that included
a number of female athletes. There were more characters of an indeterminate
gender than there were explicitly female characters. Women in video game mag-
azines arc increasingly portrayed as aggressive, but they’re also generally shown
as either scantily clad, sexualized , or objects of beauty ( Beasley 8c Standley,
2002; Dill & Thill, 2007 ).
Media viewing has consequences. One study found that 4-year-olds who
watched more television were likely to say that other people thought boys were
better than girls ( Halim, Ruble, & Tamis- LeMonda , 2013 ). In a longitudinal
study, researchers found that children who watched television shows or movies
with superheroes were more likely to engage in stereotypically masculine play, such
as fighting or using weapons, in the future ( Coyne, Linder, Rasmussen, Nelson ,
& Collier, 2014 ). Researchers also found that superhero exposure was related to
physical aggression one year later, but it wasn’t related to more pro-social behavior
—
like helping or defending others behavior that is also exhibited by superheroes
( Coyne et al., 2017). In another study with young children , researchers found
that exposure to Disney princesses was related to engaging in more female -ste -
reotypic play ( e.g., playing with dolls ) a year later, even after controlling for initial
levels of stereotypic play ( Coyne, Linder, Rasmussen, Nelson, 8c Birkbeck, 2016 ).
The sexist portrayal of women in video games also has consequences. In
one study, researchers found that men who played video games high in sexist
content ( e.g., Grand Theft Auto ) were likely to have benevolent sexist attitudes
: (Stermer 8c Burkley, 2015 ) . In a study of over 13,000 girls and boys, ages 11 to
'
i 19, in France, researchers found that video game exposure, but not television
—
viewing, was related to increased sexism for example, endorsing the idea that
ii women’s primary role is to have and raise children ( Bcgue, Sarda, Gentile, Bry,
8c Roche, 2017).
. w
< : Social Media Children and adolescents today are coming of age in a rap-
idly changing media landscape, and social media and photo video sharing are
I /
outpacing other forms of media ( Lenhart, Purcell , Smith, 8c Zickuhr, 2010 ).
•i
!
i
ii
EMPOWERING
OR OPPRESSING?
The Modern Disney Princess
T
he characteristics of the Disney princesses have
.
evolved over the years ( England Descartes &.
.
Collier -Meek 2011). The older Disney princesses
such as Snow White (1938) and Cinderella (1950)
were conventionally feminine and passive. They demon-
strated these values by doing submissive domestic tasks
without complaint and waited to be saved by fairy god-
.
mothers princes, or both. Those from the next generation
of Disney princesses were a bit more empowered. Jasmine,
from Aladdin (1992), could fight; Mulan (1998) dressed as
a man and fought in the army; Belle, from Beauty and
.
the Beast (1991) was intellectual and brave, although
she tolerated violent behavior from the Beast. Ariel, from
The Little Mermaid (1989 ), was also more assertive and
independent. She enjoyed exploring and was rebellious
toward her father. However, she chose to lose her voice
for the sake of love and ultimately abandoned her family
to keep her prince. Overall, while this generation of prin-
cesses showed agentic traits and often acted bravely, they
generally, ultimately, settled down with a man. In this
.
way these movies sent a message that even though other the movie, the marketed doll changed her look to empha-
pursuits might be useful, a woman's ultimate goal is to be .
size her sexuality. Elsa is highly sexualized especially after
attractive, find love, and marry a man. .
she leaves Arendell. By the time Elsa has "let it go " she
A third generation of Disney princesses seems to send has gone from wearing a conservative dress to wearing
a different message. Princess Tiana, the first ( and only) a sexy, revealing dress, and walking with a “come-hither"
Black princess, from The Princess and the Frog (2009), swagger (Stevens, 2014, para. 6). These elements can all
enjoyed her career and was independent and agentic. be considered oppressive aspects of the princess charac-
In Brave ( 2013), Merida rejects her suitors, and the movie .
ters. But in contrast, it's possible to see Elsa's embracing
concludes with her regaining the love ( and humanity) of of her emotions and sexuality as empowering.
her mother. In Frozen (2013), the "true love's kiss" that Overall, while the modern Disney princess is less gender
saves Anna from being frozen comes from her sister rather —
stereotyped than the earlier ones she's more active and
.
than from a man. In this way these movies present a dif - assertive and might not need a man to be happy—these
ferent message from those before them. The princesses movies still convey gendered messages about beauty and
.
are active and agentic and marriage is not their only goal . sexuality. Do you think the modern Disney princess is
However, while there's an empowering aspect to the empowered or oppressed? Are the images empowering or
modern Disney princess, there's an oppressive one too. oppressing to young girls? To older women? To mothers?
-
All these princesses are able bodied, physically idealized, What would it take to have a truly empowered Disney
and sexualized. While Merida wasn't overly sexualized in princess?
209
According to the Common Sense ( 2017 ) media
report, children ages 8 to 12 spend about
six hours a day consuming media on mobile
devices, and those ages 13 to 18 spend about
nine hours. Some 13- year-olds report that they
check social media 100 times a day. Both girls
and boys frequent the Internet at the same
rate, but they appear to have different habits
( Miller, Schweingruber, & Bradenburg, 2001 ).
In general , girls are more active than boys on
V Faccbook, Twitter, Instagram , and Pintcrest
If ( Women’s Media Center, 2015 ). Since Insta -
gram is a photo app, much of the comment-
| Some girls take many selfies before deciding which
-
ing and liking revolves around how girls look.
one to post and spend a great deal of time worrying This pattern has the potential to increase young
about how many likes and positive comments they girls’ anxiety about how they look and how
get . However, despite its potential drawbacks, social
media can foster connection with others. How do in Chapter 6.
—
others perceive them a topic we’ll return to
think social media is affecting young women ? Social media also gives girls an opportunity
to compare themselves to other people and ,
in that way, learn gender norms. In one study,
researchers explored the social media use of a diverse group of eighth and ninth
graders from schools with students of low to middle socioeconomic status ( Ncsi
& Prinstein, 2015 ). The researchers found that girls were more likely to use social
media than boys, spending a lot of time comparing diemselves to and getting feed -
back from others. This comparing activity was related to increased levels of depres-
sion, especially in girls who were ranked by their peers as less popular than others.
However, social media can also help to combat gender stereotypes. For
example, in one study, researchers found that girls were just as likely as boys
to assume leadership positions online ( Cassel, Huffaker, Tversky, & Fcrriman,
2006 ). Another potential benefit of social media is the ability to form supportive
communities. This was found to be particularly true for adolescents who arc
: •!!
,1
marginalized because of their sexual orientation, gender identity, race/ethnic-
'1
•i l? ity, or because they have a disability ( Craig, Mclnroy, McCready, Di Cesare,
& Pcttaway, 2015 ) . Additional research shows that for members of socially
I marginalized groups, online venues offer opportunities to build a supportive
it
:
community and develop strategies to fight back against discrimination ( Craig,
Mclnroy, McCready, & Alaggia , 2015 ). For example, LGBTQ adolescents often
use online media to digitally come out ( Green, Bobrowicz, & Ang, 2015 ), and
LGBTQ youth of color use social media to help integrate their racial identities
and gender identities, which ultimately provides resilience (Singh , 2013). More
research is needed to better understand how and when social media involvement
can be supportive rather than detrimental.
f
i
210 Chapter 5 Gender Socialization !
t
1
Toys
What messages do toys send about gender socialization?
In 2015, as described early in this chapter, after pressure from girls like Riley and
other consumers, Target stores stopped labeling toy aisles by gender. Despite this
move, many of the toys sold there, and elsewhere, continue to be marketed spe-
—
cifically to girls or boys for example, in pink or blue packaging with pictures of
girls or boys on the boxes. In fact, research has found that color can influence
a child’s willingness to play with a toy. In one study, boys were more willing to
play with a blue doll than a pink doll ( Wong & Hines, 2015 ). The research-
ers theorized that if toys came in gender- neutral colors, dicre might be more
-
gender neutral play. However, other research suggests children have preferences
that go beyond the color of toys. Specifically, girls preferred dolls and stuffed
animals while boys preferred manipulative toys and action figures ( Cherney &
London , 2006 ) .
Additional research suggests that many toys marketed to girls have differ-
ent characteristics from those marketed to boys. Toys for girls are likely to
involve domestic and nurturing tasks or emphasize physical attractiveness for —
example, Easy - Bake Ovens, makeup, tea sets, and doll houses ( Blakemore &
Centers, 2005 ). Boys’ toys, however, are likely to be violent or dangerous and
—
to involve competition for example, guns and other weapons, action figures,
and footballs. Toys that enhance cognitive or physical skills were seen as either
gender- neutral ( e.g., LEGO ) or moderately masculine ( e.g., microscope, erec-
tor set , volcano creator, weather forecasting toy ) . Given die differing charac-
teristics of certain toys, when girls play with those that are cxplicidy marketed
—
toward them , they gain experience with traditional femininity such as a focus
on personal appearance and domesticity.
In another study, researchers examined toys that were marketed on a Disney
website specifically for girls or boys, or to both girls and boys ( Auster &
Mansbach , 2012 ) . Toys labeled “girls’ toys” were likely to be pink and were
Toys are often separated into

“ girls " and " boys" categories in
stores. Do you see any toys on
the " girls" shelf that boys might
want to play with? How about
toys on the " boys" shelf that girls
might want to play with? Where
are gender -neutral toys placed?
What are the consequences of
labeling toys in this way ?

mainly dolls, cosmetics, and jewelry. The “ boys’ toys” were more likely to have
bold colors and be action toys, weapons, or building toys. Those listed in both
the girls and boys categories were likely to resemble boys’ toys, implying that
girls might play with masculine toys but boys wouldn’t be willing to play with
girls’ toys. In yet another study, researchers examined how girls and boys were
portrayed in dolls, action figures, and other products ( Halloween costumes and
Valentine’s Day cards ) marketed to children ( Murnen , Greenfield , Younger, &
Boyd, 2016 ). Girls in these products were likely to appear in sexualized poses
and wear decorative or revealing clothing. Boys were likely to be wearing func-
tional clothing ( e.g., a uniform ) and were often portrayed with a weapon or
some other sign of violence or aggression ( e.g., hands in fists ) . The authors sum -
marized their findings in the title of their article: “ Boys Act and Girls Appear.”
In response to these trends, some companies have been marketing engineer-
ing products toward girls. For example, LEGO Friends, or “ pink ” LEGO, arc
explicidy marketed for girls. However, LEGO Friends has been criticized because
die scenes are often traditionally feminine ( e.g., pet salons, horse stables, and bak-
eries ) and because many of the sets come partially assembled , making them less
challenging than comparable sets marketed to boys ( Docktcrman, 2014 ). LEGO
Friends has also been criticized for having figures such as Stephanie and Olivia who
are very slim, a striking deviation from the typically square,
largely male, figures ( Milmo, 2012 ). Other companies,
too, are marketing engineering toys for girls. For example,
try it for yourself GoldieBlox building sets feature a book that stars a female
character solving a problem by building something ( Causer,
What do you think? Do toys like LEGO 2013 ) . The instructions for building are embedded in a story,
Friends and GoldieBlox help girls by die idea being to capitalize on girls’ verbal skills. Even though
inspiring them to build? Or do they send
toys like these are changing the aisles that used to consist pri-
sexist messages that engineering can
only be for girls if it's packaged in pink?
marily of dolls and kitchen sets, their marketing still reflects
Find a young girl, and ask her what she problematic assumptions. These include the assumptions that
thinks of LEGO Friends and GoldieBlox as girls have to be lured into playing with building toys by color-
well as less gendered building toys. ing them pink and purple, combining them with reading, and
constructing traditionally feminine spaces.
• :
i
H
!
Parents
‘• i
! How do parents send messages to their children about gendered expectations?
1
Most parents would probably say they want to treat their children similarly
regardless of their gender identity, and a meta -analysis of 172 studies has sug-
gested that in terms of love, warmth, and affection , the similarities do outweigh
the differences ( Lytton & Romney, 1991 ). However, one major difference was
found in the way parents treated their children: Parents encouraged gender- typed

-
activities and play. Even though this meta-analysis was conducted over 25 years ?
ago, its findings are still relevant, as the following discussion will show.
One domain in which parents treat children differently is chores. In one study,
-
researchers found that girls were expected to do feminine type chores such as help-
ing to care for younger siblings and cooking, while boys were generally expected
to do masculine-type chores such as taking out the trash and mowing the lawn
( Raley & Bianchi, 2006 ). In another study, researchers found that when modiers
were under work stress, they tended to rely more on their daughters than their
;
sons ( Crouter, Head, Bumpus & McHale, 2001 ). This even happened when die
daughter had an older brother. In terms of this division of household labor, it’s
important to emphasize that children learn through observation . Given diat most
modiers do more of die domestic labor dian fathers, even if bodi parents work full -
time outside of die home ( Coltrane, 2000; a topic we’ll return to in Chapter 8 ),
children learn about who is responsible for certain chores even if die parents aren’t
explicidy teaching them (Sinno & Killen, 2009, 2011 ). This pattern is less likely
to occur widi children of LGBTQ parents. In fact, researchers have found that
children of gay and lesbian parents tend to have more egalitarian views of gender
—
relations largely because they likely aren’t witnessing a typically gendered divi-
sion of household labor in their family ( Fulcher, Sutfin, & Patterson, 2008 ).
Parents also shape children’s emotional experiences in gendered ways.
Although some parents may have explicit gendered rules about emotions ( e.g.,
boys aren’t allowed to cry ) , other parents may influence their children’s emo-
tional expressions in more subtle ways. In one study, researchers followed a
group of children from age 4 to age 6 ( Chaplin , Cole, & Zahn -Waxler, 2005 ).
While observing play sessions between the children and both the mother and
the father, the researchers noted the extent to which the parents paid attention
to different kinds of emotion . They found that parents, especially fathers, paid
more attention to submissive emotions, such as sadness and anxiety, in girls
and to aggressive emotions, such as anger, in boys. In another study, research -
ers examined emotional expression among Native American, Black, and White
families and found that mothers responded more favorably to girls who showed
sadness than to boys who did so ( Brown, Craig, & Halberstadt, 2015 ).
Additional data suggest that parents, especially fathers, treat girls and boys
differently in terms of allowing them to take risks. In one study, researchers
asked predominantly White, middle-class, pre-school children to walk on a cat-
walk 5 feet above the ground and observed the level of parental monitoring
( Hagan & Kuebli, 2007 ). Fathers more closely monitored daughters than sons.
Mothers monitored their sons and daughters equally. In another study, mothers
of 11-month-old infants estimated how steep a slope dieir child could climb
-
down ( Mondschein , Adolph, & Tamis LeMonda, 2000 ). They estimated cor-
rectly for their sons, but they underestimated their daughters’ abilities consider-
ably. Moreover, as children become older and more independent, parents may
set different standards for what is appropriate and how independent the children

are allowed to be ( Bulcroft, Carmody, & Bulcroft, 1996 ). For example, parents
across a range of ethnic groups were found to be less comfortable leaving their
middle- to late-adolescent daughters at home alone than their sons.
In odier studies, researchers have found that parental gender socialization pat-
terns arc related to social class, race, and religion. For example, in one study of
Black parents, researchers found that bodi modiers and fadiers expressed support
for gender equality ( Hill, 2002 ). However, diose who were below middle -class
status or who had rccendy reached middle- class status had more traditional gender
socialization practices. Because religiosity was found to be related to social class in
diis study, die researchers dieorized that religious beliefs may have influenced the
parents’ decision to socialize their children in more traditional ways. One mother
who was college educated but had grown up in a poor family expected her daughter
to be a warrior and to fight against racial injustice while also being a lady who sat
and carried herself properly. One reason she emphasized ladylike behavior was fear
that any display of loud or assertive behavior on the part of her daughter would trig-
ger discrimination and feed into the negative stereotype of die angry Black woman.
LGBTQ parents tend to convey more gender-egalitarian messages to their chil -
dren, possibly because they have more flexible attitudes toward gender themselves
( Fulcher et al., 2008; Goldberg, 2007 ). One study showed that 2 - to 4- year-old
children with lesbian and gay parents engaged in much less gender-stereotyped
play dian children of heterosexual parents ( Goldberg, Kashy, & Smith, 2012 ).
In fact, similar gender flexibility was seen in children of bodi lesbian and hetero-
sexual parents who held egalitarian attitudes and practiced an equal division of
labor in the home ( Fulcher et al., 2008 ). Parental attitudes were more strongly
related to the children’s beliefs about gender than their sexual orientation . These
differences indicate that how gender is socialized differs from family to family and
often reflects other aspects of die family’s identity, beliefs, and values.
Peers
How does interaction with peers shape gender development?
One of the biggest factors associated with peer socialization is gender segregation.
This is the tendency for children to segregate on the basis of actual or perceived
gender identity ( Fromberg, 1999; Martin , Eisenbud, & Rose, 1995 ). It starts in
pre-school and continues throughout die life span. Generally, children only spend
10% of their time with peers who don’t share dieir gender identity ( Fabes, Martin,
8c Hanish, 2003; Martin et al., 2013 ). Given diis tendency, gender segregation
can be especially difficult for gender-variant children, who are often excluded,
teased, and bullied ( Berlan, Corliss, Field, Goodman, 8c Austin, 2010 ).
Girls and boys generally engage in different styles of play. Girls tend to play
in groups of two or three, and their play is usually more cooperative than boys’

( Lever, 1976; Maccoby, 1998 ). Boys tend to play outdoors in larger groups and
in more competitive games. Gender segregation may occur because of these
—
gender- typed activities for example, girls seeking out cooperative games such
as make- believe, jump rope, or hand -clapping games, and boys choosing rough -
and - tumble play or football games ( Martin et al ., 2013 ). In fact, girls and boys
tend to seek out playmates of their own gender no matter what activities they’re
doing ( Martin ct al ., 2013 ). These peer socialization groups have the potential
to matter because the more time children spend with same -gender peers, the
more gender- typed their behavior becomes ( Martin & Fabes, 2001 ). This phe-
nomenon is known as dosage -dependent effects. ;
Of course, girls and boys do sometimes enter each other’s
play areas, but this is often as a form of torment and teasing. your turn
They may accuse each other of having cooties, or they may
play chasing games ( Thorne, 1993; Thorne & Luria, 1986 ).
Who was popular in your school? What
This type of interaction has been called borderwork because it
were some of the characteristics of pop-
reinforces the invisible border between girls’ spaces and boys’ ular students? Did this change from ele-
spaces. In order to more fully understand borderwork, one mentary to middle to high school? Was the
group of researchers observed children playing at a summer students' popularity based on attributes
day camp over a nine-week period ( McGuffey 8c Rich, 1999 ). that aligned with gender- specific charac-
They found that die most popular boys were allowed to break teristics? Were they financially secure? As
gender stereotypes, but those boys actively policed other you got older, were popular students more
girls and boys. Interestingly, the observations also showed sexually active than unpopular students?
that race and social class intersected with gender. The boys What does all this say about characteris-
engaged in cross-race and cross-class play. The girls, however, tics that our society values?
only crossed racial or class lines when a boy direatened a girl
or when a girl succeeded against a male competitor.
An examination of the characteristics of children identified as “ popular”
reveals what other children consider valuable ( Lease, Kennedy, & Axelrod,
2002 ) . Popular girls and boys do share many of die same characteristics. For
example, they bodi tend to be bright, socially skilled , and financially well off. But
differences were found in terms of certain characteristics. For example, for girls,
popularity was more associated with being physically attractive. Boys, in contrast,
were more likely to have high status if they were athletic and seen as dominant.
Schools
How do schools promote gender socialization, and how does race
influence this?
Research suggests diat many teachers have different expectations for girls and boys
in terms of both academic performance and behavior. For example, teachers are
more likely to praise girls for being neat and tidy and to praise boys for academic

These girls' style of dress
would violate the dress code
in many schools. Do you
think they have a right to
dress the way they want,
or do you feel that certain
clothing is inappropriate for a
school setting? What are the
consequences of the policing
of girls' bodies that often
occurs when school dress
*
' 1es are strictly enforced ?
achievements (Skelton, Carrington , Hutchings, Read , 6c Hall , 2009 ). A theme

in research on teacher attitudes is the tendency to see girls as succeeding through
diligence and hard work but to see boys as being naturally intelligent ( Skelton ,
2006 ). So when boys don’t achieve, it’s considered to be a result of laziness or
boredom and as a problem that needs teacher intervention .
These different patterns occur even when teachers say they treat children sim -
ilarly. In one study, White third - grade teachers from the United States said they
treated children equally ( Garrahy, 2001 ) . However, because boys were expected
to be rambunctious, they were more likely to be allowed to talk out of turn,
whereas when girls talked out of turn, they were more likely to be reprimanded.
One teacher reinforced gender stereotypes by letting the
boys choose the research topic for the class. This led to the
assignment of researching a sports hero, but the library only
try it for yourself had books about female athletes who engaged in tradition -
ally feminine sports ( e .g., figure skating and gymnastics ) .
Did you have to follow a dress code in your The term hidden curriculum refers to the ways the
middle or high school? If so, was it enforced school environment indirectly teaches norms, beliefs, and
differently for girls and for boys? What did values. In several studies, researchers have observed a hid -
you think of it? Ask a diverse group of your
den curriculum in terms of social roles related to gender,
friends about their experiences with dress
race, and class ( Anyon, 2006; Hemmings, 2000; Langhout
codes. Were their experiences similar to or
8 c Mitchell, 2008 ) . Examples of the hidden curriculum
different from yours? How do you suppose
their gender, racial/ethnic background, so-
include dress codes and disciplinary practices.
Schools tend to enforce dress codes more strictly for girls
cial class, or sexual orientation affected
way they experienced school dress codes?
How did aspects of your own social identity
the
—
than for boys. Often , the enforcement is humiliating girls
are inspected , sometimes in front of others, and frequendy
impact the way you experienced them? sent home for violating the code. Schools often report en -
forcing dress codes because they don’t want ( male ) students
_ i
to be “ distracted ” by girls wearing revealing clothing
( Bates, 2015 ) . But this practice teaches girls that it’s their
responsibility to protect themselves against harassment
spotlight o n . .
rather than the boys’ responsibility not to harass.
Another example of the hidden curriculum is the dis- Transgender Students
ciplinary code ( Langhout & Mitchell , 2008 ). There is
evidence that Black girls are particularly likely to face dis- in the Classroom
crimination in school , and this sets a norm about who are Educators from organizations like QuERI
considered to be troublemakers. Black girls are, in fact, (The Queering Education Research Insti-
disproportionally disciplined more than Black boys, even tute) have reported an increase in calls
though Black boys are suspended more than any other from elementary school principals claiming
group. However, Black boys arc only suspended three that teachers are "freaking out" about
times more often than White boys ( Crenshaw, Occn , & " what to do" with transgender children
Nanda, 2015 ) . Black girls, in contrast, arc suspended six in their classrooms ( Payne & Smith, 2014,
times more often than White girls. Research suggests that pp. 399 and 406). One area of concern
is bathrooms. While some elementary
bias and stereotypes play a role in these practices ( Blake,
schools have moved toward gender- neutral
Butler, Lewis, 8c Darensbourg, 2011; Skiba, Michael,
bathroom options, according to newspaper
Nardo, 8c Peterson , 2002 ) . Black students are more likely reports, the majority of schools have not
than White students to be sent to the school office for (Goodyear, 2016). Although Title IX pro -
behavioral infractions that are subjective, such as exces- tects students' right to use the bathroom
sive talking and disrespect ( Skiba et al ., 2002 ). Although that aligns with their gender identity, there
this research was initially done with boys, researchers in have been cases of parents challenging
a subsequent study found that Black girls are also more school districts, enraged about transgen-
likely to be sanctioned for subjective infractions, such as der students using bathrooms aligned with
defiance ( Blake et al ., 2011 ) . Black girls are also more their gender identity rather than with the
likely to receive sanctions that take them out of the class- sex assigned at birth (Parks, 2016 ).
What responsibility does a school have
room and interrupt their learning. In contrast, White girls
to protect the rights of transgender stu-
arc most likely to be referred for truancy ( e.g., not being
dents? Should gender - neutral bathrooms
in class ). Moreover, Black girls with darker skin tones are
be more widely available? What would you
more likely to be suspended than Black girls with lighter do if you were the teacher of a transgender
skin tones ( Hannon , DeFina , 8c Bruch , 2013 ). student ?
Some scholars believe Black girls are more likely to be
punished because they’re seen as disobedient and unruly,
and teachers may punish them for acting in ways that
challenge traditional ideas of femininity. For example,
researchers have found that Black girls were more likely
to be disciplined for inappropriate dress and inappropri-
ate language than White and Larinx girls ( Blake et al.,
2011 ). In another study, researchers found diat adults
from various racial/ethnic backgrounds and different
educational levels reported that compared to their White
peers, Black girls needed less nurturance and protection
because they were perceived as more independent and
217
more knowledgeable about adult topics ( Epstein, Blake, &: Gonzalez, 2017).
Black girls have also reported feeling that their academic achievements are unrec-
ognized or unappreciated, possibly because these girls are seen as more self- reliant
and less needy of positive feedback: u [ G ]irls who do well just kind of get over-
looked. [TJhere is rarely anything done to celebrate them or to encourage them
to keep going” ( Crenshaw et al., 2015, p. 32 ).
Because of the hidden curriculum , girls can experience school differently
from boys, and this experience can depend on other aspects of their social iden -
tities. In one study, researchers examined the educational experiences of work -
ing- and middle -class White and Latinx high school girls who were successful in
college- prep courses ( Bettie, 2002 ). Both groups of students were aware that
their social class set them apart from their wealthier peers, so they made delib-
erate decisions to use less makeup or to wear conservative clothing as a way to
appear “ nice ” and “ not hard ” and , in this way, to display themselves as upwardly
mobile ( p. 419 ) . Both groups also expressed ambivalence about surpassing their
parents’ academic ability. However, Latinx students also had to cope with peer
distancing due to perceptions that they were “acting White ” ( p. 419 ).
Stages of Gender Dc
Gender socialization starts early, even before birth . In this section, we’ll discuss how
—
gender socialization practices manifest during different developmental stages from
infancy to toddlerhood , and through childhood and adolescence. As you read this
section, it wall be helpful to think about the theories we reviewed in die first part of
the chapter, as well as die various sources of gender socialization, to better under-
stand how they influence children and adolescents at each stage of development.
It's a . . . BABY
How does gender socialization start before children are even born?
Parents and their doctors have used ultrasound to determine the sex of a fetus
since the 1960s ( Hvistendahl, 2012 ). It’s now' a routine part of obstetrical care for
women in developed countries. Although ultrasound is a medical tool intended
to help identify potential abnormalities, it’s also regularly used to assign a sex to
a developing fetus. There’s not a great deal of data on what percentage of par-
ents wish to know the sex of their unborn child. A 2004 study, however, found
that 58% of both mothers and fathers getting prenatal ultrasounds planned to
find out the sex of their child (Shipp et al., 2004 ). And in 2007, a Gallup poll
found that 66% of pregnant women between the ages of 18 and 35 wanted to
know the sex of their baby before giving birth ( Carroll, 2007 ).

Unfortunately, in many cultures, identifying the sex of a fetus might be
done in order to allow for decisions to selectively abort female children. In fact,
since 1970, 163 million girls have been aborted by families who prefer sons
( Hvistendahl , 2012 ) . In China, where a one -child policy was in effect from 1979
to 2015, this resulted in a ratio of 121 boys for every girl. However, selective
abortion for sex also happens in Western cultures, including the United States. !
The implications of this practice are serious. When boys outnumber girls in the
population , there will be millions of men who wall want wives but be unable to
find them; and in places where this already has occurred, the gender imbalance
has caused increased rates of sex trafficking ( Hvistendahl, 2012 ).
Most parents are excited about the prospect of having a healthy baby no
matter the sex of the child . However, a great deal of emphasis is still placed on
finding out the sex . Recently, it has become trendy to host a “gender- reveal
party,” where expectant parents invite family and friends over to find out the
sex of their unborn baby. One idea for these parties is to give the ultrasound
results ( without looking at them ) to a local bakery with instructions to bake a
cake or cupcakes with neutral -colored frosting on the outside and either pink or
blue frosting on the inside. Once friends and family come over, the expectant
parents cut into die cake or bite into the cupcake to find out if they’re having
a girl or a boy ( DeLoach, n .d . ) . Other ways to do this include having a balloon
or piiiata filled with pink or blue confetti, or covering cans of Silly String that
will reveal themselves to be pink or blue w'hen sprayed ( bumpreveal, 2017).
The very fact that these parties exist highlights the early start of gender social-
—
ization even the use of the phrase gender reveal in relation to finding out the
baby’s sex reflects a mainstream assumption that gender and sex are the same
and that every baby will be clearly identifiable as a girl or a boy. As we discussed
in Chapter 4, these are overly simplistic assumptions.
Stages of Gender Development 219

;
i! ? Even before babies arc born, there are different expectations for girls and boys.
i
In one study, parents were asked to recall what sex they had been hoping for
I
when planning to have a child ( Kane, 2009 ) . Men tended to want a son to play
sports with, and mothers wanted a son so their husbands would have a companion
for activities. These responses reflect an assumption that girls can’t play sports or
i ! enjoy die same activities as their fathers. Daughters were desired for other reasons.
Mothers reported being excited to have a girl so they could dress her up, buy her
i dolls, and take her to dance classes. Mothers also assumed that daughters would
provide a greater level of emotional intimacy and connection than sons would .
This assumption is consistent with Chodorow’s view that girls stay emotionally
connected to their mothers while boys separate from diem. It can be said that chil -
dren are not born into a gender- neutral world; even before
birth there are many assumptions about what they’ll be like.
People tend to see an infant’s sex as the most important
your turn piece of information about the newborn . One study showed
I I
that, more than 80% of the time, the first question asked by
If you or your partner became pregnant, friends and family about infants was their sex ( Karrakcr, Vogel,
would you want to know your baby’s sex 8c Lake, 1995 ). For many people, this information influences
before the actual birth? Why or why not ? how they perceive the infant and how they’ll subsequently
How do you think others would react if interact with the child . For example, as one early study
you told them you didn't want to know,
showed , within the first 24 hours after being born , infant
or share with them, your baby's sex?
girls are more likely than infant boys to be described as little
If you are a parent, what choices did
you make in regard to learning of and
( Rubin , Provenzano, & Luria , 1974; also see Fausto-Stcrling,
sharing your baby s sex? What factors
’ Coll , 8c Lamarre, 2012 ) . In another study, researchers inter-
influenced your decisions? viewed mothers and fathers one day after the birth of their
How can knowing in advance influence children . Newborn girls were rated as less strong, more del -
the way you would or did interact with icate, and as having finer features than newborn boys, even
your infant? How might this knowledge though there was no observable difference in the features of
change the way other people would the baby girls and boys ( Karrakcr et al., 1995 ).
interact with your baby, or even with you. Evidence for the different treatment of girls and boys con -
‘'ifpr? fhe actual birth? tinues in analyses of cards that congratulate parents on the
birth ( Bridges, 1993; Wilier, 2001 ) . Cards acknowledging a
baby girl are likely to use words like sweety precious, and dear.
Words on cards for a baby boy are more likely to include bold, brave, and tough.
Cards acknowledging a boy are also likely to show sports equipment or a vehicle,
and baby boys are generally pictured in more active positions than girls. Even the
cards’ emotional tones can differ. Cards about girls feature more expressions of
love, while cards about boys have more expressions of joy and pride.
A famous series of studies from the 1970s and 1980s, known as die Baby X
studies, found that people make very different assumptions about babies that they
think are girls as opposed to those they think are boys (Seavey, Katz, 8c Zalk, 1975;
Sidorowicz 8c Lunncy, 1980 ). In these studies, participants were asked to interact
with a baby in gender-neutral clothing who they were told was either a girl or a boy.

In another condition, die participants weren’t told the baby’s sex and were asked
.
to guess The first study used a baby girl in all conditions (Scavcy ct al., 1975 ), and
the second study used many different babies, both girls and boys (Sidorowicz 8c
Lunney, 1980 ). In all cases, when participants thought die baby was a girl , they
were likely to give them a doll; when they thought the baby was a boy, they were
likely to give them a miniature football. When asked to guess the sex of die gen -
f
der- neutral babies, they made guesses based on gender stereotypes. For example, a
male participant interacting with a male baby said , “She is female and female infants
smile more” (Sidorowicz & Lunney, 1980, p. 71 ). A female participant interacting
with a male infant said , “She is a girl and girls are more satisfied and accepting”
( p. 71 ). It didn’t matter whether the baby was actually a girl or a boy. Evidently, die
only thing that mattered in terms of the participants’ responses was how the babies
were labeled . These studies were conducted more than 30 years ago; do you think
researchers would find similar results if the studies were repeated today ?
i
The Pre- school Years
How do pre-school children show evidence of rigid gender 1
schemas, and how is this related to cognitive development?
During the pre-school years, children transition from being

babies who don 't know about gender expression to being
youngsters who are likely to express extremely rigid views
about gender. This is an important time from the cognitive
perspective because gender identity develops around age 2
( Halim 8c Ruble, 2010 ) . At this age, children learn about the
traditional stereotypes associated with each gender. For exam -
ple, by age two and a half, many children say that dolls are for
girls and trucks are for boys ( Ruble, Martin, 8c Berembaum,
2006 ). As they become more cognitively sophisticated, the
stereotypes they hold also become more sophisticated. For
example, by 5 years of age they begin to associate personal -
ity traits with gender. They might say things like “girls are
gentle ” and “ boys arc adventurous” ( Powlishta, Sen , Scrbin,
Poulin- Doubois, 8c Eichstedt, 2001 ), and they’re likely to
describe girls in terms of their appearance and boys in terms
of their activity ( Miller, Luryc, Zosuls, 8c Ruble, 2009 ).
The stereotypes that pre -school children incorporate into
their gender schemas tend to be rigid and inflexible ( Martin Pre -schoolers can often act as gender
et al., 2002; Martin 8c Ruble, 2004; Trautner ct al., 2005 ). If police, monitoring and correcting
you’ve ever interacted with 4-year-olds, you may have noticed gendered behavior .
that they can act as gender police, saying, for example, that

'
I
!
J
1 i!
u
• t
only girls are allowed to like pink and only boys are allowed to like Spider- Man.
• i
?
i
Many children this age don’t seem to understand that there can be individual
?
:
* l
1
!
; »
! I —
differences and variation that not all girls or boys like the same things or do
the same activities. In one study, most 5- and 6- year-old participants were likely
to say that various gender-typed activities are done only by girls or by boys
•
i 1! i
I
rather than mostly by girls or by boys (Trautner et al., 2005 ). These activities
H; I }'
i : included playing with dolls, cooking, knitting, being affectionate, and giving
t
! !I
'
i i
hugs ( feminine stereotypes ) as well as playing with toy models, playing with
1! ! !i I
i
trucks, and playing soccer ( masculine stereotypes ). Other research has shown
!
« i
i
14 i
Li" that gender-stereotyped play increases after children arc able to cognitively
! understand gender categories, and these patterns are similar across a variety of
5
i:
i
i
1
racial/ethnic groups ( Zosuls, Ruble, & Tamis- LeMonda , 2014 ) .
4
:;
si l Psychologists say that children at this age have gender rigidity, or strict gender
2 \
i
typing, and a sense of inflexibility in terms of what girls and boys arc supposed
f
;
to do ( Martin & Ruble, 2004 ). Gender rigidity is found in both cisgendcr and
5 transgender children ( Olson et al., 2015 ). For transgender children, the rigid
I
.1
.
guidelines for their own gendered behavior correspond to their gender identity
I
-
\ I
rather than the sex assignment made at birth . Gender rigidity is also consistent
across racial and ethnic groups. In one study, researchers followed Black, Mexican,
f and Dominican children from the ages of 3 to 5, studying appearance, play, and
t i
«
friend choices ( Halim, Ruble, Tamis- LeMonda, & Shrout, 2013 ). The researchers
!;? « found similar levels of gender rigidity that peaked between 3 and 4 years of age
;
«I .!
before decreasing in children of all three racial/ethnic groups. One area in which
« j :
i * gender rigidity was apparent was friendship choice, as gender rigidly influences
who children want to interact with. Another study of edmically diverse 5-ycar-olds
>
!
: .
i
found that most had very stereotypical views of gender differences and weren’t
i *
!
interested in cross-gender play or interaction; these findings were consistent across
‘
I i ethnic groups ( Halim, Ruble, Tamis- LeMonda, Shrout, & Amodio, 2017 ).
The pre -school years are also a time when parents of transgendcr and gen -
. !
der non-conforming children have to decide if they’ll reveal their child’s iden-
'
• };
J
f ••
I
I .
I
tity to their child -care facility ( Picket , 2015 ). From kindergarten to twelfth
!
I
; grade, schools are often hostile places for transgender students ( Kosciw,
i «
i
t Greytak, Palmer, & Boesen, 2014; Reisner et al., 2015 ) . As mentioned in
i i
y
i\ i
Chapter 4, the prevalence of school- related bullying and discrimination directed
J
:
i I
at gender-diverse children is well documented ( Greytak , Kosciw, & Boesen,
;
. I
\
;
:
2013; Grossman & D’Augelli, 2006; Grossman et al., 2009; Reisner et al.,
A
2015 ). Unfortunately, these problems are also faced by families interacting with
>
i :
. :
pre-schools and day-care facilities. In one study, teachers reported feeling fear
if
i
J i
i
and anxiety about having a transgender child in their class, and these feelings
can limit the potential for flexibility in gender socialization in the classroom
!
. .
( Payne & Smith, 2014 ). One parent of a transgender child described die diffi
:
*
l
. . "
.! culty of informing her child’s pre-school that despite being assigned F at birth,
,1' . !
i
}
I 1
.i her child identified as a boy ( Kleman, 2015 ). The pre-school staff respected
»
i 222 Chapter 5 Gender Socialization
!
!
that identification and were open to learning more
about gender non -conformity, even taking an interest
in the child’s gender journey. When the family moved,
spotlight o n . .
however, it was harder to find a pre -school that would
accept their son’s decision . At one school, they were A Gender - Neutral
lectured about teaching their 4- year-old how to con -
trol unwanted urges, and another school informed diem Pre -school
that it didn ’t have to follow gender discrimination laws In 1996 , Sweden opened its first gender -
because it was a private pre -school . neutral pre- school ( Barry, 2018 ). Instead of
participating in gender- specific activities,
children were encouraged to play with one
Middle Childhood another and with ail types of toys. Instead
of gendered pronouns, teachers used the
How do gender roles become more flexible ( for girls ) newly developed gender - neutral Swedish
in elementary school ? pronoun hen . Although there was some
backlash about this (Tagliabue , 2012 ) ,
In elementary school, many young girls go through a the national pre- school curriculum in
transition in the way they enact their gender identity. Sweden now requires teachers to actively
While extreme femininity and pink frilly dresses are the counter traditional gender socialization.
norm for many pre -school girls ( Halim & Ruble, 2010 ), Pre- schools that , for example, encourage
they’re much less common in the elementary school boys to dance and girls to yell can be found
years. Instead , quite a few young girls reject expressions throughout Sweden ( Barry, 2018 ) . Further ,
of femininity and begin to identify as tomboys ( Halim the gender-neutral pronoun hen is now
et al ., 2011 ) . In fact , retrospective research indicates commonly used.
that one half to two thirds of women recall being tom - However, traditional gender socialization
cannot be fully eliminated; it 's difficult to
boys in childhood ( Burn , O’Neil, & Ncderend , 1996;
counteract the hundreds of gender- specific
Morgan, 1998 ) . Other studies of elementary school age
messages children are exposed to outside
children reflect a similar picture, with approximately of school. Research on such preschools has
one third to one half identifying as tomboys ( Halim shown that children are more likely to play
et al ., 2011; Martin & Dinclla, 2012 ). with peers of different genders and are less
Several cognitive developments are associated with likely to endorse gender stereotypes than
this shift from a rigid adherence to femininity to being a those in traditional preschools, but they
tomboy. One is that elementary school children become still notice gender (Shutts, Kenward , Falk,
less rigid about stereotypes in general ( Halim et al., Ivegran , & Fawcett, 2017 ). Though there
2011 ). Children at this age learn to distinguish between are limits to what a school can do in terms
knowledge of a stereotype and belief that people always of encouraging gender- neutral childhood
act or should act in accordance with that stereotype experiences, do you think this is worth
pursuing? Why or why not? Would you sup -
( Halim & Ruble, 2010 ). This is the same realization that
port a school like this in your community?
Riley, the girl mentioned early in the chapter, had when
Would you enroll your children ?
she noted that not all girls like princesses and not all boys
like superheroes. ( Riley was only 4, so she was clearly pre -
cocious.) Furthermore, gender flexibility has been found
to go hand in hand with gender constancy ( Halim et al.,
2011; Ruble et al., 2007 ). In other words, girls realize
223
1
II1
they don’t have to act feminine to still be a girl. They don’t have to worry that
acting like a boy will turn them into one. This allows a loosening ot gender stc -
reotypes as it combines with die cognitive realization that individual differences
matter and not all girls or boys are alike.
Interestingly, it’s only girls who loosen their gender stereotypes and rules
about appropriate gendered behavior, and even this loosening has limits. Ele -
mentary school boys are often under enormous pressure to adhere to strict
gender expressions ( O’Neil & Lujan, 2009 ), and homophobic slurs are usu -
ally used by peers to enforce this conformity ( Horn , 2007; Phoenix, Frosh,
& Pattman, 2003; Plummer, 2001 ). In a study of elementary school students
in die United Kingdom, researchers found that gender-conforming boys and
gender non-conforming girls were the most popular, indicating the valuing of
8
masculine traits and the devaluing of feminine ones ( Braun & Davidson, 2017 ).
Gender non -conforming boys were considered the least popular.
According to one study, elementary school age children have begun to realize
that masculinity conveys more status and power than femininity ( Bigler, Arthur,
Hughes, & Patterson, 2008 ). In other words, children have figured out that they
live in an androcentric world . This realization reflects a developing sense of public
regard, die awareness diat odier people might evaluate one’s group positively or
negatively ( Ashmore, Deaux, & McLaughlin-Volpe, 2004 ) . It’s interesting that
children reach this conclusion, because in their everyday experiences there are
many instances in which girls perform better than boys. For example, girls often
do better in school dian boys ( Voyer & Voyer, 2014 ). Nevertheless, children
are continually exposed to media messages that masculinity is more valuable and
important than femininity. Also, children begin to understand the concepts of
sexism and gender discrimination . For example, as they learn more about the
presidents of the United States, they may realize there has never been a female
president. A 5-year-old might not diink too much about this, but research sug-
gests diat by age 10 many children have noticed this phenomenon and report that
it’s because they think men don’t want to vote for women ( Bigler et al ., 2008 ).
: Given the findings mentioned above, the rise in tomboyism may reflect both
the realization that men are more valued in our society, as well as the desire to
access some of the advantages of masculinity ( Carr, 1998 ). After all, tomboys
:
—
generally have an increased social status they’re more likely than more tra -
ditionally feminine girls to be considered popular ( Braun & Davidson , 2017;
Rcay, 2001). They also have other positive qualities demonstrating self-confi -
dence, such as assertiveness and self- reliance ( Burn et al., 1996 ). Further, in a
! study of women who recalled being tomboys, many noted that their mothers’
lives didn’t seem interesting or exciting ( Carr, 1998 ). One commented, “ Did I
want to be like my mother ? Absolutely not, because I diought she lived a pretty
boring life ’ ( p. 537 ) . Odiers saw traditionally feminine activities, like playing
jacks or worrying about appearance, as boring. Tomboys seemed to be doing
something more useful and interesting.

However, being a tomboy may not only involve reject -
ing femininity and embracing masculinity. It may also reflect your turn
an increased acceptance of gender flexibility. For example ,
in one study, researchers found that tomboys were more
If you identify as female, were you a
likely than more feminine girls to be comfortable with other
tomboy? Regardless of your gender iden-
people violating gender norms ( Ahlqvist , Halim, Grculich , tity. did you know girls who identified
Lurye, & Ruble, 2013 ). In another study, tomboys were as tomboys? It has been suggested that
more likely to think that people should act the way they the term tomboy is out of date ( Meltzer,
—
want that girls don ’t have to act like girls, and boys don’t
have to act like boys ( Martin & Dinclla, 2012 ). Also, for chil -
2015). Do you agree? If so. what other
term is used now. and is the meaning
dren who are assigned F at birth but don’t identify as a girl , different? If you were a tomboy (or a gen- i
f
being a tomboy can be a way to express a masculine identity. der non-conformist or some other term),
One study showed that among adult fcmalc-to- malc trans- how did others react to instances of your
gender individuals, almost all had been tomboys in child - gender nonconformity? Did people's
hood ( Grossman , D’AugcIli, Howell , & Hubbard , 2005 ) . reactions differ at different times in your
life ( e.g.. during elementary school, high
Of course, not all girls turn to tomboyism when they
school )? Was there ever a point at which
notice women’s lower status in society. In one study, 28%
you became more gender conforming?
of elementary school age girls identified themselves as “in ;
If so. why did you make this change, and
betweens,” meaning that they didn’t identify as tomboys but how did others react? If you haven’t had !<
reported not being traditional girls either ( Ahlqvist ct al., this experience, talk to some friends who
2013 ). Another study of a predominantly working-class have, and ask them these questions.
and ethnically mixed third -grade classroom identified sev- i
eral sub - groups of girls, including “ tomboys,” “spice girls,”
“ nice girls,” and “girlie girls” ( Reay, 2001 ). Interestingly,
the social status of both the nice girls and the girlie girls, the two most feminine
groups, was the lowest. The tomboys were accorded the highest social status,
especially by the boys in the class.
Adolescence
What happens to gender socialization in adolescence?
Adolescence is a time when many children go through a process of gender inten-

sification, in which girls and boys start to more rigidly enact their gender roles.
For girls, this typically occurs when the signs of puberty signal, both to the girl
and to society as a whole, that she’s no longer a child and will begin to transition
to adult gender roles ( Galambos, Almeida, & Petersen, 1990; Hill & Lynch,
1983). During this period , the flexibility of gender roles from middle child -
hood and the acceptance of tomboy behavior decreases, and there is an increase
in traditionally feminine behavior ( Carr, 2007 ). For example, most girls who
engaged in tomboyism report that they stopped being tomboys around age 12
or 13 ( Burn ct al., 1996; Morgan, 1998 ). One of die most frequently mentioned

*
!
I reasons for this shift was pressure from peers ( e.g., “Jr. high peers said I looked
too much like a guy” ), but former tomboys also noticed that their friends began
: to desire boys and decided that they should too ( Burn ct al., 1996, p. 424 ).
. i Girls who give up being tomboys in adolescence may do so for a good reason.
. t•
*
As discussed above, in middle childhood, gender non -conforming girls are gen -
erally valued and considered popular ( Braun & Davidson, 2017; Reay, 2001 ).
i
• •; However, in adolescence, they’re more likely to experience peer victimization
;s and exclusion ( Bos & Sandfort, 2015; Smith & Juvoncn, 2017; van Bcuse-
kom, Baams, Bos, Overbeek, & Sandfort, 2016 ) . In one longitudinal study of
ethnically diverse seventh and eighth graders, researchers found that the sense
that one wasn’t a typical girl or boy was related to problems a year later, such
as getting into trouble at school , social anxiety, and complaints about physical
illness (Smith & Juvoncn , 2017 ). These problems were, however, largely due to
experiences of peer victimization.
As children enter adolescence, being gender non -conforming becomes
linked in die eyes of many peers to having a non -conforming sexual preference,
whether or not that is actually the case. In a study of Dutch 11 - to 16-year- olds,
researchers found that gender non -conformity was related to psychological dis-
tress and social anxiety, and this was partially due to homophobic name calling
( van Bcusekom et al., 2016 ). These effects were worse for those who actually
did experience same -sex attraction. While gender non -conforming girls and
boys suffered in similar ways, gender non -conforming girls experienced some-
what lower levels of harassment than boys. This is another instance of femininity
being seen as lower in value than masculinity. In another study, researchers found
that both those who were gender non -conforming and those who experienced
same-sex attraction had poor relationships with peers, but those who were both
had the poorest relationships ( Bos 8c Sandfort , 2015 ). Moreover, bullying of
non -gender conforming and LGBTQ children is a significant problem. In 2014,
a national school climate report identified U.S. schools as hostile environments
for LGBTQ students, leading many students to avoid school activities or miss
i
school entirely ( Kosciw, Greytak, Palmer, 8c Boescn, 2014 ). Transgendcr youth
J
experience particularly high levels of bullying. In one study, researchers called the
9! bullying of transgendcr students pervasive, noting that over 80% had some neg-
. ative interactions with peers ( McGuire, Anderson, Toomey, & Russell, 2010 ).
j
: The idea that adolescent girls lose their true selves in order to become more
!
feminine gained traction in the 1990s when several movies, such as Love and
Basketball and She’s All That, showed a character transition from acting like a
tomboy to behaving and dressing in a more traditionally feminine manner. The
result was that she became happier and more popular. The book Reviving Oph-
! elia, published in the same decade, painted a dire picture of many girls’ transition
i
into adolescence ( Piphcr, 1994 ). The author, therapist Mary Pipher, described
how girls morphed from confident children into passive pcople - plcascrs whose
only goal is to attract men.
=
The girls featured in Reviving Ophelia were primarily White, but there’s evi -
dence that many girls of color face similar experiences ( Chan, 2008; Denner
& Dunbar, 2004 ). For example, several studies have found that adolescent
Latinx girls feel pressure to conform to feminine cultural ideals such as fam-
ily commitment, respect for authority, and restrictions on where they can go
( DeLeon , 1996; Negy 8c Woods, 1992; Solis, 1995 ) . They learn to sacrifice
their needs in order to maintain the reputation and well - being of the family
( Gil & Vazquez, 1996 ). In a more recent study, researchers found that Mexican
1
American adolescent girls who had a strong sense of ethnic identity more
strongly identified with the feminine values of being virtuous, chaste, and com -
mitted to the family ( Sanchez, Vandcwatcr, & Hamilton, 2017 ).
Additional research has suggested that gender intensification and die negative
consequences associated with it may have been a bigger problem in the past than
is true today. For example, researchers followed a group of adolescents from fifth
grade to ninth grade and found no large increase in fem -
ininity or decrease in masculinity among die girls ( Priess,
Lindberg, 8c Hyde, 2009 ). Girls did endorse higher levels of
femininity than boys in fifth grade, and both girls and boys
your turn i
'
rose slightly in femininity over the four years. However, girls

Did you reach puberty before your peers, *1
didn’t become particularly more feminine than boys during
around the same time as your peers, or
that time . In terms of masculine traits, there was no difference
after your peers? Do you think the timing
between the girls and boys. They consistently scored equally of puberty affected your development?
high in masculine traits from fifth to ninth grade. These find - If yes. in what ways? If no. why not?
ings suggest that while there’s a perception that adolescent How were the early- and late-maturing
girls become passive and feminine and lose their assertiveness children whom you knew treated by their
and independence, this pattern is not fully supported. peers? How important was the timing of
Of course, adolescence isn’t completely smooth sailing for puberty to you (and your peers)?
all young women . As they enter puberty and gain body fat,
their body image concerns increase ( Williams 8c Curie, 2000 ),
a topic we’ll cover in Chapter 6. Girls who reach puberty earlier
than their peers may be especially at risk for negative consequences including depres-
sion, unplanned pregnancy, and delinquent behaviors ( Hayward, Killen, Wilson &
Hammer, 1997; Skoog & Stattin, 2014 ). This may be related to socializing with
older peers and facing pressures to engage in activities that they’re not emotionally
ready for ( Clemans, DeRose, Graber, Brooks-Gunn, 2010; Skoog & Stattin, 2014 ).
-
In addition to the risks associated with being an early maturing girl, other
risks are associated with the transition to adolescence. For example, it’s a time
when young women start to feel less confident about their skills in math and sci-
ence and begin to see math as a male domain ( Leedy, LaLonde, & Runk, 2003 ).
This is true even though their performance in math and science classes remains
equal to that of men through college ( Voyer 8c Voycr, 2014 ).
Also, while sports participation is highly beneficial for young women, there is
a decrease in sports participation and physical activity for young girls throughout

I
adolescence ( Biddle, Whitehead , O’Donovan, & Ncv-

ill, 2005; Pate, Dowda, O’Neill, & Ward , 2007 ). Early-
maturing girls are particularly likely to stop engaging in
physical activity, which can worsen feelings of depression
and low self-worth ( Davison, Werder, Trost, Baker, &
Birch , 2007). Maturing early may make young women feel
uncomfortable about engaging in physical activity, espe -
cially if they have to wear uniforms that are revealing ( e.g.,
short shorts or swimsuits ) . When girls start to develop
breasts, they may find running to be awkward or embar-
rassing. All these factors may contribute to a decrease in
sports participation around the time of puberty.
However, not all girls give up masculine activities such as
sports when they hit puberty. An example of this is in die movie
Bend It Like Beckham ( 2002 ), in which Jesminder ( Jess ) resists
family pressure to embrace traditional femininity. Instead, she
continues to play soccer. In fact, there are important advan -
tages to maintaining some aspects of tomboyism, particularly
engagement in sports. In one study, researchers found higher
self-esteem in young women who continued to participate
in sports in high school dian diose who didn’t ( Richman &
Schaffer, 2000 ). In other studies, researchers found that, com-
pared to diose who don’t engage in sports, young women
who do play sports feel better about dieir bodies ( Dishman ct al., 2006 ) and are
more likely to embrace odier positive, masculine personality characteristics such as
being self-confident, active, and independent ( Richman 8c Schaffer, 2000 ).
As this section has shown, while there’s pressure for girls to engage in gen -
der intensification , the stereotype of the passive and silenced adolescent girl is
outdated. Many girls continue to be active and independent as they mature.
Yet there are some risks as young women develop, and an early maturation into
puberty seems to intensify these risks.
Conclusion
Gender socialization doesn’t end in adolescence, and gendered expectations con -
tinue throughout life. We’ll explore these topics in later chapters that cover important
—
il
'
si!
'
i
life transitions for example, Chapter 8 ( Relationships ), Chapter 9 ( Reproduction
:
f
I and Mothering ), Chapter 10 ( Work ), and Chapter 11 ( Older Women ).
»;
«•
Gender socialization is a complex process incorporating unconscious forces,
•
i :!! • cognitive schemas, and observational learning. This begins before birth and
| {! continues throughout our lives. As you learn about the gender socialization
|;
1 :•
i 228 Chapter 5 Gender Socialization
\
»
i
:
process, you may find that you notice ways in which messages about gender
have shaped your own life and your understanding of yourself, for better or
for worse. To a great extent, our understanding of ourselves is tied up with
what we’ve learned is appropriate for our gender. However, while these mes-
sages are everywhere, they also can be resisted . For example, the young women
introduced at the beginning of the chapter resisted socialization messages and
managed to change their environments while doing so. As you begin to notice
the omnipresence of gender socialization, can you also notice the big and small
ways in which people resist it ?
Chapter Review
i
SUMMARY
Theories of Gender Development Social construction theories focus on how
Psychoanalytic theories focus on unconscious beliefs about gender are constructed and can
forces that shape gender socialization . vary according to time, place, or culture.
Freud assumed that many gender differences
arc due to women’s lack of and desire for a Sources of Gender Socialization
penis. His theories arc criticized for sexism Messages about gender are conveyed through
as well as lack of scientific validity and poor books, television, movies, video games, and
operationalization of constructs. social media.
Karen Horncy proposed that women don’t In books, women are generally shown as
envy men’s penises but rather their social working in the home, and girls are shown
power. She also proposed that men suffer from as passive responders to action. Even books
womb envy and are jealous of the ability to give touted as being non -sexist portray girls and
birth . boys unequally.
Nancy Chodorow hypothesized that gender In television shows, boys are more likely to
differences stem from the fact that women be shown being active and solving problems
do the majority of the caregiving, so girls are while girls are more likely shown as physically
closer to their mothers and develop a sense of attractive and spending time primping.
self that is more connected to others. In television and video games, female
Behavioral theories focus on how the superheroes are strong and assertive, but
environment shapes gender; they include they’re also sexualized.
reinforcement and observational learning. Social media gives girls the opportunity to
Cognitive developmental dieories focus on how compare themselves to others and, as a result,
children create schemas about gender and self- learn gender norms.
socialize in order to fit into their internalized Girls of color are underrepresented in all forms
gender role. of media.
Chapter Review 229

Toys marketed to girls generally promote Stages of Gender Development
caretaking and domestic work, while toys Gender socialization begins before birth, and
marketed to boys generally promote activity assumptions about sex/gcnder can influence
and skill building. die way people treat babies.
i
Parents treat children differently in terms of Pre-school is a time when children internalize
encouraging gender-typed play, encouraging rigid gender schemas and engage in gender
more independence and risk taking in boys, policing.
encouraging emotional expression with girls During middle childhood , many girls lose
more than boys, and expecting girls to do more interest in the trappings of femininity
chores around the house. and identify as tomboys. The loosening
Peers engage in gender-segregated play and of gender rigidity is only true for girls;
borderwork designed to keep girls and boys boys are penalized by peers for expressing
separate. Peers can exclude, tease, and bully femininity.
T
:!i l gender non-conforming children.
J ] Adolescent girls experience gender
A hidden curriculum in schools socializes girls intensification. Although most adolescent girls
to enact traditional forms of femininity. Black successfully navigate this stage , die risks of
ii girls are subject to excessive disciplinary action negative outcomes are higher for those who hit
and may feel that their needs and achievements puberty early.
are unrecognized.
•
’. *1
KEY TERMS
: gender socialization ( p. 193) cognitive developmental theories ( p. 199 )
‘ iii ' psychoanalytic theories ( p. 194) gender labeling ( p. 199 )
Oedipus complex ( p. 195) gender schema theory ( p. 200 )
castration anxiety ( p. 195) gender constancy ( p. 200 )
penis envy ( p. 195) postmodern perspective ( p. 201)
Electra complex ( p. 195 ) social construction theories ( p. 201 )
womb envy ( p. 196 ) doing gender ( p. 201 )
behavioral theories ( p. 196) gender segregation ( p. 214 )
operant conditioning ( p. 197) borderwork ( p. 215)
! i
social learning theories ( p. 197) hidden curriculum ( p. 216 )
observational learning ( p. 197) gender rigidity ( p. 222 )
self-socialization ( p. 199) gender intensification ( p. 225 )
I! ;
\ j; !' *
-I ! THINK ABOUT IT
1. What are the advantages of and limits to the 2. Go to a store or website that sells
different theories about gender development? children’s toys and clothing. Are items
- Think about your own gender socialization organized by gender? Using the research on
process. What gender theory best describes it? gender socialization, what are the benefits and
In what ways does the theory fit? In what ways costs of organizing products in this way ?
does it not reflea your experiences?

5
• .
J
it
3. Should schools address the hidden curriculum ? 4. Given the contradictory messages girls receive
If so, what specific recommendations would about gender, what advice would you give to
you make to ensure inclusivity? an adolescent girl as she enters middle school?
!
=
ONLINE RESOURCES
—
Feminist Frequency conversations with
feminist writers, activists, artists, and scholars
—
Popaganda conversations about movies,
books, and TV from a feminist perspective:
E
working in media: feministfrcqucncy.com -

bitchmedia.org/fcminist podcasts/ popaganda
—
How to Be a Girl conversations
with single mom Mario Mack and her
—
The Representation Project evaluates
gender stereotypes in film and media:
transgender daughter as they attempt to thereprcsentationproject.org
sort out just what it means to be a girl:
howtobcagirlpodcast.com —
Rookie Mag a feminist alternative to
traditional teen magazines written by girls for :
girls: rookiemag.com
Chapter Review 231

i \
: Y v-
.
<?*rs. ' •< ‘
-/<
IN 2004, DOVE, INC., launched its Campaign for Real Beauty, in which billboard,
print, and television advertising featured images of "real" women. Many of the
ads showed several women in a row wearing simple white underwear. Viewers,
therefore, could see the women's diversity — their different sizes, different body
shapes, different skin tones. On the surface, this campaign seemed progressive
because it featured a diverse array of "real" women instead of traditional models.
It certainly was a striking change from the usual portrayal of women in the media
-
. White). However, while many people praised the campaign as
(e.g., young, thin
being empowering for women, it was also criticized and can be considered an
example of empowertising ( as discussed in Chapter 1).
One reason this ad campaign may have been empowering was that it
prompted increased discussion about media portrayals of women and female -
.[
beauty. The campaign, and the underlying idea that beauty isn't about any one
specific look, received significant media attention with coverage on shows such
as Good Morning America , The View , and Ellen . The fact that an array of body
types not typically seen in advertising was at the heart of this campaign was
compelling. Moreover, the ads didn ' t just show different bodies — the ads por-
trayed them positively. For example, a dark-skinned woman wasn't shown trying
to lighten her skin, a woman with small breasts wasn ' t shown trying to increase
V This billboard, pictured

in New York City in 2005.
features one of the iconic
lineup images at the heart
of Dove' s Campaign for
Real Beauty. What messages,
both positive and negative,
do ads like this send ?
233
i /! I
*
.
her cup size, and a curly-haired woman wasn't shown trying to straighten her
hair. Many people would argue that, because of the positive portrayal of diverse
bodies, the campaign was empowering to women.
Yet some elements generated a lot of criticism. First, while some of the ads
showed women "who were wrinkled, freckled, pregnant, had stretch marks,
or might be seen as fat" as compared to traditional media images of women
(Johnston & Taylor, 2008, p. 942), the women in the ads still didn't reflect the
average woman. For example, the women in the lineup ad wore U.S. clothing
sizes 6-12. This is larger than the typical commercial model ( size 4; Mears, 2011)
but smaller than the average American woman (size 16/18; Christel & Dunn, 2016).
•
.i Also, the women in the ads generally didn' t have tattoos,
scars, or visible disabilities, and they had smooth skin and
your turn were mostly young. In this way, Dove seemed to be encour -
M aging body positivity while featuring women who still largely
Do a quick image search on "Dove conformed to traditional beauty standards. In fact, the orig-
i:.
;
Campaign for Real Beauty." What do you
i . inal campaign was centered on advertising a line of "skin
think of it? Based on what you've read
firming" products. So the ads indirectly said that women can
u !i
here, what aspects of it do you like, and
why? Do any aspects of it trouble you? be beautiful as long as they aren't too heavy, aren' t disabled,
i
If so, which ones, and why? Ask at least have styled hair, and have firm skin ( presumably because
three friends or family members to do the
they've bought and used Dove products).
same image search. How do they react to
this campaign? Do their responses vary .
Of course Dove is in business to sell products, and this
by age? Do they vary by gender? Given campaign definitely helped its bottom line. Previously best
the company's economic goals, can you known for its bar soap, the company raised its brand aware-
think of any type of advertising campaign
ness and increased its market share largely as a result of this
that wouldn't result in at least some of
Vjvj '••'iticisms you've read about here? campaign (Jeffers, 2005). Ironically, Dove's parent compa -
ny, Unilever, markets SlimFast, a diet supplement; the Axe
product line, known for ads featuring sexualized images of
women; and Fair & Lovely, a brand of skin-lightening products sold in many coun-
tries. Thus, while Dove was sending the message that women should accept their
bodies, the parent company's other products send messages that women's bod-
ies are unacceptable as they currently are. The Dove campaign represents some
of the mixed messages wpmen receive about their bodies.
l In this chapter, we'll talk about the cultural focus on women's bodies. Women
mi spend a great deal of time thinking about their bodies from the outside (how they
look). This is largely because the female body is generally portrayed as something
to be looked at. We'll discuss the messages girls and women receive about what is
beautiful, and we'll explore the impact of accepting these views. One consequence
234 Chapter 6 Women's Bodies

of girls and women spending a lot of time focusing on their bodies from the position
of an observer is that they tend to pay less attention to what their bodies actually
do. Therefore, we 'll also discuss some of the functions of women's bodies ( e.g., men-
struation) and examine why these functions are often shrouded in secrecy. Finally,
we'll explore some ways that girls and women can shift their focus away from how
their bodies look to an appreciation for all of the things that their bodies can do.
Women's Bodies: From

the Outside Looking In
What is objectification, and how is it related to
self -objectification ?
In many ways, society' is obsessed with the appearance of

women’s bodies, and images of their bodies are constantly on
display. As a result, girls and women can become preoccupied
with their appearance, viewing their bodies as objects to be
gazed at and enjoyed by others. When this happens, the
internal qualities that make a girl or woman unique can get
ignored , and instead , her body and appearance become the
primary source of information about her ( Bartky, 1990 ). This
—
process is known as objectification the viewing of a person
as an object to be looked at rather than as a human being
inhabiting a skin ( Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997 ). Objectifi -
cation is generally framed as the female body being an object
gazed at by others. Those others are typically thought to be
heterosexual men, and therefore the male gaze is central to
the understanding of objectification . While men also experi -
ence objectification , it’s a far more common experience for
women, and the consequences of living in a culture of objecti-
fication are more severe for women ( Calogero & Thompson,
2010 ). In fact, art critic John Berger ( 1972 ) summed up the
dominance of the objectifying gaze toward women when he
stated that “ men look at women ” and “ women watch them -
selves being looked at ” ( p. 47 ). The gaze can occur in every-
—
day interactions for example, a man can be at a bar checking
a woman out, or a woman can walk down the street, and a
man may oogle her or catcall.
Women's Bodies: From the Outside Looking In

However, the gaze is more complicated than these examples of everyday inter -
actions suggest. Media images of women, for example, often put the observer
in the position of the gazer. The iconic lineup ad in Dove’s Campaign for Real
Beauty was primarily intended for viewing by women ( the target market for
Dove’s products ). Of course, these ads were also viewed by men, and some men
even made critical comments about die women’s bodies. Perhaps most promi -
nently, film critic Richard Roeper said, in a Chicago Sun-Times editorial, “ I find
these Dove ads a little unsettling. If I want to see plump gals baring too much
skin, I’ll go to Taste of Chicago, OK? I’ll walk down Michigan Avenue or go
to Navy Pier. When we’re talking women in their underwear on billboards out-
side my living room windows, give me die fantasy babes, please” ( Roeper, 2005,
p. 11). However, the ad wasn’t primarily designed for men to look at women.
Essentially, everyone who saw it was die gazer, seeing die women from behind
the camera. Placing the “audience” in die role of the gazer isn’t unique to diis
—
ad or even to advertising in particular. Even decades ago, before the psychologi -
cal study of objectification began, it was documented as a common strategy when
displaying women’s bodies in art ( Berger, 1972 ), movies ( Mulvey, 1975 ), and
advertising ( Goffman, 1979 ). More recent research has shown that not only does
this pattern persist, but objectification has actually increased (Thompson , 2000 ).
Given the extent of attention on women’s bodies, it isn’t surprising that many
women also gaze at and “check out” odier women’s bodies. This practice isn’t sim-
ply about sexual desire. If that were true, only heterosexual men, lesbians, or odiers
who are attracted to women would gaze at women’s bodies. In fact, researchers
find that women’s bodies are examined and evaluated bodi by women and men
and by people of all sexual orientations ( Gervais, Holland, & Dodd, 2013; Strelan
& Hargreaves, 2005). The Dove ads, however, were aimed at women die con -—
sumers most likely to purchase Dove products. Female viewers were essentially
invited to objectify the models, compare themselves to die models, find themselves
lacking, and decide to buy a Dove product in order to remedy diat situation.
Objectification theory addresses how living in a culture that objectifies
women is harmful to women. According to psychologists Barbara Fredrickson
i
and Tomi-Ann Roberts (1997), the developers of this theory, women “internalize
an observer’s perspective as a primary view of their physical selves” ( p. 173).
Essentially, they turn the objectifying gaze on themselves in order to evaluate
the extent to which they conform to societal standards of beauty. When people
1 do this, they’re engaging in self-objectification. It can occur in many situations,
i and in certain contexts it’s considered normal , expected , and even beneficial.
For example, when trying on new clothes in a store, it’s normal to consider how
we look in them. In the moment when we look in the mirror and consider our
appearance as another person would, we are self-objectifying.
However, some people spend an excessive amount of time thinking about
how their bodies look. While playing tennis, they may wonder whether their
arms are jiggling; when giving an oral presentation, they may wonder if their

stomach looks too big. People who self-objectify on a regular basis are consid -
ered to be self-objcctifiers. Frequent self-objectification can become very dis-
tracting, and as we’ll see, even occasional self-objectification can have negative
consequences for the mental health of young women ( e.g., Moradi & Huang,
2008 ). We’ll cover the consequences later in this chapter, but before doing so,
we’ll explore why the focus on beauty matters so much in the first place.
Beauty Matters
What is normative discontent, and what are some of the consequences of
not conforming to society's version of attractiveness?
The objectifying gaze is not value neutral . It implies that there are good bodies
and bad bodies, and that beauty matters. But inevitably, most women are
unable to live up to society’s standards of beauty. Dove stated that it launched
its Campaign for Real Beauty after commissioning a study in which only 2% of
female respondents selected the word beautiful to describe themselves ( Etcoff,
Orbach , Scott, &: D’Agostino, 2004; see Table 6.1). Because of research find -
ings like this, women have been described as living in a continual state of
TABLE 6.1 Adjectives Women Would Be Most Comfortable Using to

Describe Their Appearance
Adjective Endorsement Rate
natural 31%
average 25%
attractive 9%
feminine 8%
cute 7%
good -looking 7%
pretty 5%
beautiful 2%
sexy 1%
sophisticated 1%
stunning 1%
gorgeous 0%
Note . Data from EtcofF ct al . ( 2004 ) .
Beauty Matters 237

body dissatisfaction , meaning that they don’t feel comfortable or satisfied with
their physical appearance. Several studies have found that approximately half of
girls and women are dissatisfied with their bodies, and most want to be thinner
( Bearman, Presnell, Martinez, & Stice, 2006; Smolak, 2012; Tantleff - Dunn,
Barnes, & Larose, 2011). In fact, a survey of over 9,000 women indicated that
89% of respondents were dissatisfied with their bodies in terms of weight, and
j:
84% wanted to be thinner (Swami, Tran, Stieger, Voracek, 8c The YouBeauty.
;
com Team, 2015).
Body dissatisfaction has the potential to be a lifelong issue for women, as it has
been found in girls as young as 5 years of age ( Dohnt 8c Tiggemann, 2005 ) and
in women as old as 70 ( Mangweth -Matzek et al., 2006 ) . The phenomenon of
girls and women being dissatisfied with their bodies has been referred to as a nor-
mative discontent ( Rodin, Silberstein, & Streigel- Moore, 1984; Tantleff- Dunn
et al., 2011), meaning that the normal state for girls and women with respect to
their bodies is to feel unhappy or dissatisfied. Of course, normative discontent
among women is essential to the bottom line of the multi - billion -dollar beauty
industry. A huge part of that economic sector is driven by convincing women
that they must be beautiful to be happy and by promoting standards of beauty
that are almost impossible to achieve.
The popularity of the Dove campaign, and the fact that diet supplements,
makeup, and other beauty products are multi- billion - dollar industries, reveal
just how enormously beauty matters to girls and women in our society. How-
ever, it isn’t simply an issue of vanity. In our society, girls and women are
constantly evaluated by the extent to which they meet beauty standards. For
example, research shows that people assume that those who are beautiful are
also good ( Dion, Berscheid, 8c Walster, 1972; Langlois et al., 2000 ). More-
over, many girls and women assume that their lives will be better if they more
closely conform to beauty standards ( Engeln-Maddox, 2006 ). There may be
some truth to this assumption: In one study, researchers found that attractive
children and adults were treated more positively by others than unattractive
ones were ( Langlois et al., 2000 ). Other studies have shown that women who
don’t conform to beauty ideals are often the targets of ridicule and shaming
(e.g., Chrisler, 2012) and may have a more difficult time getting hired and
promoted at work ( Fiske, Bersoff, Borgida, Deaux, 8c Heilman, 1991).
Being overweight, in particular, can be problematic, as higher-weight indi-
viduals are more likely to face discrimination in many contexts, including edu-
cation, health-care settings, employment, and relationships ( e.g., Burmeister,
Kiefner, Cards, 8c Musher-Eizenman, 2013; Carr 8c Friedman, 2005; Chen
8c Brown, 2005; Han, Norton, 8c Stearns, 2009 ). Women, more so than men,
are likely to be targets of fat shaming ( Chrisler, 2012 ). It’s also important to
recognize that fatness can be related to poverty ( Rothblum, 2011 ). Whereas
eating healthy meals and staying fit often involve spending a fair amount of
-
money, high caloric, processed foods with low nutritional value are cheap

( Drewnowski & Specter, 2004 ). A dollar can buy 1,200
calories of potato chips, for example, as compared to
only 250 calories of vegetables or 170 calories of fresh
spotlight on . >
fruit ( Townsend , Grant, Monsivais, Keim, & Drewn -

owski, 2009 ). Gym memberships and workout videos The Selfie
are also costly, and even informal exercising requires
time and a space to do it in . What is the potential effect of social media
on young women's tendency to engage in
Further, while poverty may cause fatness, there’s evi-
self -objectification? For many individuals,
dence that the opposite may also be true ( Ernsberger,
a large part of interacting on Facebook,
2009 ) . In contemporary society, size discrimination Instagram, and Twitter is the taking and
is so great that fatness can actually lead to downward posting of selfies. This practice illustrates
social mobility ( Rothblum, 2011 ). In most places in the how young women tend to view their
United States, for example, it is legal to discriminate bodies from an observer ' s perspective.
based on weight . Law professor Paul Campos ( 2004 ) Instead of wondering how they look or
has argued that fat prejudice is just a modern way to having to catch a glimpse of themselves
discriminate without being openly sexist, racist, or clas- in a mirror, they can take a selfie and
sist . This type of discrimination perpetuates the myth of immediately go from inhabiting their body
—
transformation the widespread belief that weight loss to observing it. While there's not yet a lot
of research on this topic, some studies indi-
will result in increased economic and interpersonal gains
cate that higher levels of selfie posting are
(Striegel - Moore & Franco, 2002 ).
related to higher levels of body dissatisfac -
Beyond norms of thinness, violations of any beauty
tion and greater internalization of the thin
norms can be problematic. In one study, when research- ideal among girls ( Cohen, Newton-John, &
ers showed participants a picture of a woman with leg Slater, 2018; McLean, Paxton, Wertheim, &
and underarm hair, the participants rated her not only as Masters, 2015). Moreover, body concerns
less attractive but also as less intelligent, less happy, and are greater for those who edit their selfies
less sociable than the same woman pictured without body before posting in an effort to "improve"
hair ( Basow & Braman, 1998 ). Women of color face the their appearance. In contrast, other re-
added expectation that they conform to White standards search has shown that high body satisfac -
of beauty. For example, sociologist Patricia Hill Collins tion is actually related to selfie posting,
( 1990 ) noted that Black women may encounter barriers in part so girls and women can show how
satisfied they are with their appearance
in the workforce if they wear their hair “ natural ” ( i.e.,
( Ridgway & Clayton, 2016).
not straightened ). We’ll return to the topic of racialized
No matter what your gender identifica -
standards of beauty in the next section. tion is, do you take selfies? How often, and
To complicate matters, beauty is a double-edged in what situations? Do you ever edit your
sword because women can also be judged negatively —
selfies? If so, in what ways and why? If
if they seem too beautiful or focus too much on their not, why not ? How do you feel about selfies
appearance ( Heilman & Stopeck, 1985; Vaillancourt & in general and yours in particular ?
Sharma, 2011 ). In fact, women have been legally fired
for being too beautiful. For example, a dental assistant
in Iowa was fired because her boss felt she was attractive
enough to be a threat to his marriage, as he was tempted
to have an affair with her ( Kimmel, 2013 ). When deny-
ing her appeal, the Iowa Supreme Court ruled that she
239
!
• t
could “ be lawfully terminated simply because the boss views the employee as an
irresistible attraction ” ( para. 3 ).
So there are negative consequences for not conforming to beauty norms,
but there are also negative consequences for conforming to those norms. This
double bind means that some women are likely to spend a great deal of time
diinking about how they look, evaluating their bodies, and feeling depressed if
they decide their bodies don’t live up to society’s standards. Furthermore, to the
extent that women spend time, money, and energy enhancing their beauty, they
don’t have diat time, money, or energy to do other things.
i
;
Beauty Norms
What are some dominant beauty norms, and how does culture impact
these norms?
What does it mean to be beautiful? The term means different things to different
people and can differ across cultures and time frames. More generally, though,
beauty norms are shared standards for attractiveness, whether implicidy or
explicidy stated , diat are held by members of a given social group. Sometimes
—
these standards are taught explicidy by being stated outright for example,
young girls may be told to brush their hair before leaving the house. At other
—
times, diese standards are taught implicidy they’re never clearly stated, but
girls figure them out from cues in dieir environment and from seeing how others
behave. For example, girls might learn that straight hair is beautiful because they
see odier women using flat irons in a locker room ( or that curly hair is beauti -
ful because they see others using curling irons ). Like other social norms, these
standards convey information about what is accepted , expected, and valued, and
diese are generally well known and fairly uniform within a given group ( Zones,
2000 ). Would you say, for example, that Beyonce is an attractive woman ? Some
people may find her somewhat more or less appealing, but most would probably
admit that she’s beautiful.
- ;
Beautiful = Racialized
3 A serious limitation of research on beauty is that not all beauty norms have
received equal attention. The vast majority of studies on body image and
body satisfaction have used samples consisting primarily of White women and
have been conducted mosdy by White researchers (Striegel- Moore & Smolak,
2000 ). Therefore, the results may only reflect patterns among and concerns of
White women. Many studies also use White women as a comparison group,

which limits the ways in which researchers can understand beauty norms within
groups of women who aren’t White.
In fact, several studies have shown that White women are more dissatisfied with
their bodies than Black women are ( Grabe 8c Hyde, 2006; Kronenfeld , Reba-
;‘ s
Harrelson, Von Holle, Reyes, 8c Bulik, 2010 ). One reason why Black women may
report greater body satisfaction is that the norms most frequendy investigated
—
particularly the norm of thinness ( a topic we discuss below ) may be less central
— ;
i
i-
to their perception of beauty ( Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2003; Capodilupo, 2015;
:
i!
Hesse - Biber, Howling, Leavy, 8c Lovejoy, 2004; Hall, 1995 b ).
Given this consideration , researchers may not be focusing on the concerns of
and beauty norms relevant for women or any other specific group. For example,
one factor that contributes to body dissatisfaction among women experiencing .
homelessness is lack of consistent access to hygiene products ( Mitchell, Ramsey,
8c Nelson, 2018 ) . Women who have the privilege not to think about this, how-
ever, may never consider that this factor could contribute to body image.
Skin Color and Colorism Women of color may have different sources of dis-
satisfaction about their bodies that stem from a history of racism . In fact, there
has been a long history of colorism, or preference for lighter skin, both within
die United States as a whole and among the Black community itself ( Kerr, 2005;
2006 ). For example, in an interview for The New Yorker, Nobel Prize-winning !
author Toni Morrison talked about the “ paper bag test,” something she encoun-
tered as a student at Howard University ( Als, 2003 ). She explained that having
skin “ darker than the paper bag put you in one category, similar to the bag put :
you in another, and lighter was yet another and the most privileged category” ( p.
68 ) . Essentially, Morrison was saying, the closer one is to having “White ” skin,
die more privileged one is. In this context, both skin color and hair texture have
been highlighted as aspects of appearance that may be particularly important for
Black girls and women ( Awad et al., 2015; Hall, 1995 b; Hesse - Biber et al., 2004; !
Neal 8c Wilson , 1989 ) . Several studies have shown that when women of color are
satisfied with their skin color, they also tend to be satisfied with their bodies and
have higher self - esteem ( Falconer 8c Neville, 2000; Thompson 8c Keith, 2001 ).
In one study involving women of color, concern about the color of their i.
skin was related to higher general levels of body shame ( Buchanan, Fischer,
Tokar, 8c Yoder, 2008 ). Likewise, Asian and Asian American women have also
identified skin color as a beauty concern ( Brady et al., 2017; Chen, Yamal,
Chick, 8c Jablonski, 2018; Hall, 1995a ), and skin -whitening creams are popular
particularly in Asia ( Karnani, 2007 ). Many Asian cultures have traditionally
—
viewed light skin as a sign of femininity, purity, and upper-class status ( Chen et al.,
2018; Kawamura 8c Rice, 2009 ). This perspective has been linked to the feet
that wealthier Asian women didn’t have to work outside in agricultural and other
labor-intensive jobs ( Chen et al., 2018; Jones, 2013). So in addition to racism,
the focus on light skin reflects classist views that have influenced beauty norms.
Beauty Norms 241

!
Hair Texture and Facial Features Black women’s potential dissatisfaction

with hair texture has also been related to a White beauty ideal of longer, straight
or wavy hair rather than the very curly or kinky hair that’s more common among
Black women . The terms good, hair and bad hair have been used to refer to the
ease with which Black women can straighten and style their hair, and good hair
more closely resembles the hair of White women ( Bellinger, 2007; Robinson ,
. 2011 ). After being dismayed by his Black daughter’s desire to have straight hair,
a White writer for Sesame Street wrote a song called “ I Love My Hair ” for a
Muppet with an Afro and darker “skin ” to sing ( Darden , 2010 ).
Not all Black women who straighten their hair do so just to conform to
—
White beauty norms after all, everyone has opinions as to what styles best suit
them ( Hall, 1995 b ). Likewise, Black women who wear their hair “ natural ” often
view this choice as making a statement about their political views and pride in
their racial identity ( Bellinger, 2007; Neal & Wilson , 1989 ), and others may do
so to avoid daily styling and cosdy salon treatments ( Okazawa - Rey, Robinson ,
—
& Ward, 1987; Robinson, 2011 ). In fact , this is big business Black hair-care
product sales were estimated to be $2.56 billion in 2016 ( Easter, 2017 ).
Facial features have also been identified as another potential focus of dissatisfac-
tion for women of color. In one study, researchers found diat Chinese, Japanese,
and Asian Indian college students reported greater dissatisfaction with dicir facial
features, being particularly self -conscious about their eyes, as compared to White
Researchers studying body

satisfaction have been less
likely to study aspects of
appearance that may be of
concern to women of color
( e.g., hair texture, skin tone )
than aspects that concern
White women. How could
an intersectional framework
address this gap?

college students ( Mintz 8c Kashubeck, 1999 ). Larger and rounder eyes became
die aesthetic ideal because they’re associated with White people. Asian American
women ( and men ) have reported that they’ve experienced discrimination because
of their facial features ( Kawamura 8c Rice, 2009; Root, 1990 ). Given this finding,
it’s no surprise that eyelid surgery has become the most common plastic surgery
:
procedure selected by Asian American individuals (American Society of Plastic Sur- ?
geons, 2014 ). Further, rhinoplasties ( “ nose jobs” ) have increased in popularity ; Ii
among Latinx American and Asian American girls and women, although the proce- :
dures have been declining among Jewish American girls and women ( Baker, 2012 ).
Beautiful = Able- Bodied

!v
Research on beauty norms has reflected an able - bodied perspective. For exam- !,!
ple, women with chronic illnesses, those who have experienced serious injuries,
and diose with visible disabilities have unique concerns about their bodies that
aren’t captured in typical body image research . Although there hasn’t been much
research on the body image concerns of these groups of women, studies have
generally shown that women with disabilities report dissatisfaction with their
bodies ( e.g., Mathias 8: Harcourt, 2014; Taleporos 8c McCabe, 2001; Wolman, |
Resnick, Harris, 8c Blum , 1994 ), as do women with visible scarring from burns
( Connell, Coates, Doherty- Poirier, 8c Wood, 2013 ). Women with disabilities have
also reported more negative attitudes about their bodies compared to women 1 i
without disabilities ( Cromer et al., 1990; Moin, Duvdevany, 8c Mazor, 2009; i

Wolman et al., 1994 ). However, other research has found no real differences in
body image between women with and without disabilities ( Ben-Tovim 8c Walker, \*
I
1995 ). Still other research has show'll more complex relationships, reflecting a
need for more research about the experience of people with different disabilities.
For example, in one study, researchers found that poor body image was related to
dissatisfaction with prosthetics among amputees ( Murray 8c Fox, 2002 ).
Beautiful = Cisgender
For transgender and gender non -conforming individuals, body satisfaction may
be tied to their perceived sense of congruence between body presentation and
gender identity ( Kozee, Tylka, 8c Bauerband, 2012 ). And there can be serious
negative consequences for transw'omen who don’t pass as women. In a review of
hate crimes against transgender people in the United States, researchers found
that the vast majority of violence was perpetrated specifically against transgender
women ( Currah 8c Minter, 2000 ). Because the threat of violence is real, beauty
norms can play a particularly important role in the lives of transwomen.
Yet not everyone can afford all the many things needed to conform to con-
ventional beauty ideals. The financial resources and access to medical treatment
Beauty Norms 243

that arc necessary in order to meet these ideals aren’t available to most trans-
women because these individuals are among the poorest demographic group in
the United States (Talusan, 2015 ). In fact, the popular media took up the eco -
nomics of passing as a source of discussion following Caidyn Jenner’s glamorous
debut on die front cover of the July 2015 issue of Vanity Fair. Meredith Talusan
( 2015 ), a writer and editor, made this observation : “ If we accept Jenner because
she fits our understanding of the gender binary, then we’re celebrating not just
her transition but her economic privilege ” ( p. 1 ). When media outlets selectively
feature transwomen who not only meet, but exceed, beauty ideals, this practice
sets an impossible standard for most transwomen.
Beautiful = Symmetrical
One characteristic frequendy linked to perceived attractive-
ness is facial symmetry. A symmetrical face has features that
are die same size and shape and in the same location on each
—
side of the face with die right and left sides essentially being
mirror images. But most people don’t have symmetrical faces.
One eyebrow might be higher than the other, a nose may lean
slighdy to the left, or one corner of the mouth may pull a bit
higher than the other. Researchers who study facial symmetry
often use computer programs to generate images of faces that
are symmetrical and then ask participants to rate the attractive -
ness of various faces that differ in the degree of symmetry. Using
techniques like this, many studies have found that symmetri -
cal faces are consistendy rated as more attractive ( e .g., Fink,
Neave, Manning, & Grammer, 2006; Grammcr & Thornhill,
1994; Jones, DeBruine, & Litde, 2007; Rhodes, 2006 ) . Inves-
tigators aren’t sure why this effect occurs, however. Some have
suggested diat evolutionary preferences for selecting a poten -
tial mate underlie this preference ( Grammer, Fink, Moller, &
Thornhill, 2003). Symmetrical faces may signal good health
and good genes, and one study showed diat individuals with
During the 17th century, the Flemish symmetrical faces were perceived as being healthier than those
artist Peter Paul Rubens depicted with less symmetrical faces ( Fink ct al., 2006 ).
idealized female beauty through his
paintings of voluptuous women, like
those in this work titled The Three
Graces. Do you consider the three Beautiful = Thin
women depicted here to be beauties?
Why or why not ? Why might others While facial symmetry is a beauty standard that’s relatively
!- have a different view from yours? consistent across cultures and through time ( Rhodes, 2006 ),
die standard of thinness shows much more cultural variation.

The Barbie doll may be
viewed as a representation
of an ideal woman ' s body.
However, these pictures
show a Barbie doll next
to a doll that reflects the
-=
measurements of an average
19 - year - old girl — the age
Barbie is supposed to be.
Barbie is taller and has longer
legs and a longer neck than
the average 19 - year -old. If she
were scaled up to human size,
her bust would be 4 inches
larger and her waist would be
13 inches smaller than that of
the average girl.
For many centuries, heavy women were considered beautiful . This is evident , for
example, in art from ancient Greece, the Renaissance, and the 17th century
the time when Rubens painted highly sexualized pictures of heavy women
—
( Polivy, Garner, 8: Garfinkel, 1986 ). In fact , being heavy was considered a sign
of wealth , status, and sexuality ( Polivy et al ., 1986 ) . However, standards have
changed , so now thinness is considered a sign of beauty for women ( Calogero 8c
Thompson , 2010 ) . Furthermore, the gap between the body size of an average
woman and that of a model has grown . In 1975, a female model weighed only
8% less than the average woman; now a model weighs 23% less ( Ross, n.d.).
Given the influence of advertising images, it’s no surprise that many women
arc dissatisfied with their bodies and want to be thinner. Researchers have even
found a desire to be thinner among girls just starting elementary school ( Lowes
8c Tiggemann, 2003 ).
—
—
However, being thin isn’t enough. Women especially young, White
women are supposed to be thin with no obvious body fat, have well- defined
but sleek muscle tone, and have voluptuous breasts ( Calogero, Boroughs,
8c Thompson , 2007; Thompson 8c Tantleff, 1992 ) . Each of these standards
can be difficult , if not impossible, to achieve, but trying to meet all three
adds additional challenge . After all, muscle adds bulk and can make the body
appear less thin, and breasts are partly made of fat tissue. What are the impli-
cations of these beauty standards? In essence, girls and women are receiving
a message that they should reduce their caloric intake to become thinner,
increase their physical activity to become more muscular, and undergo surgery
—
to have larger breasts all in an effort to achieve an “ ideal ” body that ( almost )
no one has.
I
Beauty Norms 245
* . 11 j
I
I•
\
i : • Beautiful = Hairless
!
try it for yourself
A particular beauty norm that has received a lot of attention
lately is that of women having little to no body hair below the
Violating any social norm usually leads
neck. Actually, this isn’t a new norm. Ads in die United States
to feeling uncomfortable. To better
understand the effect that beauty norms promoting products to help women remove body hair have
have on you, try violating one or more been around since 1915 ( Hope, 1982 ). By 1945, ads no longer
of them by changing your behavior. If had to focus on convincing women to remove leg and under-
you normally wear makeup, try going arm hair; they just focused on the benefits of using a given
without it for one full day while still doing product. Numerous studies have shown diat most women in
all your normal activities (classes, work, the United States, die United Kingdom, and Australia regu -
etc.). If you’re able to do a day. try it for a larly remove body hair ( Basow, 1991; Tiggemann 8c Hodg-
1 week . . . maybe even a month. son, 2008; Tiggemann 8c Kenyon, 1998; Toerien, Wilkinson,
Maybe makeup isn't your thing. How 8c Choi, 2005 ), and younger women may be those most likely
; ;
about removing body hair? If you identify to do so (Toerien ct al., 2005 ). However, hair removal isn’t a
as a woman and typically remove leg and/
?
!
universal norm . For example, there’s less pressure for women
: t•
or underarm hair, don’t do this for at least
to remove body hair in some European countries ( Toerien
.' i a week—and try stretching it to a month
et al., 2005 ). Also, while many feminists opt to remove body
;
» I
» ; or even to the end of the semester. If
? ,1
you identify as a man and typically don’t hair, there is evidence that feminists are less likely to remove
I i
remove body hair below your neck, try it than women who don’t identify as feminists ( Basow, 1991 ).
.
J ii i
removing all your body hair from the neck More recendy, the decision to remove some or all of one’s
down, and continue for at least a week. You pubic hair has become a topic of research as an ideal of hairless
*
could even make this more challenging by female genitalia has developed ( McDougall, 2013). For example,
doing it while wearing clothing (e.g., tank in one study of women in Canada, 50% of respondents reported
;
{ tops, skirts, and shorts) that allow others to removing some pubic hair (e.g., at their bikini line ), and 30%
: see your body hair (or lack thereof ). reported removing all pubic hair ( Riddell, Varto, 8c Hodgson,
How does the idea of these challenges
2010 ). Some women remove pubic hair because they view it as
make you feel? How does actually doing
unattractive ( Braun, Tricklcbank, 8c Clarke, 2013; DeMaria 8c
them make you feel? Did engaging in
i
these exercises change the extent to
Berenson, 2013 ). However, all women are not equally likely to
i J
which you thought about your appear- engage in this practice. Research has shown diat older women
! ance? What about the way you thought are less likely than younger women to regularly remove pubic
about your appearance (or yourself hair and that diey remove less hair when doing so ( DeMaria 8c
1' in general)? How did others react— Berenson, 2013; Herbcnick, Schick, Reece, Sanders, 8c Forten-
|
= n ? •> !i
positively, negatively, or some of each? berry, 2010 ). Another study showed that White women were
more likely than Black or Latinx women to report removing
Thanks to Dr. Mala Matacin and
: pubic hair, and this practice was more common among women
Dr. Breanne Fahs for sharing their sug -
• i. j
with higher incomes ( DeMaria 8c Berenson, 2013).
}r gestions for similar activities.
i
U
. There are, of course, more beauty norms that we haven’t
j
't
—
specifically explored such as having clear skin and straight
teeth. Moreover, there’s still much to learn about die beauty
norms that are most relevant for different women, as well as the complex rela-
— tionships that women can have with their bodies for a host of reasons. Regard -
less, it’s clear that beauty norms do affect most women on a daily basis.
i
ZZl
: 246 Chapter 6 Women's Bodies

How We Learn about
Beauty Norms
What is the tripartite model of social influence, and how does each
component contribute to our understanding of beauty norms?
!
There is no one source from which people learn beauty norms. Instead, mes-
sages come from different sources at different points throughout the lifetime,
I
and this information is combined to influence perceptions of norms. The tri-
partite model of social influence is based on the idea that the combination
of parents, peers, and the media constitutes the key influence on body image
( Keery, van den Berg, & Thompson, 2004; Shroff & Thompson, 2006 ). These
three external factors influence whether we internalize beauty norms and judge
ourselves against them .
Parents
Parents, particularly mothers, influence how girls and women feel about
their bodies. For example, mothers’ discomfort with their own bodies and
—
weight has been related to decreased body esteem the degree to which
—
people view their bodies positively among their daughters ( McKinley, 1999;
Smolak, Levine, &: Schermcr, 1999 ). How people feel about their bodies is
also related to their relationships with their parents in general. Research with
a racially and ethnically diverse sample has shown that feeling as though one
doesn’t communicate well with one’s mother was related to higher levels
of body dissatisfaction ( Taniguchi & Aune, 2013 ). Problematic communica -
tion with fathers was also related to body dissatisfaction ,
but the relationship was stronger for poor communication
with mothers.
Sometimes parents communicate with their children in your turn
ways that imply a criticism of their child’s body. Encour-
agement to lose weight by both mothers and fathers has What sort of messages did your parents
been shown to be related to a desire to be thinner ( Thelan give you about weight and attractiveness?
Did you get different messages from your
& Cormier, 1995 ), and girls have been found to receive
mother and your father (or other key adult
more information about weight and dieting from their par-
figures in your life)? Do you think your
ents than boys do ( Phares, Steinberg, & Thompson, 2004 ) .
mother (or other key female figures in your
Research has also shown that comments, criticism, and teas- life) is satisfied with her own appearance?
ing from family about weight and appearance are linked to Does this affect your view of yourself?
decreased body satisfaction among girls ( Levine, Smolak, & If you have siblings with a gender identity
Hayden, 1994; Neumark-Sztainer et al ., 2010 ). that's different from yours, did they
Parents can positively influence their children’s body receive the same messages you did?
image, though . Research with a racially and ethnically
How We Learn about Beauty Norms 247

diverse sample of girls highlighted that having parents who didn’t discuss their
own weight- related concerns and who emphasized healthy eating and exercise
for fitness radier than dieting was associated with high levels of body satisfaction
( Kelly, Wall, Eisenbcrg, Story, & Neumark-Sztainer, 2005 ) . However, other
research has shown that peer influence is often more important among adoles-
cents than parental influence ( Sheldon, 2013 ) .
Peers
Many girls and women compare their bodies to those of their peers, and when
girls and women judge themselves as less attractive than those around them ,
they report greater body dissatisfaction ( Bailey Sc Ricciardeli , 2010 ) . More-
over, body dissatisfaction isn’t limited to girls with low social status. In tact ,
in one study of adolescent girls, researchers found that popularity was actually
! associated with more negative attitudes toward eating and feeling more neg -
atively about their bodies ( Lieberman , Gauvin , Bukowski, Sc White, 2001 ).
; i Beauty and appearance can be common topics of conversation among women
as they share beauty tips and techniques as well as advice about products
and services. Research shows that those who talk about appearance more fre -
quently with friends are more concerned with beauty norms and are gener-
ally more dissatisfied with their bodies ( Jones, 2001; Jones, Vigfusdottir, Sc
Lee, 2004 ).
Often, die way girls and women talk to each other about their bodies involves
negative body talk, or fat talk. Such talk usually occurs in informal conver-
sations among friends in which one or more of the girls or women involved
express dissatisfaction with their bodies, especially in terms of weight or body
size/shape. For example, if two teenage girls are in a store dressing room , one
who looks quite thin might say, “I look so fat in this shirt.” The other girl might
reply, “ No you don’t. You look great, but my thighs are so huge in these pants!”
; Research suggests that interactions like this happen frequently ( Britton , Martz,
Bazzini, Curtin, 8c LeaShomb, 2006; Garnett et al., 2014; Jones, Crowther,
: & Ciesla, 2014; Salk 8c Engcln- Maddox, 2011), that they happen across racial
groups (Engeln -Maddox, Salk, & Miller, 2012; Katrevich , Register, 8c Aruguete,
i: 2014 ), and that they happen regardless of body size (Salk 8c Engeln - Maddox,
2011 ). Moreover, fat talk doesn’t just happen in person; it also occurs on social
a •
media ( I>ce, Taniguchi, Modica, 8c Park, 2013 ). In fact, talk like this is so nor-
mative diat participants in one study thought a conversation was more realis-
- ?
tic when it contained fat talk rather than positive body talk ( Barwick, Bazzini,
Martz, Rocheleau, 8c Curtin, 2012 ).
The purpose of fat talk appears to be to elicit a positive response from peers.
After someone calls herself fat, the usual response is for someone else to con-
tradict her and cither give her a compliment or insult herself. But what is die
" I!
i 248 Chapter 6 Women's Bodies
i
j
consequence of fat talk ? Does it boost self-esteem if it results
in a compliment ? The answer appears to be no; there’s
nothing positive about fat talk. In several studies, it has
your turn
been associated with body dissatisfaction ( Engcln - Maddox
Do you engage in fat talk? If so, how
et al., 2012; Ousley, Cordero, 8c White, 2007; Salk 8c
frequently? Does it make you feel better
Engeln-Maddox, 2011 ), and it’s possible that the fat talk
or worse about yourself ? Who do you
causes the dissatisfaction , rather than the dissatisfaction engage in fat talk with? What do you do
causing the fat talk. when you hear women initiate fat talk?
Even listening to fat talk can have detrimental effects. If you do engage in fat talk, does reading
Researchers have found that hearing other women engage about its negative consequences inspire
in fat talk leads to increased body dissatisfaction, even you to stop?
among those who felt good about their bodies in the first
place ( Corning, Bucchianeri, 8c Pick, 2014; Salk 8c Engeln -
Maddox, 2012 ) . In other words, if a girl were in a locker
room next to two girls participating in fat talk, she would probably feel worse
about herself as a result. Even though it increases body dissatisfaction, some
women may enjoy participating in it because it invokes a friend telling them they
aren’t fat (Salk 8c Engeln - Maddox, 2011 ) . For this and many other reasons, fat
talk can be a difficult cycle to stop.
Fat talk isn ’t the worst social interaction one can have about one’s body,
though . Explicitly negative interactions such as teasing, bullying, and making
weight - related comments are all key ways that peers may influence percep -
tions of beauty norms. Peer teasing has repeatedly been found to relate to
levels of body dissatisfaction , as well as to more serious problems such as eat -
ing disorders ( Cash 8c Henry, 1995; Fabian 8c Thompson , 1989; Gleason,
Alexander, 8c Somers, 2000; Menzel et al ., 2010; Thompson , Cattarin,
Fowler, 8c Fisher, 1995 ). We also know that the effects of negative comments
about appearance don’t just affect girls during childhood ; these effects can
persist into adulthood ( McLaren , Kuh , Hardy, 8c Gauvin , 2004; Murray,
Touyz, 8c Beumont, 1995; Paxton , Schutz, Wertheim , 8c Muir, 1999 ).
—
Positive comments can also be problematic at least when they occur in the
context of weight loss ( Licberman et al., 2001 ) . When a woman loses weight
and receives compliments ( “ Wow, you look great, did you lose weight ? ” ),
this can set her up for continuing to feel bad about her body, especially if
the weight loss isn’t sustained , and to be increasingly concerned about how
she looks.
The tripartite influence model has been extended to include the influence of
romantic partners in addition to parents and peers. Women’s reports that their
romantic partners criticize their weight or pressure them to change their appear-
ance are associated with feeling worse about their bodies ( Befort et al., 2001),
thinking they’re supposed to look like models in magazines ( Johnson, Edwards,
8c Gidycz, 2015 ), and having disordered eating behaviors ( Eisenberg, Berge, 8c
Ncumark-Sztainer, 2013; Shomaker 8c Furman, 2009 ).

i
The Media
While parents and peers convey important information and feedback about beauty
norms, the media’s influence is unparalleled ( Hardit 8c Hannum, 2012; Harrison,
2003; Shroff & Thompson, 2006 ). Female beauty, particularly thinness, has been
a dominant theme in representations of women across all forms of media ( Levine
& Harrison, 2004 ). Most models and actresses are far thinner than the average
American woman. Moreover, digital editing ( e.g., photoshopping ) is often used
to “improve” a woman’s appearance by smoothing out wrinkles, plumping up her
breasts, shaving inches from her waist, and so on ( Kilbourne, 1999 ). This is rou -
tine practice in advertisements, fashion spreads, magazine covers, and movie post-
ers. The use of body doubles is also routine in movies. Given these practices, even
beauty icons aren’t meeting societal expectations of beauty and attractiveness.
The more we’re exposed to media, the more the images we see seem realistic
and believable. This effect is known as cultivation theory ( Gerbner, Gross,
Morgan, 8c Signorielli, 1994 ). For example, if girls and women constantly see
images of thin, toned, young women with blemish -free skin , they’re likely to
I believe that this is typical, and they’ll desire this type of appearance themselves.
11 ; » Research shows that the more a woman is exposed to media images, the worse
}
she feels about her body ( Ferguson, 2013; Grabe, Ward , 8c Hyde, 2008 ). For
!
1 . example, women who watch more TV are more likely to perceive themselves
I?
:
as overweight, regardless of their actual weight ( McCreary & Sadava, 1999 ).
»> : i
Other research has involved showing female participants images of women who
I
conform to the thin ideal and then having the participants complete surveys
or perform tasks. After seeing the thin ideal images, participants report more
negative feelings about their own bodies and appearance ( Dittmar, Halliwcll, 8c
:
i Stirling, 2009; Yamamiya , Cash, Melnyk, Posavac, 8c Posavac, 2005 ). Women
have also been found to eat less in the presence of others after being exposed to
;
these images ( Harrison, Taylor, 8c Marske, 2006 ).
Some of the most compelling data on the influence of media come from
> ii
a field study done by Anne Becker, an anthropologist and psychiatrist, and
- her colleagues in Fiji in the 1990s ( Becker, 2004; Becker, Burwell, Herzog,
t.
Hamburg, 8c Gilman, 2002 ). They surveyed Fijian girls during the first few
weeks after television was introduced in 1995 and then collected data from
another group of girls three years later. After being exposed to TV, Fijian girls
' had higher rates of disordered eating and an increased desire for thinness.
= •
;
1
(We’ll return to the topic of disordered eating in Chapter 13. )
. i
The media constitute one of the primary vehicles for the objectification of
•
!
; women. One extreme manifestation of objectification occurs when a woman’s
j
body is displayed literally as an object (e.g., like a bottle ) or when only parts
j
2 ( usually sexualized parts) of the body are displayed. For example, in May 2017,
i
Dove started packing body wash in a series of bottles that varied in shape to,
theoretically, represent women’s diverse bodies ( Calfas, 2017). Researchers have

i
i
I
1:
'
I;
i
These pictures of Lupita
Nyong’o ( left ) and Chadwick
i
Boseman ( right ) were taken at
(;!
the premiere of Black Panther
in January 2018. Notice I!
how the image of Nyong' o I 1
is framed from a distance,

showing more of her body,
while Boseman ' s picture is
largely focused on his face. :
I:
This pattern, demonstrating i:
i.
face -ism, is typical in shots of
m* women and men. ij
•i
.
!
•f
vi
systematically examined magazines and identified that women are more likely
!i
than men to be objectified by being shown in dismembered ways ( e.g., just legs
or breasts ) rather than the full body or just the face ( Conley & Ramsey, 2011).
A particular area of investigation has focused on face-ism in advertising. Ini- if
tially, this term described a tendency to have greater facial prominence ( i.e., a >
• i
larger proportion of the image devoted to the face ) in depictions of men, while ill
body prominence is more typical for images of women ( Archer, Iritani, Kimes,
& Barrios, 1983 ) . Subsequent research extended this idea to race, finding that
White individuals are more likely to be portrayed with facial prominence as com-
pared to Black individuals, and that Black women have the lowest rates of facial
l
prominence ( Zuckerman & Kieffer, 1994 ) . Evidence of this practice hasn’t been
limited to photographs and print ads ( c.g., Dodd, Harcar, Foerch, & Anderson,
1989; Sparks & Fehlner, 1986 ); men also have been found to receive greater
facial prominence in television ( Copeland, 1989 ). Even in political headshots
( which are only supposed to show the face and shoulders ), men’s faces are more i
prominendy displayed , while pictures of women focus more on their bodies

( Konrath, & Schwartz, 2007; Konrath, Au, & Ramsey, 2012 ). Why does this
matter ? In some studies, facial prominence has been linked to higher ratings
of competence, intelligence, ambition, and dominance (Archer et al., 1983;
Schwarz & Kurz, 1989; Zuckerman, 1986; Zuckerman & Kieffer, 1994 ) all —
positive, and masculine, traits that can be helpful in the professional world .
!
'
Invisibility Not all women are portrayed in the media in die same way or at i
!
the same rate. Many, such as fat women, old women, and women with disabil- l
ities, are largely missing from the media. However, when women who don’t 1
meet typical beauty norms are shown, it’s often in a negative light.

I
1'
. When you picture a woman !

exercising, what does she look !
like ? Does the woman in this
picture look like the one you
.
imagine? If not why not ? m
'
LO& tt'
When fat women are shown , they’re often depicted in stereotypical , negative,
and stigmatizing ways ( e.g., eating, not exercising ). In one study, researchers
found that 72% of images of larger- bodied individuals were negative ( Hcucr,
McClure, & Puhl, 2011 ). This is noteworthy because other research has shown
that anti -fat attitudes increased when viewing these types of negative images
( McClure, Puhl, & Heucr, 2011; Pearl, Puhl, & Brownell, 2012 ), and that
research participants didn’t want to be physically or socially close to individu -
als portrayed in this way ( Pearl et al., 2012; Puhl , Luedicke, & Hcucr, 2013 ) .
Moreover, stigmatization of fat and fatness is common in media, and it has been
suggested that obesity is one of the contexts in which joking is “ fair game”
( Burmcister & Cards, 2014, p. 223) .
Movies and television are full of jokes at the expense of fat people . For example,
- Burmeister and Cards ( 2014 ) used several movie clips in their study of the rela -
tionship between anti-fat attitudes and weight - related humor. One was from the
2007 movie Norbit in which a fat woman is depicted as gaining so much momen -
tum on a water slide that she lands far away in a different pool and causes all the
i
water to splash out. Not surprisingly, participants who found such clips funny
were more likely to have disparaging attitudes toward higher- weight people.
Fat women are by no means the only women who arc hard to find in the
media. Individuals with disabilities are rarely portrayed ( Darke , 2004; Riley,
2005 ). When they are, they’re usually depicted in stereotypical ways that
involve a focus on either impairment or courage ( e.g., overcoming limits ). Little
research has focused specifically on the representation of women with disabilities
( Meekosha & Dowse, 1997 ). Given the rarity of including women with dis-
abilities in the media, no real attention has been paid to the way in which these
women , and their bodies, may be objectified . Invisibility like this can , itself,

become problematic. After all, many women with disabilities
report greater body dissatisfaction than those without disabil -
ities ( Cromer et al ., 1990; Moin ct al., 2009; Wolman et al.,
1994 ). The experience of almost never seeing someone who
looks like oneself in the media may add to this dissatisfaction.
Older women arc also underrepresented in the media
as compared to their presence in the population . In a study
published in 2003, individuals over age 50 were found to
make up 27% of the population , but only 18% of the char-
acters in commercials appeared to be over age 50 ( Ganahl,
Prinscn, 8: Netzley, 2003 ). Moreover, since women live lon -
ger than men , they make up a larger percentage of the older
population , yet men accounted for 66% of the representa -
tions of those over the age of 50. Other research has found
that older women are dramatically underrepresented in both
prime - time television ( Greenberg & Worrell, 2007; Kessler,
Rakoczy, 8c Staudinger, 2004; Lauzcn 8c Dozier, 2005a ) and
movies ( Lauzcn 8c Dozier, 2005 b ). Essentially, then, youth is
itself a beauty norm for women . This, in turn, reflects a double
standard for aging: Men become distinguished , and women
In 2014. the extent to which digital
just get old . ( We’ll return to these ideas in Chapter 11. )
retouching can play a role when
Another study, one that compared rates of representation older women are shown in the media
in women’s magazines to population data, showed that White was apparent when Diane Keaton ,
-
women were over represented ( 73% in the Census vs. 91% in then age 68. accepted an award on
the magazines ), while Black ( 12% vs. 6% ) and Latinx ( 10% behalf of Woody Allen at the Golden
vs. 1% ) women were underrepresented ( Covert 8c Dixon , Globes ceremony. In the next ad
2008 ). In another study, researchers found similar issues with break, a L'Oreal ad featuring Keaton
was shown. At the Golden Globes, she
ads from Cosmopolitan and Family Life (Sanchcz - Huclcs,
had visible wrinkles ( as shown here),
Hudgins, 8c Gamble, 2005 ). This study did find , however,
as one would expect for someone of
that magazines targeting specific ethnic groups had a majority this age; in the ad, however, her skin
of ads featuring individuals from that group ( e.g., 64% of ads was completely smooth.
in Latin Girl featured characters identified as Latinx ). Stud -
ies of televisions ads have also shown that Black, Asian , Lat -
inx, and Native American individuals are underrepresented
( Coltranc 8c Messineo, 2000; Mastro 8c Stern, 2003 ). Similar patterns of
underrepresentation of women of color have been found in television shows,
—
although there is evidence that rates are improving for Black women but not
for women who are members of other racial/ethnic groups ( Greenberg 8c
Worrell, 2007 ). Invisibility isn’t only about numbers; it’s also about how women
are portrayed when they arc present, and women of color are often portrayed in
stereotypical, and sexualized, ways (Sanchez- Hucles et al., 2005 ). We’ll return
to these ideas in Chapter 7 when we explore the sexualization of women .

J
I!
i he Hole of Internalization
What is internalization, why is it so important to consider in the
context of beauty norms, and how can girls and women be protected
from its negative effects?
Girls and women learn about beauty standards from their parents, peers, and objecti-
fied, unrealistic images of women in the media. But not everyone who is surrounded
by these influences takes them fully to heart. Feminist psychologists, among others,
think that if enough women, and men, ignore these beauty norms, die norms them-
—
—
selves will start to change. However, some women particularly White, wealthy,
able-bodied, thin, cisgender women benefit from beauty norms. Many girls and
i
women are likely to internalize them and pressure themselves to conform . Internal-
ization is die process of taking on die standards and norms of
dominant society as one’s own and then striving to meet diose
standards (Thompson, Hcinberg, Altabe, & Tandcff- Dunn,
try it for yourself 1999 ). This is believed to be a key risk factor for body dissatis-
:
faction and disordered eating (Thompson & Stice, 2001 ).
Do you find yourself participating in Through a process of social comparison ( Festingcr, 1954 ),
social comparison when you use social women and girls may check their appearance against diese
media such as Instagram? How does that
standards, as well as against the actual appearance of odiers.
make you feel about yourself and your
body? Whether or not you've noticed
Exposure to advertisements featuring die thin ideal has been
negative effects of social media in your
related to engagement in social comparison, which, in turn,
own life, try to go an entire day (or even was related to body dissatisfaction and depression ( Bessenoff,
: a week) without using social media. How 2006 ). This was especially the case for women who felt dieir
'
easy or difficult was it to do? How did it bodies didn’t meet the thin ideal. These days, lots of social com-
make you feel? Did it change the way you parison happens on social media. For example, women who
4
jhj|f about yourself during that time? use Faccbook have been found to compare dieir appearance
to others, and doing so was related to body image concerns
( Fardouly & Vartanian, 2015 ). In a qualitative study about
experiences on Instagram, a girl from Singapore described her
experiences this way: “If you’ve never gone out to see die world , you’ll probably
love yourself, because you don’t look at others. But when you look at social media,
you start comparing. You start comparing yourself to other girls, and you’ll start to
wonder why you’re not looking like them ” ( Chua & Chang, 2016, p. 194 ).
Resisting Internalization
Some women do manage to resist social comparison and die internalization of appear-
ance norms. For example, researchers have found lesbian women to be more satisfied
with their bodies than heterosexual women ( Morrison, Morrison, & Sager, 2004)
and Black women more likely to have higher body satisfaction than White women

:
( Grabe & Hyde, 2006 ). One explanation may be that these

groups of women have internalized a different set of norms spotlight on i
.
—
a
about beauty ones that they’re better able to achieve. For
example, Black women have been found to be less likely
to internalize traditional beauty norms, particularly the thin Health at Every Size
ideal ( Capodilupo, 2015; Evans & McConnell, 2003). II
The same has been found with lesbians ( Beren, Hayden, Health at Every Size ( HAES) is a grassroots
movement opposing fat oppression and
Wilfley, & Striegel-Moore, 1997; Bergeron &Senn, 1998 ).
fat stigma (Burgard, 2009 ) . It focuses
In a study with Latinx women who either immigrated to
on the importance of healthy practices
or were born in the United States, those who immigrated and self - acceptance rather than body
endorsed a larger ideal body than those who were born size, shape, or weight. The premise is that
here, indicating that they may have internalized a different eating well and being active are key to
beauty norm ( Lopez, Blix, & Blix, 1995 ). a healthy lifestyle, and these are things
It’s also been suggested that feminist women, as that someone of any size can do.
compared to non - feminist women , are less likely to HAES focuses on the fact that weight is not
accept traditional beauty norms ( Brown, 1987), and the only, or even the most useful, indicator
!
research has shown some support for this. For example, of health. While some studies have found
one study with a predominantly White sample found that a higher weight is associated with nega -
that identifying as a feminist was related to rejection of tive health outcomes, the correlations aren't
large, and data rarely show whether weight
the norm of thinness ( Hurt et al ., 2007 ). In another
loss actually changes health outcomes
study with a majority White sample, researchers showed (Bacon, 2008; Kasardo & McHugh, 2015).
that Instagram use was unrelated to engaging in body Moreover, other data show that people classi -
surveillance for women who scored high on a measure fied as overweight or moderately obese live at
of feminist attitudes ( Feltman & Szymanski, 2017). least as long as, and often longer than, people
However, greater Instagram use predicted greater body classified as being normal weight ( Bacon &
surveillance for women with low and moderate levels of Aphramor, 2011). Given this, more people are
feminist attitudes. At the same time, other research indi- advocating for fat/ size acceptance, and some
cated that feminist women experience conflict because seek a shift in public health policy toward a
they recognize that they’ve internalized beauty norms HAES perspective (Bombak, 2014).
( Rubin, Nemeroff, & Russo, 2004 ). In other words, Daily goals reflecting the HAES perspec -
tive ( Bacon, 2008) include
feminists are more likely to be aware of the unrealistic
nature of these norms as well as the negative influence Eat when hungry.
of internalizing them, and feminists want to be immune Attend to how foods taste and make
you feel.
to them . However, they see the benefits that society
Choose foods that you like and that
gives to those who are beautiful. As a result, many femi-
make you feel good.
nists struggle because they find themselves caring about Honor your body ' s signals of fullness.
beauty but feeling they should be able to rise above it. Find an enjoyable way to move your body.
Various media literacy programs are targeting adoles- Treat your body with love and respect.
cent girls to counteract the media’s negative influences.
How often do you meet these goals? How
These programs teach girls to critique media representa- might adopting a HAES perspective change
tions because, as discussed above, they reflect only a small your relationship with your body ?
percentage of die population and are often manipulated.
Research has shown that media literacy programs can lead
255
p
to increased body satisfaction among both adolescent girls (Wilksch, Tiggemann,

: & Wade, 2006; Wilksch & Wade, 2009 ) and college-age women ( Yamamiya et al.,
2005 ). Another effective approach has involved asking young women to make
statements against the thin ideal ( e.g., by writing an essay or role- playing discour-
aging a peer from focusing on die thin ideal; Becker et al., 2010; Ciao, Latncr,
!
Brown, Ebneter, & Becker, 2015 ). In this approach, because the young women
have to make statements that are inconsistent with their own internalization of the
thin ideal, they must change cither their statements or their feelings about the thin
is ideal. Because die statements are already out in die world and can’t be undone,
' ll the young women change dieir attitudes. However, long - term follow- ups of these
:: programs have not yet been undertaken, so researchers don’t know how long the
effects of diese interventions last. More research on this topic is needed.
'
!
• . I
Consequences of
Self- Objectification
i
What are the negative consequences of self -objectification, and through
! what process do these happen?
I
We have established diat beauty norms are learned from parents, peers, and die
media and that they’re generally internalized so that women feel they must live up
to those standards, even if they’re unrealistic. But does diis actually harm women ?
To better understand diis, it might be useful to imagine yourself participating
—
in the following study die first experimental exploration of self-objectification .
You arrive at the assigned time and think you’re taking part in a study about
consumer preferences. After evaluating a unisex cologne ( to throw you off track
about the real purpose of the study ), you’re asked to enter a dressing room with
—
a fiill-lengdi mirror in order to try on an article of clothing eidier a swimsuit ( a
one- piece for women and swim trunks for men ) or a V- neck sweater in your size.
You’re asked to wear it for 15 minutes before making your evaluation, and while
you wait, you’re asked to complete a math test. How do you think you would do
on the test? Would the clothing you’ve put on impact your performance ?
It turns out that for the predominandy White, female participants who
took part in the study described above, the clothing did make a difference
( Fredrickson, Roberts, Noll, Quinn, & Twcnge, 1998 ). The women wearing
swimsuits performed significandy worse than those in sweaters, but there was
no such difference for men. The women also reported more negative feelings
about their bodies while wearing the swimsuit as compared to the sweater.
Wearing a swimsuit placed the female, but not the male, participants into a state
of self-objectification, and their focus on their bodies distracted them, inhibiting
their performance on the math test.

;
But men aren’t immune from self -objectification . In a subsequent study in
which male participants had to wear a Speedo rather than trunks, men and
women of all ethnic groups were found to self-objectify when wearing a swim -
suit ( Hebl, King, & Lin, 2004 ). Those in swimsuits also performed worse on a
math test than those who wore a sweater.
It doesn’t take wearing a swimsuit to create a state of self-objectification,
however. Countless events can have the same effect. We can offer two familiar i
|
examples. If someone makes a comment about your appearance right before
you enter the classroom , you might start thinking about how your body looks H
i
instead of focusing on the classwork. And if you’re wearing a form -fitting shirt ,
you might worry about visible fat rolls while you sit. In situations like these,
some people self-objectify more than others.
In one study with a primarily White sample, participants were asked to
unscramble sentences that either did or did not contain words related to objecti -
fication ( e .g., appearance, slender, and shapely vs. honesty, happy, and silly\ Roberts
& Gettman, 2004 ) . Just being exposed to these words was enough to change
participants’ self- reported levels of self-objectification . Overhearing fat talk has
also been shown to induce self-objectification ( Gapinski, Brownell, & LaFrance,
2003 ). In another study, predominantly White female participants who antici -
pated interacting with a man reported higher levels of self-objectification than
those who anticipated interacting with a woman ( Calogcro, 2004 ).
Even though the human mind is able to multi - task, there’s a limit to what it
can focus on at any given moment ( Pashler, 1994 ) . When we diink about our
appearance, we’re less able to focus on a math test, adiletic performance, or an
oral presentation , for example. Once we enter a state of self-objectification, die
effects also tend to linger. For example, one study showed that after being in
a bathing suit, women were still distracted by thoughts about their body even
after they had put their regular clothing back on ( Quinn, Kallen, & Cathey, 2006 ).
The studies mentioned above use experimental designs, randomly assigning par-
ticipants into situations that produced a state of self-objectification or into a control
group, but most of die research on self-objectification relics on correlational designs.
This type of research typically uses surveys to assess the extent to which women
report experiencing self-objectification on a daily basis. For example, researchers
might ask diem to report how much they value dieir bodies’ appearance as com-
pared to dieir bodies’ function ( e.g., what die body can do; Fredrickson et al., 1998 ).
Women who report that they value being diin more than they value being physically
coordinated, for example, would be considered higher in self-objectification.
Other studies assess die extent to which women report viewing their bodies
from an observer’s perspective and evaluating their physical appearance a
process that has been named body surveillance ( McKinley & Hyde, 1996 ).
—
Body surveillance is a behavioral manifestation of self-objectification. Women
who report checking in on their appearance more frequendy are considered to
be higher on self-objectification. Research has shown that self-objectification is

related to a host of negative outcomes ( Moradi & Huang,
try it for yourself 2008; Tiggemann, 2011 ).
One commonly studied negative outcome of self -
objectification is body shame. This is an ongoing experi-
To what extent do you think you regularly
ence of negative emotions as a result of judging one’s body
engage in body surveillance? Try going
as undesirable. It can occur when people continually evalu -
for an entire day without looking in a mir-
ror. (Yes, reflective surfaces count too— so ate their appearance against die societal beauty norms that
' !!
Y
do your best to avoid them.) How did they’ve internalized ( Fredrickson 8c Roberts, 1997; McKinley
it make you feel not to be able to use a 8c Hyde, 1996; Moradi & Huang, 2008 ). Because few, if any,
mirror? Were you comfortable leaving the women can conform to these norms, when women engage in
house and doing all your usual activities? body surveillance and find their appearance lacking, they’re
Did you change what you were wearing likely to experience body shame. Highly valuing the diin
or how you styled your hair because you ideal, for example, has been related to a greater likelihood of
couldn't easily evaluate your appearance? reporting body shame ( Calogero 8c Thompson , 2009; Noll
Were you tempted to "cheat" and look in 8c Fredrickson, 1998 ). The feeling of shame can , in turn,
a mirror? Did you actually make it through
relate to other negative outcomes, as we’ll discuss below.
an entire day? Explain your responses.
The Process of Self- Objectification

j
As shown in Figure 6.1, researchers believe that the process of self-objectification
I: works in the following way. Exposure to objectification, through both personal
experiences ( c.g., people commenting on your body ) and exposure to objectified
women in the media, leads to the internalization of beauty norms and the belief that
it’s important to meet cultural standards of beauty. When this happens, it leads to
self-objectification, or die placing of greater emphasis on the body’s appearance as
compared to its function. Self-objectification , in turn, leads to an increase in body
surveillance. Once people think diat being beautiful is more important than what
one’s body does, diey view the body from die outside in, continually checking
their appearance to make sure it lives up to society’s standards of beauty. Greater
surveillance almost inevitably leads to increased body shame because it’s typically
impossible to meet current beauty standards. Body shame is then believed to
relate to a host of negative outcomes, ranging from decreased task performance
Experiences of Internalization
Self - Body
Objectification > of Beauty
Objectification * Surveillance
Norms
II
’ ?
FIGURE 6.1 Objectification process.

3
i Negative Outcomes
= This flow chart illustrates how the cultural (e.g., decreased 4 Body Shame
objectification of women can lead to negative performance, depression,
outcomes through the experience of disordered eating)
self-objectification.
I f
M
( e.g., doing poorly on a math test: Fredrickson et al., 1998; Hebl et al., 2004 ) and
self-esteem ( Choma et al., 2010; Mercurio & Landry, 2008 ) to increased levels
of depression (Szymanski & Henning, 2007; Tiggemann 8c Kuring, 2004 ) and
disordered eating ( Calogero, Davis, 8c Thompson, 2005; Tylka 8c Hill, 2004 ).
!h
ii
Intersectionality and Self- Objectification i
How can social identity influence women' s experience of self -objectification,

and what are research limits in this area?
ii
Women’s experiences with self-objectification may be related to dealing with i
discrimination in terms of aspects of their social identities. For example, one

i
study showed that among deaf women, struggles with deaf cultural identity
1
predicted greater internalization of beauty norms, which was related to body
i
surveillance, body shame, and disordered eating ( Moradi & Rottenstein, 2007).
A similar pattern has been found with lesbian and bisexual women. When ii:
these women internalize problematic messages about being a sexual minority,
they’re more likely to experience self-objectification ( Brewster et al., 2014;
Haines et al., 2008 ) . Further, among transgender and gender non-conforming
individuals, experiencing high levels of transphobia can be related to increases
in body surveillance and compulsive exercise ( Cox, 2015 ). l
i
Among ethnic/ racial minority women , there are mixed findings. In one
study, researchers found that the relationship between body surveillance and
body dissatisfaction was stronger among Asian and Latinx women than it was I
for White women ( Frederick , Forbes, Grigorian, & Jarcho, 2007 ). However,
in another study of Black and White adolescent girls, researchers found no
differences in self-objectification ( Harrison & Fredrickson, 2003). Engaging
in surveillance related to skin tone may also be an important predictor of body
shame, in addition to engagement in general body surveillance ( Buchanan et al.,
2008 ). That said, although there is some research on how race and ethnicity
influence self-objectification, most studies have involved predominantly White
samples ( Moradi & Huang, 2008 ) . When women of color are included, their
experiences are typically compared to White women’s. Furthermore, as with
I
research on body satisfaction, research on self-objectification prioritizes con-
cerns that are more typical of White women . For example, body shame is gen- !
!
erally operationalized as shame about one’s weight rather than including other
aspects of appearance that may be more relevant for women of color ( e.g., hair
texture, eye shape ). These patterns reflect research bias. The very nature of the
questions being asked reflects the fact that most of the research is being done by
and about White women. Research on self-objectification would benefit from a tl
less Eurocentric approach . Using the intersectionality questions presented at the
end of Chapter 1 to inform methodology would be a good first step.

I
i
EMPOWERING
OR OPPRESSING?
• I! Wearing a Hijab
i
Hi .
Yaqoob a British Muslim activist, spoke in support of
T
he hijab is a head covering worn by some Muslim
t women. Although many variations of the hijab women's right to choose to wear a hijab by stating that
exist, varying in terms of the amount of the “the aim of hijab is to de-emphasise sexuality in public
body concealed from view, the most common interactions, whilst encouraging sexuality in private ones"
; « ii forms cover the hair or the hair and neck. (Yaqoob, 2004, para. 7). People who support the hijab
: l .
Some people have argued that the hijab or other argue that Western women are oppressed by social ex-
modesty requirements, is oppressing for women Some. pectations that they display their bodies. These support -
opponents of the hijab see it as a means of controlling ers would argue that the requirement to wear a bathing
and limiting women's sexuality while also serving as suit on a beach is more oppressive for women than the
a reminder that women are sexual objects, which is requirement to wear a hijab.
why they need to be hidden (Bakr, 2014; Hatem, 1988; There's not much data on this topic to inform us on
Mernissi, 1987). Others, however, have indicated that how it relates to women's relationships with their bod -
wearing a hijab can be a means of protecting oneself from ies. However, we can consider a few studies. In one, more
the male gaze and allowing women to assert themselves than 500 Muslim women who lived in London completed
as individuals rather than as sexual objects by drawing a survey (Swami, Miah, Noorani, & Taylor, 2014). Those
their own and others' focus away from appearance (Ali, who wore the hijab reported less body dissatisfaction .
.
l
2005; Droogsma, 2007; Noor, 2009; Ruby, 2006) Salma had lower levels of internalization of beauty norms, and
viewed appearance as less important than did women
•• • • who didn’t wear the hijab. Researchers also found that
among Muslim women in the United States ( Tolaymat &
P / EVERYTHING Do
COVERED
.' f 2 o Cf NOTHING \N
o~ Y COVERED .
Moradi 2011) and Australia (Mussap, 2009 ), hijab wearing
BOTHER EYES
WWTACKUEl
- EJ BOTHER EYES-
Cq WHAT A CRUEL
was related to lower levels of self -objectification. Young
Muslim women in the United States who wore the hijab
J
MAlE-tOWNffED EJAWLE- WMINATED
v CULTURE; ) tm CULTURE; J were also less likely to have internalized the thin ideal
(Dunkel, Davison, & Qurashi, 2010).
k ’
What do you think? Is wearing a hijab empowering or
S oppressing? Does it “ allow women to claim the gaze and
.
to become the ones who observe the world" (Afshar 2000,
p. 531), or does it serve as a constant visual reminder of
>
§ ejw6 -1 women's status as sexual objects? Would your answer be
What we see as oppressive is influenced by the same or different if we were talking about the burqa .
our culture. which covers the entire body and face (see cartoon at left),
rather than the hijab, which covers much less of the body?
260
—
I
=
Other research has shown that self-objectification can change as people age
( Augustus- Horvath & Tylka, 2009 ). It may start as early as 10 years of age and
may be linked to peer sexual harassment that becomes particularly problematic
I
around puberty ( Lindberg, Grabe, & Hyde, 2007 ). Self-objectification also i
appears to rise throughout adolescence and peak around college age ( McKin -
ley, 1999 ). As women age, they appear to self-objectify less frequendy, with
il
the lowest levels of self-objectification occurring for die oldest women ( in li
one study, up to 84 years old ; Tiggemann & Lynch, 2001 ). It’s not clear why
self-objectification decreases as women age. It may be that when they’re no
longer the age of the majority of models they see in the media, they feel less
pressure to conform to beauty standards. Alternatively, it may be diat when
women age, they become more concerned with what dieir bodies can do ( c.g.,
be physically active ) than with how their bodies look . This pattern may also »
reflect generational differences among women’s body concerns. Nevertheless,
research shows that no matter what age women are, self-objectification is still i,
i
related to body shame, disordered eating, and depression ( Grabe, Hyde, &
Lindberg, 2007; Slater & Tiggemann , 2002; Tiggemann & Lynch, 2001).
i!
W Rectification Occur? i
What psychological and economic processes likely contribute to

objectification? !
All diis attention directed toward women’s bodies is big business. As long as girls
and women continue to experience self- objectification, companies can guaran-
tee big payouts. For example, in 2016, more than S8.5 billion was spent on cos-
metic surgical procedures and nearly S6.8 billion on non -surgical procedures, i
and approximately 91% of these procedures were performed on women (Amer-

ican Society' for Aesthetic Plastic Surgery, 2016; see also Table 6.2 ). In the fem-
'
inist classic The Beauty Myth, author Naomi Wolf ( 1991 ) argued that as long as !
women focus on their bodies, they would have less economic power and less
time to focus on changing sexism in society'. She argued that the obsession with i
female beauty' is actually a political weapon against women’s advancement. The

stereotype of the ugly feminist is one example of this. In a more recent book,
Beauty Sick, psychologist Renee Engeln ( 2017) argues that while young women
are aware of the unrealistic nature of the images of women that surround them,
they live in a wbeauty-sick culture” ( p. 8 ). She reinforces Wolfs message that the
cultural focus on girls’ and women’s appearance gets in the way of them living
happy lives and continues to limit their options and govern their actions.
Another interesting theory is that society' is obsessed with managing the
female body because of a fear of deadi. Terror management theory states that
because humans fear death, anything that reminds us that we’re mortal and >
Why Does Objectification Occur? 261

t
:
l
TABLE 6.2 Most Common Cosmetic Procedures among Women in the
I United States in 2016
Surgical Procedure Number
Liposuction 369,323
Breast augmentation 310,444
Tummy tuck 173,536

Breast lift 161,412
Eyelid surgery 145,858

i
Non -Surgical Procedure
Botox injections 4,144,605
:. ;
Skin and lip filler injections 2,326,026
Lascr/pulsed -light hair removal 910,224
Intense pulscd -light photorejuvenation 596,423
Chemical peel 574,141
Note. Data from American Society for Aesthetic Plastic Surgery ( 2016 ).
will die needs to be managed in a way that reduces our anxiety ( Goldenberg,
Pyszczynski, Greenberg, & Solomon, 2000 ). For example , the typical image of
a model in a magazine is of someone young, beautiful, and hairless. She’s almost
more like a statue than a person, and a statue is immortal! Also, the female body
has many more reminders of mortality than male bodies do. Female bodies can
menstruate; they can lactate; they can give birth. These are signs that women
are living beings who will eventually die. Given this context, some scholars claim
that the objectification of women may be a cultural practice to help protect
against mortality anxiety ( Goldenberg & Roberts, 2004 ) .
The female body has been described as the “ monstrous feminine”
something with messy, undesirable processes that need to be managed through
—
social and medical practices ( Ussher, 2006, p. 1) . As we’ve discussed , idealized
and objectified images of women are the norm, not the exception. For example,
in the Dove ad campaign discussed at the start of the chapter, the women in the
ads show no body hair below the neck. And none appear to be leaking men-
strual fluid or breast milk, despite the fact that many women experience such
leaks at one time or another.
Some researchers have explored the concepts of fear of death and the mon -
strous feminine. In one study, half of the participants were primed to think
about their mortality by describing their emotional response to thoughts of their
own death ( Grabe, Routledge, Cook, Andersen, & Arndt, 2005 ). Women who
262 Chapter 6 Women' s Bodies

-
-
I
were asked to contemplate their death subsequently reported higher levels of I

self-objectification than those who did not. They were also more likely to report
objectifying other women. Other research has explored self-objectification in the 1'
:
context of pregnancy, breastfeeding, and menstruation ( Morris, Goldenberg, & i;

Heflick, 2014 ). In this study, women, but not men, who were both encouraged I:
i
to think about death and shown images of pregnant women were more likely i
to self-objectify. This effect also occurred when they were instructed to think
about death and then asked if they had a tampon ( as opposed to a pencil ). I!*
Evidently, thinking about death and being reminded of the humanness of the !
i
body have the potential to make some women desire to separate themselves
;
from their own humanness and view themselves more as an object. Objects,
after all, arc immortal .
i. :
i j
i>
Women s Bodies: From the

Inside B 1 • *H r
.V !
- 3
v *»:
Psychologist Stephen Franzoi ( 1995 ) suggested that there are two distinct ways
of approaching our bodies. Sometimes we focus on our bodies as objects and
attend primarily to our appearance. At other times, we focus on how our bodies I
—
function what they can and can’t do. As we’ve discussed throughout this chap-
ter, appearance does matter, and there can be rewards for conforming to beauty
!
norms and negative consequences when this isn’t the case. As a result, women
are likely to view their bodies as objects ( i.c., self-objectify ). However, what
—
goes on inside our bodies is just as important if not more so. Yet especially
for women , much less attention is paid to how their bodies function or whether
they’re functioning well . As a result, some women don’t have a clear sense of
how their bodies work. For example, they may not fully understand the process
of menstruation; they may not understand bodily cues, especially in regard to
hunger; and they may exercise because of how it will make them look rather than
how it will make them feel. These are examples of thinking about their bodies i
from the outside in , rather than from the inside out.

;
Menstruation i
How does the menstrual cycle work at a biological level, and what are i
the cultural views of menstruation? i
Let’s look at menstruation, the shedding of the lining of the uterus ( more com- I
—
monly known as the period ) a process subsequently described in more detail. i
Women's Bodies: From the Inside Out 263

, «
Many people have negative attitudes toward menstruation ( Beausang 8c Razor,

« t 2000; Forbes, Adams-Curtis, White, & Holmgren , 2003 ), and men’s attitudes
tend to be more negative than women’s ( Brooks- Gunn 8c Ruble, 1986; Mar-
van, Ramircz- Esparza, Cortes- Iniestra, 8c Chrisler, 2006 ) . Menstruation is seen
as messy, bothersome, and painful . Menstruating ( or pre - menstrual ) women are
also seen as more emotional and, in some cases, less likeable and less competent
than they are at other points in their menstrual cycle.
It’s important to note that while menstruation is typically associated with
women, not all women menstruate. For example, many women with Turner’s
syndrome ( discussed in Chapter 4 ) don’t menstruate; women who’vc had their
uterus removed through a hysterectomy don’t menstruate; and women with very
low body weight or hormone imbalances may not menstruate. Moreover, not all
—
menstruators arc women some transmen and people with non - binary gender
identities menstruate as well . Transmen report mixed attitudes toward menstru -
ation and generally favor using hormones to suppress it ( Chrisler et al., 2016 ).
The Menstrual Cycle The menstrual cycle is an interaction between the

female reproductive organs (sec Figure 6.2 ) and the endocrine system , which
regulates hormone production . At the start of a menstrual cycle, which lasts an
Fallopian
tubes
! •
<
i
: Ovaries
Uterus
Cervix
Vagina
Tf
! FIGURE 6.2 The female reproductive system.

average of 28 days, estrogen levels arc low. This leads the pituitary gland , the
master gland of the endocrine system , to produce follicle -stimulating hormone
—
—
( FSH ). FSH then stimulates the follicles sacs that hold eggs, or ova (singular,
ovum ) in the ovaries to produce estrogen. Estrogen plays a key role in the
development of the endometrium, the lining of the uterus. As estrogen levels
rise throughout the menstrual cycle, luteinizing hormone ( LH ) released by the
pituitary gland triggers ovulation, the release of an ovum from an ovarian folli -
cle . This also stimulates the production of progesterone in the ovaries, as this hor-
mone plays a role in the further thickening of the endometrium in preparation
for the possibility of nourishing a fertilized egg.
When the ovarian follicle opens, the ovum moves into one of the fallopian
tubes, which provide a pathway from the ovary to the uterus, or womb. Typi -
cally, one ovum from one ovary is released as part of each menstrual cycle. The
follicle then develops into a corpus lutcum , a structure that produces both estro- tl
gen and progesterone . If the ovum is fertilized by a sperm as it travels through
die fallopian tube, the egg may implant itself in the endometrium and produce
hormones that keep the corpus lutcum active. The fetus that develops from this
egg will then mature in the uterus. If the ovum isn’t fertilized , the high pro-
gesterone levels lead to decreased production of LH and degeneration of die
corpus lutcum . The resulting drop in estrogen and progesterone levels causes
the uterus to shed its lining, leading to a menstrual period . The menstrual flow
moves from the uterus through die cervix into die vagina. From there, it flows
out of the body unless it’s absorbed internally by a product such as a tampon or
collected internally in a device such as a menstrual cup.
Knowledge about Menstruation Many girls, and even some women, are rel-
atively uninformed about menstruation and die menstrual cycle. Poor knowledge
about menstruation has been found in both adolescent and teenage girls and
may continue throughout adulthood ( Lei, Knight, Llewellyn - Jones, 8c Abraham,
1987; White, 2013; Wood , Koch, 8c Mansfield , 2007 ). Modicrs are usually the
ones who tell their daughters about menstruation, although diey often present
it negatively with a focus on biolog)', hygiene, and physical discomfort ( Costos,
Ackerman , & Paradis, 2002; Koff 8c Rierdan, 1995a, 1995 b; Lee, 2008 ).
However, mothers don’t always discuss die topic with their daughters before
menarch •
—
the first menstrual period so some girls may learn about it after being
surprised or scared by their own first period ( Cooper 8c Koch, 2007). The average
age for menarche is 12 to 13 years ( Coleman 8c Coleman, 2002 ), but some girls
begin earlier ( e.g., at 8 or 9 years ) and others later ( e.g., at 16 years ). Because of this
variation, some girls are first exposed to information about menstruation through
( typically ugirls-only” ) healdi education programs in school ( KofF 8c Rierdan,
1995b ), which may, in turn, prompt modiers to discuss the topic with daughters.
Scholars have also pointed to die fact that girls may now act as their own sources of
information about menstruation by searching the Internet (Stubbs, 2008 ).

"1 i ;«
:.
r
f
I
<
!1 Lack of knowledge and negative attitudes are associated with negative men -
arche experiences, but advance preparation and education arc associated with
t more positive attitudes and experiences ( Chang, Hayter, & Wu , 2010; Kicren
& Morse, 1992; McPherson & Korfine, 2004; Rembeck & Gunnarsson , 2004;
i
' i
Rierdan & Koff, 1990; Teitelman, 2004 ). Hygiene related to menstruation is a

!
i
i. key topic about which girls are provided information . Because of this, most girls
are comfortable with the idea of using pads, and often tampons, to absorb men-
» t
i !) '
, r
strual fluid ( Koff & Rierdan, 1995a, 1995b ). Girls also report familiarity with the
basic biology of menstruation and some of the structures that make up die female
reproductive system ( i.e., ovaries, fallopian tubes, uterus, cervix, and vagina ) .
Many girls have negative views about their menstrual education , however, and
report confusion and misperceptions ( Beausang & Razor, 2000 ) . For example,
they may not know exactly where the ovaries, fallopian tubes, and uterus are
located or how they function in relation to one another ( Koff & Rierdan, 1995a;
Koff, Rierdan, & Stubbs, 1990 ). The fact that menstrual fluid is actually a mix of
blood, other fluids such as cervical mucus and vaginal secretions, and tissue from
the uterine lining may also be an area of confusion. So can ovulation and the hor-
monal cycles involved with the female reproductive system . As much education
about menstruation happens informally, die lack of comfort and /or knowledge
of those providing information may well contribute to confusion ( Bennett &
Harden, 2014; Erchull & Richmond, 2015 ). For girls who don’t live with their
mothers, finding accurate and timely information can be even more challeng-
ing, as they may not feel comfortable approaching their
fathers or other adults for information ( Kalman , 2003).
p.
;>
»
i 4 Fathers may also be uncomfortable talking to their daugh -
H< • ters about menstruation, particularly if they hold tradi -
tional beliefs about what should be involved in fathering
( Erchull & Richmond, 2015 ).
Attitudes and Secrecy It’s no surprise that many girls

and women lack a clear understanding of the menstrual
cycle since there is typically a great deal of secrecy sur-
rounding menstruation and one’s status as a menstrua -
tor. Also, there can be real social consequences for public
reminders of one’s status as a menstruator. For example,
how might you react in the following situation ? You’re
S
i
sitting in the library working on a class project. A woman
When girls talk about menstruation,
i
at the table next to you stands up and grabs her purse. As
they often do so in surreptitious ways
•
:
<
because they' ve learned it ' s something

she does, an unused, wrapped tampon falls out of her bag
! I that should be kept secret . This can and onto the floor next to you. What would you think of
I
|* perpetuate shame as well as a lack of her ? Would seeing a tampon, and probably assuming that
:
clear knowledge about menstruation. she’s menstruating, affect your opinion of her? In a study,
I -i both female and male participants who experienced this
j i
4
i 266 Chapter 6 Women's Bodies
:
-
event rated die woman as less likeable and less competent
if they saw her drop a tampon as compared to a hair clip
( Roberts, Goldenberg, Power, & Pyszczynski, 2002 ).
spotlight o n . .
Because of concern about this type of negative reaction,
it’s easy for girls and women to think they need to conceal Menstrual Joy
evidence of menstruation and avoid talking about it (White, I
Many people hold negative views about
2013 ). Hiding menstruation from boys and men is of par-
menstruation, so it may seem strange
ticular concern to girls ( Jackson & Falmagnc, 2013; Uskul,
to think about its positive aspects. That,
2004 ). Although they learn not to talk about menstruation however , is just what the Menstrual bi!
openly, research has indicated that they develop codes for Joy Questionnaire (MJQ ) asks people to
talking about it ( Fingerson, 2005, 2006; Kissling, 1996 ) do (Chrisler, Johnston, Champagne, &
and use online venues to share information and experi - Preston, 1994; Delaney, Lupton, & Toth,
lij
ences ( Polak, 2006 ). Although this practice can help girls 1988). The MJQ was created as a cultural
, r:
feel empowered , it also serves to maintain taboos around critique of a focus on the negative aspects
open and public communication about menstruation. of menstruation — best reflected in the
persistent use of the Menstrual Distress :
In addition , advertisements for menstrual products
often encourage secrecy ( Berg & Coutts, 1994; Simes & Questionnaire (Moos, 1968) in menstrual
cycle research ( Delaney et al., 1988 ) .
Berg, 2001 ) and shame ( Berg & Coutts, 1993; Havens
Rather than asking about pain, bloating,
& Swenson , 1988; Raftos, Jackson, & Mannix, 1998 ).
and negative moods, the MJQ asks about
This happens through the marketing of smaller prod -
increased sexual desire, concentration,
ucts with quieter packaging so that the products are less
and self - confidence, for example.
noticeable to others and by installing a fear of having a While the originators didn ' t intend
visible menstrual fluid leak. Moreover, a content analy- for this to serve as a research tool , it has
sis of menstrual product ads noted that women weren’t been used as such. Although it ' s not the
even pictured in 48% of the ads published between 1998 best measure from a statistical standpoint
and 2009 ( Erchull , 2013 ) . Social media has also been ( Heard, Chrisler, Kimes, & Siegel, 1999) ,
involved in menstrual censorship: Instagram removed a the items have been shown to prime
photo of Rupi Kaur lying on a bed clothed with a visible participants to focus on positive rather
menstrual leak that had also stained her sheets ( Gray, than negative aspects of menstruation
( Aubeeluck & Maguire, 2002; Rose,
2015 ). This photo had been taken as part of her course-
Chrisler, & Couture, 2008 ) .
work and was posted on her own account, but it was
Do you hold positive attitudes about
repeatedly removed for violations of “community guide- menstruation? Why or why not? How
lines.” In contrast, people routinely post pictures that might exposure to ideas like those in the
show blood in other contexts ( e .g., injuries ), and those Menstrual Joy Questionnaire influence
images are not removed as violations of these guidelines. your perspective? Talk to at least four
Menstrual cycle activists and feminist psychologists, friends, making sure they don ' t all have
among others, argue that these practices reinforce the the same gender identity. Do they report
idea that women shouldn’t draw attention to the fact positive views about menstruation?
that they menstruate. If they don't, challenge their thinking :
Some women report negative experiences with about this. Is this easy to do? Do some
people take a more positive perspective
menstruation. One that many women report is pre -
than others?
menstrual syndrome ( PMS ) . PMS is a collection of phys-
ical ( e.g., bloating ) and psychological ( e.g., moodiness )
267
experiences during die days before menstruation begins. PMS is not reported
in all cultures, however, and this observation has led to the framing of PMS as a
“culture- bound syndrome” related to Western expectations of menstruation and
women’s roles ( Chrisler, 2008, p. 159; Ussher &: Perz, 2013). In this view, it’s
largely the expectation that the premenstrual phase will be negative that shapes
women’s experience of it as negative. In fact, in one study, women were asked
to rate the pleasantness of their mood on a day - to-day basis ( McFarlane, Mar-
tin, & Williams, 1988 ). They were then asked to look back over the month and
rate their moods. When measured daily, die participants’ reported moods didn’t
fluctuate according to their menstrual cycle. However, when the participants
were remembering, they felt as though they’d had a terrible mood right before
and during their period and a better mood just after. Other researchers have
found that women can and do identify positive pre - menstrual changes ( King &
Ussher, 2013). In other words, PMS may be more a stereotype than a reality.
As negative attitudes about menstruation and die pre - menstrual period per-
sist, it’s likely that menstruation wall continue to be viewed with secrecy and
shame. Researchers have found that negative attitudes, secrecy, and shame sur-
rounding menstruation have been linked to the tendency to self-objectify ( Grose
& Grabe, 2014; Johnston - Robledo, Sheffield , Voigt, & Wilcox - Constantine,
2007; Roberts, 2004 ). However, when girls better understand their body pro-
cesses, they can feel more comfortable with and positive about them .
Awareness of Body Cues

How does a focus on appearance influence awareness of body cues and
eating behaviors?
Another consequence of the focus on appearance is the potential to lose a sense

of how the body feels from the inside. To explore this issue, let’s first consider
when and how much we eat. Ideally, we would only eat when hungry and would
stop when we feel satisfied ( not “full,” as many people experience after a tradi -
tional American Thanksgiving dinner ). However, this isn’t how many people in
American society eat. Instead, people may eat at prescribed meal times because
that’s when others are eating or when their schedules allow' time. Stopping
when they’re satisfied also doesn’t always happen. They may eat past the point
of satiation until feeling “stuffed ” because they haven’t realized that they’re sat -
isfied. At other times, they might hear an inner voice reminding them to “clean
i= your plate” and not waste food. Or they might cat so fast that their brains don’t
have time to process signals of satiation coming from the stomach. The habit of
focusing more on appearance than on what the body actually feels makes it dif-
ficult for many people to tell what their bodies actually need in a given situation .
For others, ignoring bodily cues may develop out of necessity. The reality
is that many people, both globally and in the United States, are food insecure.

Although many individuals in the United States think of this as a problem that
happens to other people in other places, 12% of households in the United States
are estimated to experience food insecurity, and it’s experienced by people in
every county in the nation ( Feeding America , 2017 ). There’s also evidence that
college students are particularly at risk for food insecurity ( Blagg, Whitemore -
Schanzenbach , Gundcrsen , & Ziliak, 2017 ) . In a large study of college students,
48% reported food insecurity, and 22% reported having the most severe level
of food insecurity ( Dubick, Mathews, & Cady, 2016 ). People who don’t have
ready access to plentiful and nutritious food may purposely try to distance them-
selves from bodily cues of hunger in order to better focus on demands from
school or work.
In general , a greater focus on bodily functions might lead to intuitive eating
( also referred to as mindful eating ) . This approach involves eating based on
physiological cues of hunger and satiation rather than situational or emotional
cues (Tylka, 2006 ), and research with college women who predominandy iden-
tified as White showed that a focus on body function did predict intuitive eating
( Avalos & Tylka, 2006 ). While the Health at Every Size ( HAES ) movement
discussed earlier in this chapter is weight neutral, it does include a focus on eat-
ing in response to bodily cues. Moreover, research indicates that when people
cat intuitively, they generally consume nutritious foods and are able to maintain
their weight ( Eneli, Crum, &: Tylka , 2008 ).
In order to engage in intuitive eating, people have to be aware of their inter-
nal physiological signals. This is known as having interoceptive awareness.
For example, docs an uncomfortable feeling in the belly signal hunger or sadness?
Numerous studies have shown that self-objectification is related to lower levels
of interoceptive awareness ( Ainley & Tsakiris, 2013; Myers & Crowther, 2008;
Peat & Muchlenkamp, 2011; Tylka & Hill, 2004 ) and a decreased likelihood
of reporting intuitive eating ( Andrew, Tiggemann, & Clark, 2015 ) . Of course,
this line of research assumes that people have access to plentiful sources of food.
Motivation to Exercise
What are some motivations for exercising, and how are they related to
positive and negative outcomes?
It would be rare to find someone who thinks that being physically active isn’t a
good practice. However, many people don’t undertake physical activity solely
for the benefits in terms of short - and long-term physical health, for the poten-
tial increase in energy levels that can result, or for the sense of satisfaction that
can come from using one’s body. Rather than these function-oriented moti-
vations, girls and women often engage in exercise in order to “improve” their
appearance ( Laus, Braga Costa, & Almeida, 2013; McDonald & Thompson,

1
• »
Mi
!;i jj 1992; Tiggemann & Williamson, 2000 ). Appearance- related, as compared
to health- related, messages have also been found to be dominant on health
and fitness magazine covers ( Bazzini, Pepper, Swofford, & Cochran , 2015 ),
and 20% of the content in these magazines is focused on appearance ( Willis &
Knobloch-Westerwick, 2014 ).
Those who do exercise have been found to report a more positive body image
compared to those who don’t ( Hausenblas & Fallon, 2006 ). Research exploring
ft more specific motivations for exercise among girls and women , however, shows
a more complex picture. Appearance-focused motivations have been linked to
negative feelings about the body, self-objectification, decreased self- esteem , and
disordered eating ( Cash, Novy, & Grant, 1994; de Bruin, Woertman , Bakker,
& Oudejans, 2009; Gonsalves & Gomes, 2012; McDonald & Thompson,
1992; Mond, Hay, Rodgers, & Owen, 2006; Strelan, Mehaffcy, & Tiggemann,
2003; Tiggemann & Williamson, 2000; Vinkers, Evers, Adriaanse, & de Ridder,
2012 ). Thus, while exercising is generally related to positive benefits, exercis-
ing with the goal of improving appearance is related to negative outcomes. In
contrast, exercising for functional, rather than appearance - oriented , reasons has
been found to be either unrelated to feelings about the body ( Vinkers ct al .,
2012 ) or associated with more positive feelings about one’s body and higher
self-esteem ( McDonald & Thompson, 1992; Strelan et al., 2003; Tiggemann &
Williamson, 2000 ).
Because this research is correlational, one can’t assume that exercising for
appearance reasons increases body dissatisfaction; it could be that body dis-
satisfaction increases appearance- related motivations to exercise. Most likely,
there’s some of each going on. Regardless, engaging in any activity for external
I rather than internal reasons is harder to maintain over time ( Rothman , Baldwin,
Hertel, & Fuglestad, 2011 ). Interestingly, research has indicated that, among
midlife women, appearance-oriented motives for exercising were related to
decreased levels of physical activity ( Segar, Spruijt - Metz, & Nolen - Hoekscma,
2006 ). Exercising can result in an improvement of what our bodies can do:
They can lift more, stretch more, run more. It may also result in better con -
forming to societal standards of attractiveness. However, data suggest that in
order to fully benefit from exercise, we should focus on what we can do rather
than how we look.
Conclusion
Many girls and women experience their bodies as physical objects. Approaching
their bodies as though they’re observers means that they risk losing touch with
what their bodies can do and what they feel like from within . Due to pervasive
messages from the media, as well as the influence of parents and peers, many

girls and women come to understand their value in terms of the extent to which
their bodies conform to societal beauty standards. This can be a recipe for dis-
satisfaction and disappointment , as beauty norms arc difficult to achieve, change
over time, and are often incompatible with one another. Even if those norms can
be met, it’s typically only for a fleeting moment in time .
However, research shows that girls and women can undermine the power
of objectification , largely by learning to be critical of beauty standards and
resisting internalization of the messages that surround them. Also, as we’ll see
in Chapter 13, mental health vastly improves when girls and women focus on
activities that help them to get in touch with their bodies from within and to
approach their bodies ( and all aspects of themselves ) with a sense of kindness
and self-compassion .
Review
SUMMAF
!
Women's Bodies: From the Outside Looking In Specific beauty norms ( e.g., skin tone, hair
Society typically focuses more on die physical texture, being able - bodied ) may be relevant for
appearance of girls and women than on what girls and women who identify as being part of
girls and women arc like internally. specific groups ( e.g., women of color, women
Girls and women can internalize diis objectifying with disabilities, transwomen ).
perspective and focus primarily on how their
bodies look rather than on what they can do. How We Learn about Beauty Norms
The tripartite model of social influence
Beauty Matters identifies parents, peers, and media as key
Women are rewarded for being attractive and factors influencing body image.
can face negative consequences when they Parents are a key source of information about
don’t conform to beauty standards. beauty norms, and research has shown that
Because few, if any, women can meet mothers are particularly important.
beauty standards, most women report body Peers, particularly same-gender peers, can
dissatisfaction . provide key information about beauty norms
and the extent to which girls and women do
Beauty Norms and do not meet them. Fat talk plays a major
Society has specific standards for what is and is role in this process.
not considered attractive. The media may be the most important source
Beauty norms for girls and women include, but of beauty norms. However, images of girls
are not limited to, having symmetrical features, and women in the media rarely reflect typical
being thin, and having little to no body hair. individuals.
Chapter Review 271

"! Not all women are represented in the media Why Does Objectification Occur?
: at the same rates or at rates diat reflect their Objectification benefits a capitalist society, as it
actual presence in the population. spurs spending on beauty products, procedures,
and services.
The Role of Internalization Objectification may also be a way of sanitizing
Beauty norms become problematic when they
are internalized because they reflect largely
—
and controlling the female body perhaps to
stave off thoughts of mortality.
unattainable standards .
: Some girls and women manage to resist certain Women's Bodies: From the Inside Out
beauty norms ( e .g., Black women , lesbians, Because most girls and women are very focused
feminists ) . on how their bodies look, they aren’t as
focused on or aware of how their bodies work
Consequences of Self-Objectification and what they can do.
Experiencing objectification leads to greater Girls and women generally hold negative
internalization of beauty norms, which leads to attitudes about menstruation and may have
self-objectification and body surveillance . an incomplete understanding of how the
Body surveillance leads to body shame , menstrual cycle works.
which leads to other negative outcomes such Norms of shame and secrecy surround
as decreased performance , depression, and menstruation.
disordered eating. People who are not experiencing food
The process and effects of self- objectification insecurity typically cat in response to cues other
may be somewhat different for different groups than hunger ( e.g., schedules or emotions ) .
of women ( e.g., lesbians, women of color, Girls’ and women’s engagement in physical
older women ).
activity is often motivated by appearance
concerns rather than those related to improved
physical functioning.
KEY TERMS
objectification ( p. 235 ) cultivation theory ( p. 250 )
male gaze ( p. 235 ) face - ism ( p. 251 )
objectification theory ( p. 236 ) internalization ( p . 254 )
self-objectification ( p. 236 ) social comparison ( p. 254 )
body dissatisfaction ( p . 238 ) body surveillance ( p. 257 )
= normative discontent ( p. 238 ) body shame ( p. 258 )
beauty norms ( p. 240 ) terror management theory ( p. 261 )
colorism ( p. 241 ) mcnarchc ( p . 265 )
tripartite model of social influence ( p. 247 ) intuitive eating ( p. 269 )
body esteem ( p. 247 ) interoceptive awareness ( p. 269 )
fat talk ( p. 248 )
*j

THINK ABOUT IT
1. Go to a bookstore or library and examine 3. What advice would you give a friend to help
images in magazines. How do the images her combat self -objectification based on the
align with beauty norms, and how do these research in this chapter?
norms relate to real women’s experiences 4. Go to your local drug or grocery store and
of their bodies? Using the research in this examine the products related to menstruation .
chapter, what types of recommendations What types of things do you notice ( e.g., color
would you make to magazine executives? of box, images, wording, cost ). Are there
2. Compare the research on how people learn any gendered and stigmatizing themes? If so,
about beauty norms to your own experience. how would you address them to make the
In what ways does the research reflect your products less stigmatizing?
experience ? In what ways does it differ?
ONLINE RESOURCES
Adios Barbie — broadens concepts of body
image to include race, gender, LGBTQ identify,
—
The Back Talk conversations, essays, and
anecdotes from young women of color with
dis/ability, age , and size: adiosbarbie.com a focus on body positivity: soundcloud .com
Bad Fat Broads — conversations with fat
women on diverse topics: badfatbroads.com
/ thebacktalk
The Body Is Not an Apology — offers
Health at Every Size — Health at Every Size
pledge and community: hacscommunity.com
information on radical self- love for everybody
and every body: thebodyisnotanapology.com
Chapter Review 273

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( Re )Claiming Women' s Sexuality
Conclusion
Chapter Review
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5
fr*. vsi m 2
ON AUGUST 18, 2015, the U.S. Food and Drug
Administration ( FDA) formally approved Fli-
banserin ( U.S. Food and Drug Administration,
2015). While drug approvals often receive some
attention, this one drew significant media cover -
age because it was approved to treat low sexual
desire in women. On the surface, this sounds like
a wonderful thing. If women are experiencing
sexual dysfunction, it should be taken seriously,
and medical interventions have the potential
.
to be beneficial Also, the FDA approval could
be seen as an indication that women's, not
just men's, sexuality is understood as import-
Flibanserin, sold under the brand name Addyi, is
.
ant After all, the approval of Viagra, a drug to
the first FDA -approved drug for increasing women' s
treat male sexual dysfunction, in 1998 quickly sexual desire. The approval of this drug and its
became "the topic of evening news programs, introduction to the market have been fraught with
controversy.
late-show comedy monologues, cocktail par - !i
ty conversations, online chat rooms and pillow

talk in bedrooms everywhere" according to The
Washington Post ( Weeks, 1998, para. D—so why should the response to approval It!i
of a drug to treat female sexual dysfunction be any different?
As with other issues discussed in this book, not everything about Flibanse-
a
rin is positive. First, although it's often referred to as the "female Viagra " (e.g.,
.
Goldschmidt 2015), there are important differences. For example, Viagra is taken
only when planning to have sex; Flibanserin must be taken daily. Also, unlike Viagra,
Flibanserin doesn't treat a particular physiological issue that makes having sex
challenging; instead, it increases overall levels of sexual desire by changing levels of
neurotransmitters in the brain (it was initially developed as an antidepressant). Sec-
ond, critics have argued that this drug (and the disorder it purports to treat) reflects
an androcentric view of healthy or "normal'' sexuality. Maybe women's sex drives
are perfectly normal and just reflect the variation inherent in human beings—that
.
is some people want to have sex a lot, while others want it less frequently (New
View Campaign, 2014). Do women really need to take what's basically an antide-
.
pressant if they don't want to have sex "enough " or is this just an example of a
pharmaceutical company capitalizing on the medicalization of women's sexuality?
However, both women and men do experience sexual dysfunction, yet
women's sexual dysfunction has received less medical and research attention
275
:» than men's (at least compared to the focus on erectile dys-
a
:|
your turn function). Sexual dysfunction can cause significant distress
for individuals and be a source of stress within relationships.
What do you think is a normal amount Given this context is the approval of Flibanserin a good thing?
of sexual desire? Do you think "normal" The different perspectives regarding the approval of
varies among different groups of people Flibanserin remind us that women's sexuality is complex.
..
(e g , women, men, teens, the elderly)?
What is considered normal, abnormal, desirable, and unde-
Do you think a woman who has a lower
level of sexual desire than her partner sirable depends on whom you ask. It's critical to understand
should take a drug like Flibanserin? how sexuality shapes women's experiences, particularly
Can you imagine a situation in which a because gender oppression often occurs through the regu-
woman would be pressured to take such
lation and control of female sexuality. In this chapter, we’ll
a drug? Alternatively, how might taking
• 1
VJch a drug be empowering for women? explore cultural assumptions and expectations surrounding
sex and women’s sexuality. We’ll examine how people learn
about and talk about sex, as well as the challenges they face
when trying to do so. We'll discuss women' s positive and
negative experiences with both engaging and not engaging in sexual activity.
We'll also explore the influence of our sexualized culture on women and per-
ceptions of women's sexuality. In doing this, we’ll be able to explore the ways in
which culture shapes expectations about women's sexuality as well as women's
experiences with sex and sexuality.
ran —
Sexual Scripts
What are sexual scripts, and what core messages are conveyed as part of
i the traditional sexual script?
Sexual scripts are descriptions of behaviors that reflect beliefs about what is
“normal” sexual behavior in a given culture ( Gagnon & Simon , 1973; Simon &
Gagnon , 1986, 2003 ) . We see such scripts in the behavior of those around us,
but the media are a key source of these , and other, scripts. For example, in tele -
vision shows we primarily see depictions of men as initiators of sexual activity
( Kim et al ., 2007 ) . Because this is what’s represented most commonly, people
come to understand it as typical , and even expected . Aldiough multiple sexual
scripts exist, there’s a single dominant sexual script in Western culture that com -
prises a number of interrelated assumptions. These assumptions, and the script
as a whole, can have a powerful effect because they convey information about
what counts as sex, how to act in die context of a sexual encounter, who can be
276 Chapter 7 Sexuality and Sexualization
_
sexual, and when one can engage in sexual activity. In this section, we’ll discuss
some of the key assumptions that combine to form the dominant sexual script.
i
il
Sex = Heterosexuality i
:
;
:
One key assumption is that heterosexuality is the default sexual identity and
that all other sexual identities are “ other.” This assumption is a core component
i
of compulsory heterosexuality, the idea that the only “appropriate” or “ normal” ;

romantic and sexual behaviors are heterosexual ( Rich, 1980 ). According to com- :
i
pulsory heterosexuality, learning to prioritize heterosexuality is a key part of gen-
der role socialization. We can consider, as just two examples, that many Disney
movies end with a princess marrying a prince, and that some parents jokingly
refer to cross-gender friendships in children as “ having a girlfriend / boyfriend.” Si
These examples show that assumptions about heterosexuality are interconnected I;
with feminine and masculine social norms, and they contribute to gender oppres-
sion. Decades ago, the poet, writer, and radical feminist Adrienne Rich asserted '
that compulsory heterosexuality reinforces patriarchy because it teaches girls and

women that, instead of attending to their own needs and desires, they should
work to gain male attention. Therefore, girls and women may learn that they
should attempt to gain power and status through male recognition, which would
keep them from focusing on gaining power and status in other ways (a topic we’ll
return to later in this chapter ). Seen in this way, heterosexuality isn’t simply just
about sexual behaviors or identities; it’s also a set of powerful norms and gen-
dered practices that could be adopted by anyone, regardless of sexual orientation. •
R
Although compulsory heterosexuality was originally written about in 1980, it i
still remains the dominant script today. For example, popular media regularly con-
vey messages that reinforce compulsory heterosexuality. In one study, researchers
reviewed 51 hours of primetime television and coded instances of depictions that
conformed to the dominant, heterosexual sexual script ( Kim et al., 2007 ). The
researchers identified depictions of women as sexual gatekeepers, men as initiators
of relationships, and women as engaging in self-sexualization ( all topics discussed
in this chapter ) . Across diese 51 hours of TV, die heterosexual script was portrayed
662 times. In contrast, non- heterosexual scripts are much harder to find or are
presented in ways that signal deviance ( Power, McNair, & Carr, 2009 ). For exam-
ple, even though shows like Glee and Degrassi have been praised for dieir portrayal
of gender and sexual diversity, the primary plots revolve around narratives of dis-
crimination and assault motivated by hatred and ignorance (Sandercock, 2015).
Performative bisexuality ( Fahs, 2009 ) has surfaced as one non-heterosexual
script. In this script, heterosexual women make out and engage in sexual activities
with other women for the enjoyment of men who are watching diem. For example,
in season 1 of die HBO series Girls, die characters Marnie and Jessa leave a bar with
a man and go to his apartment. Marnie, who later in the scene says, “ I’m not gay,”
Sexual Scripts 277

begins to kiss Jessa, who, after initial surprise, smiles knowingly
and reinitiates the make-out session while the man watches.
Because performative bisexuality usually revolves around die
sexual pleasure of one or more men, even this script can be con-
sidered androcentric and primarily heteronormative. In fact, the
co-opting of female homosexuality has been considered part of
die modern heterosexual script by some researchers because it’s
about arousing men radier dian women ( Kim et al., 2007 ) .
Sex = Prioritizing Men:

Penetration and Orgasm
Because our society is androcentric, men’s experiences tend
to be central. That’s just as true with sex as with other aspects
of life. As a result, women’s sexuality is often understood as
non- normative, or at least undesirable, if their experiences
i
The 2003 MTV Video Music Awards differ from those of men. Thinking back to this chapter’s
is often remembered as the awards opening story about the drug that treats low sex drive in
show where pop icon Madonna women, it’s possible to offer an alternative, non -androcen -
kissed Britney Spears ( picture here)
tric perspective: Maybe it’s not women who need treatment;
as well as Christina Aguilera ( not
shown ). Do you think such instances
maybe it’s men who have overactive sex drives. How likely
of performative bisexuality are do you think it would be for the FDA to approve a drug
harmless and fun, or do they send designed to reduce sex drives in men ? Probably not very
negative messages about how and likely, and while we’re not advocating that this would be a
when women should express desire good idea, it’s hard to even contemplate because men’s sex-
for other women? ual desires and experiences are viewed as the norm .
To think about this in another way, how would you describe
“sex” ? A website aimed at parents who want to talk to their
children about sex suggested: “When a man and a woman
decide they want to do this [ have sex ], die man’s penis goes inside the woman’s
vagina, and sperm comes out of the man’s penis” ( Gorney, 2018, para. 3 ) . The
Encyclopedia Britannica described it this way: “Sexual intercourse . . . [ is a ]
reproductive act in which the male reproductive organ . . . enters the female
reproductive tract. If the reproductive act is complete, sperm cells are passed
from the male body into the female, in the process fertilizing the female egg and
forming a new organism . . . . Sexual intercourse both culminates and terminates
in orgasm, a process in which the male expels semen . . . into the female’s vaginal
canal ” ( “Sexual Intercourse,” 2017, paras. 1 and 2 ) .
Both descriptions are accurate, but they also both reflect heteronorma -
tive and androcentric assumptions: heteronormative because they assume sex
only involves a woman and a man; androcentric because only male orgasm is
addressed . However, some people engage in sex that doesn’t include a woman

.
J
!
—
and a man according to one study, 8.7% of women and 8.2% of men ( Twenge,
Sherman, & Wells, 2016 ) . The same study showed that more people report
engaging in same - gender- partner sex than was true in the past ( e.g., 3.6% of !
women and 4.5% of men reported this in the early 1990s ). Also, some peo-
ple engage in sex with more than one person at the same time. In one study
of mosdy White, heterosexual college students, researchers found that 13% of .1I
participants reported engaging in mixed -gender threesomes, and 64% of par- i!
ticipants reported having interest in them (Thompson & Byers, 2017). These
findings are another indication of the limits of normative explanations of sex,
which are narrow and inaccurate. 1
Returning to the definitions given above, in both descriptions die woman

—
is passive the entire definition is about how the man puts his penis inside of
her and sperm comes out. She basically just needs to be there. The sex act ends .1
when the man ejaculates, not when the woman has an orgasm . In fact, accord-
ing to the definitions above, even if die woman never has an orgasm, the sexual !
!
act would still be considered “complete ” as long as the man ejaculates.
I
A
i
Sex = Men Always Want It and Initiate It,

but Women Must Ward It Off
The heterosexual sexual script centers on the idea that men are frequently
focused on sex and are likely to initiate sexual encounters, whereas women are
supposed to ward off sexual attention from men and keep their “ purity.” When
women do have sex, they’re supposed to be more focused on dieir partner’s i
.
pleasure than their own and be passive participants in sexual relationships. In

!
popular culture, this script plays out , for example, in TV shows where men are
typically portrayed as the ones seeking to have sex ( with women; Kim et al.,
2007 ). In contrast, women are less likely to be depicted trying to get and enjoy
sex. Essentially, these scripts tell us that women are the recipients of sexual
attention and important participants in men’s sexual encounters, but they are I
not, in and of themselves, driven by sexual desires.
One way that compulsory heterosexuality contributes to the oppression of
girls and women is by reinforcing beliefs that boys and men should prioritize
their sexual desires and act on their sexual needs, and that hormones are the
primary factor driving male sexual urges (Tolman, 2006 ). Girls and women, in
contrast, are expected to manage male sexual urges by being the gatekeepers >
of sex. They should seek to please, but at the same time they should “wish and
wait” for male attention ( Kim et al ., 2007, p. 146 ).
The reality is different, however. Women do think about sex, initiate sex, actively :
participate in sexual encounters, and enjoy sex ( at least some women, some of the
time ). However, when women are described as desiring and initiating sex, they’re
generally punished and called sluts ( Attwood, 2007). This perspective reflects
Sexual Scripts 279

!
Ia
i
the sexual double standard (SDS) by which women are judged more harshly
than men for engaging in comparable sexual behaviors. Research findings about
die existence and prevalence of die SDS have been mixed . While many people say
diat women and men shouldn’t be judged differendy for the same behaviors, they
actually often are ( Crawford & Popp, 2003 ). Aldiough this attitude may no lon -
ger be true for having sex before marriage, it continues to apply for less common
sexual behaviors, such as having a threesome (Sagcbin Bordini, & Sperb, 2013 ).
Furdiermore, some women anticipate being judged negatively for sexual behav-
iors ( Conley, Ziegler, & Moors, 2013), even when diey themselves reject the
double standard ( Milhausen & Herold , 1999 ) . Research has also indicated that
men are more likely to endorse die SDS than are women (Sakaluk &: Milhausen ,
i 2012; Sprecher, Treger, & Sakaluk, 2013 ) .
The SDS negatively impacts women in several ways. For example, in one
study, researchers found that teen girls with many sexual partners were less likely
to be accepted by their peers than were boys with many partners ( Krcager St
li Staff, 2009 ). Other research indicated that predominantly White, college stu -
dent participants were more likely to judge a woman who initiated a casual sex
i!
encounter as being less intelligent and less mentally healthy than a man who did
the same thing ( Conley et al., 2013 ) . Sometimes, instead of these more subtle
— —
social judgments, women who are or arc perceived to be more sexually active
are explicidy targeted through slut shaming. This occurs when girls and women
are criticized for their actual or presumed engagement in sexual behaviors, and
it’s particularly common among adolescents and young adults ( Armstrong,
Hamilton, Armstrong, & Seeley, 2014; Bamberg, 2004; Ringrose, Harvey, Gill,
& Livingstone, 2013 ). Even wearing sexy clothing or dancing suggestively can
result in receiving this label ( Papp et al., 2015 ) .
The heterosexual sexual script doesn’t focus on women actively wanting,
enjoying, and initiating sex, but if a woman doesn’t want sex enough to please
her partner, that’s also considered problematic. Moreover, asexuality, which we
first discussed in Chapter 4, is completely absent from these scripts. In recent
years, there has been increased awareness of asexuality as a sexual orientation
identity held by some people. There’s not a great deal of research exploring
asexuality to date, and researchers operationalize asexuality in different ways
across studies. As a result, diere are no consistent estimates of the rates of asex -
uality or asexual identification in die population . Estimates of prevalence range
from less than 1% of the population to about 5.5% of the population either
identifying as asexual or reporting attitudes and/or behavior consistent with
asexuality ( Van Houdenhovc, Gijs, T’Sjoen, & Enzlin, 2014 ). However, lack
of interest in sex or low sex drive is often pathologized as a disorder ( Brotto &
— —
Yule, 2017 ) a topic we’ll return to later in this chapter as evidenced by the
FDA approval of Flibanserin . In this atmosphere, women can find themselves in
a double bind: If they completely avoid sex, they’re likely to be seen as prudish
- or frigid; but if they’re highly sexual, they’re likely to be seen as sluts.

.
Sex = Something for the Young, Beautiful, and :
Able- Bodied
When you think of people having sex, what do you imagine they look like? Do
they conform to traditional standards of attractiveness ? Arc they young? Do they
have visible disabilities ? It’s very possible that your answers reflect our culture’s
—
normative heterosexual script and that’s because sexual scripts not only tell us
how we can be sexual, but also tell us who isn’t supposed to be sexual. For exam-
ple, popular media rarely show images of older people, particularly older women,
being sexual ( Gill , 2009 ), and the bodies of midlife women are often depicted as
targets of humor rather than desire ( Weitz, 2010 ) . One exception is the hypersex-
ual “cougar” who pursues sexual relationships with younger men ( Montemurro
8c Siefken, 2014 ), and although this term reflects the fact that older women don’t
necessarily lack sexual desire, it’s generally used in a derogatory way. Further-
more, women with physical and intellectual disabilities are often thought of as
asexual ( Milligan 8c Neufeldt, 2001 ). Even though some women with disabilities
do, in fact , identify as asexual ( Kim , 2011 ), this isn’t true of all women who have
disabilities. Regardless of the fact that many women, and men, with disabilities !
are sexually active , some people believe that this is inappropriate, particularly for
those with intellectual disabilities ( Cuskelly 8c Bryde, 2004 ).
The reality is that all women have the potential to be
sexual , but sexual scripts limit our thinking about women’s
—
sexuality and sexuality in general . By specifying what sex is
your turn
supposed to involve and who is supposed to enjoy it, they
increase the focus on some women’s sexuality while ignoring If you were to explain sex and sexuality
:
that of others. Like so many topics we’ve already covered , to someone who was unfamiliar with the
idea , what "rules" would be part of your ex-
it’s not enough to change norms and scripts to a different :
planation? Now imagine trying to explain
set. Replacing one narrow perspective with another just shifts
sex to someone who doesn't understand
the problem and results in different people being marginal - gender—at least, not as a binary in the way
ized rather than stopping marginalization. Broader education it's typically discussed. Would these "rules"
about sexuality and the diversity of attitudes and experiences make as much sense? Would sex "look"
would aid a shift away from a single dominant script and different if we didn’t focus on gender? :
toward an array of equally viable, although different, scripts. 1
H!
II
i
Learning about Sex 5»
i:
How do we learn about sex, and what is typically covered and not covered?
As we’ve discussed , cultural messages about sex and sexuality surround us and
can influence both thinking and behavior. But how do we actually learn about
sex ? What do we learn ? Most people learn about sex from a variety of sources,
;
Learning about Sex 281

i
ft including parents and other family members, peers, and the media. Many also
learn about sex as part of formalized school - based sex education programs.
.i
Information gleaned from these sources can vary, and the different sources
are not equally influential on attitudes and behavior. Degree of knowledge
and level of comfort of those providing information can also impact what is
learned.
!‘ Parents
l!
When you think about talking with parents about sex, you might imagine an
awkward moment when a parental figure tries to have an intimate discussion
about sexuality with a squirming adolescent; this is often referred to as “ the
— —
talk.” Sexual socialization the process of learning about sexuality actually
begins far earlier dian adolescence. It starts when parents ( and others ) talk to
young children ( e.g., pre-schoolers ) about dicir body parts, romantic and sexual
relationships, and so on ( Martin & Luke, 2010 ). These conversations may result
from a daughter’s questions about why parts of her body are different from
those of her brother, or from children asking where babies come from . Research
has indicated, however, that parents are often uncomfortable about talking with
: When you hear the phrase

" the talk ," what comes to
mind? Who ' s involved in

j
the conversation ? What 's
covered ? Did you receive “the
talk " ? Have you ever given it ?
If you have children or plan to
i
have children, what have you
said or would you say to them
1 about sex and sexuality?
!
I
i
1
5

their kids about sex and aren’t sure how much information to give, or when
( Gcasler, Dannison, & Edlund 1995; Stone, Ingham, & Gibbins 2013 ). Given
this discomfort, many parents take the approach of answering questions when
asked but not initiating discussions about sex and sexuality ( Frankham, 2006 ).
Of course, this approach results in less information being shared.
Regardless, children manage to absorb information that gives them insight
into sex and sexuality. In fact, children learn not just from what they’re explic-
itly taught; they also learn about the world by identifying what isn’t discussed.
In the context of sex and sexuality, silence or limited conversation about cer-
tain topics also teaches children about family and cultural attitudes ( Dyson,
2016 ) . For example, children might see two women kissing at the park and
ask their mother why the women are doing that. If the mother brushes off
the question or skirts the issue by saying that they must be friends, the chil -
dren are, perhaps unintentionally, being told indireedy that it’s not okay for
two people of the same gender to be intimately involved ( or, at least, not to
indicate this with public displays of affection ). In this way, heteronormativity
is reinforced .
As children reach puberty, parents may wish to impart specific knowledge
about sex and sexuality, or have their children engage in some type of formal
or informal sexual education . According to numerous studies, mothers tend
to be the primary providers of sex education in the home ( Dilorio, Pluhar, &
Belcher, 2003; Raffaclli, Bogenschncider, & Flood, 1998; Wisnieski, Sieving, &
Garwick, 2015 ), but many remain uncomfortable and feel that they lack the nec-
essary knowledge to be successful educators ( Jaccard, Dittus, & Gordon, 2000;
Orgocka, 2004; Walker, 2001; Wilson , Dalberth, Koo, & Gard, 2010 ). In one
study that explored Latinx maternal and adolescent communications about
sex, researchers found that daughters were resistant to talking about sex, which
caused initial discomfort for their mothers ( O’Sullivan, Meyer- Bahlberg, &
Watkins, 2001 ). Over time, however, mothers can build open communication
patterns ( McKee & Karasz, 2006 ) . This is important, because other research
indicates that Latinx girls, in particular, are likely to make decisions about sex-
uality on the basis of familial conversations, especially those with their mothers
( Denner & Coyle, 2007; Hovell , et al., 1994 ).
When parents do talk to children about sex, key themes that are generally
communicated include girls’ responsibility for avoiding and/or controlling sex -
ual encounters and the consequences of sexual intercourse. Positive and pleasur-
able aspects of sex and sexuality are rarely part of these conversations ( Dilorio
et al ., 2003 ). In a study examining Asian American girls’ perception of their
parents’ communication style, all the girls reported that their parents relayed
messages indirectly ( Kim & Ward, 2007 ). Parents who were more acculturated
to U.S. cultural norms and practices conveyed a message that premarital sex was
acceptable; however, those parents who were more religious and who didn’t
speak English in the home leaned toward abstinence- based messages.

Peers
—
Many parents don’t actually talk about sexuality with their children at least, not a
lot or in an ongoing way as children grow up (Warren, 1995; Wilson et al., 2010 ).
As a result, broader social networks are often important sources of information
about sexuality for young people: family members such as grandparents, aunts, and
siblings, as well as family friends, parents of peers, and peers ( George et al ., 2013;
Wisnicski et al., 2015 ). Peers, in particular, can be an important source of infor-
>
mation. In several studies, girls and young women rank peers as a more important
! source of information about sex than their parents ( Bleakley, Hennessy, Fishbein,
& Jordan, 2009; Heisler, 2005; Sprecher, Harris, 6c Meyers, 2008 ). For example,
Black and Latinx girls report learning sexual standards from observing and talking
with dieir peers ( O’Sullivan & Meyer- Balilberg, 2003 ). In another study of Latinx
young adults, researchers found diat female peers helped to promote “smart sex,”
which included learning about contraceptive use and devising plans to avoid “ play-
ers” and to manage dieir sexual reputations ( Faulkner, 2003, p. 188 ) .
The Media
The media constitute another important source of information about sex and
sexuality for many young people ( Bleakley et al., 2009; Sprecher et al ., 2008;
Ward, 2003) and, like peers, often rank as a more important source than parents
(Sprecher et al., 2008 ). Being a major source of information about what consti-
tutes acceptable sexual behaviors, the media contribute to the sexual scripts that
people develop ( Kim et al., 2007 ). In fact, it has been suggested that the media
may serve as a “sexual super peer” ( Brown, Halpcrn , & L’Englc, 2005 , p. 421 ).
Because movies, TV shows, magazines, and the Internet are readily accessible,
the information they provide about sex can be particularly important, especially
for early- maturing girls ( Brown et al., 2005 ). Because these girls reach puberty
earlier than their peers, they may feel isolated and unsure, and lack ready access
to others with more information. The media may fill that role.
Why does it matter where girls learn about sex ? As discussed above, die sexual
script that dominates popular media reinforces heteronormativity and largely
ignores the sexual desires of girls and women. Moreover, sexual risk-taking
is higher among girls who report learning about sex primarily from the media
and peers as opposed to parents or other important family figures ( Dilorio et
al., 2003; Hutchinson, Jemmott, Jemmott, Braverman, & Fong, 2003; Moore,
-
Berkley-Patton, Bohn, Hawes, & Bowe Thompson, 2015 ). Sexual risk-taking
includes being less likely to engage in behaviors to minimize the risk of contracting
sexually transmitted infections (STIs ), as well as a higher likelihood of having sex
without birth control to minimize the risk of unplanned pregnancy. While people
might disagree about when it’s appropriate for individuals to begin engaging in

if
sexual activity, few would disagree that if one is having sex, it’s better to have safe
—
sex ( frequently called safer sex e.g., sex involving birth control, often condoms)
in order to minimize the risk ofSTIs and pregnancy. Learning about sex from par-
ents, as opposed to peers or the media, has also been linked to starting to engage
in sexual behaviors at a later age ( Bleaklcy et al., 2009; Dilorio et al., 2003). How-
ever, one study with racially diverse participants found that when parents relied
on lecturing to provide information about sex, instead of allowing adolescents to
express their own ideas and opinions, die adolescents were actually more likely to
engage in sexual intercourse ( Rogers, Ha , Stormshak, & Dishion, 2015 ).
Young people are also increasingly learning about sex
dirough pornography, especially in die absence of clear infor-
mation from parents or schools. One study showed that 93% of your turn
boys and 62% of girls had been exposed to pornography before
the age of 17 (Sabina, Wolak, & Finkelhor, 2008 ), and anodier
How did you learn about sex? When do
showed diat 49% of boys had exposure to pornography before
you remember first learning about sexual
die age of 13 (Sun , Bridges, Johnson, & Ezzell, 2016 ). Young topics? Where did this information come
people may turn to pornography for a variety of reasons, from? Were you comfortable asking ques-
including being curious, to learn about aspects of sex diat were tions? Did you get the information you
perceived to be taboo or kinky, and to explore dicir sexuality wanted to have when you wanted it? In
and sexual identity ( Attwood , Smith, & Barker, 2018 ). How- an ideal world, what would your process
ever, pornography consumption has been linked to asking, and of learning about sex have been like?
even pressuring, partners to engage in acts diat have been seen }
in pornography as well as to decreased enjoyment of sex widi a
partner (Stanley et al., 2018; Sun et al., 2016 ).
i;
t
School- Based Sex Education j
What are the different approaches to sex education in school, and what
outcomes are associated with these different approaches? i
ii
Although some people believe that sex education should only happen at home u
i
( Jordan, Price, & Fitzgerald, 2000 ), a majority of both parents ( Bleakley,
Hcnnessy, & Fishbein, 2006; Jordan et al., 2000; McKay, Byers, Voyer,
Humphreys, & Markham, 2014; Millncr, Mulekar, & Turrens, 2015 ) and teens ii
( Byers et al., 2003) favor sex education through schools. Most parents and teens
also agree that sex education should begin by middle school ( Bleakley et al.,
2006; Byers at al., 2003; Jordan et al., 2000; McKay et al., 2014 ). However,
there’s considerable debate about what should be included in the instruction.
Types of Programs In the United States, an abstinence-only sex education i -

approach ( also known as abstinence-only- until- marriage ) has been a com- il
monly adopted one for decades. Whether this education is undertaken at home, i;

. • HI
, if .
!
i through religious groups, or in schools, the approach focuses on teaching that
abstaining until marriage is the only way to avoid pregnancy, STIs, and negative
psychological consequences. School- based programs using this approach have
received significant funding from the federal government ( Planned Parenthood,
! 2012 ). These programs promote abstinence as the only morally correct choice
I
and are often developed by religious organizations even though federally funded
i
programs can’t make direct references to religion. They also typically include no
information about contraception or only indicate diat contraception is not effec-
! ! tive at preventing pregnancy and /or STI transmission . Only 2% of school - based
hi ! programs used this abstinence-only approach in the 1980s, but 35% were using
it by the late 1990s, and an additional 51% promoted abstinence as the preferred
—
means of contraception an approach discussed below ( Lamb, 2010 b ) .
Because many school - based sex education programs in the United States are
fully or partially funded through money from die federal government, shifts in
elected federal government officials can drastically change the funding priorities
and, as a result, the prevalence of different types of sex education approaches.
For example, in 2010 under the Obama administration, federal funding for
abstinence -only programs was reduced by two-thirds, and funding was specifi -
cally established for the implementation of programs that included information
on contraception ( Planned Parenthood, 2012 ). Priorities shifted again after the
2016 federal elections resulting in Republican control of both houses of Con -
gress as well as the White House. For example, President Trump’s proposed
2019 budget included an allocation of $75 million for abstinence- based sex
education programs ( Richmond, 2018 ) . At the same time this was presented,
the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services defunded grants to sup -
port a number of sex education programs with a teen pregnancy prevention
focus rather than an abstinence focus ( Kodjak, 2018 ). As election cycles unfold
I
and government representatives change, the state of funding for different types
of programs will likely continue to fluctuate.
Regardless of fluctuating government funding priorities, a great deal of
research has indicated widespread support for sex education that includes accu -
I» !
j,
rate information about contraception . For example, one survey using a nation -
=! ally representative sample of U.S. adults found that only 36% of respondents
!i supported abstinence-only programs, 50% specifically opposed them, and
J
82% supported programs including information about contraception in addi-
tion to abstinence ( Bleakley et al., 2006 ). Studies focusing on specific areas
of the country, including southern Alabama ( Millner et al., 2015 ), Minnesota
( Eisenberg, Bernat, Bearinger, & Resnick, 2009 ), California ( Constantine,
Jerman, & Huang, 2007), North Carolina ( Ito et al., 2006 ), and Indiana ( Yarber,
—
j •
= Milhausen, Crosby, 8c Torabi, 2005 ), have found similar patterns even when
: the states mandate abstinence-only sex education.
"
Sex education approaches that include information about contraception typ-
ically fall into two categories: abstinence-plus sex education and comprehensive
-
!
j
sex education . As with abstinence -only approaches, both of these approaches

can be used in either formal or informal educational contexts. Abstinence-plus I
sex education still promotes abstinence as the most effective way to prevent
pregnancy and disease, but this approach also includes information about con -
traception and strategies for safer sex practices. Comprehensive sex education
approaches cover abstinence as well, but not as the primary focus. Rather, absti -
nence is discussed as one of a number of ways to remove or reduce the risk for
pregnancy and STIs along with other contraceptives. Another component of
this approach is a focus on communication and interpersonal skills training.
Also, sex and sexuality are framed as positive and healthy components of life.
The view of sex and sexuality as positive and healthy aspects of life reflects sex
positivity. This perspective has been central to the development and implementa -
tion of comprehensive sex education programs. Sex positivity involves the idea that !
all sexual expression and behavior is healthy as long as it is practiced with explicit
consent from all parties involved . Advocates of sex - positive education emphasize !
that it’s possible to teach children about consent at very young ages. For exam-
ple, very young children can be asked for their permission before being touched,
hugged , or tickled and can be made to feel they have the right to say what they are
and are not comfortable with . Both at school and at home, they can also be encour -
aged to feel comfortable with their bodies and to learn appropriate boundaries. For
example, one sex- positive mother told her daughter, “We don’t play with our vul -
vas at the table. Go wash your hands and finish your food ” ( Grover, 2014, para. 2 ).
Comparing Outcomes Given the different approaches to sex education, you

might ask if one is better than another. A great deal of research has shown
abstinence -only sex education programs to be ineffective in actually encour- \
aging abstinence. For example, a review of more than 100 different program
evaluations led to the conclusion that abstinence -only programs don’t seem to
delay initiation of sexual activity or reduce reported numbers of sexual partners
»
( Kirby, 2007 ). In the same review, one surprising finding was that sex edu-
i
cation programs that included information about contraception were related r
to delayed initiation of sex and decreased number of sexual partners. In other

words, it appears that telling students about contraception, which some people
tional research is needed to understand why this happens.

—
may fear would encourage sexual activity, actually decreased it although addi- •:
This is a particularly important topic to consider in the United States because

of the teen birth rate and rising STI rates. According to data from the World
Bank ( n.d. ), despite consistently declining rates of teen births, the United States
still has the highest rate of teen births as compared to other Western, industrial-
ized countries (see Figure 7.1 ). Also, more than half of pregnancies in the nation
are unintended, and these rates are higher for poor women ( Guttmacher Insti-
tute, 2016 ). Additional data indicate that diagnoses of chlamydia, gonorrhea,
and syphilis are increasing ( Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2015 ). if
i
:
:
>
.
I 30
*
25
«1
20
15
i; 10
5
. i sai
FIGURE 7.1 Teen birth rate per 1,000 girls, ages 15 to 19, in 2016.
Data from http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.ADO.TFRT.
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ( CDC ) reports that the rates of
HIV diagnoses among Black women are particularly high ( Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, 2016 ).
Providing adolescents with information about how to prevent pregnancy and
reduce the risk of contracting STIs is clearly a central component of successful sex
education, but many people, including many feminists, argue that this is only part
of what comprehensive sex education should include. As far back as 1988, psy-
chologist Michelle Fine talked of die “missing discourse of desire ” ( Fine, 1988,
p. 29 ), specifically female desire, in school- based sex education. In other words,
:
.
:
sex education typically fails to talk about how pleasure and enjoyment are often
J i part of sex. When they are mentioned or alluded to, it’s almost always in terms of
-
:
male, rather than female, desire. Often , sex education focuses only on the nega -
tive consequences of sexual activity ( Allen, 2007; Bay-Cheng, 2003 ), and when
i pleasure is discussed, it’s in the context of negative outcomes such as regretted
1
sex and pregnancy, so pleasure gets associated with danger ( Lamb, Lustig, &
Graling 2013). Moreover, the bulk of the responsibility for avoiding negative
consequences of sex is placed on girls (Allen, 2007; Bay- Cheng, 2003; Tolman,
2004 ). For example, teen pregnancy is often discussed in terms of girls getting
!
pregnant ( with no partner referenced ) rather than boys impregnating girls.
School- based sex education has also been criticized for foiling to provide infor-
{
f.
-
mation about many sex- and sexuality related topics ( Bay-Cheng, 2003; Fine &
McClelland, 2006; Lamb, 2010 b ). For example, most programs only discuss
1. intercourse involving a woman and a man or only briefly mention other sexual
;
& 288 Chapter 7 Sexuality and Sexualization
=
orientations or sexual activity involving same-gender partners.
=
They typically assume that all participants are cisgcnder, and
since some sex education programs arc organized around
your turn
gender-segregated groups, educational practices can further
What were your experiences with school-
marginalize transgender individuals. The programs also don’t
based sex education? At what grade
typically discuss sexuality concerns that might be relevant for
level( s) was it integrated into the school
individuals with disabilities. One study showed that health - curriculum? Would you describe the focus
care providers, caregivers, and educators reported avoiding as abstinence-only, abstinence-plus, or i>
frank discussions about sexuality with people who have dis- comprehensive? What, specifically, was
:
:
abilities because of anxiety about the topic (Travers, Tincani, covered? Search for information online
Whitby, 8c Boutot, 2014 ). Further, other studies have shown about sex education in Sweden and the
that, because of role confusion regarding who should initiate Netherlands-two countries with especial-
such conversations ( e.g., health -care providers, family mem - ly progressive programs. Based on what
bers, teachers ), people with disabilities had less knowledge we've discussed, what you learn about the ‘
about important topics related to sex ( e.g., STIs, safer sex prac- programs in Sweden and the Netherlands,
and your own experiences, what approach
tices, sexual rights ) than the general population ( Galea, Butler,
would you take if you were going to design ‘
Iacono, & Leighton, 2004; McCabe, 1999 ). In these various
a school-based sex education program?
ways, individuals with disabilities may be particularly harmed What would and would not be included?
by the limited information given in abstinence-only programs.
Concerns such as these have led some people to call for
comprehensive sex education curricula that have an explicit
social justice approach and are organized on a human rights framework ( Berglas,
Angulo-Olaiz, Jerman, Desai , 8c Constantine, 2014; Lamb 2010 b ). These pro-
grams would move beyond providing information about sex, sexuality, safety, and
communication. They would also cover principles of and values associated with
human rights and would include discussions and activities addressing equality and
access. One suggested approach is to include a focus on sexual ethics to help teens
examine their own moral positions on what they do and do not find acceptable
( Lamb, 2010 b ). Such programs would also ask students to consider how their par-
ents, peers, and the media affect their personal opinions. According to advocates of
this approach , truly comprehensive sex education is complex and multifaceted and
could serve to educate people not only about their own sexuality but also about the
diverse array of beliefs, behaviors, and identities that constitute sexuality as a whole.
Talking about Sex

How do people typically talk about female anatomy, and what are the major
components of women’s genitalia?
Despite formal and informal sex education, many people are still uncomfortable
talking about sex. The language we use ( and don’t use ) provides information
Talking about Sex 289

I1 about how we feel, what we approve of, and what we dis -
try it for yourself approve of. For example, in many families, genital anatomy
is referred to as “ private parts,” penises are called “ pee-
i
pees,” and vulvas and vaginas are referred to as “coochies”
What words and phrases were you taught
or “down diere.” In a study conducted in the early 1980s,
for genital anatomy and for sexual acts?
When did you add new terms to your
researchers found that 40% of men and 29% of women
vocabulary? What were they? Where, and were taught the correct anatomical names for male genitalia
i
i from whom, did you learn them? Which during childhood, and only 6% of women and 18% of men
-I terms do you prefer to use now? learned die correct names for female genitalia ( Gartrell &
Now step back from your own experi- Mosbacher, 1984 ). Twenty years later, a study of pre -school
ences and preferences. How many terms children similarly found that most participants used slang
can you think of for male genitals? for fe- terms for sexual body parts (Thackeray & Readdick, 2003 ).
male genitals? When you list them, does More recent research has also found that mothers tend to
one group of terms seem more negative use vague terms ( e.g., “down there ” ) when talking with
!
than the other? Why do some terms seem girls ( Martin, Baker, Torres, 8c Luke, 2011 ) . This is all part
|T'*optable and others not?
of sexual socialization. While the language people use does
change as they get older, people continue to use slang terms
most of the time.
"Down There"
Because diere’s so much diversity in terms used, in this section we’ll review what
really is “down there,” where these body parts are located, and how they work.
Women’s external genitals are collectively referred to as the vulva; this
includes hair, folds of skin , and the openings of the urethra and the vagina
(see Figure 7.2). The labia majora are the outer lips of the vulva. Made up
of fatty tissue covered in pubic hair, they begin next to the thigh and extend
inward to surround the labia minora as well as the urethral and vaginal open -
ings. The labia minora, sometimes referred to as the inner lips of die vulva, are
hairless and sensitive folds of skin diat extend from the clitoris past the urinary
and vaginal openings.
We can’t talk about female sexuality without talking about die clitoris, a
Si highly sensitive genital structure that has the sole function of providing sexual
i f
pleasure. Actually, the clitoris isn’t a single structure; rather, it’s part of an
interconnected network of internal and external structures collectively known
as the clitoral complex (see Figure 7.3). The common use of the term clitoris
-i
j
i
—
refers to the clitoralglans the head of the clitoris that contains a huge num -
ber of nerve endings, resulting in great sensitivity. However, the glans is really
>
just the most visible part of the clitoral complex, as it may protrude from the
clitoral hood, particularly when aroused. The glans is the tip of die clitoral shaft,
which extends from the glans into the body under the clitoral hood . Most
I
women achieve orgasm through direct or indirect stimulation of the clitoral
4
I
I
- .- .
-Q Q .
'
I
ry
-.
iV
\
!
: T;
^
V , JL m Clitoris
!
Labia -
majora •
••
V '; ,.
4’ r
wpm~ Urethral
opening
!
Labia - i Vaginal
minora
opening
• V ;
V .
W' .
* ft
'
>! V !
•* » ’
Anus r • '•
& t
vf
.
- 3a
!
!
FIGURE 7.2 The external female genitalia.
glans and shaft ( e .g., through manual or oral stimulation , or through rubbing
against a partner’s pubic bone ) . When aroused , the clitoral shaft and glans
become engorged with blood (similar to the way a penis becomes erect ). Other
portions of the clitoral complex also become enlarged due to increased blood
flow during arousal . The clitoral crura, or the legs of the clitoris, extend from
eidier side of the clitoral shaft where it meets the body, and just below the crura
Clitoral shaft
Clitoral hood
Clitoris glans
v'
Clitoral crura
IV
Urethral
opening
r Vaginal
opening
Vestibular
Labia bulb
FIGURE 7.3 The clitoral complex.
Talking about Sex 291

ii
!
ii
are vestibular bulbs. These structures surround the vagina , and they become
more sensitive to touch, pressure, and vibration when swollen due to arousal.
This can also play a role in women’s orgasms, along with stimulation of the
clitoral glans.
.
Contraception: Staying Safe
What types of birth control are available, how effective are they, and how
do they relate to disease protection?
Responsibility for preventing unwanted pregnancy often falls to women. Part of

i!
i j:
the explanation for this may be that women are the ones who become pregnant,
so most contraceptives are options they can employ. This responsibility may
also fall to women because of the cultural expectations we’ve already discussed:
Women’s expected role is to be sexual gatekeepers while not being particularly
interested in sex themselves. It is, however, important for all partners involved in
sexual activity to also be involved in decision making around safety. Research has
shown that even though cross-gender couples do share decision making about
—
contraception, it often falls along gendered lines with women being respon-
sible for most forms of birth control and men solely for condom use ( Fenell,
2011). Other research has shown that talking openly about contraception relates
There are many contraception

options available to women.
Each has different benefits
and risks, and not all are
equally accessible because
some are quite expensive
and many require working
with a health -care provider .
What are some of the factors
that you or women you know
take into consideration when
choosing contraceptives ?
i
to an increased likelihood of actually using it ( Manlove,
Franzetta, 2007 ).
There are several types of contraceptives. Hormonal
spotlight o n . . I
i
contraceptives include birth control pills, rings, patches,

injections, implants, and intrauterine devices ( IUDs ). The Dark Side of :
Barrier methods include female and male condoms,
vaginal spermicides, diaphragms, and sponges. Fertility Birth Control 1
5
awareness methods involve some or all of the following: The availability of birth control benefits
tracking menstrual cycles, tracking body temperature, women who wish to control their reproduc-
and monitoring for changes in cervical mucus. There are tion. However, the origins of the wide avail-
also non - hormonal IUDs and sterilization ( e.g., tubal ability of birth control go back to the eugen-
ligation for women and vasectomy for men ) . Abstaining ics movement in the United States during :
from penetrative sex or engaging in outercourse ( i.e., the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
forms of sexual activity that don’t involve penile -vagi - This movement focused on " improving "
the human population by encouraging
nal penetration ) are also contraceptive practices. Finally,
educated, "intelligent" people to have more
women may make use of “emergency contraceptives”
children and discouraging "inferior " people
( e.g., Plan B ) after a sexual encounter. The most com -
from having children. In 1927, for exam -
monly adopted forms of contraception are birth con - ple, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Buck
trol pills ( 16% of women ), female sterilization ( 15.5% ), v. Bell that states could force mandatory
male condoms ( 9.4% ), and long- acting reversible con - sterilization on women in institutions who
traceptives ( i .e ., IUDs and implants; 7.2% ), but rates of were considered "feeble minded" (Diekema,
adoption do vary by age ( Daniels, Daugherty, &: Jones, 2003). However, many of those women had
2014 ). For example, female sterilization is most com - been institutionalized only because they
monly chosen by women age 35 and older. were "promiscuous or had become preg -
Many factors can influence women’s choice of con - nant out of wedlock" (Roberts, 1997, p. 69 ).
Carrie Buck, the defendant in the case, was
traceptive methods. For example, if one wants to have
sterilized because she was poor and had a
children in the future, reversibility may be a key fac-
child without being married.
tor. Access to contraceptives is also important to con -
Black and Mexican American women also
sider. Many forms of contraception require visits to frequently experienced forced sterilization
health -care professionals and prescriptions; odiers can ( Stern, 2005a, 2005b), and not just in the
be purchased over the counter. Some, like male con - distant past. In 1965, 60% of Black women in
doms and vasectomies, need cooperation from a partner. one Mississippi county were sterilized with-
Cost is also a concern . For example, without insurance, out consent after they had children (Roberts,
hormonal implants cost around $800, and IUDs cost 1997). In 1975, a class action lawsuit against
around $1,000, although these can be effective for years two Los Angeles hospitals resulted from
( Kosova , 2017 ). The annual cost of birth control pills is the forced sterilization of Mexican Ameri-
between $240 and $600, injections cost approximately can women ( Stern, 2005b). It ' s estimated
$240 per year, and die birth control ring costs about that 100,000 to 150,000 poor women were
sterilized annually under federally funded
$1,000 per year.
programs during this time (Roberts, 1997).
. Contraceptive options also vary in effectiveness at pre- Thus, while birth control can allow
venting pregnancy, and the effectiveness of most methods women autonomy over their bodies, it can
is decreased with incorrect or inconsistent use (Trussel,
: 2011; see Table 7.1 ). Disease prevention is also a key
also be a tool to control their sexuality and
reproduction .
293
n!
' il
i TABLE 7.1 Effectiveness Rates of Birth Control Methods

{
Percentage of Women with Unintended

Pregnancy within the First Year of Use
Method
Correct and Consistent Use Typical Use
Abstinence* 0% 0%
Outercourse* 0% 0%
Birth control pills < 1% 9%

Birth control patch < 1% 9%
Birth control vaginal ring < 1% 9%

i
Birth control shots < 1% 6%
i
i Birth control implants < 1% < 1%
Hormonal IUD <1% < 1%
l Non - hormonal IUD <1% < 1%
Male condoms 2% 18%

Female condoms 5% 21%
:
Vaginal spermicides 18% 28%
Diaphragms 6% 12%
Vaginal sponges
women who have never given birth 9% 12 %
women who have given birth 20% 24%
Fertility awareness methods <1% - 5% depending 24%
on method
Sterilization <1% < 1%
Withdrawal 4% 22%
No contraception 85% 85%
i
Source: Trusscll, 2011; 4 https://w\vw.planncdparcnthood .org/lcarn / birth -control
concern, and abstinence, outercourse, and the use of female and male condoms
are the primary options available to reduce the likelihood of disease transmission.
Although women don’t have worries about unintended pregnancy as a result of
sexual activity with another woman, disease transmission is a concern, so some use
dental dams, which are thin sheets of latex (originally intended for use by dentists
during dental procedures) that can be stretched across the vulva to reduce risk.

!:
-
Having (and , Ideally, spotlight o n . .
Enjoying ) Sex
What are common beliefs about having sex and the The HPV Vaccine
rates at which others are having sex?
In 2006, the U.S. Food and Drug Administra -
Women can engage in sexual activity and have body parts tion approved a vaccine for the human pap-
illomavirus (HPV ), initially for young women
that serve no purpose other than to provide sexual plea -
and subsequently for young men. HPV
sure. However, as with all behavior, there’s a great deal of
causes genital warts and is a leading cause
variability in the experiences of individual people. Some
of cervical cancer. However, despite recom-
women may choose not to engage in sexual activity at mendations for the widespread adoption of
all, some become sexually active at young ages, and some i-
this vaccine, in 2016 only 49.5% of girls and
i
wait to engage in some or all sexual activity until they’re 37.5% of boys age 13 to 17 had completed
married or in a committed , long - term relationship. the series of vaccinations (Walker et al.,
Data from one nationally representative survey in 2017 ). In contrast, rates of completing other II
die United States indicated that the average age of first vaccinations were above 80%. Why are the
intercourse was 15.5 years ( Halpern & Haydon, 2012 ). HPV numbers relatively low? ••
Data from another nationally representative survey show Some people are concerned about the
that 55% of women reported having had sex by age 18 lack of data on the vaccine ' s long- term
safety. Others argue that HPV is less of a
and 75% by age 20 ( Abma & Martinez, 2017 ) . How- i
risk than highly contagious diseases like
ever, there were differences depending on the race/
measles. Still others argue that HPV vacci-
ethnicity of respondents. Data from White respondents nation may increase engagement in risky
were consistent with the overall data . Latinx respon - sexual behavior, although research has
dents reported a similar pattern of sexual activity by age found no such relationship ( Liddon, Leich-
18 ( 55% ) and a slightly higher rate by age 20 ( 79% ), and liter, & Markowitz, 2012; Mayhew et al.,
Black respondents reported higher rates of having initi - 2014; Al Romaih, Srinivas, Shahtahmasebi,
ated sexual activity at both ages ( 62% and 82%, respec- & Omar , 2011). Low rates of vaccination
tively ) . These surveys were largely focused on vaginal might also be related to lack of awareness,
intercourse, but there are other ways that people can lack of physician recommendation, and
be sexually active. Rates of oral and anal sexual activity, cost (Chan, Chan, Ng, & Wong, 2012; Kester,
for example, have been found to be lower than rates for Zimet, Fortenberry, Kahn, & Shew , 2013).
Have you been vaccinated against HPV ?
vaginal sex among women ( Halpern & Haydon, 2012).
Did you or your parents make the decision,
and what factors went into it ? If vaccina -
tion was never brought up , why do you
The "First Time" think that was? If you are, or plan to be, a
parent, how will you decide if your child
—
First times in many contexts receive a lot of attention we
can think about first steps, first days of school, and so on.
should receive the HPV vaccine?
First sexual experiences can, similarly, be very meaningful. !l

;
The first sexual experience that many people focus on is
the first time they experience vaginal -penile intercourse,
295
r .
!
often referred to as losing one’s virginity. There is, however, great variability in
;l how people define losing virginity. In one study of participants with diverse edi-
nicities and sexual orientations, although 100% indicated that vaginal - penile inter-
course for die first time would constitute losing virginity, there was less agreement
about whether odier forms of sex would do so ( Carpenter, 2001 ). For example,
28% of young women and men interviewed believed that engaging in oral sex
with a partner of die odier sex could constitute losing virginity, and 56% believed
5 diat engaging in anal sex could result in losing virginity. Recognizing that sexual
II activity can involve same-gender participants, 80% of those interviewed indicated
that virginity could be lost with a same-gender partner, but 47% felt that the defi -
nitions for virginity loss would have to be different in this case. Other research
has indicated that women have broader definitions of “ having sex ” than do men
(Trotter 8c Alderson, 2007 ) and that lesbians have broader definitions than do
heterosexual women and men ( Horowitz & Spicer, 2013 ). Also, many LGBTQ
participants in one study reported that die coming-out process is a more import -
ill ant rite of passage dian losing virginity ( Averctt, Moore, 8c Price, 2014 ).
!! The focus on virginity can be considered a holdover from
a patriarchal past where a woman’s value was centered on
her status as a sexually chaste woman. For example, in one
early study, researchers found that Latinx women described
holding on to their virginity as a sign of honor for their family
( Gil 8c Vazquez, 1996 ) . Other studies have shown that girls
with strong religious tics also value virginity status ( Bersamin ,
Walker, Waiters, Fisher, 8c Grube, 2005; Brewster 8c Tilman ,
2008; Orgocka, 2004 ). For those holding these attitudes,
the “ loss” of one’s virginity could be perceived as harming
a woman and /or making her less valuable and desirable.
Virginity can be perceived as a gift to give ( typically from a
woman to a man ) or as a stigma to shed as soon as possible
( Carpenter, 2002 ). Virginity loss can also be seen as simply
part of the process of growing up.
TV show's aimed at teens typically use one of three sexual
scripts when portraying virginity loss ( Kelly, 2010 ). These
are ( a ) an abstinence script, according to which virginity loss
should be delayed , ( b ) an urgency script, in which virginity
People have complex and diverse is a stigma diat must be shed in order to gain and /or main -
expectations about what their first tain status among peers, and ( c ) a management script, which
sexual experiences will be like.
portrays sexual behavior as inevitable and the managing of
First - time experiences vary, and
women have a wide range of feelings
related risks as important. Teens do report being influenced
•! afterward. What advice would you by media narratives about virginity, and when they feel that
give to a young woman to prepare their own virginity loss experience is “imperfect” in contrast
her for her first time having sex ? to what they’ve seen in die media, they report higher levels of
distress about their experience ( Carpenter, 2009 ).
j
1:
When researchers examine women’s accounts of their own experiences of . i
“ virginity loss,” a complex relationship emerges. In one study of young Black I

and White women and men , researchers found that women reported lower lev-
els of satisfaction with their first experiences of vaginal intercourse than did men
( Higgins, Trusscll , Moore, & Davidson, 2010 ) . This was particularly true of
physical satisfaction. Psychological satisfaction wasn’t always experienced , espe -
cially when sex occurred outside of the context of a committed relationship
or involved feelings of guilt. In a study of young, Catholic, Filipina women,
researchers found a mix of reactions to first vaginal sexual encounters ( Dclgado-
Infante 8c Ofrcnco, 2014 ) . Those who saw their encounters as an outlet for
- —
self expression were more likely to report experiencing pleasure “ It’s fun.
—
I enjoy it . I like it ” ( p. 402 ) and that not having sex “ would suppress one part
of my, you know, expressing myself ’ ( p. 401 ) . However, those who viewed their
first vaginal sexual encounters as “ giving in ” or getting “carried away ” were
more likely to report experiencing pain and feeling shame and a sense of loss.
One woman summed this up: “ You will feel ashamed to face them . . . you’re
afraid that they’ll judge you even if you’re good friends . . . there’s always that
fear that there’s gonna be judgment passed and that people will look at you in
a different light” ( p . 400 ).
Researchers conducting a study of young people in the United Kingdom
found that virginity loss was experienced differently by women and men . For
men , it was about achieving status, but for women, it was more about manag-
ing loss ( Holland , Ramazanoglu , Sharpe, 6c Thomson , 2010 ). One young man
said , “ It’s the old saying, ‘you enter the bed a boy and you leave it a man’ or
words to the effect. I felt the same, I didn’t alter physically, but I felt different
after that first time,” and another said , “‘Yes’ I was saying to myself, ‘now I am
a man , I ’m a man’” ( p. 354 ). Women, in contrast , often reported that their
experiences didn’t match their expectations. One woman said , “ I wasn’t very
happy about it afterwards. I mean he didn’t force me or anything, you know.
He said , and I agreed , but afterwards I sort of felt dirty. I think partly because
1
I was so young, and I was infatuated with this person, and he turned out to be
so ordinary” ( p . 358 ). Others reported having made conscious choices about
having sex but didn’t report enjoying their experiences. One woman said, “ I just
wanted to get it over and done with . . . . I hated it. It’s not great the first time.
Never”; another said , “ I’ve done it now, I can go and do it with someone
I like ” ( p. 359 ) .
Everyone's Doing It (or Not )

Even though the “ first time ” doesn ’t always live up to young women’s
expectations, many women continue to have and enjoy sex. Often, sexual
encounters occur within the context of romantic relationships, but this isn’t
Having (and. Ideally. Enjoying) Sex 297

:
i:
II;
—
always the case. In fact, women’s involvement in casual sex sex outside
i
—
of the context of a committed relationship has been on the rise ( Garcia,
Reiber, Massey, & Merriwethcr, 2012 ) . Casual sexual encounters are often
described as “ hooking up,” and studies indicate that this is a common prac -
tice for both women and men . Between 72% and 85% of participants in var-
ious studies report having engaged in at least one hookup ( c .g., Armstrong,
England, & Fogarty, 2012; Currier, 2013; Lambert, Kahn , & Apple, 2003;
Paul, McManus, & Hayes, 2000 ), with men reporting slightly higher rates
of hooking up than do women ( Bogle, 2008; Fielder & Carey, 2010; Paul
et al ., 2000 ) .
It isn’t clear what exactly constitutes a hookup, although most people agree
that it involves sexual activity between two people with no expectation of
commitment. In one study, participants described hookups as “anything from
kissing to having sex” and as being “ in the eye of the beholder,” although
some were adamant that hookups had to include vaginal - penile penetrative sex
•• •i ( Currier, 2013, p. 713 ). Moreover, some equated hooking
up with a one- time encounter with a stranger or acquain -
tance; others identified hooking up as something they do
try it for yourself multiple times with the same partner ( c.g., a “ friends with
benefits” arrangement ). This ambiguity isn ’t much differ-
How do you define sex? What about
i
ent from the ambiguous definitions as to what constitutes
virginity and virginity loss? What about
sex or virginity loss discussed above. Moreover, it’s import -
hooking up? Ask others you know how
they define these terms. Where do you
ant to recognize that hooking up doesn’t only happen with
see overlap, and where do you see differ- heterosexual - identified individuals, although comparatively
ences Does
? age, gender , sexual orienta - little attention has been paid to hooking up among LGBTQ
tion, or any other aspect of identity seem individuals ( Watson, Snapp, & Wang, 2017 ). It has, how-
to influence people's definitions? Does ever, been suggested that hookups provide women the
anyone report that their definitions have opportunity to explore same -gender attraction , often before
changed over time? explicitly identifying as bisexual , lesbian, or queer ( Rupp,
Taylor, Regcv- Messalem, Fogarty, & England, 2014 ).
People don’t just have different understandings as to
what sex is or what a hookup entails. There’s also inconsistency in beliefs about
who is engaging in sexual activity, how often, with how many partners, and in
which contexts. In general, most people tend to think that everyone else is doing
it more than they are. In one study of first-year, heterosexual-identified college
students who primarily identified as White, women reported having had lower
numbers of oral and vaginal sex partners than they believed was true for the typ-
ical female first-year college student ( Zelin, Erchull, & Houston , 2015 ). Male
first-year students similarly reported having fewer sexual intercourse partners
i than they thought the typical female or male college student did (see Table 7.2 ).
Moreover, perceptions of others’ behavior was a predictor of participants’ own
—
sexual behavior in other words, those who thought “everyone is doing it”
were more likely to do it themselves.

TABLE 7.2 Average Numbers of Sex Partners among First-Year,
Heterosexual- Identified College Students
Vaginal Sex Give Oral Sex Receive Oral Sex
Self: Women 1.87 partners 1.81 partners 1.49 partners

Women's perceptions 2.71 partners 3.47 partners 2.24 partners
of other women
Men's perceptions of 2.85 partners 3.57 partners 2.34 partners

women
Self: Men 2.37 partners 1.24 partners 2.76 partners

Men's perceptions of 3.13 partners 2.24 partners 3.75 partners
other men
Note. Data arc from Zclin ct al. ( 2015 ). ( No data were collected about women’s perceptions of men’s
1!
numbers of sexual partners. )
There is a perception that hooking up is commonplace and a key part of col -

lege social life ( Currier, 2013 ) and that risky sexual encounters ( c.g., unplanned
encounters that often involve intoxication ) are rampant ( Holman & Sillars,
2012 ). However, one study has indicated that dating is actually more com-
mon than hooking up, especially for Latinx students ( Eaton, Rose, Interiigi,
Fernandez, & McHugh , 2016 ) . College students have been found to overes-
timate their peers’ comfort with and participation in hookups ( Lambert et al.,
2003 ). In fact, persistent discrepancies between individuals’ own beliefs and
behaviors and the perceived beliefs and behaviors of their peers have been
described as examples of pluralistic ignorance ( Lambert et al., 2003). This
occurs when people mistakenly think their own attitudes and behaviors are dif-
ferent from those of others. The misperception can lead to
conforming to perceived social norms that don’t reflect real - I
ity. In this case, thinking that everyone else is hooking up
may lead people to engage in hookups themselves ( Fielder, your turn
Walsh, Carey, & Carey, 2013; Holman & Sillers, 2012 ).
The influence of inaccurate perceptions is important Do you think "everyone is doing it"? What
because there may be costs associated with hooking up. This exactly do you think people are doing? Is
there pressure to hook up or engage in
is particularly important because research has found hook- !•
other types of casual sex? If you or any-

ups to be related to some negative outcomes, particularly
one you know has engaged in hooking
for women . For example, engaging in hookups has been up. how did you/they feel afterward? Do
linked to psychological distress ( Fielder & Carey, 2010 ), you think pressures are the same or dif-
depression, and STIs ( Fielder, Walsh, Carey, & Carey, 2014 ) ferent for women who have sex with men ij
among women. And while, on average, positive reactions and for women who have sex with people
are more likely to be reported than negative ones, many of other genders?
people do report regret about hookups ( Garcia et al., 2012).
.
Having ( and. Ideally Enjoying) Sex 299
! Hi
t;
i i
i!
f
i i . .:.i i
However, the way questions are asked and when participants are surveyed does
i
i
3
•
seem to impact responses. Specifically, when researchers ask participants if
they’ve ever experienced regret about a hookup, reported rates arc higher than
i
:
when participants are asked about either their typical hookup experience or their
most recent hookup. Whether one feels positively or negatively about a hookup
m
I
«
may depend on why one had it. In one study, researchers explored the role of
;'
!
ii motivations for hooking up in relation to outcomes ( Vrangalova , 2015 ). When
ii i
!! women hooked up because they wanted to, they didn’t experience negative out -
{ ’ ji
•
!ij! comes. However, when they hooked up because they were pressured or felt they
had to because everyone else was doing it, they experienced lower self-esteem
and increased depression and anxiety.
Enjoying Sex
What are women's experiences with masturbation and orgasm, and how do
these compare to men's?
r
!
.t :
i!
Women engage in sexual activity for many reasons, and pleasure is an important
*
;
; one. Whether engaging in sexual activity with a partner or alone, sex can feel
* I; . : '
i good physically. Of course, not everyone reports die same degree of satisfaction
jj
!! :
• ; widi dieir sexual encounters, and not everyone defines sexual satisfaction in the
l
M
I
li same way.
I
\ :t
!
!» 1; •: ( Masturbation Although many women have conflicting feelings about sex, ide-
!i \
'i ally it’s supposed to be pleasurable. While pleasurable sexual activity can involve
i i
i
J
a partner, it doesn’t have to. One other way to experience sexual pleasure is
:
i through masturbation. Masturbation involves stimulating oneself sexually, usu -
l
ally through touching one’s genitals, to result in sexual pleasure. Meta -analyses
:
i
I
i
, i have consistendy shown that men are more likely to report masturbating than
I
{
i ! |
1
•|
'
women, although there’s inconsistency in the extent of this difference, as the
i
effect sizes from these studies vary from large ( d = 0.96; Oliver & Hyde, 1993)
I
i
li to moderate ( d = 0.60; Petersen 8c Hyde, 2010 ) . It’s important to note, how-
;
» i
ever, that many women do masturbate. In fact, in one nationally representative
!
! 8II sample from the United States, 48% of teenage girls ( as compared to 73% of
:
fi teenage boys ) reported having masturbated ( Robbins et al., 2011 ). In another
!j study, approximately 85% of women in their 20s ( as compared to 94% of men
l
\
M
»
it
this age ) reported having masturbated ( Herbenick et al., 2010 b ). Research -
ers found gender differences in masturbation to be smaller in countries with
• :
l
I;
egalitarian gender attitudes ( Petersen 8c Hyde, 2010 ), and meta-analyses have
r . !ii.
'
—
not found gender differences in attitudes toward masturbation in other words
both women and men find masturbation equally acceptable ( Oliver 8c Hyde,
1-
i »
i
* 1993; Petersen 8c Hyde, 2010 ).
l '
;i
•
;I :
i - ‘ *
'
;!
i!
Wliy would women think masturbation is acceptable but be less likely than
men to do it ? It may be that women have lower sexual desire than men. It may
also be that women are less familiar with their bodies and signs of their own .
sexual arousal than men are. It’s difficult for a man to miss the fact that his penis
is erect, but a woman may or may not know when she’s aroused ( Petersen &
Hyde, 2011 ) . Women may also be uncomfortable about masturbating because
they’ve been taught that it’s dirty or smelly “down there ” ( Fahs, 2014 b ). Inter-
—
nalization of sexual scripts can also play a role after all, if cultural messages
imply that sexual activity should prioritize men’s pleasure, then what purpose
would female masturbation serve ?
Regardless of differing attitudes, masturbation is a sexual act with benefits
and no known negative consequences. It can provide women with a greater
understanding of their own anatomy and pattern of sexual response; it can
also provide information about what they actually enjoy in sexual encounters
( Coleman , 2002; McCormick, 1994 ). i!
>
Orgasm Many people regard orgasm as the ultimate sign of sexual pleasure. if
As discussed earlier in this chapter, men’s orgasm is typically considered the
marker for the end point of a sexual encounter. And men do report higher -
rates of orgasm when engaging in sexual activity with partners than women do 1
( c.g., Garcia, Lloyd , Wallen, & Fisher, 2014; Herbenick et al., 2010a ) . Research i
i
with a large U .S. sample, for example, showed that women report having fewer
orgasms than do men ( Frederick, St. John, Garcia, & Lloyd , 2018 ). Heterosex - }
i
ual men were the respondents most likely to say they usually or always orgasmed
when engaging in sexual activity (95% ). Gay men ( 89% ), bisexual men (88% ),
and lesbian women ( 86% ) also reported fairly high rates. Bisexual women ( 66% ) •i
and heterosexual women ( 65% ) reported the lowest rates of orgasm. • I
Although orgasm is a key component of sexual satisfaction, its presence or x

a i
absence isn’t the only reason a sexual encounter may or may not be deemed 1
'
pleasurable. Experiencing emotional closeness, bonding, love, affection, and i;

acceptance are also reasons women may enjoy sexual activity with a partner, even
without an orgasm ( Basson, 2000 ). Also, even when a traditional physiological
orgasm cannot be experienced ( e.g., as with some spinal cord injuries ), women i
—
may still report having orgasms although they may be different from orgasms
experienced prior to the injury ( Alexander & Rosen, 2008; Kettl et al., 1991; i!
Komisaruk & Whipple, 2011; Tepper, Whipple, Richards, & Komisaruk, 2001). !: !
A meta -analysis has shown that women report being somewhat less satisfied .
<
with their sexual encounters than men are ( Petersen & Hyde, 2010 ). This may ;
be largely due to expectations. For example, if women believe that satisfaction
in sexual relationships results from pleasing one’s partner sexually, they would
likely report sexual satisfaction whether or not they orgasm. However, if women i
1i;
expect to have an orgasm, they’ll be dissatisfied if they don’t. Research has shown i
that both women and men feel that both they and their partner are entided to : :
Having (and. Ideally. Enjoying) Sex 301

ill
i sexual pleasure and orgasms within ongoing relationships ( Armstrong et al.,

2012 ). Interestingly, the joint entidement to sexual pleasure didn’t apply to
r short- term relationships as well as long- term ones. Although it was still expected
that men would orgasm during a hookup, women were not viewed as being
!
•
entitled to an orgasm within these casual sexual encounters. Given these find -
ings, it shouldn’t be surprising that women report greater sexual satisfaction
in relationships as opposed to hookups. The researchers concluded that this
is probably because sexual activity during ongoing relationships, rather than
during hookups, is more likely to involve the types of genital stimulation that
i
i usually result in orgasm.
, i
I I.
Not Enjoying Sex
I
What are some reasons women may not find sex enjoyable?
Although women do frequently experience sexual satisfaction in a variety' of

ways, that isn’t always the case, and the lack of satisfaction is so distressing
! for some women that it reaches the level of dysfunction . Reported rates dif-
fer somewhat from study to study, but overall rates of sexual dysfunction are
J
reported by approximately 40% of women sampled ( Laumann , Paik, 8c Rosen ,
1999; Shifren, Monz, Russo, Segreti, & Johannes, 2008 ) . The levels of dis-
tress that women experience as a result of sexual dysfunction have also been
I
found to vary, with rates ranging from approximately 20% to 60% depending on
the study and the specific sexual problem reported ( Hayes, Bennett, Fairley, 8c
;
Dennerstein, 2006; Shifren et al., 2008 ). According to the 5 th edition of the
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders ( DSM -5), types of sexual
dysfunction among women fall into three categories: dcsire /arousal, orgasmic,
and sexual pain disorders (American Psychiatric Association, 2013 ).
Types of Sexual Dysfunction We started this chapter with a discussion of

the recently approved drug Flibanserin to treat low levels of sexual desire among
women. In the medical community, this condition is known as hypoactive sexual
desire disorder. It consists of a lack of interest in sexual activity or the complete
absence of sexual desire, including thoughts and fantasies, prior to and/or during
'
i
sexual experiences ( Basson et al., 2004). Receiving a diagnosis depends on the

perceptions of “normal” sexual desire held by both the individual reporting the
i ( potential ) dysfunction as well as their therapist or doctor. For example, individuals
who identify as asexual wouldn’t consider their low or absent levels of sexual desire
—
to be dysfunctional just different from levels experienced by others.
Dissatisfaction with levels of sexual desire may also reflect a desire discrepancy
between oneself and a partner ( Willoughby 8c Vitas, 2012 ) . For example, if you
want sex daily and your partner wants to have sex twice a month, you might well

—
feel that your partner has an abnormally low sex drive at least in comparison
to you . Your partner may even internalize this idea and seek assistance from a
doctor or therapist. If someone is distressed, there’s nothing wrong with seek -
ing help, but it’s also possible that the problem may be with a partner’s high sex
drive or with a disconnect between the two partners’ sex drives. Someone with
a low sex drive isn’t inherendy abnormal or dysfunctional.
Sexual arousal disorder, in contrast , occurs when the desire for sex is normal
but women have difficulty achieving or maintaining physiological sexual arousal
( Berman, 2005 ) . This is typically experienced as low levels of vaginal lubrica -
tion , but it can also include decreased engorgement and /or sensation in the
clitoris and labia . These symptoms can cause pain during intercourse and diffi -
culty achieving orgasm. Collectively, these experiences may result in a decreased
—
desire to have sex after all , if it hurts and doesn’t result in physical pleasure,
why do it ?
Female orgasmic disorder is the absence, delay, or decreased intensity of
orgasm after experiencing “sufficient ” sexual stimulation and arousal ( American
Psychiatric Association , 2013; Basson et al., 2004; Walsh & Berman, 2004 ).
Some women may never or rarely experience orgasm alone or with a partner.
Other women are able to orgasm through masturbation but not when engaging
in sexual activity with a partner. It’s important to note, however, that women
are most likely to report experiencing orgasm through manual stimulation ( by
oneself or a partner ) or oral sex ( Fugl - Meyer, Oberg, Lundberg, Lewin, &
Fugl - Mcyer, 2006; Hite, 2004; Richters, de Visser, Rissel, & Smith, 2006 ).
Therefore, some orgasm difficulties may result from not receiving the stimula -
tion that is “sufficient ” enough to result in an orgasm.
Rather than discussing the fact that they didn’t experience an orgasm or
talking about how to increase the likelihood of this desired result in the future,
many women opt to fake an orgasm . In this case, sex becomes about perfor-
mance rather than pleasure . In fact, research indicates that two thirds to three
quarters of women report having done this ( Erchull & Liss, 2014; Landsburg,
2004; Muchlenhard & Shippce, 2010 ). Women may fake an orgasm for several
reasons: because they want the sexual encounter to end, because they want to
validate their partner’s sexual skills, or because they want to appear “ normal”
( Fahs, 2011, 2014a; Muehlenhard & Shippee, 2010 ). While, in the moment,
faking an orgasm may seem like a beneficial decision, it can be part of a vicious
cycle and can exacerbate both sexual and relationship problems in the long run
( Darling & Davdon, 1986 ). After all , if Partner A doesn’t stimulate Partner B
in a way that makes it likely for Partner B to orgasm, and that partner fakes an
orgasm instead, this reinforces the sub-optimal sexual behavior. Since Partner A
thinks Partner B was satisfied during a prior sexual encounter, they’ll probably
keep engaging in the same behaviors. Partner B will either have to keep faking
orgasms or have a difficult conversation about what does and doesn’t work and
why they faked orgasms in the past.
.
Having (and Ideally. Enjoying) Sex 303
'!• <I
Dysparcunia, or painful intercourse, is the third category for women’s sex-
ual dysfunction ( American Psychiatric Association , 2013; Basson et al., 2004;
.
Walsh & Berman , 2004 ). The specific experiences of pain ( e.g., location, inten -
sity, frequency) can differ, but individuals with this dysfunction all report pain
•
i
during at least some instances of vaginal penetration . Arousal disorders result -
ing in decreased vaginal lubrication can contribute to pain during penetration.
1 1<
! Commercially available lubes can help alleviate discomfort and make penetra -
tion more enjoyable. A particular sexual pain disorder that results from strong,
involuntary spasms of vaginal muscles is vaginismus. This disorder can make
— —
penetration even by a finger or a tampon painful or, in some cases, impos-
sible. Vaginismus is most common among those who have experienced sexual
trauma or have strong fears about sexual intercourse.
Women’s sexual dysfunctions haven’t been well studied , as most research
attention has been on male sexual dysfunctions ( Berman, 2005; Walsh &
Berman, 2004 ). Among studies that have been done, the focus has largely been
on heterosexual women’s experiences with and desire for vaginal intercourse.
r Little research exists on sexual dysfunction among women who have sex with
women, although one study indicates similar levels of sexual desire and orgasm
disorders, as well as lower levels of pain disorders, among lesbian women as
|!
! compared to heterosexual women ( Matthews, Hughes, & Tartaro, 2006 ) . It’s
also important to note that women who seek treatment for these issues are
1
likely to have insurance that makes it easier to obtain this type of care, a fact that
!•
reflects social privilege.
j:
Body Concerns: The Mirror in the Bedroom Although many physiologi -
r cal and psychological factors can contribute to sexual dysfunction in women ,
body concerns are an underlying factor reported by many women ( Sanchez
& Kiefer, 2007 ). As we discussed in Chapter 6, body dissatisfaction is very
common among women ( Bcarman, Presnell, Martinez, &: Stice, 2006; Smo -
lak, 2012; Tantleff- Dunn, Barnes, & Larose, 2011 ). When they’re concen -
trating on how their bodies look rather than on how sex feels, it’s hard to
enjoy sex. In other words, these women worry about looking sexy rather than
being sexual. Engaging in body surveillance during sex is typically called body
image self-consciousness, or body image self- consciousness during physical
f intimacy ( Sanchez & Kiefer, 2007; Steer & Tiggemann , 2008; Wicdcrman,
2000, 2001 ). Like general body surveillance, this often goes hand in hand
with body shame ( Claudat & Warren , 2014; Steer & Tiggemann , 2008 ) .
Body shame is also linked with sexual displeasure for transgender women , and
— —
body modification in particular, gender- affirming surgery has been found
to significantly improve both body image and experiences of sexual pleasure
(Sammons, 2010 ).
Women with body image self-consciousness also worry about how their
partners perceive their appearance. Cognitive distraction occurs when a person

shifts to a secondary focus, which then interferes with the ability to focus on
die primary task, experience, or goal. In the context of sexual activity, this is
often referred to as cognitive distraction during sex ( Claudat & Warren, 2014;
Dove & Wiedcrman, 2000; Meana & Nunnink, 2006 ) . If a woman is worried
about whether her partner is noticing a fat roll or a non -flat belly, for example,
this concern takes up cognitive resources that might otherwise be focused on
the actual sexual experience. Cognitive distraction is related to concerns about
sexual performance, and it often reflects a desire to satisfy one’s partner through
one’s appearance ( Claudat & Warren , 2014; Dove & Wiedcrman, 2000; Meana
&: Nunnink, 2006 ). Cognitive distraction can result in spectatoring, or an
“out - of- body’' experience in which a woman’s focus is on things other than the
sexual encounter ( Wiedcrman , 2001 ). Instead of thinking “That feels good ” or
—
“Wow I’d like this even more if I shifted position,” she might be thinking “ I’d
better suck in my belly before he notices it’s not flat” or “ I wonder if my breasts
will look better if I’m on top.” Essentially, women who engage in spectatoring
reframe themselves as sexual objects existing for the pleasure of their partners
rather than as active sexual beings focused on their own sexual enjoyment. Being
focused on their partner’s sexual experience rather than their own can result in
women not receiving what they need to be sexually satisfied .
Wanting to please a partner sexually isn’t a bad thing, and many people would
argue that it’s an important component of sexual relationships. However, being
focused on appearance as the means to satisfy one’s partner seems to be partic-
ularly problematic. In fact, a recent line of research with predominantly White
and heterosexual - identified samples has begun to explore the effects of objec-
tification by partners. This occurs when one partner focuses on the appearance
rather than the innate characteristics of the other partner. In one study, women
and men who reported objectifying their partners were found to be less satisfied
in their relationships, and the men who objectified their partners were less sexu -
ally satisfied ( Zurbriggcn , Ramsey, &: Jaworski, 2011 ) . In another study, women
who felt that their partners were primarily focused on how they looked had
lower levels of relationship satisfaction ( Ramsey, Marotta, & Hon, 2017 ). Yet
another study linked feeling objectified by a partner to being less comfortable
with one’s sexuality as well as to feeling pressured and coerced sexually by the
partner ( Ramsey & Hoyt, 2015 ).
Given that many women are concerned about how they look sexually and
what their partners think about how they look, women often focus on ways to
—
alter their bodies. In a sexual context, women may remove body hair especially
—
pubic hair because they think doing so will make them sexually desirable to
their partners and/or will improve their sexual experiences ( Braun , Tricklebank,
& Clarke, 2013; Tiggemann Sc Hodgson, 2008 ). Some women even opt for
more permanent forms of body modification through genital cosmetic surgery,
including procedures to tighten the vagina ( vaginal rejuvenation or vagino-
plasty ) and to alter the appearance of the labia, usually to make them smaller
Having ( and. Ideally. Enjoying ) Sex 305

and /or more symmetrical ( labioplasty or labiaplasty; Braun,
2009, 2010 ). The desire to undergo these procedures often
arises from beliefs that a “ tight” vagina is more desirable than
a “loose” vagina, that this can increase sexual pleasure for
both women and men ( Braun & Kitzinger, 2001 ), and that
the appearance of one’s labia is unattractive and abnormal
( Braun, 2010; McDougall , 2013 ). However, just as with
all other aspects of our bodies, there’s great variation from
individual to individual. Because most women see very few
vulvas, they aren’t aware of the diversity of appearance, and
— —
media images often in pom tend to show a relatively hair-
less vulva with small, symmetrical labia ( McDougall, 2013).
This issue has inspired art projects, books, and educational
Many women report dissatisfaction websites showing diverse images of vulvas.
with or concern about the
appearance of their vulva . Because
most women don' t see many vulvas,
some artists have undertaken
projects to raise awareness about the
diversity of vulvas. This portion of a
Sexualization:
work by Suzanna Scott uses artfully
arranged linings from coin purses as Selling Women's Bodies
proxies for vulvas.
How does the sexualization of women manifest at both
: I
societal and personal levels?
So far, we’ve learned that women receive relatively little information about
sex and sexuality, they’re often expected to prioritize their partner’s pleasure
over their own, and they may not be enjoying their sexual experiences. While
women aren’t expected to be particularly focused on sex or be very sexual, they
are typically encouraged to be sexy Essentially, they’re supposed to be sexual
objects rather than active sexual beings, and many women internalize this idea.
Another way of saying this is that women are sexualized. Sexualization occurs
when sexuality is imposed on others, when people are regarded as sex objects,
and/or when their value is reduced to their sexual appeal or sexual behavior
( American Psychological Association Task Force on the Sexualization of Girls,
I 2007). Objectification is understood as one component of sexualization , and
like objectification, sexualization is both ever- present and highly problematic.
As we saw in Chapter 6, commercial media objectify women’s bodies in order
to sell products. The same is true with sexualization . If you turn on the television
or open a magazine, you’re likely to quickly encounter a sexualized image of a
woman ( Gill, 2003). You may have heard that “sex sells.” Research indicates,
however, that people are actually less likely to remember products when the
marketing is paired with sex ( or violence; Bushman, 2005, 2007; Bushman &
Bonacci, 2002). Given these findings, sex might be attracting attention, but it’s
i . 306 Chapter 7 Sexuality and Sexualization

not actually selling products. These types of sexualized ads
could be understood as selling a limited view of women’s
sexuality, however.
On this page, you see a typical advertisement featuring
a woman . Sexuality is a key aspect of this ad , as the nearly
naked woman is shown on a bed with mussed sheets. But
she’s not active. She’s lying passively in the middle of the bed,
curled up in a pose indicating a lack of power. In some other
ads, women are depicted in more sexually agcntic ways. For
example, they may beckon to men or look as though they
are the ones seducing their ( male ) partners. Some people
might consider a more active portrayal of women’s sexuality
to be empowering, but the woman’s sexuality would still be
serving to sell a product. Moreover, that type of ad conveys
die idea that women can use their sexuality as a way to have
power ( often over men ). Additionally, like ads in general,
the women in most sexualized ads are typically thin, young,
White, heterosexual , and lacking apparent disabilities. Such
images convey a narrow view of sexuality and a narrow array
of women who can enact it ( Gill , 2009 ). FOK WOMtl I
We do sec (some ) other women in media, but even then,
the portrayals of sexuality are limited . For example, Black This ad shows a woman in a passively
women arc more likely to be portrayed as passively sexual sexualized pose. How could it be
redesigned to convey the woman' s
radier than as actively expressing their sexuality ( Gill, 2009 ).
sexuality in an active or agentic way?
Black women are also often portrayed in hypersexual ways,
in line with the Jezebel stereotype discussed in Chapter 2
( Bounds Littlefield , 2008; Watson, Robinson, Dispenza, &
Nazari, 2012 ) . Similarly, many Asian women are portrayed as hypersexualized,
often in the context of being sex workers (Shimizu, 2007). The “ hot lesbian ”
stereotype is a slightly different take on the sexualized ( and sexual ) woman ( Gill,
2008, p. 49; Gill, 2009 ). This lesbian conforms to traditional ( i.e., heterosexual )
standards of beauty and is typically depicted as a target for male attention. She’s
usually portrayed touching or kissing another woman, but with the intent of
—
sexually arousing men in the show, the audience, or both. Arousing men is not,
typically, a goal for lesbians. However, women enjoying sex without men isn’t
part of our culture’s dominant sexual script ( discussed earlier in this chapter).
Essentially, we have performative lesbianism joining performative bisexuality.
Transgender women, in particular, are depicted in documentaries and mov-
ies with a high number of close- up shots of body parts. Even in shows that are
trans- positive, like Transamerica, there’s a tendency to highlight “fetishized, sex-
—
ualized body parts” that reflect a narrow perspective on femininity such as show-
ing feet with high heels or hands with bright nail polish (Addams, 2009, para. 4 ).
Further, when transgender celebrities are interviewed, questions often focus on
Sexualization: Selling Women’s Bodies 307

i1 I
:
their genitals rather than on more meaningful aspects of their lives ( Mock , 2014 ).
•\ For example , the trans actress Lavcrne Cox was asked by daytime talk show host
Wendy Williams if she had breast implants and was later pushed by show host and
news anchor Katie Couric to discuss her “private parts.” Cox responded by say-
ing, UI do feel there is a preoccupation with my private parts. The preoccupation
with transition and surgery objectifies trans people . And then we don ’t get to
really deal with the real lived experiences” ( McDonough , 2014, para. 3 ) .
Sex Work
Women’s sexuality is more directly commoditized through sex work . Sex work
is an umbrella term that refers to the exchange of sexual services, performances,
or products for compensation ( Gerassi , 2015; Weitzer, 2010 ) . This can include
*
in - person sexual interactions such as oral sex or sexual intercourse , often referred
to as prostitution . It can also include pornography, stripping, webcam models ,
and the like . Although prostitution is legal in some parts of the world — most
notably in much of Europe and South America , Canada, and Mexico ( http://
i
i
chartsbin .com/vicw/snb ) —prostitution , and even legal forms of sex work , arc
•
i widely considered to be immoral ( Weitzer, 2007 ) . As such , it’s hard to know
1
:
: how many women , and men , arc involved with sex work because it's not some -
thing most people talk about openly.
• I
Sex work is big business. One study of the illegal commercial sex economy
in just eight U .S . cities in 2007 estimated that it generated between S39.9 and
$290 million ( Dank ct al . , 2014 ) . When die scope is broadened to include por-
nography, researchers identify a S 10-S 12 billion industry in the United States
and a $97 billion industry worldwide ( Morris , 2015 ) . These estimates probably
don’t include stripping, webcam work , and myriad other forms of sex work .
Moreover, the returns for women who engage in sex work aren’t always equita -
ble . In one study of Black and Latinx dancers, researchers found that Black and
dark -skinned Latinx women received less money than White or lighter-skinned
Latinx women for their erotic services ( Brooks , 2010 ) . This was attributed to
I
marginalization due to patrons’ racialized stereotypes of such women being
i
hyperscxual or aggressive .
i
Although some women do watch pornography ( Hald , Seaman, & Linz, 2014 )
and visit strip clubs ( Montcmurro, Bloom , 8c Madell , 2003; Wosick - Corrca 8c
Joseph , 2008 ), this sort of sex work disproportionately provides sexual and enter-
tainment services to men (Weitzer, 2010 ) . As discussed in the Empowering or
Oppressing feature , some women choose to engage in sex work , but for others
it’s a “choice ” of last resort. For example, pervasive workplace discrimination
•i i
can make sex work the most viable option for transgender women to support
• n themselves ( Nadal , Davidoff, 8c Fujii - Doe, 2014 ) . In one study of 48 transgen -
ri : der women of color who were sex workers, researchers found that although there

were multiple reasons for doing sex work, nearly all of them thought their gender
identity, race/ethnicity, class, and appearance contributed to their involvement in
die work (Sausa, Keadey, 8c Operario, 2007). Further, some women, both in the
United States and worldwide, are forced into sex work through human traffick -
ing, and often this begins when they arc girls ( Gerassi, 2015 ). We’ll return to this
topic in Chapter 12 .
The fact that sex work is often illegal ( and even when legal , is disapproved of )
means that it’s a very dangerous industry. For example, sex
work can expose people to sexually transmitted diseases, drug
use, and incarceration ( Hoffman , 2014 ) . Transgender women,
in particular, report a high level of physical abuse from law
enforcement as a result of working in the sex industry ( Nadal V i '. ./• !
ct al ., 2014 ). Racism also influences experiences widi both
r-
* *
sex work and violence. For example, Black sex workers report
high levels of harassment from law enforcement ( Porter 8c
Bonilla , 2000; Raphael 8: Shapiro, 2004 ). According to one \
f t' M "
study, Black women in Brooklyn , New York , make up about

one third of the total population , but 94% of charges on the
s'
i I
offense of “ loitering for the purposes of prostitution ” were V A
i
against Black women ( Berlatsky, 2014 ).

f
Enjoying Sexualization and
Self-Sexualization
Despite the negative aspects of a culture that sexualizes
women and profits from their sexuality, some women report
enjoying aspects of this and find empowerment through
embracing their sexuality in public ways ( Levy, 2005 ). For
example, a woman may wear a push - up bra and high heels
because it makes her feel sexy and powerful. Or she may put
on a highly sexualized Halloween costume ( e.g., sexy nurse,
sexy cat ) and , rather than feeling oppressed , see it as a fun,
sexy, and empowered choice. Engaging in these types of
behaviors is known as self - sexualization. A common trend among women ’s
Some psychologists have questioned whether the perceived Halloween costumes is that they' re
empowerment diat women may associate widi self-sexualization designed to be “ sexy" — sexy police
is as positive as it may seem on the surface ( Lamb, 2010a; officer, sexy nurse, sexy zombie. It’s
often hard to find women' s costumes
Peterson, 2010 ). After all , our culture conveys messages that that aren' t intentionally sexualized.
sexualized behaviors are the norm for women and will lead Why might women want to wear
to positive outcomes ( Murnen 8c Smolak, 2012 ), including these types of costumes? Why might
a sense of empowerment (Tolman, 2012 ). Given this, how- they not ?
ever, the underlying question is whether women engage in

I!
EMPOWERING
OR OPPRESSING?
Participation in Sex Work

any people consider sex work to be oppres- part-time while in school may face challenges, such as
M sive for women (Weitzer, 2009). It's seen as

promoting exploitation, violence, poverty,
and drug use. Although this may be true for
many sex workers, particularly those who participate in il-
legal prostitution, it’s not the only experience sex workers
lacking employment experiences necessary to prepare
.
for their planned careers (Sinacore Jaghori, & Rezazadeh
2015). These women also worry how the stigma of being
in this industry, even where it’s legal, may impact their
lives long-term.
.
have. Even in countries where prostitution is illegal, other Although sex work may have the potential to be em-
legal forms of sex work exist that may involve fewer neg- powering and oppressing, research suggests that the
ative perceptions and consequences. For example, you oppression is greater when such work is criminalized. In
might have heard people talk about "a friend who worked these cases, women who experience violence or coer-
.
her way through college as a stripper " From this perspec- cion can’t seek assistance from law enforcement. How -
.
tive the choice to participate in sex work as a viable source .
ever decriminalization can make sex work safer for all
of income and/or personal expression can be seen as em- involved. Research on the effects of decriminalization
powered (Weitzer, 2009). Even though people who hold of sex work in New Zealand shows that condom use is
il
this perspective recognize that sex work isn't always em- high and sex workers feel able to impact their personal
powering (because not all sex workers voluntarily engage safety by choosing where, when, and with whom to work
in it), they claim it can be safe and empowering when .
(Abel Fitzgerald, Healy, & Taylor, 2010). In fact, the United
women choose to engage in it and it is not criminalized. Nations has called for the decriminalization of sex work
Some aspects of sex work have gone mainstream. For so that the health and safety of sex workers can be pro -
example, well-known porn stars have written best-selling .
tected (Godwin 2012). Nevertheless, decriminalization
books, modeled in mainstream ads, launched fashion wouldn't inherently eliminate the stigma for engaging in
lines, and acted in mainstream movies. These are un- .
sex work (Abel et al. 2010).
usual examples, but some women do transition from sex Do you think sex work is empowering or oppressing?
I .
work to other careers Of course, that's not the case for If it can be empowering, whom does this apply to and .
all sex workers. Those who enter sex work through hu- what factors should be in place for this to be true? If it’s
man trafficking (see Chapter 12) may be unable to buy oppressing, what can be done to help those who do en-
their way out of servitude to those who paid their way gage in sex work—at least, those who don’t want to? Do
4I
into the United States and/or provide for their ongoing you think sex work should be decriminalized? Why or
support (Gerassi, 2015). Even women who do sex work why not?
310
self-sexualization as a result of informed choices about how they want to express
their sexuality, or just as a result of being taught that it’s the only way women can
be sexual.
Researchers have, in fact, found that some women do enjoy feeling sexy and
being admired by others, particularly men ( Liss, Erchull, & Ramsey, 2011 ).
Studies also have shown that women do, at times, engage in self -sexualization
( Nowatski 8c Morry, 2009; Smolak, Murnen, 8c Myers, 2014 ) and that when
women feel attractive and embrace their sexuality, self-esteem can increase
( Breines, Crocker, 8c Garcia, 2008; Helminiak, 1989 ). In fact , one way women
can verify if they meet traditional standards of beauty is to receive sexualized
attention from men, so they may actually enjoy this experience ( Liss et al.,
2011 ). For example, when a woman dresses in revealing clothing and then
receives admiring stares from men , it may make her feel good about herself.
Essentially, sexualized attention signals approval, so when it’s received , it sug-
gests to women that they’re “ looking good ,” and when it’s not received, it
can signal “ hardly worth looking at.” Earlier in this chapter, we presented the
idea that compulsory heterosexuality helps maintain patriarchy by encouraging
women to focus on gaining power through sexuality rather than through other
means ( Rich , 1980 ) . Research has, in fact , demonstrated that some women do
view female sexuality as a source of power ( Erchull 8c Liss, 2013a ). In this con -
text, it has been suggested that women use their “erotic capital ” to successfully
compete in the male - dominated business world ( Hakim , 2011, p. 1 ) .
Despite the potential for boosting self-esteem under certain circumstances,
there’s also a negative side. As discussed earlier in this chapter and in Chapter 6,
body focus can lead to self-consciousness, dissatisfaction, and shame. So look-
ing sexy and “strutting your stuff’ may feel empowering, but it may also
—
make women self-conscious and ashamed especially if their “stuff’ doesn’t
live up to society’s standards of beauty and sexiness. Also, research finds that
consuming large amounts of sexualized media is associated with engaging in
self-sexualization , and self- sexualization has been shown to predict negative
feelings about one’s sexuality and sexual experiences ( Ward, Seabrook, Manago,
8c Reed, 2016; Ward , Seabrook, Grower, Giaccardi, 8c Lippman, 2018 ). So
women may be engaging in these behaviors because they feel it’s typical and
expected rather than because they derive benefits from doing so. Moreover,
several studies have shown that women who self-sexualize may be viewed as
less competent than those who don’t , particularly if they’re being considered
for high -status positions ( Fasoli, Durante, Mari, Zogmaister, 8c Volpato, 2018;
Glick, Larsen, Johnson, 8c Branstiter, 2005; Peluchette 8c Karl, 2013; Smith
et al., 2018; Wookey, Graves, 8c Butler, 2009 ).
Although some people may consider using one’s sexuality as a source of
power, most women who embrace sexualization aren’t doing so because of fem-
inist values about disrupting patriarchy and valuing women’s sexuality. In fact,
research has shown that enjoying sexualized attention was related to holding

I
II
traditional views about gender among women ( Liss et al., 2011 ). This pattern
:! was also found with women who self- identified as feminists ( Erchull & Liss,
2013b ). Even if courting and receiving sexualized attention is empowering,
power in sexual domains may not transfer to power in other domains ( Lamb,
2010a ). For example, women who feel empowered through scxualization may
not be more likely to negotiate for high salaries, seek promotions, clearly express
!«
their sexual desires, and so on. Furthermore, telling women they can gain a
I sense of empowerment by feeling sexy puts die focus on what individual women
can do to feel empowered rather than on how people can collectively work to
empower all women ( Gill , 2012 ).
Scxualization and self-scxualization become especially problematic when they
involve girls, and research confirms that sexuality is being increasingly imposed
on ever-younger groups of girls ( American Psychological Association Task Force
on die Scxualization of Girls, 2007 ). For example, girls are more likely to be
shown in sexualized clodiing, like low -cut tops, in magazines now than in the
past ( Graff, Murnen, & Krause, 2013 ). One study of girls’ clothing available
i
on websites for major retailers in the United States showed that scxualization
was a feature for nearly 30% of the options ( Goodin , Van Dcnburg, Murnen ,
:
& Smolak, 2011 ). This included bikinis, push - up bras, and thong underwear
( items associated with sexiness ), as well as clothing printed with sexualizing
writing ( e.g., sweatpants with “cute butt ” written on them ). With these types of
iS! l:
!
messages being directed at girls from an early age and these expectations being
1
—
—
reinforced frequendy even by parents through the clothes they buy for their
daughters it’s not surprising that many women embrace or internalize aspects
of sexualization.
'
!
.
i
i
( Re)Qaiming Women 's Sexuality

1;
•; What is sexual agency, and in what different ways are women working to
\\ claim their own sexuality?
Feminist psychologists want women to have a strong sense of sexual agency—

i; that is, being comfortable with and in control of one’s own sexuality. However,
i -
sexual agency, like empowerment, has often been co-opted to sell products and
this is not a new pattern . For example, in a 1994 ad for the Wonderbra, model
—
M; !
ii.
Eva Herzigova displayed her breasts in a Wonderbra with the tag line “ hello
boys” ( “ Eva Herzigova: Wonderbra,” 2014 ). Even though representations such
as this challenge existing norms of women as passive recipients of sexual atten -
tion, they still place limits on women’s sexuality. These representations arc typ-
ically more about men’s enjoyment ( and selling products ) than women’s. Such
ads generally portray women as choosing to be as sexually enticing as men want

them to be; the ads don’t represent true sexual agency
-
( Bay Chcng, 2015; Lerum 8c Dworkin , 2015 ) . Instead ,
true sexual agency focuses on what a woman herself
spotlight o n . .
—
wants and doesn’t want not on what’s most desirable
for men ( Tolman , Anderson , 8c Belmonte, 2015 ). Sexual
One way women can be sexually agcntic is through
sexual assertiveness, or the ability to ask for what one Communication
wants and to refuse what one doesn’t want within a sex - One reason why sexual satisfaction, and
ual encounter. This could involve a woman asking a part - orgasm specifically, is more likely to occur
ner to wear a condom or refusing to have sex when she in relationships, rather than in casual
isn’t interested in doing so. It could also involve asking encounters, is that partners learn what
for sexual contact to include particular types of touch , pleases each other through repeated
particular positions, and so on. For example, research - sexual activity. While observing one ' s
ers have found that sexual assertiveness predicts higher partner (or partners) can contribute to this,
levels of sexual satisfaction among women ( Hurlburt , open and honest communication, both
during and outside of sexual activity, are
1991; Menard 8c Offman, 2009 ). Of course, to be sex- :
important. However, it can be hard to ask
ually assertive, women need to be aware of what they
for exactly what one wants— especially
want and enjoy in sexual encounters. If, instead , they’re
sexually, because of social norms related
focused primarily on their partner’s sexual experience to discussion about sexual body parts and
rather than their own , and arc distracted because of body sexual behaviors. As a result, people are
concerns, then having and maintaining such awareness more likely to use indirect (e.g., “ a little to
can be difficult. the left" ) rather than direct (e.g., " please
While individual women may focus on becoming touch my clitoris" ) forms of communica -
more sexually assertive, it’s also important to focus on tion ( Harris, Monahan, & Hovick , 2014 ).
the larger ways in which women can work together to People can improve their communica -
reclaim control of their sexuality'. In their daily lives, tion skills outside of sexual activity. For
exapiple, try exchanging a massage with
women can do this by questioning social norms and
a friend ( Hamkins & Schultz, 2007 ). Be
expectations and calling people out if they express sur-
specific about what feels good, and direct
prise or disgust when women violate their expectations
that person to give you as much pleasure
related to sex . For example, if someone mentions seeing as possible. Then switch places, and have
a woman take the “ walk of shame ” on Sunday morning, your friend tell you what feels good. Is it
others could challenge their thinking and ask how they easy or hard to ask for what you want ? Are
know she isn’t taking the “stride of pride. ” you more comfortable giving or receiving
Women can also engage in organized, collective directions? How might this be easier or
action to draw attention to particular issues related to more difficult if the communication were
their sexuality'. For example, as discussed in Chapter 2, about pleasure in a sexual encounter? Try
some women have tried to reclaim the term slut and have extending this challenge and asking for
what you want in different contexts over
engaged in SlutWalks in order to protest slut shaming
the next few days. When is this easier to
and victim blaming. Others have worked to target the
do? Does your relationship to the person
sexualization of girls in the media, and the SPARK move-
you 're interacting with matter ?
ment ( http://www.sparksummit.com/ ) brings girls
together with adult activists so that they can, themselves,
engage in activism (see Chapter 14 ). Changing social
313
I
!|
i,
! norms and practices doesn’t happen quickly, and there continue to be different
•i cultural expectations associated widi women’s sexuality compared to men’s; but
when people engage in both individual and collective efforts, change can happen .
i
Conclusion
As is true of all people, women can benefit from the freedom to express and
enact their sexuality in ways with which they are comfortable . This is, however,
hard to do in a culture that considers information about and discussions of
sexuality to be taboo, while also prescribing which women can be sexual and in
I
i
.
which ways, with w'hom, and when . The w'ays in which women experience their
!
sexuality are constrained by our sexualized culture, which objectifies women
!
and limits their options for sexual expression. The idea of the sexually agentic,
empowered woman must be understood within these constraints, which influ -
! ence both attitudes and behavior. That said, feminist psychologists and other
I
sex- positive advocates seek to change norms surrounding sex and sexuality so
I !•' that all people have a chance to experience and express dieir sexuality more freely.
I:
•I
'
I
• Chapter Review
ill
I:
I SUMMARY
i
:
i
!• Sexual Scripts Sexual scripts imply diat only thin, young, White,
Sexual scripts provide information about what able- bodied, heterosexual individuals are sexual.
I
I
is considered “normal ” sexual behavior in a
given culture. Learning about Sex
1
Heterosexual sexual scripts are dominant, and Parents are a key source of sexual socialization,
they contribute to compulsory heterosexuality. which begins in early childhood. Mothers
Non-heterosexual scripts tend to signal tend to be the primary providers of sex
deviance. education in the home, but tiicy generally feel
| Sexual scripts center on men’s experiences and uncomfortable with this role and dieir own
pleasure, telling us that men desire and initiate knowledge.
sex, while women should be sexual gatekeepers. Given the lack or inadequacy of information
This reflects a sexual double standard , and coming from parents, children often look
there can be negative social consequences when to peers as a more important source of sex
iM
women violate it. information.

The media can serve as a “sexual super peer” There is great variability in when and how
and provide a great deal of information about women begin having sex, as well as how they
sexual scripts. Porn has also been identified as feel about their experiences.
a growing source of sexual information among Casual sex and hookups are one context in
adolescents and young adults. which people, particularly young adults, may
Sexual risk - taking is higher among those who engage in sexual activity.
primarily learn about sex through peers and the People typically believe that others are having
media . more sex, and more sex outside of committed
Abstinence -only sex education has been relationships, than they really are.
dominant in die United States, but these Women are less likely to masturbate than men.
programs arc not effective at increasing However, masturbation can provide women with
abstinence . Abstinence - plus and comprehensive a better understanding of their own sexuality.
sex education programs that include
Orgasms are not the only standard that
information about contraception and STIs are
women use to define a sexual encounter as
more effective .
satisfying. Satisfaction is typically higher when
Sex education programs rarely talk about
desire or pleasure , particularly female —
expectations are met whether that constitutes
having an orgasm or satisfying one’s partner.
pleasure.
Women can experience sexual dysfunction, but
Sex education programs can further dysfunction is subjectively defined and often
disenfranchise non - heterosexual, transgender, depends on the perceptions of partners as well
and disabled students, as their concerns and as health-care providers.
experiences are rarely integrated .
Body image concerns can contribute to
Talking about Sex sexual dysfunction for women . When women
worry about how they look, they no longer
People typically use slang and euphemisms to
focus on the sexual experience itself, and they
refer to genitalia .
may find it difficult to experience physical
Many people are unfamiliar with the anatomy arousal and/or pleasure.
of women’s external genitalia .
Most women achieve orgasm through Sexualization: Selling Women's Bodies
stimulation of the clitoris, which is actually an Women’s bodies are routinely sexualized and
interconnected series of structures. commoditized.
Women typically have primary responsibility for
the use of contraception to prevent pregnancy.
Although many types of contraception can be
—
Some women participate in sex work either
through choice, or because of lack of other
options, coercion, or force.
-
effective, some require visits to health care Some women embrace sexualization and use
providers, which can be a barrier to use. Cost is their sexuality to gain male attention and/
also a concern . or power. It’s unclear whether this is actually
Many forms of contraception do not protect empowering. Self-sexualization is connected to
against STIs. both positive and negative outcomes.
Sexualization is particularly problematic when
Having (and, Ideally, Enjoying) Sex it involves young girls.
Most people believe that losing one’s virginity
-
involves having penile vaginal sex; but people (Re)Claiming Women's Sexuality
also recognize that, especially for individuals Women can develop strong sexual agency and
who didn’t identify as heterosexual, other learn to be sexually assertive so that they know
behaviors may constitute having sex for the first and can make clear to others what they do and
time. do not want.
Chapter Review 315
I
I! KEY TERMS
sexual scripts ( p. 276 ) hookup ( p. 298 )
performative bisexuality ( p. 277) pluralistic ignorance ( p. 299 )
sexual double standard (SDS ) ( p. 280 ) masturbation ( p. 300 )
slut shaming ( p. 280 ) body image self- consciousness ( p. 304 )
sexual socialization ( p. 282 ) cognitive distraction ( p. 304 )
safe sex ( p. 285 ) spectatoring ( p. 305 )
abstinence -only sex education ( p. 285 ) sexualization ( p. 306 )
abstinence- plus sex education ( p. 287) sex work ( p. 308 )
comprehensive sex education ( p. 287 ) self-sexualization ( p. 309 )
B
!!
sex positivity ( p. 287) sexual agency ( p. 312 )
outercourse ( p. 293 ) sexual assertiveness ( p. 313 )
casual sex ( p. 298 )
r
THINK ABOUT IT
1. Given the limitations of dominant ideas 3. Evaluate the merits of abstinence-plus and
about sexual scripts, devise a more inclusive comprehensive sex education , and decide what
it
definition of sex. Do you think most people option you think is best for students. How
would agree with this new version ? Why would you convince school personnel and
.
• t<
or why not? If not, what could you do to parents that your option is worthy of school
convince them ? funding?
:• ;
2. Compare the research findings on how people 4. Imagine you’re talking to a friend about
I learn about sex to your own experience. In research on self -sexualization . What would
what ways does the research reflect your you say to your friend ? Would you encourage
experience? In what ways docs it differ? or discourage self-sexualization ?
ONLINE RESOURCES
:
—
Advocates for Youth access to sexual health
information and resources for girls and young
—
Rewire commentary, analysis, and
investigative reporting on issues related to
adults: advocatesforyouth.org sexual health: rewire , news
—
Guys We F* *ked anti -slut-shaming and
sex - positive conversations: soundcloud.com/
—
Scarleteen inclusive, comprehensive , and
supportive information on sexuality and
guyswefuckcd relationships for teenagers and emerging adults:
r scarleteen .com
l.

1
Friendship
The Culture of Romance
Committed Relationships
Division of Labor
Conclusion
a Chapter Review
TELEVISION HOST AND MEDIA MOGUL OPRAH WINFREY has
had a very high-profile and long-standing friendship with jour -
nalist Gayle King. They met in 1976 when working at the same lo -
—
cal TV station in Baltimore, Maryland Oprah was an anchor, and
.
Gayle was a production assistant. Oprah has said " We became
friends, especially after a big snowstorm. When she couldn't go
out, get home and didn't have enough clothes, I said, ' OK, you
can have my underwear.’ But then I added, ' And don't return
it'" ( staff writers, 2014, para. 4). Their friendship has withstood
more than a snowstorm. It has stood the test of time — through
new jobs, new romantic relationships, living in different parts of
the country, and, of course, Oprah's fame. While not everyone is
fortunate enough to have a best friend for 40 years, many people
can relate, at least in general terms, to how Oprah describes their
friendship: "She is ... the mother I never had. She is . .. the sister
everybody would want. She is the friend that everybody deserves.
Gayle King ( left ) and I don't know a better person" ( Wallace, Thomson, & Sher, 2010,
Oprah Winfrey ( right ) have para. 2).
maintained a close friendship
u Friendships can be incredibly meaningful, and for many women
: for more than 40 years.
What things make it possible they provide stability and a sense of connection. However, not
to maintain a supportive everyone understands this type of close, intimate, non-romantic
friendship across a life span ?
relationship. Rumors that Oprah and Gayle are, in fact, lovers
have persisted for years (Nudd, 2010 ). Although neither identi-
fies as lesbian or bisexual, some people assume there must be
something more to their relationship than being close, platonic friends. Some
lii
people have a hard time understanding why those who are " merely " friends
would choose to spend so much time together and maintain a relationship
for so long. The public nature of the two women's friendship, in contrast to
the more private nature of Oprah's relationship with her long- term romantic
:
.
partner, Stedman Graham, may also play a role in this The fact that Oprah and
Stedman have never married has further ignited questions. Apparently, some
people can't imagine being in a romantic relationship for 30 years without
getting married.
In this chapter, we'll explore some of the relationships that women have
•! throughout their lives, including friendship, dating, marriage, and other long-term
relationships. We'll discuss how all these relationships play key roles in women's
lives and can enrich them. We'll also talk about the challenges of relationships;
i
{
318 Chapter 8 Relationships
not all relationships are positive, and even positive ones can bring a lot of
demands. Relationships also don ' t happen in a vacuum. They’re influenced by
cultural expectations and values, and these can shape what women look for in
relationships and what they accept as typical and desirable.
!
Friendship
How do women benefit from friendships?
In 1980, the poet and radical feminist Adrienne Rich put forth a theory sug-
gesting that close female friendships are threatening to patriarchy because they
reduce women’s focus on heterosexual relationships and might cause women
to need less male attention ( Rich, 1980 ). Indeed , Oprah and Gayle’s friend -
ship has often been mentioned as an explanation for why Oprah isn’t married
( Dries, 2014 ). The fact that the two are Black women may also play a role in
their affection for each other. According to one study, there’s a long tradition of
Black women bonding together in a way that has been necessary for success in
a White, male , heterosexual dominant society (Smith , 2000 ). Yet many factors
influence the degree to which women can sustain friendships. When in school,
girls arc around other girls, and they can connect over common interests. As
girls age, however, connecting can become more difficult (Stevens 8c Van Til - -
burg, 2011 ) . For one thing, they stop meeting new potential girlfriends. Also,
women may move to new locations ( e .g., for school for employment ), removing
themselves from an existing network of female friends. Moreover, women’s
jobs, and commuting to them , can take up large amounts of time, reducing the
time available for social activities. Finally, as Rich also suggested, when women
enter into romantic relationships and start having children, there’s less time to
dedicate to female friendships.
A strong friendship network is something all people can benefit from :
throughout their lives. Research has shown that, among children, hav-
ing friends is associated with being sociable, cooperative, and self-confident
( Hartup, 1996 ), and a study of more than 25,000 adults showed that satis-
faction with friendships predicted life satisfaction ( Gillespie, Lever, Frederick,
8c Royce, 2015 ). Having a good friend offers a sense of connection and can
even improve health and well - being ( Marmot 8c Wilkinson, 2006 ). For exam -
ple, in a study of predominantly White Americans, participants with larger
friendship networks were shown to have lower levels of fibrinogen, a physio-
logical marker for inflammation and cardiac disease ( Kim , Benjamin, Fowler,
8c Christakis, 2016 ). Having supportive friendship networks is also related
Friendship 319
ilj
I?
1 to engaging in positive health behaviors, such as higher likelihood of seeking
i preventive health care, as a study of low- income Black women showed ( Pullen ,
Perry, & Oser, 2014 ).
]
i
Friendships can help improve academic achievement too . Studies have
J shown that, among adolescents, friendships can improve a sense of belong -
ing and academic success ( Juvonen, Espinoza , & Knifsend , 2012 ; Kingcry,
Erdley, 8c Marshall, 2011 ). In a study of Latinx adolescents, those who had
the most friends, both by their own report and by their peers’ reports about
them , were the most likely to feel they belonged at school and , in turn , had
improved academic achievement ( Delgado, Ettekal, Simpkins, 6c Schaefer,
I •
2016 ).
Friendships also buffer the effects of discrimination . For example, in one
study, friendships among lesbians were shown to reduce their discomfort with
their sexual identity (Stanley, 2002 ) . Several other studies have shown that teens
with disabilities use their close ties with one another to combat discrimination
« and ableism ( Kennedy, 2009; Low, 1996; Salmon , 2013 ). Further, there is exten -
sive research showing that friendships between different groups of people can
reduce racial, religious, and sexual prejudice ( Davies, Tropp, Aron , Pettigrew, 6c
Wright, 2011; Pettigrew 6c Tropp, 2008; Turner 8: Feddes, 2011 ) . For exam -
ple, a study of college students showed that women with
cross- racial/ethnic friendships were more likely to develop
your turn positive feelings toward racial /ethnic groups that are dif-
ferent from their own ( Levin, van Laar, 6c Sidanius, 2003 ).
Reducing prejudice through friendship can occur quickly.
What sorts of friendships do you have?
In one experiment, researchers paired heterosexual students
Do they enrich your life? Do you have
friendships across lines such as religion,
with an instant messaging partner whom they believed to be
:
sexual orientation, or racial/ethnic back- gay or lesbian ( Lytle 6c Levy, 2015 ) . After only 45 minutes
ground? If not. why might that be? In of interaction , the heterosexual undergraduates felt close
what ways can such friendships help to to their talking partners and had more positive attitudes
reduce prejudice? toward the LGBTQ community than they did at the start
of the study.
!!
Social Support
--
*
; What is social support, and how does gender relate to giving and receiving
social support?
|!
•1 '
S•
—
One key benefit of friendship is social support a feeling of being cared for
and having support and assistance from people around us, including family,
ill
friends, and romantic partners. This support can take many forms, but it’s
typically classified as informational, instrumental, or emotional support ( Taylor,
2011). Informational social support involves others giving advice or ideas to

help people find strategies or resources to better cope with life events. For exam -
ple , a friend who offers you advice about how to search for a job in the semes-
ter before graduation based on her own experience the prior year is providing
informational support . Instrumental social support, in contrast, involves others
providing tangible assistance in terms of money, goods, or services. In this case,
a friend who loans you money for pizza , gives you a #2 pencil for an exam, or
drives you to the airport is providing tangible support. Emotional social sup-
port occurs when we feel nurtured and /or cared for by others. A friend who
commiserates with you over a bad date or a poor grade is offering emotional
support.
Social support has been consistently found to relate to increased physical
and mental health . For example, social support has been linked to decreased
psychological distress such as depression and anxiety, increased adherence to
medical regimens, faster recovery after surgery, and increased longevity ( see
Taylor, 2011, for a review ). These outcomes highlight the value of main -
taining relationships with those who can provide support. However, the kind
of support women report receiving can vary based on aspects of their social
identities. For example, in one study, although White working -class and White
-
middle class women said that friends are people who can be counted on , the
working - class women were more likely to seek out their friends for instru -
mental social support , and the middle -class women were more likely to report
sharing leisure time rather than seeking particular types of support ( Walker,
1994 ) .
There’s evidence that women both provide and draw on more social
support than men , and some theorists have made evolutionary arguments
to explain these patterns ( Taylor et al ., 2000 ) . They propose that women
evolved a tend- and- befriend coping strategy, which involves nurturing and
protecting others in times of stress ( i .c ., tending ) and developing social net -
works that facilitate these patterns ( i .e ., befriending ). In light of this idea,
it may not be surprising that research has shown same - gender friendships
to be a key source of social support for women ( Roy, Bcnenson , & Lilly,
2000 ). Moreover, social support and friendship arc particularly important for
women as they age . Although people of any age can feel lonely ( Luhamann
—
& Hawkey, 2016 ), older adults especially those age 65 and above are par-—
ticularly at risk for loneliness ( Luhamann & Hawkey, 2016; Stevens, Martina,
& Westcrhof, 2006; Stevens & Van Tilburg, 2011 ) . After all, the longer we
live, the more likely we are to see our friendship networks reduced through
illness, mobility limitations, and death . In fact , social isolation and loneliness
have been linked to increased death rates (Steptoe, Shankar, Demakakos, &
Wardlc, 2013 ).
One way to enhance social support, both in friendships and in romantic rela -
tionships, is through active constructive responding. This is a way to respond
when someone shares good news, and it involves reacting enthusiastically
Friendship 321
; !i
! i
it !
( e.g., “ I’m so excited for you ” ) and asking follow- up questions to prolong
i
;
.
the conversation and sense of excitement. How relationship partners respond
to positive events has been found to be more predictive of well - being than
how they respond to negative events ( Gable, Gonzaga, & Strachman , 2006 ).
Enthusiastic active responses ( e.g., “That’s so exciting, tell me more about it ” )
provide better social support than passive ones ( e.g., “That’s nice ” ). Responses
that either shift the focus ( e.g., “ Let me tell you what happened to me today” )
or undermine success (e.g., “Arc you sure you’re going to be able to handle the
increased work ? ” ) are related to negative outcomes.
Additionally, certain kinds of emotional support in response to bad news can
i have negative consequences (Taylor et al., 2000 ). For example, emotional sup-
I port can sometimes cross over into co-rumination, which involves extensively
.
1! discussing problems and dwelling on negatives in conversation with another
person ( Rose, 2002 ) . In giving a friend emotional support after she has a bad
;
I
I
date, you may commiserate and remind her that there arc other potential part -
) , •. ners out there. If, however, this discussion devolves into a rehash of many other
bad dates and even spills over into other negative aspects of life, it becomes
co-rumination . In one study, pairs of female college students who identified
I
as close friends were asked to discuss a problem chosen from a list as they nor-
1 .
mally would ( Byrd -Craven, Geary, Rose, &: Ponzi, 2008 ). After doing this, die
•I women had increased levels of stress hormones as compared to those in a con -
\
trol group who were asked to design a recreation center.
Overall, although emotional support can make us feel cared for, it doesn’t
necessarily always help us reduce stress, and it can even lead to more stress
for both parties in the conversation if it involves co- rumination . Despite these
challenges, there are real benefits to both giving and receiving social support, as
discussed earlier.
Identity and Friendships

How does social identity influence friendships, and how do assumptions
about identity and friendship correspond to the realities of actual
friendships?
If you think about your closest friends, it’s likely that they share some of your
1 social identity characteristics. Both classic and more recent research indicate
r- that we tend to be friends, particularly close friends, with people who share
! f
! « our social identities and our interests ( e.g., Kupersmidt, DeRosier, & Patter-
son , 1995; Vatamanescu , Andrei, & Pinzaru, 2018; Verbrugge, 1977 ). This
occurs, in part, because we tend to spend more time with people who share
—
our social identity characteristics such as people with the same race or reli -
gion ( McPherson, Smith - Lovin, & Cook, 2001 ). Although cross- identity
i 322 Chapter 8 Relationships

>
L:
friendships promote flexibility in thinking by offering new perspectives,
research has shown that individuals with socially privileged identities ( c.g., het-
erosexual, White ) arc less likely to form cross- identity friendships than individ -
uals with socially marginalized identities ( e .g. sexual minority, racial minority;
Galupo 2009 ).
However, as communities become more diverse, people are, in fact, more
likely to develop cross- group friendships ( Smith, McPherson, & Smith - Lovin ,
2014 ). Moreover, those who place less value on having similar lives as an
important element of friendship arc more likely to have
friends with different social identity characteristics than
themselves ( Galupo & Gonzalez, 2013 ). There is vari -
ability in these patterns, though . For example, in one
study, participants who self- identified as Asian American ,
Latinx , or multiracial were more likely to report cross-
race friendships than were participants who identified
J;
i-
as Black or White ( Plummer, Stone, Powell, & Allison,
2016 ).
Much early research explored same- and cross-gender
friendships, although this research was limited by assump -
tions of a gender binary. Women’s friendships with other
women have been described as following a face - to- face
pattern in which interactions center around getting to
know each other well and experiencing concern for each
other ( Ridgeway & Smith - Lovis, 1999; Walker, 1994 ) .
Men’s friendships, in contrast , have been described as typ-
ically following a side - by-side pattern in which the men
do something together. For example, women might sit
in a coffee shop talking to each other about their lives,
while men might play video games together. Because of
these differences in how women and men interact with
their friends, researchers have found that young men gen-
erally have larger friendship networks ( i.e., more people
they call friends ) than do women , but that women tend
to feel more intimately connected to their friends than do
men ( Claes, 1992 ). Stereotypically. women' s friendships with
These patterns appear to change when researchers con - other women are defined by face - to- face
involving intimate sharing of
sider other intersecting aspects of identity, however. For interaction
emotions and providing a great deal of
example, research with married , older adults has indicated support to each other. In contrast , men' s
that women in this population typically have larger social friendships with other men are expected to
networks than do men (Ajrouch, Antonucci, & Janevic, involve side- by - side interactions in which
2001; Amato, Booth, Johnson, & Rogers, 2007 ). As they engage in shared activities but don' t
another example, when sociologist Karen Walker ( 1994 ) focus on emotional connection.
interviewed people about their friendships, she found
Friendship 323
:
that, in contrast to stereotypes, White, working- class men were more likely to
socialize at home than through shared recreational activities. The men also were
likely to talk about their feelings with their friends; in fact, 75% of the men
interviewed reported doing this regardless of social class. White, middle -class
women , in contrast, reported lower levels of emotional intimacy in their friend -
ships because their lives were busy and demanding: “ You don’t have time to talk
to people about anything but die essentials ” ( p. 259 ) . It’s unclear how other
social identity variables such as age and sexual orientation may have contributed
to these patterns, and this is an area for future research .
Friendships aren’t always gender segregated , and as we’ve discussed previ -
ously, there arc more than nvo gender identities. Most people, regardless of sex -
ual orientation, have both same -gender and cross- gender friendships, although
most people do tend to have more same - gender friends ( Calupo, 2007;
Lenton & Webber, 2006; Monsour, 2002 ) . For example,
participants in one study reported that , on average, just
try it for yourself under 42% of their friends were of another gender and that
30% of their close friends were ( Lenton 8c Webber, 2006 ).
Can people ever just be friends? In Also, people hold overlapping expectations for friendships
what ways do you think cross- gender with those of the same gender and other genders ( Felmlee,
If friendships are the same as or different Sweet, 8c Sinclair, 2012 ), but some small differences have
from same-gender friendships? How
been found as well. For example, women reported expect -
are platonic friendships the same as or
ing emotional closeness in both types of friendships in one
different from romantic relationships?
study with predominately Latinx and White participants,
Talk to a number of people you know
about their views on these topics. Try
but they expected more companionship from same-gender
to talk to people with different gender than other-gender friends ( Fuhrman, Flannagan , 8c Matam -
identities, sexual orientations, ages, and oros, 2009 ).
so on. What themes emerge? What do Despite the fact that both same - and cross - gender
people agree on? What do they disagree friendships are typical , a common cultural assumption is
on? Do social identity variables seem to —
that women and men at least, heterosexual women and
influence people's responses? Try asking men an’t be “ just ” friends because romantic and /or sex -
if they think two lesbian women or gay ual attraction will get in the way. A quick Google search
men can "just" be friends. What themes brings up an overwhelming number of links to popular
i. do you see here?
i; press articles and blog posts considering this question , and
the inevitability of sexual / romantic relationships among
friends is a common plot point for TV shows and mov-
ies. Research shows that friends, regardless of sexual orientation , do sometimes
flirt with each other, although not in the same overt ways that they do with
romantic partners ( Egland, Spitzberg, 8c Zormeier, 1996; Diamond , 2002;
Weger 8c Emmett, 2009 ). In one study, 58% of heterosexual participants
reported feeling physical attraction to a friend ( Kaplan 8c Keys, 1997 ), and
51% of heterosexual-identified college students in another study reported being
sexually active with a friend (Afifi 8c Faulkner, 2000 ). Among racially/ethnically

i
diverse bisexual women, studies show that attraction and flirting behaviors in
close friendships with other women helped women define a bisexual identity
( Budnick, 2016; Diamond , 2002; Morgan & Thompson, 2007; Thompson,
2007 ). Other research , however, has indicated that some people work to keep
friendships platonic in order to avoid complicating the relationship with sex
( Diamond , 2002; Galupo, 2007; Mcssman, Canary, & Hausc, 2000 ) . Also,
romantic attraction in friendships can change over die life of the friendship and
can be influenced by whether the friends have romantic partners ( Fuhrman
et al., 2009; Reeder, 2000 ).
Enemies and Frenemies

What is relational aggression, how does it relate to gendered power
dynamics, and what are the consequences of being a target of relational
aggression and bullying? ii
!
—
“ I don’t even know what I did . But somehow, my friend I guess I should
—
call her my ex-friend got it in her mind that I was talking to her boyfriend or
something and then the next day at school the entire group ignored me. They
conveniently didn ’t have an extra seat for me at the lunch table, and then at
volleyball practice they would not even make eye contact with me ” ( Hinkelman,
2013, p. 36 ).
Friends help us feel connected , loved , and supported . At the same rime, some
people can make us doubt ourselves and feel disconnected. Usually, the people
who do this aren’t those we consider to be our friends. But relationships can
be complicated , and sometimes our friends can also act like our enemies. While
boys and men tend to engage in more physical aggression , girls and women are
more likely to engage in indirect forms of aggression ( Archer, 2004 ) . These acts
—
constitute relational aggression that is, they involve damaging others’ exist-
ing or potential relationships and /or social status. Making someone a social out -
cast, calling someone a slut, or drawing attention to the non -designer nature of
a peer’s clothes are examples of relational aggression. It’s a way to bully others,
and it’s a common way for girls to bully other girls.
Relational aggression can be non -verbal or verbal and can be directly aimed
at an individual or be done behind someone’s back. Non -verbal interactions
such as glaring to show contempt, rolling eyes to be dismissive or show dis-
—
—
gust, or turning away to exclude someone are all ways of being relationally
aggressive, and girls typically aggress against one another through such actions
( Underwood, 2004 ). Generally, those who are socially powerful ( e.g., pop-
ular ) use these tools against those who are less powerful ( Jeuken, Beersma,
ten Velden, & Dijkstra, 2015 ) . Relational aggression can also occur among
Friendship 325
i
!
friends, and as illustrated in the above quote,
sometimes friends can turn into enemies. In
fact, researchers have suggested that the very
intimacy and closeness that describe female
same-gender friendships may actually make it
easier to aggress in this way ( Murray- Close ,
Ostrov, & Crick, 2007 ). Essentially, by know-
ing people better, it’s easier to know what to
target to hurt them , and some women explic-
itly report emotionally manipulating their
same - gender friends ( Abell, Brewer, Qualter, &:
Austin, 2016 ). Relational aggression is also one
Not all relationships are positive. Bullying way of maintaining social position and status at
is common, and a typical way for girls the top of a friendship group, and those more
to demonstrate aggression is through concerned with popularity are more likely to use
gossiping and social exclusion. it ( Adler & Adler, 1998; Duffy, Penn, Nesdale,
& Zimmer-Gembcck, 2017; Dumas, Davis, &
Ellis, 2017 ).
,•
Psychologist Lyn Mikel Brown ( 2003 ) has
!
argued that there are many reasons why girls tend to aggress against other girls
and often do so through relational aggression. According to Brown , girls have
less power than boys, so their only viable targets for aggression are other girls.
This ultimately reinforces patriarchy by increasing conflict among girls, rather
than directing their anger at the oppressive patriarchal system and those who
contribute to it. Girls learn to behave in ways that conform to societal expecta -
tions of girls being “good,” so they aggress in subtle ways that don’t obviously
violate the “ good girl ” expectation (Simmons, 2009 ) . This maintains the status
quo because when girls ( and women ) fight with each other about boys, beauty,
and status, the indirect result is that they aren’t addressing the cultural and
structural forces that keep them in a position of decreased power.
! It’s important to note, however, that relational aggression ( or physical
aggression ) can take the form of identity-based bullying when it’s directed
toward people who are actual or perceived members of a devalued social group
because of that group membership ( Brinkman , 2015 ). People who are likely
to be targeted in this way include individuals with sexual minority identities
( Cenat, Blais, Hebert, Lavoie, & Guerrier, 2015 ), individuals with disabilities
( Rose, Simpson, & Moss, 2015 ), and transgender individuals ( Kosciw, Greytak,
Bartkiewicz, Bocsen, & Palmer, 2012 ). For example, in a survey of 705 racially
i i diverse transgender middle school and high school students, 75% reported
<
1 .: being regularly verbally harassed , 32% reported being physically harassed, and
17% reported being physically assaulted ( Kosciw et al., 2012 ). These results are
notably higher than the reports of bullying in the general adolescent population ,
h
which was estimated to be 22% in 2015 ( United States
Department of Education, 2015 ) . spotlight on .
—
Of course, people can be targeted for any reason for
example, for being poor; for being a member of a par-
ticular racial , ethnic, or religious group; for being over- Cyberbullying
weight; or for being considered a slut. As we discussed
When we (the authors of this book ) were
in Chapter 7, the sexual double standard can result
growing up, the Internet was not a part of
in girls and women being labeled as sluts for engag -
our daily lives, so relational aggression was
ing in ( or being perceived to have engaged in ) sexual largely a face- to-face experience. Today,
activity (Armstrong, Hamilton , Armstrong, & Seeley, however, cyberbullying— bullying
2014 ). Slut shaming seems to be an effective tool in through electronic communication such as
the relational aggression toolbox, as research has shown texts, emails, social media posts, and the
that some people have less desire to be around those like— has become an increasing concern
labeled as sluts and are more likely to marginalize them ( Jones, Mitchell, & Finkelhor, 2013).
( Kraegcr & Staff, 2009 ). Moreover, as discussed in Cyberbullying, or online harassment,

Chapter 6, fat shaming is most likely to target women can come from either strangers or those
( Chrisler, 2012 ), and obesity is a stigmatized condition we know, and it's used and experienced by
all types of people. So, while it works like
in die United States ( Carr & Friedman , 2005 ).
face-to-face relational aggression (e.g.,
Recognizing and reducing relational aggression is
teasing or insulting someone), it ' s less I
important because this type of aggression can have gendered. And while our actual identity is
serious consequences. These include decreased success often apparent when we're online (e.g., on
in school ( Popp, Pcgurcro, Day, & Kahle, 2014 ) and Facebook), it's also possible to post anony -
increased psychological distress, such as depression mously (e.g., one' s Twitter handle doesn ' t
and low self- esteem ( Prinstein , Boergers, & Vernbcrg, have to indicate one's public identity), and
2001 ) . Although most research has focused on these this can result in behavior people wouldn' t
negative outcomes among children and adolescents, engage in otherwise. Electronic communi-
the consequences arc potentially long- lasting. One cation also allows a volume of harassment
study of primarily White college students, for exam- that's impossible to replicate in person.
ple, showed that experiences of childhood teasing pre - After all, a person can only hurl so many in-
sults before attracting too much attention
dicted social anxiety at the time of the study ( Boulton,
from others; but online it's possible to keep
2013 ).
going indefinitely. Electronic communica -
It’s also noteworthy that those who aggress have the tion also means that those experiencing
potential to benefit from doing so, such as being per- bullying and harassment have no safe
ceived as more popular ( Cillcssen & Mayeux, 2004 ). haven. They can' t find peace in their home,
For example, one study, which followed a largely White as they'll keep receiving texts, emails,
group of children from fourth through eighth grade, tweets, and the like.
showed that girls who exhibited high levels of relational, Have you experienced cyberbullying?
but not physical, aggression had higher levels of peer Have you witnessed it ? Have you ever
acceptance and more friends by eighth grade ( Ettekal perpetrated it? Have you ever intervened
& Ladd, 2015 ). Given these findings, efforts to reduce to stop it? At the time, did you label it as
bullying? Why or why not ? How can we
relational aggression should recognize that aspects of
address cyberbullying?
our society reward aggression and, therefore, should
327
I
i
!
work to create a cultural shift whereby popularity and social status become
related to kindness rather dian aggression .
The Culture of Romance

What are common romantic beliefs, where do they come from, and how can
they impact relationships?
When most people hear the word relationship, they probably don ’t think about
friendship; instead , they probably think of romantic relationships. Love and
affection , from short -term or long- term partners, can be wonderful . However,
!. I cultural beliefs about romance may create fairy- tale expectations. The psycho-
therapist Irvin Yalom ( 2013 ) famously claimed that he was “ love’s executioner”
because he often challenged and changed many of his clients’ unrealistic expec -
tations about their romantic relationships.
We’re not born with an understanding of romance. Rather, we learn about
it from those around us. Through personal interactions and the media, we’re
exposed to messages about love and romance and are socialized to understand
—
what it is at least, within our particular cultural context. Yet if you were to ask
20 people, you’d probably get 20 different definitions of romance. Nevertheless,
researchers have identified core romantic beliefs that predominate in the United
States: that people have one true love, that love can happen at first sight, that
love will allow couples to overcome obstacles, and that one’s partner will be
perfect (Sprecher & Metts, 1989 ). Although these ideas may seem outdated ,
!
i
idealized, and unrealistic, they also probably sound familiar, and more recent
!
research indicates that they continue to be endorsed by study participants
( Hefner & Wilson, 2013; Regan & Anguiano, 2010 ). Gender socialization can
I
«
influence the way people view and understand romance. Researchers have found
that romantic relationships are seen as central to femininity, along with being
nice and investing in one’s appearance, among other factors ( Mahalik ct al.,
:
2005 ). However, they’ve also found that valuing relationships is not seen as a
central part of masculinity, but that factors like taking risks and pursuing status,
among others, are ( Mahalik et al., 2003 ) .
The media play an extremely important role in how we understand romance
( Bachcn & Illouz, 1996 ). One consistent message is that it involves a woman and
a man, reinforcing the idea of compulsory heterosexuality ( see Chapter 7 ). And
1 these messages start young. In a study of financially successful G - rated movies
from 1990 to 2005, only two had no heterosexual romantic references ( Martin
V.
& Kazyak, 2009 ). Mary- Lou Galician ( 2004 ), a professor of journalism and com -
k munication, has extensively studied how the media affect beliefs about romance.
Using the acronym PRESCRIPTION ( as shown in Table 8.1 ), she has identified
12 stereotypical beliefs about romance that are perpetrated by the mass media.
;
.
1 J
!
!,
TABLE 8.1 PRESCRIP i lONs about Romance Perpetuated by the Media
Belief Example
Partner is predestined Your ideal partner is out there.

Right away , you know Love happens at first sight .
Expression not necessary Your ideal partner will just know what you’re thinking/fecling.
Sexual perfection Sex with your soul mate is always easy and satisfying.
Centerfolds preferred Women should look like models to attract their ( male ) partners.
Role of gender ( or " real men" ) Men should always be taller, more powerful, richer, and older than their ( female ) partners.
Into a prince ( from beast ) Love can change a man into an ideal partner.
Pugilism = passion Fighting is a sign of love and passion .
Totally opposite values Love will overcome differences in values.
Incomplete without mate Your ideal partner completes you and fulfills your needs.
Often, actors = roles Actors are just like the characters they portray. !
Not real/no effect You’re not affected by media portrayals of romance because you know they’re not “ real .”
Note. Adapted from Galician ( 2004 ).
While people may believe that media portrayals of romance have no effect on
public opinion because they’re works of fiction , the opposite appears to be true.
Research shows that those w ho consume more romantic media arc also more
likely to endorse unrealistic beliefs about relationships, including beliefs that
partners should be able to read each other’s minds and that romantic partners
will be perfect ( Haferkamp, 1999; Hefner 6c Wilson , 2013; Lippman, Ward, 6c
Scabrook, 2014; Shapiro 6: Krocger, 1991 ). Such expectations can influence
people’s actual relationships. In one study, researchers
found that greater consumption of TV show's focusing on
romantic relationships w'as related to decreased satisfaction your turn
in viewers’ own romantic relationships as well as a greater
tendency to report conflict in the relationships ( Reizer 6c
What are your favorite movies and televi-
Hctsroni , 2014 ). Moreover, people, women especially, tend
sion shows? Which romantic themes do
to believe that the way love is portrayed on television is
these show (if any)? Do any characters
realistic ( Punyanunt- Cartcr, 2006 ) . Of course, in romantic challenge the stereotypical themes of ro-
media, people rarely engage in unromantic behaviors that mance? What happens to these characters?
—
happen daily in real life like flossing their teeth, blowing
their noses, or going to the bathroom . As a result, in com -
How do you think the media you consume
now. or consumed in the past, have influ-
parison to media images, one’s own partner or relationship enced your views on love and romance?
can seem quite imperfect.
The Culture of Romance 329

j
\
!
• i! »
• I Dating Scripts
i
i What are common characteristics of dating scripts, and what does research
say about online dating and hooking up?
i
The lessons about romance that we absorb from popular culture influence our
h beliefs about what should happen when people date, known as dating scripts.
i Like the sexual scripts discussed in Chapter 7, dating scripts arc descriptions of
!I supposedly “ normal ” behaviors in this context, and they are overwhelmingly
! heteronormative. Although dating and sexual scripts can overlap ( since dating
can involve sexual activity ), dating scripts focus primarily on what happens
I 1 .i before sexual contact.
, .
An interesting exercise is to imagine how you would describe a date to
someone who has no understanding of the practice. Maybe you ’d talk about a
i man coming to a woman’s home to pick her up for die date. Maybe he brings
;
flowers. He probably takes die woman out to dinner, followed by some kind of
shared activity such as watching a movie togedier. It’s likely that you imagine
the man driving, paying for dinner, selecting where they go, and so on . At the
end of die evening when die man brings the woman home, he might kiss her.
) ;
—
Despite its probable familiarity, does this script sound unrealistic or outdated
like something that belongs in a 1950s sitcom rather than in real life in the
21st century?
If you met someone who had

never heard of dating, how
would you describe it to that
; *i person? What would be key
ii
j elements of your description,
i
and what wouldn' t be included?
;1J h
Hi
I*
fi
**
j
.!
:
i
!
i
!
Are Traditional Scripts Still Relevant? Despite claims of increasing egali -
tarianism in heterosexual dating practices, dating scripts still generally conform
to traditional expectations ( Lancr & Ventrone, 2000 ) . For example, psycholo-
gists Asia Eaton and Suzanna Rose ( 2011 ) reviewed all research on heterosexual
dating published in the journal Sex Roles between 1975 and 2010. Although
they identified some examples of behaviors that challenged this traditional
script ( c .g., women initiating dates ) from more recent research, the traditional
gender- typed script was found to remain largely unchallenged and unchanged.
The researchers also reviewed popular dating advice books and found that the
traditional script still dominates there as well. Men are portrayed as active and
women as passive. For example , women are advised to get men to ask them out
rather than doing die asking themselves and to let men feel like leaders in the
relationship.
Research with lesbians has indicated that they don’t typically adhere to
traditional gender roles in dating ( Klinkenberg 8c Rose, 1994; Rose 8c Zand,
2000 ), so the dominant dating scripts and the gendered culture of romance
might not be as relevant to women who don’t identify as heterosexual. However, !
sometimes LGBQ individuals model their dating practices after those in the
dominant culture ( Klinkenberg 8c Rose, 1994; Patterson, Ward, 8c Brown,
2013 ). When this occurs, LGBQ individuals may encounter legal, social, or
practical barriers to demonstrating relationship seriousness ( e.g., disclosing their
relationship or their marriage ). For example, in one study of mostly White,
sexual minority women in their 20s ( Patterson et al., 2013 ), researchers found
that differing levels of outness between partners often slowed relationship
progression ( c .g ., delaying the start of sexual activity ) or caused relationship
stress ( c .g., pretending to just be friends in public ).
Other research has shown more diversity of dating scripts among lesbian
girls and women, including a romance script, a friendship script, and a sexually
explicit script ( Rose, Zand, 8c Cini, 1993). Of these, the romance script was
identified as the one most likely to involve dating, although
the dating phase may be short and a more serious rela-
tionship may evolve quickly. The friendship script involves your turn
i becoming friends, then falling in love, and then establishing
a committed relationship. The sexually explicit script focuses
on sexuality and attraction, but there may be no intent of a Do you date? Do you know people who
—
future commitment essentially, it reflects hooking up. In a
subsequent study, the friendship script was identified as the
date? If so. what are the expectations
around dating? Who does the asking?
Who pays? Do traditional dating scripts
most widely used script, and the sexually explicit script as ( e.g., men ask and pay) still apply among
the least popular one ( Rose 8c Zand , 2000 ). you and your peers? Is hooking up the
In a popular TED Talk, psychologist Danielle Shey- only alternative to traditional dating, or
puk discussed how traditional dating scripts can make is there a more egalitarian dating script
dating particularly challenging for people with disabilities within your social circle?
! (TEDx Talks, 2015 ). There’s a widely held, stereotypical
The Culture of Romance 331

'1
i!I
1 1
assumption that women with disabilities do not, and should not, date ( Howland
8c Rintala, 2001; Liddiard, 2018; Rintala et al., 1997 ). Because of this, many
people believe that women wadi disabilities should be grateful for the attention
of any partner or potential partner ( Howland 8c Rintala, 2001; Liddiard , 2018 ).
However, attention can be inappropriate or intrusive. For example, Sheypuk
:
recalled a frequent experience on Tinder in which a potential male match would
ask, “Can you have sex ? ” Sarcastically, she’d respond , “Yeah, can youV' Indi -
viduals with disabilities may have more difficulty finding and forming personal
relationships that lead to intimacy because of social and environmental barriers
I
! such as lack of opportunity to find partners, although this situation is changing
!
with the wider availability of online dating options ( Mazur, 2017; Roth 8c Gillis,
r 2015; Saltes, 2013; Wada, Mortenson, 8c Hurd Clarke, 2016 ).
!; • Online Dating and Hooking Up Regardless of ability status, online dating

through websites and apps, as highlighted in the nearby Spotlight feature,
has become common . However, online dating is fundamentally different
from conventional, offline dating ( Finkcl, Eastwick, Karney, Reis, 8c Sprecher,
2012 ). First, there’s more opportunity to select from a wade range of potential
dating partners in online formats than offline . Second , people can have
conversations with multiple potential partners before agreeing to meet face -
to-face. This reduces the time needed to rule out poor fits and can enhance
a sense of connection before meeting. Third , online dating, at least through
websites, typically offers a mathematical algorithm to help match compatible
—
people something many sites use to promote their services over competitors’
services.
Do these differences result in better dating outcomes? The research results
arc mixed. According to one study, online profiles often reduce people to
two- dimensional displays of information ( Hcino, Ellison , 8c Gibbs, 2010 ).
Also, although people initially like having access to a large number of poten -
tial partners, it can be exhausting to review' hundreds of profiles and can
actually result in decreased satisfaction with the date selected ( D’Angelo 8c
Toma, 2017; Wu 8c Chiou , 2009 ). Although the ability to communicate with
i Vii a person before meeting up is a benefit, the time between initial online con -
; tact and face - to- face meeting is important ( Wliitty 8c Carr, 2006 ) . One study
showed that if people don’t meet face - to-face after six weeks of communicat -
ing online, they’re unlikely to have a satisfactory match ( Ramirez 8c Zhang,
2007). Further, although mathematical algorithms eliminate potentially poor
fits, they aren’t effective in determining long- term relationship success ( Finkcl
et al., 2012 ). This is because algorithms can’t take into account the chemistry
between two people, how they treat each other, or how people may change
over time.
Some people have argued that dating, whether involving an online compo-
nent or not, has largely been replaced by hooking up ( Bogle, 2008; Glenn 8c

Marquardt, 2001 ). But as we saw in Chapter 7, hook -
ups aren’t as common as many people think ( Lambert,
Kahn , & Apple, 2003 ). Dating was also found to be a
Spotlight o n . . :
more prevalent script for women than hanging out or
hooking up ( Bradshaw, Kahn , 6c Saville, 2010 ). Young Online Dating
adults and Latinx students were particularly likely to
report that their most recent romantic encounter was Dating websites, like PlentyofFish, ehar-
mony, and OKCupid, have over 25 million
a date rather than hanging out or hooking up ( Eaton
users searching for potential partners
& Rose, 2012; Eaton , Rose, Interligi, Fernandez, 6c
(Finkel et al. r 2012 ) . There are also apps
McHugh, 2015 ). like Bumble, Grindr, and Tinder. Research
Thus, dating, and the traditionally gendered dating shows that app users tend to be younger
script , remain prevalent. However, there is a negative than website users, and although these
side to this. Research with Latinx college students, for apps are often thought of as facilitat -
example, showed that hostile and benevolent sexist ing hookups rather than dating, people
attitudes predicted greater endorsement of traditional use them for both purposes ( Gatter &
dating scripts ( Bermudez, Sharp, 6: Taniguchi, 2015 ). Hodkinson, 2016). Nearly 50 million people
For some women, however, the traditional dating script have tried online dating ( "Online Dating
has advantages. For example, women who are undocu - Statistics," 2017), and 19% of Internet users
mented immigrants arc advantaged to be in roles where in the United States were using dating
—
they aren’t expected to pay or drive actions that can be
apps or websites as of April 2017 ( " Online
Dating — Statistics & Facts , " n.d.).
i
challenging for those who can ’t get a driver’s license or Online dating is especially helpful
find a job that provides a regular income ( Pila , 2015 ). for those who are looking for partners
For most women , though , the traditional dating script with certain identities, interests, or
i!
doesn’t carry the same benefits. Given this, feminist characteristics — for example, people of a
psychologists, among others, support the development certain age ( SeniorPeopleMeet ), sexual
of a more egalitarian script in which a woman can feel orientation (GaySinglesOnline) , religious
as comfortable as a man in both initiating a date and orientation (JDate), race (BlackSingles) ,
planning for and paying for an activity. or ability status (DatingforDisabled). As
one example, teens who identified as
LGBTQ were shown to be more likely to
find romantic partners online than were
What Are People Looking For in heterosexual - identified teens, in part
Romantic Partners? because it was harder for them to meet
potential partners in their daily lives
What patterns are there to characteristics that ( Korchmaros, Ybarra , & Mitchell, 2015 ) .
women desire in romantic partners? Have you, or people you know, had expe-
rience with online dating ? If so, what were
What determines whom we fall in love with ? According those experiences like? What do you see as
to cultural myths, there’s one soul mate out there for advantages and disadvantages of online
each of us, and we’ll fall in love with that person at first dating ? Will it ever replace meeting people
sight. That, however, is not how love works. Instead, we in person? Why or why not?
make choices and set priorities about what we’re looking
for in our partners. In Chapter 3, we explored sexual
strategies theory (SST ), which holds that women and
333
men approach mating, and therefore relationships, differently in order to best
ensure reproductive success ( Buss & Schmitt, 1993 ). In addition to addressing
how evolutionary pressure may have influenced mating practices, this theory
addresses mating preferences. According to the theory, men arc attracted to
young, physically attractive partners because, in our evolutionary past, these
partners had the best chance of producing healthy offspring ( thereby carrying
on the man’s genetics ). Women, in contrast, are attracted to slightly older part -
ners who have status and access to resources because, in our evolutionary past,
such partners were most likely to help both the woman and her offspring to
survive ( thereby carrying on the woman’s genetics ).
Research has shown support for some of these ideas. For example, even in
extremely egalitarian Norway, men prefer partners younger than themselves,
with the age gap widening as men age, and women show a stable preference
for men slightly older than themselves ( Grontvcdt & Kennair, 2013 ). Also, in
a study of nearly 10,000 people from 37 cultures, women placed more value
on social status than men, and men placed greater value on physical attrac -
tiveness (Shackelford, Schmitt, & Buss, 2005 ). Other research , however, has
not shown support for SST ( e .g., Pedersen , Putcha - Bhagavatula , & Miller,
2011 ). For example, a meta -analysis showed that physical attractiveness and
earning potential both predicted positive romantic evaluations and that there
were no significant gender differences ( Eastwick, Luchies, Finkel, & Hunt,
2014 ). It’s also possible that women’s desire for men who arc older and
financially secure may have to do with the fact that women generally have
[ less power and need financial security. One study showed that women and
men in more egalitarian countries were more similar to each other in terms of
what they wanted in a partner than those in less egalitarian countries ( Eagly
& Wood, 1999 ). Therefore, what might be seen as evolved gender differ-
'
ences might, today, actually be responses to social roles and differential access
to power.
Research hasn’t always taken into account the effect that die desired type of
relationship might have on partner preferences. For example, what someone
might desire in a partner for a one- night stand may be very different from what
. i
that person wants in a long-term partner. This idea has led researchers to begin
exploring preferences for partner traits within specific types of relationships.
Regardless of gender or sexual orientation, studies have shown that participants
valued attractiveness when evaluating potential short -term partners and placed
greater importance on similarity and characteristics like intelligence and hon -
.
| i:
esty when considering potential long-term partners ( Regan, Levin, Sprecher,
Christopher, & Gate, 2000; Regan, Medina, & Joshi, 2001 ). Of course, not
all women ( or men ) are looking for the same things in short - or long- term
partners. For example, in a study of primarily White, heterosexual women,
researchers found that some women seemed particularly concerned with how
attractive their partners were, while others were more interested in partners who

were personable, intelligent, and hard -working ( Castro, Hattori, & de Araujo :
Lopes, 2015 ).
Given these findings, it has become increasingly apparent that, rather than
making broad assumptions, researchers would do well to look more carefully I
i
at what different women want in partners. For example, one study showed
that both Black women and men valued the income of a potential partner and
seemed to desire an income that would allow the family greater upward social
mobility ( King 8c Allen, 2009 ) . In contrast, in a study of primarily White female
undergraduate and graduate students at a large university, researchers found a
relationship between intelligence and partner preferences in terms of income
and status (Stanik 8c Ellsworth , 2010 ). Those who scored higher on an IQ test
were less interested in a potential partner’s wealth and status. The authors sug-
gested that these women may have been less concerned with partners’ wealth
because they felt confident in their own ability to financially support them -
selves and their families. Another study examined personal ads placed by Muslim
individuals living in the United States, and the women’s ads were particularly
likely to emphasize seeking partners who were religious ( Badahdah 8c Tiemann,
2005 ). A similar study of personal ads placed by lesbians showed that honesty
was a particularly valued trait for partners (Smith , Konik , 8c Tuve, 2011 ). I
Some women arc concerned that they won’t be able to find the partners they
want because of expectations of gendered roles in a relationship. For example,
in one study of heterosexual , Mexican American college students, women were
concerned that their level of education would be seen as a threat to die mascu -
linity of potential Mexican American partners ( Gonzalez, 1988 ). More recent
research showed diat Latinx women thought having more education would make
it harder to find a partner of the same race/ethnicity, but Latinx men didn’t hold
this perspective ( Niemann, Romero, 8c Arbona , 2000 ). Concerns about finding
a desirable partner can result in being eidier highly selective or not selective at all,
and this mix of patterns was found in a qualitative study about the dating expe-
riences of women with physical disabilities ( Howland 8c Rintala, 2001 ). Some
participants felt they couldn’t be selective: “If some guy would show me affection,
I kind of felt like I’d better grab him because I probably wouldn’t get anyone
else” ( p. 53). Other participants reported being non -selective because they felt the
need to prove that they were desirable. Those who reported being highly selective
had more variability in their reasons for this pattern.
Cos . : . KiiSilonships
In 1985, psychologist Suzanna Rose asked, “Is romance dysfunctional ? ” ( p. 250 ).
She argued that because media portrayals of romance primarily address court -
ship, they don’t provide information about maintaining long- term relationships.
Committed Relationships 335

n
i
:i
EMPOWERING
OR OPPRESSING?
Jealousy in Relationships
ealousy within a relationship might seem to be a that telling a girlfriend how to dress is an indication that
1
J bad thing, signaling lack of trust between part-

ners and/or lack of belief in one's own desirability
as a partner. Yet media portrayals of jealousy
often show it as a sign of passion and a signal of com-
mitment to the relationship ( Bonomi, Altenburger, &
the boyfriend cares about her (Chung, 2005). Moreover,
using words like ownership and protector to describe a
relationship were seen to communicate intimacy. These
types of controlling behaviors, referred to as mate
retention behaviors, are tactics that may serve to keep
.
Walton 2013; Collins & Carmody, 2011; Hayes, 2014). For a partner away from potential rivals and ensure the
example, in the love triangle at the center of the Twilight . .
partner 's fidelity ( Buss Shackelford, & McKibbin 2008).
book and movie series, both Edward and Jacob display Some mate retention behaviors may be interpreted as
jealousy over Bella's involvement with the other, and caring and romantic ( e.g., giving a partner a ring to show
this apparently demonstrates how deeply the men care that the partner is "taken"), but others are more easily
i
; I
for Bella. Some women may try to evoke jealousy in a identified as tactics of control (e.g., checking to see that a
partner through behaviors such as flirting with others partner is where she said she would be ) .
. .
(Brainerd, Hunter Moore, & Thompson 1996). This may There are potential dangers with believing jealousy
make women feel powerful and in control of the relation- is positive. In one study, heterosexual women who held
.
ship It may also confirm the extent to which they are ro- pro-jealousy attitudes were more likely to report having
.
mantically and sexually desirable. After all as discussed in sexist attitudes and desiring a man who endorsed
.
Chapter 7 women often learn that a key source of power violence and male dominance over women (Hartwell .
is their sexuality. . . .
Humphries Erchull & Liss 2015 ) . Other research showed
i ! Jealousy, however, has a downside. It’s sometimes that pro-jealousy attitudes were related to viewing mate
viewed as an excuse for violence and other types of abuse retention behaviors as romantic, which, in turn, was
:
.
in relationships (see Chapter 12) and jealousy-related vi- related to experiencing violence in relationships ( Papp .
!
olence is more likely to be classified as a sign of love than . . . .
Liss Erchull Godfrey & Waaland-Kreutzer 2016 ).
i
il . . .
as abuse (Power Koch Kralik, & Jackson 2006; Puente & Do you think jealousy from a partner can feel
•.
. .
Cohen 2003; Vandello & Cohen 2008). Jealousy can also empowering? If so, when? And when does it cross the line
•j be associated with controlling behaviors within relation- to being problematic? Alternatively, is jealousy just a way
; ships, which may be viewed as signals of love (Bonomi .
of controlling and oppressing a partner ? If so how can
.
et al. 2013; Donovan & Hester, 2010; Hayes, 2014; Power we change attitudes about this and the way jealousy is
.
et al. 2006). For example, teenagers in one study reported represented in our culture?
it
.,
1'
I !
336
In fact, for many people, the reality of long- term relationships is far from the
“ happily ever after" that ends most of the romantic scripts permeating popular
culture. So what actually happens after the couple walks off into the sunset
together ? In this section , we’ll talk about marriage, divorce, committed rela -
tionships outside of marriage, and power dynamics within relationships. Even
though cultural messages about love, romance, and relationships can be prob-
lematic, there arc also real benefits to being in committed relationships.
Marriage and the Wedding Industrial Complex

What are current trends related to marriage, and what cultural expectations
surround weddings as well as the marriages that follow ?
When most people think about long- term relationships and living “ happily ever
after,” they usually think about marriage. Indeed , the vast majority of people
marry at some point in their lives. Estimates are that 90% of women in the i
United States will marry at least once ( Goldstein Sc Kenney, 2001 ) . But not
everyone is married . Data from the United States Census Bureau ( n.d . ) indicate
that, in 2017, approximately 51% of women and 54% of men were married , 29%
of women and 35% of men had never been married, 11% of women and 9% of
men were divorced , and 9% of women and 3% of men were widowed. These
rates vary by demographic group. For example, women who identified as Asian i;
American were most likely to be married ( 62% ), and women who identified as
Black were least likely to be married ( 32% ).
Marriage status also varies by age . On average, women and men in the
United States get married ( for the first time ) at 27 and 29 years of age, respec-
tively ( U .S. Census Bureau , n .d . ). These numbers show an increase from 1950,
when women got married at age 20 and men at 23. Although the average age
at first marriage varies from country to country, worldwide there’s a trend for
women to delay their first marriage ( from age 22 to age 25 between the 1970s
and die mid - 2000s ) . The 2015 World Marriage Data from the United Nations
indicate that men, on average, tend to be older than women when they marry,
and this is true in all countries for which data were available. However, the size
of the age difference varies. For example, in Egypt the gap is five years, as com -
pared to a two-year gap in the United States.
Marriage, like romance, carries a lot of cultural expectations. In fact, for many
people, marriage is synonymous with weddings ( Auchmuty, 2012 ). Weddings
have historically been associated with formalizing a commitment between a
woman and a man. However, on June 26, 2015, this standard officially changed
-
in the United States when the Supreme Court ruled that same sex marriage was
a legal right. Although it had already been legal in many states, there was a con -
stant threat of changes in legal status, so the Court’s decision signaled a significant

shift not just in terms of marriage equality but
also in terms of recognizing LGBQ individuals
as a whole ( Frost , Meyer 8c Hammack, 2014 ).
Technically, all it takes to get married in the
United States is the nominal fee for a marriage
license and then, usually, a nominal fee to an offi -
ciant. But weddings are rarely diis simple. For
many couples, regardless of sexual orientation,
weddings are a link to tradition , and for those
marrying within a religious context , tradition
can involve religious beliefs and cultural prac-
tices. For example, Jewish couples may marry
under a huppah, and the groom may break a
glass with his foot at the end of the ceremony.
Catholic couples may take Communion together
Weddings take many different forms, both in the
as part of their wedding mass. Weddings are also
United States and worldwide. When you call up a
mental image of a wedding, what s part of it ? In
' often quite expensive. A survey by the wedding
what ways is it similar to and different from the planning website The Knot showed that the
IL one pictured here? average amount spent on a wedding in 2017
was $ 33,391 (Schweizer, 2018 ) , and 45% of
* *
1
couples reported spending more than they had

planned to (Schwahn, 2018 ). The wedding industry is big business, estimated
at $72 billion in 2016 (Schmidt, 2017 ), and this has led people to label it as the
wedding-industrial complex ( Ferguson , 2017 ).
Weddings also often involve traditions and practices that have roots in tra -
ditional gender roles. For example, the practice of the father “ giving away ” his
daughter to another man is important to many families, but it also reflects the
;
i
—
patriarchal history of weddings and women’s role as possessions first of their
fathers, and later of their husbands. Not everyone is comfortable with these types
; of traditional practices, however. One study showed that women arc more likely
! than men to favor being pronounced “ husband and wife” at the end of a wedding
ceremony rather than the more traditional “ man and wife ” ( Ogletrec, 2010 ).
Even religious officiants are sometimes uncomfortable with traditional practices.
A minister in another study said, “I won’t ask a question of the father: who gives
this woman away? I won’t do that because I think that’s inappropriate because
women aren’t chattels to be passed around between the men folk ” ( Baker 8c
Elizabeth, 2014, p. 402). Research does indicate, though , that those with more
traditional attitudes toward gender are likely to want traditional , expensive wed -
dings and support buying expensive engagement rings ( Ogletree, 2010 ).
!•
Regardless of the form a wedding takes, and no matter how memorable the cel-
ebration is, it is not itself representative of marriage. As one woman said , “There’s
the getting married and then there’s the day of getting married, and all die stufl
—
that goes with it and I find that sort of tiling is very separate” ( Currie, 1993,

p. 420 ). Psychologist Les Parrott and marriage and family
therapist Leslie Parrott ( 2015 ) have highlighted four myths of try it for yourself
marriage that can be characterized as both harmful and wide -
spread: ( a ) that individuals and their spouses have the same
What are your thoughts about weddings?
expectations within the marriage, ( b ) that positive aspects
If you've had one. what choices did you
of the relationships will get better within marriage, ( c ) that
make? How were they influenced by
negative aspects will disappear once marriage happens, and tradition, religion, and/or views about
( d ) diat spouses will complete each other. In fact, these beliefs gender? If you haven't had one. what is
are hard to live up to. Any relationship that lasts for a signif- your vision for a wedding you might have
icant period will involve some negative components, such as in the future? Now ask these questions of
disagreements about money, stress due to illness, and so on. friends and family members of different
While these myths haven’t received a great deal of research ages, gender identities, and so on. What
attention, one study showed that when such expectations do they talk about? What themes do you
don’t match reality, those involved can experience dissatis- see? Where do differences show up?
faction with their relationships as well as decreased personal
well - being ( Casad , Salazar, & Macina , 2014 ).
Benefits of Marriage
What benefits are associated with marriage?
—
There arc many interpersonal benefits from marriage at least, if the marriage is
a healthy one ( Robles, Slatchcr, Trombello, & McGinn, 2014 ). Marriage offers r
a stable source of social support from one’s partner. Regardless of sexual ori-
entation , married individuals report a sense of shared commitment, emotional
connection, and support ( Ducharme & Kollar, 2012 ). In some ways, women
partnered with women may be better off in this regard than women partnered
with men . For example, one study showed that married lesbian women, com-
pared to married heterosexual women, received more social support from their
spouse and were better able to communicate with their partners about family
matters ( Brashicr, Hughes, & Cook, 2013 ) .
Research has also shown that , overall, married individuals earn more, on aver-
age, than those who are divorced, widowed, or never married (Waite, 1995 ).
However, this is largely due to the fact that married men generally earn more
than unmarried men, not that married women earn more than unmarried
women. Married men benefit from having wives who do more at home ( Chun
& Lee, 2001; Dougherty, 2006 ). We’ll discuss this topic later in the chapter.
Since women generally earn less money than men ( Institute for Women’s Policy
— —
Research, 2017 ) a topic we’ll discuss in Chapter 10 they experience a greater
financial boon with marriage since they have partners bringing greater income
into the family. Moreover, other research shows that married individuals have
better mental and physical health than those who aren’t married ( e.g., Guner,

Kulikova, & Llull, 2014; Wilson & Oswald , 2005 ). This may partially explain
why both married women and men live longer ( e.g., Kaplan & Kronick, 2006;
Manzoli, Villari, Pirone, & Boccia, 2007 ), although some data do point to a slight
additional benefit for men (e.g., Rcndall, Weden , Favreault, & Waldron, 2011 ).
In die past, theorists suggested that men benefited considerably more from mar-
riage than women and diat diere was actually a “ his” marriage that contributed to
well - being and a “ hers” marriage that detracted from it ( e.g., Bernard, 1972 ). Men,
according to diis argument, get a cook, a maid, and a therapist when they marry.
Women, however, have to provide these services and receive insufficient emotional
intimacy from dieir partners in return . Some subsequent research supported this
idea and found diat men were more satisfied in marriage than women ( Powers,
1991 ). However, although every couple is different, more recent work indicates
diat bodi women and men benefit from marriage ( Waite &: Gallagher, 2000 ).
In addition to the physical, psychological, and financial benefits discussed
above, there are institutionalized benefits of marriage ( Guillen , 2016 ). For exam -
: ple, in die United States, married partners receive tax benefits, and there are ben -
efits associated with inheritance if a partner dies. Further, married partners can
receive Social Security benefits accrued by their spouse. Typically, Social Security
benefits are based on one’s own lifetime earnings, but spouses can get 50% of their
i partner’s benefits instead if diat would entidc them to more than would be die
case based on dieir own lifetime earnings. Employers may also offer benefits, such
as medical insurance, for spouses. Moreover, spouses can visit their partner in the
hospital because they are considered next of kin . The latter benefit was one reason
the fight for marriage equality was so important to many LGBQ individuals.
Marriage equality is a recent change, so most research on marriage has
focused on relationships between a woman and a man. However, both LGBQ
and heterosexual individuals in long - term committed relationships have spoken
of similar important components ( Frost &: Gola , 2015 ). These include com -
mitment, communication, emotional connection , and support of each other.
I! LGBQ individuals were also more likely to talk about stigma playing a role
. i in their relationships. Heterosexual couples rarely need to conceal their rela -
tionships or fear discrimination because of their relationship status, but many
partnered LGBQ individuals face these issues. More research on the benefits of
legally sanctioned marriage for LGBQ individuals is needed , however.
:
Divorce
What are positive and negative outcomes of divorce for women?
There’s a common saying diat 50% of marriages end in divorce. In fact, a report
written for the U.S. Department of Healdi and Human Services ( DHHS ) indicated
that 48% of first marriages among women and 44% of first marriages among men

end in divorce within 20 years ( Copen, Daniels,
Vespa, & Mosher, 2012 ). Divorce rates also reflect
demographic characteristics. For example, marry-
ing before age 25 and earning less than $25,000
per year have been identified as risk factors for
divorce ( Clarkc-Stewart & Brentano, 2006 ). Data
have also shown racial and ethnic differences in
divorce rates: In the DHHS report, Asian Amer-
ican people were least likely and Black American
people most likely to have a first marriage end in
divorce, while those who identified as Latinx and
White had rates in the middle ( Copen ct al ., 2012 ).
Some researchers suggest that the divorce
%:V; Vs.
Many people experience divorce. Some consider it
rate increased in the late 20 th century, in part , a bad thing and a signal of failure. In what ways
because feminism and other social justice move- could divorce be positive ?
ments created a climate of greater opportunities
for women ( Stevenson Sc VVolfcrs, 2007 ). They
were, therefore, better able to support themselves and didn’t need marriage to
survive. Although divorce is generally thought of as a negative and undesirable
life event, 64% of the women interviewed in one study spoke of positive conse-
quences resulting from their divorces ( Bewino Sc Sharkin, 2003 ). In particular,
they spoke of changes they made to themselves as well as divorce providing new
opportunities for growth .
It can definitely be beneficial to leave a dysfunctional relationship, but there
can also be negative consequences. When couples divorce, assuming both part -
ners work, they lose access to one salary. For heterosexual women, this means
losing access to their male partner’s income, which is typically higher than their
own . Several studies have indicated that divorce is a real financial threat for
women ( Hilton 8c Anderson, 2009; Smock, Manning, & Gupta, 1999 ). How -
ever, according to a different study, women’s earning power has increased over
time, so the financial consequences of divorce are smaller now than in the past
( Tach & Eads, 2015 ). Nevertheless, other research shows that, despite increased
earning power, most women still experience a financial decline after divorce
( Gadalla , 2008 ). Moreover, income is only one financial benefit of marriage.
Health insurance coverage from a partner’s job is another, and women lose access
to this after divorce, which can add to their economic decline ( Lavelle & Smock ,
2012 ). This may be one reason why women’s physical health has been found
to decline after divorce ( Forste 8c Heaton, 2004; Prigerson, Maciejewski, 8c
Rosenheck, 1999 ). Mental health, too, has been found to decline following
divorce ( Prigerson et al., 1999 ). Those who have divorced are more likely to
report depression and low self-esteem (Symoens, Van de Velde, Colman, 8c
Brackc, 2014 ) as well as lower feelings of competence (Symoens et al., 2014 )
and happiness ( Forste 8c Heaton, 2004 ).

!
The reasons for divorce aren’t particularly different from the reasons why
other romantic relationships, or friendships, end. People’s commitment to any
: given relationship is lower when they believe better potential alternatives are
i
• available, they aren’t satisfied with the relationship, and they haven’t invested a
great deal in the relationship ( Rusbult, 1983) . One study showed that the most
commonly reported causes for divorce were incompatibility and growing apart
i
( Amato & Preveti, 2003). Another study identified poor communication and
the inability to resolve conflict ( Bewino & Sharkin, 2003 ). Of course, larger
issues can also lead to divorce, such as infidelity, abuse, and drug and alcohol use
I (Amato & Preveti, 2003; Bewino & Sharkin, 2003 ). Other risk factors include
! experiencing stress, such as being unemployed, having experienced rape, and
having unwanted children ( Clarke-Stewart & Brentano, 2006 ).
!
Reasons for divorce in lesbian couples are similar to those in heterosexual
. couples. Like heterosexual relationships, lack of satisfaction with , investment in,
—
<
and commitment to a relationship can contribute to its failure as can a belief

1
that better options are available ( Beals, Impett, & Peplau, 2002 ). Social stigma,
'
internalized heterosexism, and societal discrimination can also play a role in
relationship conflict for lesbian couples; this and other factors unique to having
a sexual minority identity may contribute to relationships ending ( Barrantes,
Eaton, Veldhuis, & Hughes, 2017; Beals et al., 2002 ) .
Relationships Other Than Marriage

What other forms, beyond marriage, do women's committed romantic
relationships take?
Not all long-term relationships happen within the context of marriage. Even
if most people marry at some point in their lives, they may experience other
long-term committed relationships. In fact, data indicate that an increase in
——
cohabitation that is, living together in a committed relationship without being
%
married is one reason the age for first marriages is increasing ( Copen et al.,
2012). Approximately 3% of women were cohabiting in 1992, and this figure
rose to 11% by the time data were collected for the 2006-2010 National Survey
; of Family Growth ( Copen et al., 2012 ). Cohabitation sometimes is a precursor to
marriage, but not always. For example, one study showed that 68% of women’s
marriages were preceded by cohabitation with that partner ( Kennedy & Bumpass,
2008 ). In another study, researchers found that, within three years of beginning
to cohabit, approximately 40% of women married their partners, 32% continued
•!
to cohabit, and 27% ended the relationship ( Copen, Daniels, & Mosher, 2013 ).
The transition to marriage may occur for a number of reasons. For some peo-
ple, it’s a way to formalize the relationship through a public commitment; for
'
'
i
! : others, having or planning to have children may lead to the decision to marry;
• •

!r
II
and still others report having experienced social pressure to do so ( Baker &
Elizabeth, 2014 ). As discussed earlier, there are also legal and financial benefits
associated with marriage. However, even when cohabitation transitions to mar-
riage, for some couples die relationships that follow aren’t perfect. Data from
several studies indicate that a higher proportion of marriages that were preceded
by cohabitation end in divorce than those in which couples did not first cohabit
( Dempsey 8c De Vaus, 2004; Duncan, Barlow, & James, 2005; Lichter, Qian,
8c Mellot, 2006 ). However, this trend may be changing ( Manning 8c Cohen,
2012; Reinhold , 2010 ). Some researchers suggest this may reflect die fact that
it’s becoming much more common for couples to cohabit before marriage
( Hewitt 8c De Vaus, 2009 ) . It may also reflect the fact that fewer cohabiting
relationships are transitioning to marriage than in the past ( Guzzo, 2014 ).
With or without cohabitation, not everyone marries, and this can be a con-
scious choice . For example, Carol Smart ( 1984 ), a feminist sociologist, called
for the abandonment of marriage. Instead, she argued, we should “devise a
system of rights, duties, or obligations which are not dependent on any form
of ‘coupledonT or marriage or quasi - marriage ” ( p. 146 ). She saw marriage
as a broken , patriarchal system that couldn’t be fixed and would continue to
oppress women . Marriage hasn’t gone away since the early 1980s when Smart
made her argument . In fact, marriage is being embraced by more people.
However, being married is no longer considered the only role for women it —
has become a lifestyle choice ( Auchmuty, 2012 ). This means that women can
choose to engage in casual sexual relationships, date, cohabit , or remain single.
Of course, there arc still social pressures to marry ( DcPaulo 8c Morris, 2005 ),
but they’re less intense than in the past. Moreover, as we discussed in Chapter 4,
some people may opt out of marriage and other forms of committed relation-
ships because they identify as aromantic.
Consensually Non- Monogamous Relationships Some people prefer com -

mitted romantic relationships that arc intentionally nonmonogamous; these
are referred to as consensually nonmonogamous (CNM) relationships. One
type of non - monogamous relationship is polygamy, which involves one hus-
—
band having many wives a practice that may be connected to religious belief
or cultural practices. Polyamorous ( often shortened to poly ) relationships, in
contrast, aren’t tied to religious beliefs or to specific gender identities. Poly
individuals may love and/or be sexually involved with multiple partners, and
honesty and openness within relationships are considered essential ( Haritaworn,
Lin, 8c Klesse, 2006; McCullough 8c Hall, 2003). Other CNM relationships,
such as swinging or open relationships, are more focused on sex with multiple
partners rather than ongoing committed relationships with multiple partners.
There are very limited data on rates of consensual non- monogamy as opposed
to non - monogamy more generally, which may involve cheating on a partner who
believes the relationship is monogamous ( Rubin, Moors, Matsick, Ziegler, 8c

d i
ii i
!
:!
:
Conley, 2014 ). Research specifically looking at CNM points to approximately 5%

of people in the United States being in these types of relationships at any given
time ( Rubin ct al., 2014 ). Research also indicates that women are slightly less
likely to be involved in CNM relationships than arc men ( Rubin et al ., 2014 );
but it has been argued that these relationships may actually be beneficial for
women, as monogamy can be seen as a form of gender oppression ( Ziegler,
Matsick, Moors, Rubin, & Conley, 2014 ). After all, as we’ll discuss next, women
in traditional heterosexual monogamous relationships have less power, take on
more domestic responsibilities, and generally have less agency over their lives.
Conscnsually nonmonogamous relationships have received little research
!
.
attention compared to romantic relationships between two people, but these
types of relationships arc of interest to a growing minority of people ( Anapol,
1997; Barker, 2005 ). Some poly individuals believe that those who support
!
monogamy are threatened by the different nature of polyamorous relation -
ships ( Barker, 2005 ), and these relationships are stigmatized ( Conley, Moors,
Matsick, & Ziegler, 2013 ). Those who engage in CNM are often perceived by
others as being less happy in their relationships, less sexually satisfied , and even
as less good citizens ( Conley et al ., 2013 ). Some people argue, however, that
the relationships themselves aren’t necessarily that different. Recent research,
in fact, shows few differences in the quality of monogamous and consensuallv
non - monogamous relationships ( Conley, Matsick, Moors, & Ziegler, 2017 ).
•ii One participant in a study of polyamory said , “ I don’t think it’s vastly differ-
ent to monogamous relationships. Romantic relationships are always about the
same kinds of things: fun , friendship, sex ” ( Barker, 2005, p. 82 ).
‘ It has been argued that polyamory is largely the purview of White, middle -
class, well -educated , able- bodied individuals, so more information is needed
about CNM relationships among people with diverse social identities ( Noel,
2006 ). One study, however, found that White individuals and people of color
were equally likely to participate in monogamy and in CNM relationships, and
LGBQ individuals were more likely than heterosexual individuals to participate
in them ( Rubin et al., 2014 ). Moreover, one group of researchers found that,
despite stereotypes that gay men are those most interested in CNM relationships,
i sexual minority women and men have similar attitudes toward and desire to par-
ticipate in such relationships ( Moors, Rubin , Matsick, Ziegler, & Conley, 2014 ).
;l * i
Power Dynamics in Relationships
What is the principle of least interest, and how does it relate to power and
: relationship satisfaction?
I *i
it
In traditional, monogamous, heterosexual relationships, dynamics of power are
ii: extremely important to consider. In Chapter 2, we discussed how men have more
•:
1 J
: i
i
power than women and how their greater power and privilege can be difficult to
see. Within heterosexual relationships, there are many manifestations of men’s
greater power, although couples may not be Hilly aware of how power dynamics
shape their relationships. While some couples hold traditional values and think that
men should lead the household, other couples value egalitarian relationships. Even
in the latter case , though , men’s greater power can find its way into relationships.
In the 1930s, sociologist Willard Waller (1938 ) described the principle of least
interest, which states that the person who wants a relationship less has greater
power within that relationship. You might have intuitively experienced this dynamic
—
yourself; it's why people don 't text back immediately after a date they don’t want
to be perceived as too eager and , therefore, be placed in the less powerful position.
Longitudinal studies exploring the balance of power over time between partners in
heterosexual couples support the idea that the least emotionally invested partner
is the one who has more power in the relationship ( Fclmlcc, 1994; Sprccher &
Felmlcc, 1997; Sprccher, Schmcekle, & Felmlec, 2006 ). In contrast, couples with
equal levels of emotional involvement were found to be more satisfied with their
relationships, and their relationships tended to last over time ( Sprccher & Felmlec,
1997; Sprccher et al ., 2006 ). This dynamic isn’t limited to heterosexual couples.
Equality of power within lesbian relationships has also been found to relate to
greater satisfaction with that relationship ( Pcplau , Padcsky, & Hamilton , 1982 ),
and power sharing continues to be seen as a relationship ideal for many lesbians
( Kurdck, 1995; Pcplau 8c Fingcrhut, 2007; Reilly 8c Lynch , 1990 ).
The principle of least interest is related to gender because it’s generally
assumed that women arc the ones who more strongly value relationships. For
example, in one study of primarily White college students, researchers found
that a typical woman was perceived as wanting both marriage and children more
than a typical man ( Erchull, Liss, Axelson, Staebcll, 8c Askari, 2010 ) . However,
other data suggest that this belief may be incorrect. In the same study, when
college students were asked about their own desire for marriage and children ,
female and male participants reported desiring them equally. Given these results,
the researchers concluded that men may have power in relationships because it’s
—
assumed that they’re less interested even if this isn’t actually the case.
Furthermore, the principle of least interest isn’t die only source of power
dynamics. In one study, researchers found that, among married lesbian couples
with children who lived in states that legally restricted the rights of non - birth par-
ents, the biological mothers tended to hold more power and the non - biological
mothers tended to feel insecure ( Butterfield 8c Padavic, 2014 ). One non - biologi -
cal mother expressed: “Since the moment I looked into my daughter’s eyes I have
been overwhelmed, thinking how powerless I am. They could walk out of my life
and there is nothing I can d o. . . . I need constant reassurance from Karen. And it’s
starting to affect our relationship, which makes me worry even more” ( p. 761 ).
Moreover, as we’ll discuss next, the partner with the greater earning potential I
and status ( most frequently the man in heterosexual couples ) usually holds the

most power. One consequence of power inequity within relationships is that the
person with less power generally has to do more to maintain the relationship.
This can play out in decisions about who does what around the house .
Division of Labor
What is the second shift, and what types of labor are women more likely to
engage in than men?
Maintaining a house takes a lot of work. Chores, or household labor, include cook -
ing, cleaning, laundry, shopping, household repairs, and yard work . However, not
:
all household labor is the same. Some tasks, like cleaning up messes, doing laun -
dry, shopping, cooking meals, and doing dishes, have to be done frequently on a
!
—
regular schedule often, every day; sometimes, multiple times per day. This kind
of labor is called routine labor. It’s also called low-control labor because the per-
son doing it has little control over when and where it gets done ( Coltrane, 2000 ).
Other types of chores, such as taking out the trash or fixing things around die
: house, are considered intermittent labor because they’re only done occasionally
and there’s usually some leeway as to when they need to get done. Dinner has
I to be on the table and the dishes cleaned up every night . However, the trash can
»
While men are doing more

housework now than in the
\\ past , women still are doing a
disproportionate amount of
household labor . What factors
contribute to the persistence
of this pattern?
i
i
I
•i
H
'!
i
.

usually sit for an extra day without major consequences. Data consistently show
—
that women do more work around the house in particular, more low-control
or routine tasks ( Aassvc, Fuochi, 8c Mcncarini, 2014; Bianchi, Milkie, Saycr, 8c
i
Robinson, 2000; Bianchi, Sayer, Milkie, 8c Robinson, 2012; Coltrane, 2000;

Craig 8c Powell, 2018 ). This occurs even when women work outside of the home.
The phenomenon of women coming home from their jobs and doing another
round of work in the home has come to be known as the second shift, a term that
gained popularity in the late 1980s ( Hochschild 8c Machung, 1989 ).
However, to better understand the second shift , we need to look at more than
gender. For example, research shows that Black men do more chores around
the house than their White male counterparts ( McLoyd, Cauce, Takeuchi, 8c
Wilson , 2000 ) . Also, in a study of low-income Mexican American families, men
in families that identified as Mexican did more around the house than those
who were more acculturated to American society ( Coltrane, Parke, 8c Adams,
2004 ). Given the lack of connection to traditional gender roles within lesbian
relationships, there tends to be greater equality in the division of labor among i
lesbian couples than among heterosexual couples ( Downing 8c Goldberg, 2011;

Goldberg 8c Perry-Jenkins, 2007; Kurdek, 2007 ). !
Inequity in the division of labor has changed over time ( Bianchi, Sayer, Milkie, .
8c Robinson , 2012 ). As Table 8.2 shows, married women did 7.2 times the total ’
housework of men and 16.6 times the routine housework in 1965. By 1998-1999,
the division of housework was considerably more equitable; women were doing
1.4 times men’s total housework and 2.5 times the routine housework. However,
progress stalled after that. Data from 2009-2010 show that women actually did a
greater proportion of the routine, core housework than they did in 1998-1999.
Overall, while there has been some progress toward equality, it hasn’t been fully
achieved . Furthermore, while the statistics reported in Table 8.2 end at 2010,
more recent data indicate that the trend continues. The U.S. Bureau of Labor
Statistics ( 2016 ) reported that, in 2015, men spent an average of 1 hour and !
.
25 minutes on housework while women averaged 2 hours and 15 minutes a day. !l j
Inequality in the division of household labor becomes more pronounced when
couples have children ( Gjerdingen, 8c Center, 2005; Yavorsky, Kamp Dush, 8c
Schoppc-Sullivan, 2015 ). One study of mostly White, high-income families in
I
TABLE 8.2 Ratio of Married Women ' s Time to Married Men' s Time Spent on Housework,
1965-2010
1965 1975 1985 1995 1998-1999 2003-2004 2009-2010
Total housework 7.2:1 3.9:1 2.1:1 1.9:1 1.4:1 1.8:1 1.7:1
Routine/core housework 4.6:1 4.3:1 2.5:1 4.2:1 3.4:1
I
16.6:1 12.3:1
Other housework* 1.2:1 0.6:1 0.6:1 0.5:1 0.5:1 0.6:1 0.6:1
Note. Data from Bianchi ct al., 2012. ‘‘‘Other housework” includes intermittent labor such as home repairs or financial planning.
Division of Labor 347

•i
.1
1
> »!|
::
:
which both adults worked full-time showed that women and men were doing equal
•I
levels of housework during die diird trimester of pregnancy (Yavorsky, Kamp Dush,
& Schoppe-Sullivan, 2015 ). Wlicn the baby came, bodi members of the couple
returned to work at somewhat reduced hours, although women worked three
'
; ;
hours a week less than men. However, women did considerably more work in the
home. Including paid work, household work, and child care, women were working
77 hours a week compared to the men’s 69 hours. The eight - hour weekly differ-
ence translates into women working one hour more dian men every day. Interest-
ingly, diis study showed equality before children, when most other research has not
(see Bianchi ct al., 2012, for a review). The authors suggested diat diis may have
i
reflected die men doing more because the wives were far along in their pregnancy.
In general, mothers report doing about twice as much child care as men
J
( Bianchi ct al., 2012; Fillo, Simpson , Rlioles, Sc Kohn, 2015 ) . According to
the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics ( n.d . ), in 2016 mothers with children
under age six spent 2.56 hours per day caring for children as their main activ -
ity, while fathers with children under age six spent 1.47 hours caring for them .
-
Anodier study showed that, on non workdays, fathers engaged in leisure activ-
ities 47% of die time while mothers did child care ( Kamp Dush , Yavorsky, Sc
Schoppe-Sullivan, 2018 ). Mothers, however, only did leisure activities 16% of
i
the time while fadiers engaged in child care. In lesbian couples, although there’s
: t
generally more equality, one study found that inequality in the division of labor
was related to who served as the child’s biological mother, in part because bio-
, !!
logical mothers are more likely to engage in intensive parenting ( Downing Sc
Goldberg, 2011 ). We’ll return to the topic of intensive parenting in Chapter 9.
i Another aspect of the division of labor generally gets overlooked in research
studies. Aside from tasks such as cleaning, cooking, doing dishes, and taking
care of children, a great deal of planning and organizing is required, and this
invisible work is sometimes called the mental load . For example, someone needs
to ask: What will we have for dinner? Do the pets need to be taken to the vet ?
i When was the last time the air conditioner filters were changed ? Once chil -
dren are added to the mix, the planning and organizing get more complicated:
Who organizes the doctor’s appointments ? How about the playdates? Who
|) enrolls children in extracurricular activities and summer camps ? According to
one study, although men do considerably more routine labor around the house
now than they did 40 years ago, women still bear the vast majority of the mental
load ( Gager, 2008 ). When the women who participated were asked what they
:
wished their husbands would do to make the division of labor more equitable,
' by far the most frequent response was that they wanted help with managing
and organizing the household. Only a minority of participants whose husbands
!
.! did very little around the house wanted more help with routine chores such as
!
- i i doing dishes. Women didn’t want household helpers; they wanted co- leaders.
it
I ! Women are also more likely to do emotion work . This encompasses tasks that
1
i
make other people feel loved and cared for ( Erickson, 2005 ), such as sending
« J
birthday cards to relatives, writing thank you cards for presents, and coordinat -
ing the purchase of gifts by various members of the household. Emotion work
—
also occurs within the marriage relationship for example, when the husband
has a bad day and the wife helps him feel better ( Pederson , 2017 ). Given the
gendered association between femininity and caring for others, it’s not surpris-
ing that women do the majority of this work , and research has suggested that
both women and men who have more traditionally feminine traits are more
likely to do emotion work ( Erickson, 2005 ). Women arc also more likely to
suffer negative consequences if emotion work isn’t done, especially if it involves
reaching out to extended members of the family to make sure that their emo-
tional needs are met. For example, if the family forgets to call an aunt on her
birthday, the husband isn’t usually blamed for the oversight ( Erickson , 2005 ).
Why the Inequity?

What factors contribute to an inequitable division of labor ?
There arc a number of theories for why women do more chores around the
house . The relative resources theory states that the person who brings more
resources to the relationship gets to use those resources in order to avoid doing
chores. In this view, couples view relationships as a social exchange between
—
partners that is, one person provides the bulk of the financial resources and the
other does the bulk of the domestic labor ( Lachance -Grzcla & Bouchard , 2010;
Mannino & Deutch, 2007 ). A related theory involves time availability. This
theory holds that the person with the most available time should do a larger
proportion of housework ( Fuwa, 2004; Lachance -Grzela & Bouchard, 2010 ).
Women who stay at home or work part - time, for example, have more time
available at home. As we’ll discuss in Chapter 10, women often reduce their
work hours after having children . One factor in the decision to have the mother,
rather than the father, work less is that men typically earn more than women
( Stone, 2007 ), another topic we’ll explore in Chapter 10. Another possibility
is that some women who out -earn their spouses choose to reduce their work
hours and spend more time on domestic chores in order to maintain the notion
of the male breadwinner, which can be important to the identity of many men
( Bertrand, Kamenica , & Pan, 2015 ) . Of course, when women work less in order
to spend more time with children , this reduces their future earning potential. As
a result, women may have more time available to do household chores and child
care, but at a cost to their own careers and future finances.
Data generally support die idea that the person with more time and fewer rel-
ative resources does the most household labor. For example, two studies found
that women who are more highly educated and earn as much as their husbands
do less housework ( Cunningham , 2007; Kroska, 2004 ). Among lesbian couples,

although there’s typically a more egalitarian division of labor than among het-
erosexual couples, the member of the lesbian couple who earns more gener-
ally does fewer household chores ( Goldberg, Smith, & Perry- Jenkins, 2012 ).
When heterosexual couples were interviewed about this type of exchange, male
respondents found it to be fair ( Gager, 2008 ). One man said that even though
i
both he and his wife worked full - time, it was fair that she did the bulk of the
i household labor because “I make twice as much money as she does” ( p. 528 ).
!
International data suggest that having more resources or more time available
)
translates into less work only for women in countries with high levels of gender
:
equality and female empowerment ( Fuwa, 2004 ).
I
i
!
. ! If women do more around the house because they earn less, then one might
expect greater equity if the wife were to earn more than the husband . However,
;
i
! some data suggest that, when waves out -earn their husbands, the women actually
! . do more housework ( Brines, 1994; Greenstein, 2000 ). One study showed that
|
earning more money was correlated wdth doing less housework up to the point
!
l
at which a wife earned 51% of what her husband earned ( Bittman, England,
:
Sayer, Folbre, & Matheson, 2003). At that point, earning more was actually
related to doing more housework. Although this finding may be counterintui -
i •
tive, it has been hypothesized that wives who out -earn their husbands engage in
j gender deviance neutralization ( Greenstein, 2000 ). In other words, because
i
they’re acting in a way that’s gender atypical in one domain ( i.e., out -earning
their husbands ), they overcompensate by acting in a stereotypically feminine way
in another domain ( i.e., doing more domestic labor ) . This behavior may also
help husbands maintain their sense of masculinity, which may be threatened by a
high -achieving wife (Atkinson & Boles, 1984; Bittman et al., 2003 ). The pattern
may be particularly true in blue-collar families when husbands with particularly
traditional attitudes about gender experience unemployment ( Sullivan , 2011 ) .
More recent research suggests that gender deviance neutralization may be
less of an issue now than in the past ( Van Bavel, Schwartz, & Estevc, 2018 ).
For example, some research shows that when women have large salaries ( not
|
|
. I necessarily compared to their husbands’), they do less housework ( Gupta, 2007;
lit i!
Sullivan, 2011). This may happen because women with high salaries outsource
domestic labor. Also, according to another study, the dynamics appear to vary by
; racial group ( McLoyd et al., 2000 ). This research showed that White and Latinx
•i
men do more work around the house when they’re unemployed , but that
i
Black men do more work around the house when they’re employed .
Women also may do more work around the house than men because they’re
t .i socialized to believe that these tasks are part of what it means to be a woman
1
*
( Mahalik et al., 2005). The fact that routine, low-control chores ( e.g., cooking,
cleaning, laundry) are seen as part of the feminine role was supported in a study of
r
r
.
—
lesbian couples those who identified as more masculine did fewer routine chores
( Civettini, 2016 ). As we saw in Chapter 5, women are socialized from an early age
to play with domestic toys such as toy kitchens and dolls. Daughters are also asked

to do more chores around the house than sons, especially
’
when the mother is under stress ( Croutcr, Head , Bumpus DID YOU NOTICE I MADe THE !l
& McHalc, 2001 ). Gender ideology influences division
of labor in more subde ways. For example, women report ?
_
6CD AND FIXED THE COFFEE
THIS MOFNIN& ?
Î
feeling greater responsibility for housework, say that they
enjoy it more, and often report higher standards for .
Yest 1 DID AND DID I
]
cleanliness dian their husbands do ( Poortman 8c Van der YOU NOTICE xi / e BeeN E
Lippe, 2009 ). Since girls do more chores from a young DOING THAT PLUS
age, they’re likely to enter a relationship with a greater
EUEFYTHING ELSE
sense of competence about how to do them ( Alberts,
Tracy, &:Trcthewey, 2011; Babcock Sc Laschcver, 2003 ). FOF THE OAST
Nevertheless, it’s notcvvordiy that women may be more IS- YEAFS ? A
responsible for household chores because they’re more
likely to feel judged by others if they don’t maintain a
clean home ( Liss Sc Schiffrin, 2014 ). ...
Yes SOT X
There is considerable variability in people’s views of DID A GOOD
what constitutes an appropriate division of labor. Some JOB, D /DNTl f
endorse traditional norms according to which men are
die breadwinners and women arc in charge of the house -
work, while others have more egalitarian beliefs and
think that responsibilities should be shared ( Lachance -
''
-
. ‘- V : V:y
Grzcla Sc Bouchard, 2010 ). Egalitarian beliefs tend to
Not everything that' s done around the
increase over the life span and have been found to relate house gets noticed or appreciated.
to greater education and women’s employment ( Fan Sc
Marini , 2000 ), and these beliefs play an important role in
die division of labor. In one study, women wadi more egalitarian beliefs reported I
doing less work around the house, and men with egalitarian beliefs reported that
their waves do less ( Bianchi , Milkic, Saycr, Sc Robinson, 2000 ). Egalitarian beliefs
about gender have also been found to influence how college students would like
to divide labor when they’re in committed relationships ( Askari, Liss, Erchull,
Staebcll, Sc Axelson , 2010 ). Female participants wdth liberal feminist beliefs
wanted to do less around die house, and male participants wdth these beliefs
w'anted to do more. However, these college women also expected that they would
have to do more household work and child care than they w'ould ideally like to,
indicating an anticipation that desired equality wouldn’t necessarily be achieved.
Research has also pointed to the importance of gender ideology on a national
scale. In countries where people have egalitarian gender attitudes, women do
less housework ( Fuwa, 2004; Fmva Sc Cohen, 2007 ). Furthermore, in more
egalitarian countries, women’s level of education and income more easily trans-
lates into doing less housework ( Fuwa, 2004 ). Additionally, countries that don’t
have discriminatory laws about the kind of w'ork that women can do ( e.g., pro-
hibit women from heavy lifting or working at night ) also have more egalitarian
division of labor at home ( Fmva 8c Cohen, 2007 ). In fact, in countries where

most people support gender equality, both women and men do less housework
i.
!
,
( Treas & Tai, 2016 ). The authors of this study suggest that this may occur
1
I because of a general decline in die standards of housekeeping in these countries
j!
i and because people diere generally appreciate housework less as an activity. A
country’s level of poverty also makes a difference; women do a particularly large
amount of housework in countries that have substandard housing ( Treas &
Tai, 2016 ). This may occur because lower- qualitv houses require more work to
maintain and may not have time-saving devices such as dishwashers.
i
.
i Consequences of Inequity
i
What consequences does an inequitable division of labor have for
relationships?
Inequality in the division of labor has negative consequences for relationships,

especially when the inequality is perceived as unfair. Women with more liberal
i
gender attitudes, greater income, and higher levels of education perceived an
unequal division of labor as unfair in one study ( Grecnstcin , 1996 ). Another
study, which took an international perspective, showed that women arc likely to
see an unequal division of labor as unfair in countries with higher levels ol gen -
l der equity as well as in countries where women spend more hours in the work -
!
!
force overall ( Jansen, Weber, Kraaykamp, &: Verbakel, 2016 ) . This may be due to
social comparison, as women notice what other women around them are doing.
Researchers in yet another study found that women who do more housework
than those around them may feel it’s unfair; however, if they’re doing most of the
housework and all die other women in their social networks are too, then they see
what they do as fair ( Nakamura Sc Akiyoshi, 2015 ). Gratitude is another import -
ant factor to consider because even if the division of labor is unequal , women are
more likely to feel it’s fair if they think their contributions matter and others
are grateful for what they do ( Kawamura Sc Brown , 2010 ). Of course, women
y are rarely thanked for doing routine chores such as laundry or dishes ( have you
ever said , “ Gee, Mom, the laundry is so well washed today, thanks” ? ), and since
women do more of these tasks, dicy may feel particularly unappreciated.
When women perceive the division of labor as unfair, marital satisfaction is
i,
lower ( Claffey & Mickelson , 2009; Mikula, Riedercr, 6c Bodi , 2012 ). This is
»
likely because a sense of unfairness leads to marital conflict and arguments about
who is doing which chores and what is and isn’t fair ( Mikula et al., 2012 ).
A sense of unfairness has been found to especially relate to marital dissatisfaction
!l ’ in women who have egalitarian attitudes ( Grecnstcin , 1996 ) . Another study
tracking mothers found that, after having children, women did more housework
( Dew & Wilcox, 2011 ). This led to a sense of unfairness and , ultimately, to feel -
ing dissatisfied in the marriage. Moreover, equality in the division of labor has
been found to relate to relationship satisfaction among lesbian and gay couples
}

I
Stephen Marche ( 2013 ), the

author of an opinion piece in the
New York Times , suggested: "The
solution to the gender divide
in housework generally is just
that simple: don't bother . Leave
the stairs untidy. Don' t fix the
garden gate. Fail to repaint the
peeling ceiling. Never make
the bed. A clean house is the
sign of a wasted life, truly. Hope
is messy: Eventually we' ll all ii
be living in perfect egalitarian I
squalor " ( para. 18-19 ) . What are
your thoughts on this? Would
it really equalize the division of
labor ? What other consequences
might result ?
—
( Kurdek, 2007 ) . In contrast, inequity especially for those doing more of the
—
routine, traditionally feminine chores has been linked to lower satisfaction
( Marecck, Finn , 6c Cardell , 1982 ). Inequity in the division of labor is also
related to lower levels of sexual satisfaction. In one study, when mothers felt dis-
satisfied with the division of household labor when their children were 6 months
old , they were likely to feel dissatisfied with their sex lives when their children
were 12 months old ( Maas, McDaniel, Feinbcrg, 6c Jones, 2018 ).
Achieving Equity in the Household

How can greater equity in household labor be achieved?
The research findings presented in this chapter suggest that there are good reasons
for couples to strive for equality in die division of labor in die home. In fact, one
study showed that couples who desired equality and actually were able to achieve it
were die happiest ( Crompton 6c Lyonettc, 2005 ). These couples were even more
satisfied than those who held traditional attitudes and maintained a traditional
division of labor. There is no one particular way that couples achieve equality, how- i
ever. For example, equality doesn’t have to mean sharing each task 50- 50; instead ,
couples can choose to specialize based on their desires and skills ( Gager, 2008 ).
Lesbian and gay couples don’t necessarily divide up tasks 50-50, although they’ve
been found to generally achieve greater levels of equality compared to heterosexual
couples ( Kurdek, 2007 ). However, they’re less likely to have assumptions based on
gender about who should be responsible for which tasks ( Goldberg, 2013 ).
One thing that’s clear from the research is that couples who are satisfied with
their division of labor have open conversations about their expectations for who
should do what around the house. Researchers in one study found that while the

|
;
'
majority of women in their sample wanted to talk to their

your turn husbands about the inequity in their homes, only 13% actu -
ally did so ( Mannino & Deutsch, 2007 ). However, those
who did were often able to restructure the division of labor
How did your parents divide the labor in
so that they were satisfied. Another study showed that open
your household? Did they think it was
fair? Why or why not. and how could you
communication can help couples share the managing and
i tell? If you share an apartment or a house
(with a partner or with friends), how do
—
organizing of tasks they can discuss together items such as
what to cook for the week, what repairs need to be done, and
you divide the household labor? If you whether the children have received their flu shots ( Otero,
don’t yet live with a partner but anticipate 2009 ). In diis way, the managing and organizing of tasks can
doing so at some point in the future, how become a shared responsibility.
do you wish to divide the labor then? If
you desire an egalitarian division of labor,
what barriers to achieving it do you ex-
i pect to encounter (or do you encounter if
you’re already living with a partner )? How
Conclusion
will you try to overcome those barriers? Although wc haven’t talked about all possible relationships
in women’s lives ( we haven’t considered siblings, cousins,
grandparents, co-workers, etc. ), it should be clear that rela -
tionships are a key part of women’s lives. This is true throughout the life span .
Friends, family, and romantic partners can all provide social support, but they
can also tax women’s resources, given the extent to which women are expected
to provide support to others. While developing and maintaining relationships
can be beneficial, it’s also important for women to have a clear sense of them -
selves as individuals. For many, achieving a balance between connection and
independence is a fundamental task of adult life.
i
ill Chapter Review

j!
!
SUMMARY
Friendship Stereotypes suggest that women engage in face-
Receiving social support is one way people to-face friendships while men’s friendships follow
benefit from friendships. a side- by-side pattern, but there’s actually a lot
Women provide more social support than of individual variability, especially when other
do men, so same- gender friendships can be aspects of people’s social identities are considered.
particularly important for women. Women tend to have both same-gender and
We often share social identity characteristics cross-gender friendships, although many people
with our friends, but cross-group friendships believe that ( heterosexual ) men and women
can help us better understand others. can’t be just friends.

Girls may engage in relational aggression Cohabitation is becoming increasingly
against friends and acquaintances. This type of common.
behavior can be a way to assert and /or gain Some women purposely opt never to marry.
power.
Some women chose conscnsually
Sometimes bullying is tied to the social non - monogamous relationships, such
identity of the target. There arc long- lasting as polyamoury, rather than traditionally
consequences for those who experience monogamous relationships with a single
bullying. partner.
Gendered power dynamics commonly play
The Culture of Romance a role in heterosexual relationships, and the
Idealized and unrealistic beliefs about love and partner who is least invested in the relationship
romance are common and arc perpetuated ( usually assumed to be the man ) typically has
through the media . more power.
Dating scripts continue to reflect traditional, Couples who are equally invested in their
gendered , heterosexual standards. These scripts relationships tend to be more satisfied with
don’t well reflect the experiences of women their relationships.
who date other women .
Online dating has risen in popularity. While Division of Labor
some people have success connecting with Women do more household labor than do men
long- term partners through these websites and in heterosexual relationships, and progress
apps, others do not. toward equity over the latter half of the 20th
Dating hasn’t been replaced by hooking up, century has stalled.
and studies have shown that it’s preferred by Women are also more likely than men to
women , young adults, and Latinx students. manage what needs to be done around the
Both women and men desire attractive and house and to engage in emotion work.
successful partners. The traits desired in short - Men’s generally greater power within
term partners can differ from those desired in relationships contributes to inequity.
long - term partners. :
Women arc more likely to have been socialized 111
to do household labor and are more likely to

Committed Relationships be viewed negatively if it’s not done.
Ages for first marriage arc rising.
There is greater equity in countries with more
There are many cultural, and often gendered, egalitarian gender attitudes, and individuals
expectations associated with weddings. with more egalitarian beliefs are more likely
Most people’s expectations about marriage are to have an equitable division of labor in their
unrealistic. relationships.
Healthy marriages provide benefits in terms of Relationship and sexual satisfaction decrease
social support, finances, and health. There are when women perceive the division of labor as i
also legal and financial institutionalized benefits unfair.

of marriage. Open communication between partners can
Some women report positive consequences make achieving equity more likely.
from their divorces. However, financial strain
commonly increases for women after divorce.
Chapter Review 355

KEY TERMS
social support ( p. 320 ) polygamy ( p. 343 )
informational social support ( p. 320 ) polyamorous ( or poly ) relationships ( p. 343 )
instrumental social support ( p. 321 ) principle of least interest ( p. 345 )
emotional social support ( p. 321 ) routine labor ( p. 346 )
tend -and - befriend coping strategy ( p. 321) low - control labor ( p. 346 )
active constructive responding ( p. 321 ) intermittent labor ( p. 346 )
co - rumination ( p. 322 ) second shift ( p. 347 )
relational aggression ( p. 325 ) emotion work ( p. 348 )
identity- based bullying ( p. 326 ) relative resources theory ( p. 349 )
cybcrbullying ( p. 327 ) social exchange ( p. 349 )
dating scripts ( p. 330 ) time availability ( p. 349 )
mate retention behaviors ( p. 336 ) gender deviance neutralization ( p. 350 )
conscnsually non - monogamous ( CNM) relationships
( p. 343 )
THINK ABOUT IT
1. Imagine that you’ve been asked to develop an 3. What advice would you give to a friend who
anti - bullying campaign at a local high school. is setting up a dating profile ? What theories
Using the research findings described in this would best help guide your advice? How
chapter, what topics would you include ? What would dominant dating scripts help or hinder
potential barriers would you anticipate ? How the dating process?
might you address them ? 4. As you learned in this chapter, progress
2. Google “Valentine’s Day cards” and explore toward equal distribution of household labor
the different messages that are conveyed stalled around 1998-1999. Think about what
!! about romance. What themes emerge ? might have caused that shift . What types of
Can you think of a way to write a card that social and interpersonal things would need to
doesn’t include some of die more problematic change in order to increase and sustain gender
if messages associated with the romantic script ? equity in all households?
Hi
' :»
ON LIME RESOURCES
—
Call Your Girlfriend a podcast featuring
the conversations of three unapologetic feminist
—
Role Reboot articles on sex, relationships,
and family: rolercboot.org
friends: http://www.callyourgirlfriend.com/
—
Freedom to Marry contemporary and
—
Stop Bullying information regarding
bullying and prevention strategies:
archival resources about the campaign to secure stopbullying.gov
marriage equality for LGBTQ Americans:
frecdomtomarry.org

Reproduction
« Reproductive Justice:
*
A Question of Choice
&v
Not Being a Mother
Becoming a Mother
V, Being a Mother
V
Conclusion
Chapter Review
I
.
There can be many rewards
associated with mothering,
but the transition to
motherhood can be a complex
and difficult process.
a In 2009, journalist Polly Vernon, a young White woman, wrote about not
wanting children. She described the baby craziness around her and said she
felt as though she was sober while everyone else was drunk. She 'd never
wanted children, and her life was fulfilled without them. She enjoyed being
i |
I
.
able to eat sleep, read, binge watch HBO, and travel on her own schedule.
But her article sparked anger and vitriol. After being denounced as " bitter,
selfish, un-sisterly, unnatural, evil," she wrote that Tm now routinely referred
.
to as 'baby-hating journalist Polly Vernon"' ( Vernon 2009, para. 14 ).
a Casey Berna, a White social worker and community activist, spent months
peeing on ovulation predictor and pregnancy testing sticks and charting her
basal body temperature and cervical mucus. She then visited a reproductive
endocrinologist fearing she couldn't be "fixed." She had undergone three
i
intrauterine insemination procedures, tried three in vitro fertilization pro -
s . i .
cedures and had 34 embryos tested. " For years, my life consisted of daily
hormone injections and vaginal ultrasounds, speaking with surgeons and
.
geneticists, and fighting with insurance companies" ( Berna 2014, para. 8 ).
•. t
Cherisse ( last name not given), a Black paralegal, had an unwanted preg-
> I
nancy. She made an appointment with an organization that she thought
was a clinic that provided abortions, but it wasn ' t. The woman there tried to
convince Cherisse to keep the baby and sent her home with a onesie and a
i
.
rattle. She was inaccurately told, "If you have an abortion now you'll rupture
358 Chapter 9 Reproduction and Mothering

your uterus and won't be able to have children in the future" ( Winter, 2013 .
para. 8). Since Cherisse didn’t want to risk not having children in the future,
.
she had her son but she noted, "Those people weren't there after I lost my I*
job and couldn't afford my COBRA, utilities, rent, food" (para. 8).
Laura Browder, a Black college student who had recently moved, had a job
interview at a Starbucks. Being new to the area and lacking child care, she I
brought her two young children to the mall and settled them at the food court
while she had her interview 30 feet away, attempting to keep an eye on them
.
throughout the interview. She was offered the job but as she walked back to
.
her children, she was arrested for child abandonment ( Associated Press 2015).
As these stories demonstrate, motherhood is a complicated topic. The decision

about whether or not to become a mother may seem to be an individual one or
one made just with a partner. However, many social expectations can influence
how and if a woman becomes a mother. This chapter will explore how women
make decisions about whether to become mothers. Not all women want to be-
come mothers, and for other women, particularly those who don't fit traditional .
i
expectations of motherhood, the process of becoming a mother isn't easy. We'll
also discuss the challenges associated with getting and staying pregnant, the
.
changes in women 's bodies and their sense of self during pregnancy, and the i
joys and strains associated with being a mother. •

i i
It is important to note that despite the use of female pronouns and the term
mother throughout this chapter, not everyone who becomes pregnant and births
a child is a woman. Transmen and non- binary individuals can also become preg-
i •
nant and birth children. ii
p
ii
Reproductive Justice:
A Question of Choice?
How does the reproductive justice movement differ from approaches to
motherhood that focus solely on the choices women make?
A lot of people frame the discussion of motherhood in terms ot personal choice .
Will a woman choose to become a mother or not? When will she start “trying”?
Once she has a baby, will she choose to work or not? However, many women !|
aren’t able to make free choices about these topics. For example , if a woman I
Reproductive Justice: A Question of Choice? 359

:
! decides she must have an abortion because she can’t afford to have a child, this
isn’t really a choice. Some women may want to combine motherhood and work
but can’t due to lack of adequate child care. Odier women may wish to stay at
home with their children but can’t due to financial constraints. In general, women
with more power and privilege have more choices about their reproduction.
The reproductive justice movement, led by organizations supporting the
health of indigenous women and women of color, acknowledges that many
women experience interlocking sources of oppression that can limit their choices
(Silliman , Fried , Ross, & Gutierrez, 2004 ) . Essentially, women who are less
privileged have fewer reproductive choices than do privileged women. For exam -
ple, certain economic, social , and political forces limit many women’s ability to
freely make personal decisions about mothering. Those with more resources based
on factors such as class, race, ethnicity, or immigration status have greater auton -
omy and choice in terms of their ability to have and raise children . This unequal
situation is known as stratified reproduction ( McCormack, 2005 ).
The reproductive justice movement acknowledges the inequalities of strat -
ified reproduction and advocates for all women to be able to make informed
choices about motherhood and to raise their children in environments that are
safe and free of fear. The movement centers around four basic rights: ( a ) to have
children, ( b ) to not have children, ( c ) to parent one’s children in safe, healthy
environments, and ( d ) to express one’s sexual and gender identity free from
oppression and fear ( Silliman et al ., 2004 ) .
Wot Being a Mother

|! Becoming a mother isn’t the right choice for all women . Many can’t make this
choice due to social pressure , stigma, and lack of access to appropriate birth
control or safe and legal abortions. Others choose not to have children for rea -
HiI sons such as career advancement and personal fulfillment outside the norm of
traditional family life.
• ili
.
Voluntary Childlessness
What pressures are faced by women who don' t want to have children? How
!' I does this pressure relate to the motherhood mandate?
III
The preference to be child -free appears to be on the rise ( Gillespie , 2003 ) .
When women choose not to have children , that choice is sometimes called
voluntary childlessness. Studies of birth rates don’t generally separate volun -
tary childlessness from childlessness due to infertility or happenstance ( e .g., not
having a partner ). Nevertheless, data do indicate that fewer women are having

children now than in previous generations. According to one report, only 9%
of women born in England and Wales in 1946 were childless, whereas for those
born there in 1970, 17% have had no children ( “The Rise of Childlessness,”
2017 ). Research on women born in 1968 shows that 23% of those in Germany, ;
21% of those in Switzerland , and 20% of those in Italy and Finland arc childless
( Beaujouan , Sobotka, Brzozowska , & Zeman , 2017 ).
Childlessness may be rising in the United States too. According to U .S.
Census data, the percentage of women ages 30 to 34 who were childless in 2006
was 26.2 %, and by 2016 that number had risen to 30.8% ( “ Childlessness Rises,”
2017 ). However, Pew Research Center data for 2016 show that older women
were , overall, wore likely to be mothers than a decade earlier: 86% of women
ages 40 to 44 were mothers in 2016, compared to 80% in 2006 ( Livingston,
2018 ). The fact that older women are now more likely to be mothers while at
the same time younger women are less likely to be mothers indicates that women
may be waiting longer to have their first child . The choices younger women will
make about motherhood are still unclear, but there’s evidence that millcnnials
are less interested in having children than previous generations were. Stewart
Friedman , a professor at the Wharton business school , interviewed Wharton
graduates in 1992 and again in 2012. In 1992, 78% said they wanted children ,
but only 48 % said so in 2012 ( Friedman, 2013 ).
There are many reasons a woman may choose not to have children. In one
study, 79% of childless women and 83% of childless men reported simply being
happy without them ( Debest 8c Mazuy, 2014 ). Other reasons include prioritiz -
ing other aspects of life, like career aspirations, and feeling that having children
would compromise personal freedom ( Debest 8c Mazuy, 2014; Park, 2005 ).
One woman noted , “ I would never say ‘childless’ because it implies missing
something. No, it’s ‘child -free.’ I’m free from that burden ” ( Peterson , 2015, ::
p. 186 ) . In 2015, the cost of raising a child between birth and age 17 in the
United States was estimated to be $233,610; in this context, having a child can
be a significant financial stressor ( Lino, Kuczynski, Rodriquez, 8c Schap, 2017 ) .
There arc, however, strong pressures in our society to have children
something called the motherhood mandate ( Russo, 1976 ). In 1949, feminist
—
scholar Simone de Beauvoir asked “What is a woman ? ” ( de Beauvoir, 1949,
p. 3 ). She noted that many people equate womanhood with motherhood such 1
that woman = mother = womb ( de Beauvoir, 1949; Shapiro, 2014 ). Also, when
women menstruate for the first time, they’re often told they’ve “ become a
woman,” indicating that womanhood reflects the ability to bear children . The
motherhood mandate also operates in divorce cases, in which women become
custodial parent five out of six times ( Grail, 2011 ). Women who choose not to
have children are often portrayed in the media as bitter career women or selfish
individuals who don’t care for others ( Graham 8c Rich, 2014 ). Women without
children are often asked who will care for them when they’re older, and they’re
told they can’t fully understand love until they have a child, they won’t leave a

legacy unless they have a child, and they’ll ultimately change their minds about
not wanting a child ( Rupersburg, 2015 ).
There is some evidence that negative views toward voluntarily childless women
are decreasing. In one study, 46% of participants agreed that childless people could
lead fillfilling lives, and another 40% responded neutrally ( Koropeckyj-Cox 8c
Pendell, 2007 ). While not a ringing endorsement, those results show that negative
attitudes toward child -free women aren’t pervasive. Another study found that
women , especially highly educated women, held more positive attitudes toward
those who choose not to have children than did men ( Merz 8c Licfbroer, 2012 ).
The researchers suggested diat well -educated young women in industrialized
countries may be focusing more on personal fulfillment than on traditional family
values and that they realize having children is time consuming and expensive.
Many people do think children are the key to happiness and that those with -
out children lead sad , lonely lives ( Hansen, 2012 ). However, the data tell a
different story. One study showed that child - free people, rather than parents,
have higher levels of life satisfaction in most countries ( Hansen , 2012 ) . The
researcher speculated this may be because child - free individ -
uals have been able to pursue life interests and career goals
and have had more time and money for enjoyable activities
try it for yourself such as travel. The same study found high marital satisfac-
tion in child - free couples. According to other researchers,
If you don 't have children, do you want being child -free increases the time and energy couples have
to have them? Why or why not? If you do for each other, and they probably don ’t feel the need to stay
have children, why did you have them? together for the sake of the children ( Pclton 8c Hertlein ,
Now ask your friends the same questions.
2011 ). Although some suggest that the child - free will be
Are there common themes in their
lonely in their old age and not have anyone to care for
j responses? Try some Internet searches
on this topic. What type of content shows
them , research suggests that older individuals without chil -
]i '
up? What do your thoughts, your friends' dren may actually have less stress than those with children
• i reactions and
, your search results tell you ( McMullin, 8c Marshall, 1996; Shapiro, 2014 ) . A study in
ii 1 about societal views about motherhood Italy found that older people without children received sup -
as well as parenthood in general? port from friends and non - profit organizations and didn’t
lack social support ( Albertini 8c Mencarini, 2014 ) .
Some countries, however, are pro- natalist. In these coun -
tries, over 70% of the population say it’s necessary for a woman to have a child
( Tanaka 8c Johnson, 2014 ). Such countries include those in northern, western,
and eastern Africa, south central and southeastern Asia, and other countries such
i ,•
as Russia, Slovenia, Hungary, and Estonia . Women in these countries without
children can experience great stigma, lower life satisfaction , and greater distress
than such women in countries with less emphasis on motherhood . This may
occur because there’s less access to social support beyond the family and there
are fewer socially accepted roles for women outside of motherhood (Tanaka
8c Johnson, 2014 ). As a result, the “choice ” to remain childless isn’t one that

I
I
all women can make. For example, as studies have confirmed, in many coun -
tries women don’t have adequate access to birth control (Sedgh, Ashford, &
Hussain, 2016 ), and marriage is seen as giving husbands the right to have sex
anytime they please ( Mugxvcni , Pearson, & Omar, 2012 ).
Abortion
How common is abortion, what are the social consequences of limiting
abortion, and what are the psychological consequences of having an
abortion?
If a woman becomes pregnant but doesn’t feel she’s able to birth and/or raise
—
the child , she may consider having an abortion the ending of a pregnancy
by removing an embryo or a fetus. In 2011, half of pregnancies among U.S.
women were unintended, and 4 in 10 unintended pregnancies were terminated
by abortion ( Guttmachcr Institute, 2016 ) . Most people who seek abortions i
—
are already mothers to at least one child 59% of U.S. women obtaining the
procedure in 2014 were mothers ( Guttmachcr Institute, 2016 ). In one study
of a diverse group of women in the United States, the most frequent reasons
:
for having an abortion included desiring to continue with education , not being
able to afford a baby, not wanting to be a single mother, and having relationship
problems ( Finer, Frohwirth, Dauphinec, Singh , 8c Moore, 2005 ) . An earlier
international study showed similar reasons ( Bankole, Singh, & Haas, 1998 ).
The Complex Social and Political Aspects of Abortion Abortion is a

politically charged topic. Although most U.S. adults hold nuanced views on the
topic, there’s a tendency to focus on two diametrically opposed sides. The terms
pro -life ( not supportive of legal access to abortion ) and pro -choice (support-
ive of legal access to abortion ) regularly frame discussions about abortion, and
staunch positions are often the most heard . For example, in a study of 700,000
tweets about abortion , statements against abortion accounted for 61% of the
tweets ( Sharma, Saha, Ernala, Ghoshal, 8c De Choudhury,
|
j
2017 ). This may be a disproportionate number, considering
that other data from 2017 showed that 25% of U.S. adults try it for yourself i
believed abortion should be legal in all cases, 33% believed

it should be legal in most cases, 24% believed it should be
Do you think there's room in feminist
illegal in most cases, and 16% believed it should be illegal movements for those who are
in all cases; 3% did not know or have a response ( “ Public anti-abortion? Why or why not? Talk to
Opinion on Abortion ,” 2017 ). five people who identify as feminists.
Most people take a nuanced stance. Some argue that What are their views about this? I
the term pro -life doesn’t accurately reflect the views of the

;
-
anti abortion movement. A Catholic nun noted , “I do not believe that just
because you’re opposed to abortion , that that makes you prolife. . . . In many
cases, your morality is deeply lacking if all you want is a child born but not a
child fed , not a child educated, not a child housed . . . . That’s not prolife.
That’s pro- birth . We need a much broader conversation on what the morality of
prolife is” (Salzillo, 2015, para. 2 ) . Moreover, some prolife feminists empha -
size maternal health care and child care in addition to fetal rights ( Chandler,
2018 ). This position has been controversial within certain feminist groups. For
example, in 2017, organizers of the Women’s March on Washington dropped
an anti -abortion group as a partner and advocated for safe and legal abortions
for all people as part of its platform (Stein , 2017 ).
Given the complex issues surrounding women’s reasons for
seeking abortions, exploration of the topic can benefit from
considering the broader context in which women make deci -
sions about becoming and staying pregnant. For example, as
this chapter’s first Spotlight feature shows, sometimes the
fetus’s health is the determining factor. In other cases, financial
constraints and lack of support for the mother are key concerns
( Finer ct al ., 2005 ) . More research is needed to better under-
stand the role contextual variables play in women’s access to and
decisions about abortion .
One reason abortion is so politically charged involves the his-
tory of reproductive realities. In the United States, abortions
were illegal between 1880 and 1973. During this time, mil -
lions of women had them done illegally, often known as back -
alley abortions. The death toll from illegal abortions was high ,
aldiough the development of antibiotics subsequently decreased
the death rates ( Gold , 2003 ). Risks were higher for poor and
minority women , who often lacked access to physicians and
used dangerous at - home methods. In the 1960s, 1 in 4 preg -
nancy- rclatcd deaths was due to illegal abortions for White
women, but 1 in 2 was due to illegal abortions for women of
color ( Gold , 2003 ).
In 1973, the U.S. Supreme Court, in Roc v. Wade, declared
abortion to be legal under the constitutional right of pri -
vacy. Since then , the number of women in the United States
who have died because of abortions has fallen to almost zero.
pregnant that her daughter
However, most states have passed significant restrictions on
would likely suffer and surely
die shortly after birth. In the
nearby Spotlight feature, -
Ansari
—
abortions over 1,100 through 2017 ( Nash , Gold , Mohammed ,
Thomas , & Cappcllo, 2018 ). These include mandatory
Hupprich shares her story about waiting periods, bans on later- term ( generally, second - trimes-
the difficult choice she made. ter ) abortions, mandatory parental consent for minors, limits
i on the use of public funds for this type of medical procedure,

mandatory invasive vaginal ultrasounds, and mandatory
counseling. spotlight o n . .
Who Gets Abortions? In 2014, 19% of pregnancies
in the United States ended in abortion . Based on these A Story of a Late -Term
rates, it 's estimated that 1 in 20 women wall have the
procedure by age 20, 1 in 5 by age 30, and 1 in 4 by Abortion :
age 45 ( “ Induced Abortion in the United States,” 2018 ). Contributed by Alicia Hupprich
Although these numbers may seem high, abortion rates
in 2014 were the lowest in the United States since 1973, Becoming a mother was something I
w'hcn the procedure became legal. This change may reflect always wanted. My husband and I were to-
increased accessibility of birth control and /or increasingly gether for over eight years before we had
restrictive abortion law's. a daughter. Shortly thereafter, we decided
Abortions are more common for poor women, who to have another baby so our children could
grow up close in age. When we got preg -
made up 49% of those having the procedure in 2014;
nant again, our two- year- old was elated
an additional 26% had incomes at 100% to 199% of the
about becoming a big sister. ;
poverty level ( “ Induced Abortion in the United States,”
When I was 18 weeks pregnant, a routine
2018 ). Women of various religious affiliations have ultrasound showed that our baby girl had
—
abortions in 2014, 17% identified as mainline Protes-
tant, 13% as evangelical Protestant, 24% as Catholic, and
calcification building up on her heart, a
symptom that signals the end stages of
46% as another affiliation or no affiliation . Both mothers heart failure. No medical intervention
—
and non - mothers have abortions 59% of those having
abortions in 2014 w'ere already mothers. Many reported
could fix it. If our baby made it to birth ,
she'd struggle to breathe or eat. The cal -
using contraception when they got pregnant 24% — cification would cause heart attacks; lack
reported using condoms, and 13% reported using hor- of blood flow to her brain, causing strokes
monal birth control. and seizures; and lack of oxygen in her

;
blood, ultimately causing suffocation.
While many women worry about obtaining access to
By the time I was 23 weeks pregnant , i >i
an abortion , others worry they’ll be forced to have one.
after 12 prenatal tests and 8 appointments
Specifically, some medical providers and social workers with pediatric cardiologists, geneticists,
believe that women with disabilities should have an abor- maternal- fetal medicine doctors, and
tion if they become pregnant ( Upson & Rogers, 2000; social workers, we knew we didn't want our
;
Saxton, 2013; Strnadova, Bernoldova, Adamcikova, & daughter to be born into a life of suffer -
Klusacck, 2017; Waxman , 1994 ). In one study, the major - ing from her first breath to her last . We
ity of medical personnel interviewed stated that women made the heartbreaking choice to end our
with intellectual disabilities should seek an abortion pregnancy.
(Strnadova, Bernoldova, Adamcikova, &: Klusacek, I have always supported a woman' s right
2017 ) . In another study, women with physical disabilities to choose, but I never imagined making the
reported encountering negative attitudes from repro - decision myself . Now I am one face of late-
term abortion. Terminating my pregnancy
ductive health -care providers and, especially, the belief
was the right thing to do for my situation
that they shouldn’t be sexually active because they might and especially for our sweet baby girl, who
become pregnant (Ahumuza, Matovu, Ddamulira, & was born into peace rather than suffering.
Muhanguzi, 2014 ). Also, a legal guardian of an individ - In order to make her heart whole, we had
ual with a disability might seek a court -ordered abortion, to irrevocably break our own .
365
particularly after a rape ( Dhillon 5c Lefebvre, 2011 ). A major goal of the dis-
ability rights movement is to affirm the right to make reproductive decisions,
regardless of one’s ability status (Saxton, 2013 ).
Women in the United States generally have access to safe and legal abor-
tions, although some states have multiple restrictions and few abortion centers.
In other countries, many women don’t have access to safe and legal abortions,
but they have the procedure anyway. For example, an estimated 49% of the
abortions performed globally in 2008 were unsafe, and countries with restrictive
abortion laws generally had higher rates of abortion than those with less restric-
tive laws (Sedgh ct al., 2012 ). The researchers speculate the findings reflect the
fact that countries with restrictive abortion laws also don 't provide access to
effective contraception .
Mental Health Outcomes One factor in the abortion debate is whether the
procedure negatively affects women’s mental health. Some opponents assert
that having an abortion leads to psychological problems, a condition they call
post- abortion syndrome ( Kelly, 2014 ). In fact, counselors at pregnancy centers
generally tell women that having an abortion is likely to negatively influence
their mental health ( Dadlez & Andrew, 2010; Kelly, 2014 ) . However, some
scholars have argued that telling women they’re likely to develop psychological
problems after having an abortion can make them feel scared and ashamed ,
which may actually contribute to psychological distress ( Dadlez 5c Andrews,
2010; Kelly, 2014 ).
Some studies do suggest that women who have abortions show signs of
decreased mental health ( e.g., Fergusson, Horwood, 5c Bidder, 2006; Reardon
et al., 2003 ), but these studies have methodological flaws. Notably, they gener-
ally compare women who’ve had abortions to women who have carried wanted
pregnancies to term. Further, women who’ve undergone abortions may have
—
other, unrelated risk factors lower socioeconomic status, less education, or
—
a history of violence compared with women who carry planned pregnancies
to term ( American Psychological Association , 2008; Steinberg, McCulloch , 5c
Adler, 2014 ).
In a 2008 report, the American Psychological Association ( 2008 ) concluded
that abortion did not result in negative mental health outcomes but that having
an unplanned pregnancy is a significantly stressful life event. The APA noted
that, among women who have an unplanned pregnancy, the mental health
risks of a first - trimester abortion are no greater than the risks of carrying the
pregnancy to term . When controlling for prior history of mental health prob-
lems, women who had an abortion were found to have no greater mental health
risk than those who didn’t (Steinberg et al., 2014 ). Another study indicated
that the most frequent emotional response after abortion was relief, and most
participants said they had benefited more than they were harmed ( Major et al.,

Clinical
complications
Guilt (including
Stigma Unsafe death)
practices
about Shame
abortions Poor-quality
Secrecy Isolation care
Higher- cost
procedures
FIGURE 9.1 The negative outcomes of abortion stigma. Abortion stigma can
.
Hessini, & Mitchell 2009 )
.
negatively influence both the mental and the physical health of women. (After Kumar
2000 ) . In another research population , even among those who felt regret about
having an abortion , 89% still thought it was the right choice ( Rocca, Kimport, i !
Gould , 8c Foster, 2013 ) .

One can get a clearer sense of the psychological outcomes of abortion by
comparing those who get abortions with those who wish to have them but
don’t get them . A longitudinal study followed women from throughout the
United States for five years ( Biggs, Upadhyay, McCulloch , 8c Foster, 2017 ).
Some of these women were just under the gestational limits where abortions
were allowed and received an abortion ; others were just over the limits and
were denied the procedure . After one year, those denied an abortion were more
anxious and had lower self-esteem and lower life satisfaction. After five years,
both groups were similar in terms of mental health. The researchers concluded
that there’s no justification in warning women about potentially negative psy-
chological consequences of having an abortion . Nevertheless, 20 states include
information about possible psychological responses in their mandatory abor-
tion counseling, and as of 2018, eight of these states focus on how abortions
will likely produce negative emotional responses ( “An Overview of Abortion
Laws,” 2018 ).
The negative messages that women can encounter as they
seek an abortion can cause extreme stress and make diem hes-
itant to find social support. Participants in one study reported your turn
receiving messages that they were selfish and stupid for get-
ting pregnant and seeking an abortion ( Cockrill 8c Nack, What are your perspectives on abortion?
;
2013 ). They also reported resorting to secrecy and selective Do you think there's stigma about
disclosure to avoid stigma. See Figure 9.1 for a flowchart of having, or even talking about, abortions?
negative outcomes associated with stigma about abortions. If so. do you think the stigma should be
Abortion, although common , is rarely discussed. Most reduced? How could this happen?
women think the procedure is rare and that they’re deviant
Not Being a Mother 367 i

i if they have one ( Kumar, Hessini, & Mitchell, 2009 ). Reflecting an effort to
counteract this misperception, the grassroots organization Exhale works to sup-
port women through their abortion experiences and to encourage them to talk
about and reduce the stigma . Other movements include #shoutyourabortion
and the 1 in 3 campaign , both of which provide an online space for women to
share their stories.
Finally, although an unwanted pregnancy doesn’t necessarily mean the
child born is not then wanted or loved , a consideration of the effects of abor-
tion must acknowledge the risks of raising children who weren’t originally
wanted . Research shows that children born to parents who say the pregnancy
was unwanted are at greater risk for cognitive , emotional, and social problems
( David , 2006; Russo, 2014 ), and a review of research on the effects of unin -
tended pregnancy on children from 1981 through 2017 found considerable evi -
dence for negative effects ( Abajobir, Kiscly, & Najman , 2017 ) . These included
high risk of child illness and infant mortality, lower birth weight and increased
likelihood of stunted growth , less likelihood of vaccination , lower scores on
skill development, fewer years of schooling, and increased risks of mental health
problems and alcoholism .
!i
Becoming a Mother
During the early years of sexual activity, young women usually worry more
that they might accidentally get pregnant rather than that they might not
get pregnant . Given this concern, a woman hoping to actually become a
mother may imagine that, after some well - timed intercourse, she’ll pec on a
• i .
pregnancy- testing stick, celebrate, and nine months later enjoy the birth of
I a baby. However, becoming and staying pregnant can be challenging for some
women.
i
!
;; Fertility
How can women learn to manage their fertility? What specific issues about
.
fertility must be considered by lesbian women transgender individuals, and
women with disabilities?
According to one study, 95% of U .S. women either had children , planned
to have children, or didn ’t have children but wished they did ( Newport &
Wilke, 2013 ). If a woman wants to become pregnant, it’s useful for her to
know something about her fertility. Individuals with childbearing capaci -
ties have monthly cycles in which they ovulate, and if they don ’t become

pregnant, a menstrual period occurs approximately two weeks later. How -
ever, if they’re trying to become pregnant , it’s important to know when
they’re ovulating.
The body shows many signs of fertility, and women can usually predict fairly
accurately when they’re most fertile ( YVeschlcr, 2015 ). A woman’s body tem -
perature fluctuates throughout the month and rises about half a degree when
she’s ovulating, so she may track her basal body temperature ( her temperature
first thing in the morning ) daily. However, the rise in body temperature happens
—
after the egg is released which can be too late unless intercourse quickly fol -
lows, as the egg must be fertilized within 24 hours of release. Also, as a woman
approaches ovulation, her cervical mucus ( vaginal secretions ) becomes more
plentiful, slippery, and translucent. When she’s most fertile, these secretions
resemble egg whites and can be stretched between two fingers ( sec Figure 9.2 ).
Checking cervical mucus can be a good predictor of fertility, but women also
can use ovulation predictor kits (Wcschlcr, 2015 ).
Predicting ovulation is especially important for lesbian couples who may
.
have limited donor sperm . One study found that vaginal insemination via
syringe was the preferred method of conception for lesbian women , requir-
ing a clear knowledge in timing fertility
( Hayman , Wilkes, Halcomb, &: Jackson ,
2015 ) . Moreover, as women with female
partners think about conception and fer-
tility, they must decide whether to use a
sperm donor who is known or unknown !
to them , as well as the qualities desired
in a donor. Some prefer an unknown
donor because they don’t want a third
parent who might undermine the sta -
:
tus of the co- parent who didn’t bear the !
child ; other couples prefer a known donor
who could become part of the family as
an uncle ( Nordqvist, 2012 ) . Another
option is to have sperm donors who are
willing to have their identities released
when the children reach adulthood . Les-
bian families who’ve chosen this option
have generally felt comfortable with their FIGURE 9.2 Cervical mucus and fertility. Vaginal
adult children potentially contacting their secretions change one’s menstrual cycle. A woman who
sperm donors ( Schcib, Riordan, Sc Rubin , wants to get pregnant may regularly check and record the
consistency of her cervical mucus, by either examining her
2003 ).
underwear, wiping the area with toilet paper before she
Transgender individuals who wish to urinates, or checking the consistency between two fingers
have children need to consider how transi- ( as shown here ). When a woman is most fertile, the cervical
tioning will affect fertility. Transwomen may mucus should stretch between two fingers like egg whites.
Becoming a Mother 369

want to preserve their sperm or testicular tissue before starting hormonal or
surgical treatment ( De Roo, Tileman, T’Sjocn , & DeSutter, 2016 ). In con -
trast , though , some transwomen feel that freezing sperm conflicts with their
core identity of being a woman ( DeSutter, Kira, Verschoor, Sc Hotimsky,
2002 ). Transmen who haven’t had gender-confirming surgery may become
pregnant either accidentally or intentionally. Taking testosterone doesn’t
eliminate the capacity to have children . For transmen who wish to become
pregnant, testosterone can be stopped , after which menstruation generally
resumes three to six months later ( Light , Obedin - Malivcr, Sevelius, Sc Kerns,
2014 ). In one study of 41 pregnant transmen , about half the pregnancies were
planned , and 88% were pregnant from eggs from their own ovaries ( Light
et al ., 2014 ). For transmen, being pregnant and giving birth was considered
the path to fatherhood , not motherhood : “ Pregnancy and childbirth were
very male experiences for me . When I birthed my children , I was born into
fatherhood ” ( p. 4 ) .
Women with physical disabilities can become pregnant, including women
with spinal cord injury, cerebral palsy, multiple sclerosis, strokes, muscular
dystrophy, rheumatoid arthritis, scoliosis, blindness, or deafness ( Lcavcslcy 8c
Porter, 1982 ). However, people often perceive these women as being unable to
MKWB35wn
Pictured here while pregnant
is Try.star Reese, a transman:
* .
with his husband Biff
Chapfow. and their adopted

have sex or to have children . Research has shown that some health -care provid -
ers hold negative attitudes toward those pregnancies ( Lipson & Rogers, 2000 ) .
One woman’s experience with spinal cord disability demonstrates frustration
with the perception that women with disabilities can’t or shouldn’t get preg-
nant: “I got a lot of questions from women when I was pregnant. They real -
ized then , of course, that I had intercourse. They were really surprised . I’d tell
them, ‘Of course people in wheelchairs make love’” ( Lcavesley 8c Porter, 1982,
p. 418 ).
Infertility
How common is infertility, why do many women feel distressed by it and .
what are common methods of treating infertility as well as ethical dilemmas
associated with them ?
Getting and staying pregnant doesn’t always happen easily. Infertility

is defined as an inability to become pregnant after 12 months of regular
unprotected sexual intercourse . Approximately 1 in 10 women experience
infertility over the course of their lives, but only half seek medical inter-
vention ( Cousincau 8: Dumar, 2007; Greil 8c McQuillan , 2004 ). However,
this definition suggests that unprotected sexual intercourse is the only way
—
to get pregnant an assumption that excludes certain people and can make
accessing treatment difficult for those whose experiences fall outside that
definition .
Although infertility is often seen as a woman’s problem , men can also expe- •!
rience it . In fact , the Mayo Clinic estimates that men are a contributing factor
in about one third of cases ( Mayo Clinic Staff, n.d . ). However, women arc i|
more likely than men to initiate consultation and treatment ( Fairweather-
Schmidt, Leach , Butterworth , 8c Anstcy, 2014 ). Age is a factor too. Accord -
ing to the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists ( 2014 ),
women’s fertility declines gradually beginning at age 32 and more rapidly
after age 37. Those who delay childbearing arc at increased risk of infertility,
although many women don’t realize this ( Mac Dougall, Beyene, 8c Nachtigall,
2012 ). Male age can also increase the risk because older men produce sperm
that are less mobile and have lower volume than the sperm of younger men
( Kidd , Eskcnazi, 8c Wyrobck , 2001 ) . When couples seek treatment for infer-
tility, they’re more likely to be successful if the man is under 40, particularly
I if the female partner is younger ( Dodge, Penzias, 8c Hacker, 2017 ). Fur-
thermore, between 1973 and 2011, a significant decline in sperm counts ( by
around 50%-60% ) occurred in men throughout North America, Europe,
Australia, and New Zealand ( Levine et al ., 2017). The cause is unknown and

potentially concerning. Nevertheless, most infertility research has focused on
women , and concerns about one’s “ ticking biological clock ” arc almost always
directed solely to women.
Research on the psychological impact of infertility generally focuses on those
who have sought treatment, and results show that women can experience stress,
grief, anger, shame, and anxiety ( Cousineau & Dumar, 2007; Grcil, 1997 ).
One White woman who struggled with infertility stated , “There are times when
I don’t feel like a real woman . I wonder how I am ever going to feel that whole ”
( Lcthcrby, 1999, p. 363 ). In another study, 32% of Black participants strongly
believed that being a mother was central to being a woman and were particu -
larly distressed about their infertility ( Ceballo, Graham, & Hart , 2015 ) . This
distress connects to the motherhood mandate; women who
internalize its message arc particularly negatively affected if
they experience infertility ( McQuillan et al ., 2012 ). More-
your turn over, the negative social and psychological consequences arc
considerably higher in countries that are pro- natalist and
Some women freeze their eggs in antic- that highly stigmatize non - mothers ( Greil, McQuillan, &
ipation of potential infertility. Although Slauson -Blevins, 2011; Rouchou, 2013 ).
very few studies investigate this phenom- Compassionate attitudes toward the self can help miti -
enon. research has shown that women s' gate shame, self- blame, or other negative consequences oi
average age when freezing eggs is 38. infertility ( Raquc- Bogan 8c Hoffman , 2015 ) . In the long
but doing so at a younger age results term, most people develop healthy coping strategies. One
in greater success, and many women study showed that 75% of female participants who remained
wish they'd known that earlier (Baldwin. childless after infertility had no desire for a child ten years
Culley, Hudson. & Mitchell. 2014 ). Howev-
later and no longer felt an important part of their life was
er, the procedure is extremely expensive
and doesn't guarantee a subsequent,
missing ( Wischmann, Korge, Schcrg, Strowitzki , 8c Verres,
successful pregnancy.
2012 ). Other research showed that many women who arc
Would you consider freezing your eggs unable to conceive become social mothers through adopt -
or recommending that loved ones freeze ing , being a foster parent, or becoming a step - mother
theirs? What factors would weigh into ( McQuillan , Greil, White, 8c Jacob, 2003 ). These social
such a decision? mothers experience psychological well - being similar to that
of biological mothers.
Treating Infertility Women who experience infertility, especially in indus-

trialized nations, often seek treatment using assisted reproductive tech-
nologies (ARTs) . These include intrauterine insemination (IUI ), in which a
concentration of washed sperm is injected into the uterus at the time of ovu -
lation , and in vitro fertilization (IVF) . IVF involves stimulating egg produc -
tion , extracting many eggs, fertilizing some of them outside of the body, and
implanting one or more embryos in the uterus. About 10% of cases of IVF use
donor eggs ( Klitzman, 2016 ). Egg donors are generally young women who
donate for a fee and are motivated by altruism and financial need ( Kenney 8c
McGowan , 2010 ). However, potential complications may damage the ovaries

.
and endanger future fertility. Furthermore, there arc questions as to whether

the drugs that stimulate egg production are linked to uterine or other cancers ;
( Klitzman , 2016 ) .
An interesting application of IVF occurs with lesbian couples who wish to
share biological motherhood of a single child ( Zeiler & Malmquist, 2014 ). In
the ROPA ( reception of oocytes from partners ) procedure, one woman supplies
an egg, which is implanted into the other woman after fertilization by donor
sperm . As a result, one woman is the genetic mother, and the other is the ges-
tational mother. One study found that when lesbian mothers shared biological
motherhood of a single child , it reduced potential feelings of jealousy among i
non - biological mothers ( Pelka , 2009 ).

The use of ARTs is, however, extremely expensive. In 2014, a single cycle
of IVF was estimated to cost around SI 2 ,000, plus an additional S5,000 in
medications to stimulate ovulation ( Uffalussy, 2014 ). In 2018, an article in the
magazine Self profiled several couples who paid between $10,000 and $63,000 |
for IVF treatments; some insurance plans provided partial coverage, but others
didn’t ( Bahadur, 2018 ) . Success rates vary from 25% to 40% per cycle ( Lintsen
et al ., 2005 ). These rates are based on numerous factors, including the parents’
i
age ( success rates decrease with age ), whether they’re smokers ( which decreases
.
:
!
There are many ways for

women to become mothers.
Some women who are
partnered with women opt to
have one partner supply the
.
egg and the other, using IVF i
be the gestational mother .

.
In this way both women can
have a biological connection
to their child.

success rates ), and whether the infertility is due to female or male factors ( suc-
cess rates are lower for male factor infertility ).
Given the expense and the fact that it may take several trials to have a chance
of success, ARTs aren’t an option for women who don’t have considerable
financial resources. As a result, it’s highly educated , White women who more
frequently use infertility treatments ( Chandra, Copen , & Stephen , 2014 ). Work -
ing-class and poor women arc aware of ARTs but don ’t see them as something
they’re able to receive, so they may try interventions that involve vitamins and
nutritional changes or pursue opportunities for social motherhood ( Bell , 2009 ).
Also, although low-income women generally don ’t seek treatment for infertil -
ity, several states mandate that health insurance cover at least some of the costs
of fertility treatments, and certain agencies provide subsidies for low- income
women ( Haskins, 2015 ).
Black women who experience infertility often face dis-
crimination and racist assumptions about their alleged
your turn promiscuity and their income level ( Ceballo et al., 2015 ).
They’re also more likely to experience infertility than
White women because they’re more prone to have fibroids,
If you were to experience infertility, what
uterine growths that can affect fertility. However, Black
would you do? Would you try assisted
reproductive technologies ( ARTs)? Would
and Latinx women arc less likely to receive fertility treat -
you consider adoption? What factors ments than White women, although this difference is par-
would you consider when making your tially accounted for by differences in social class ( Greil,
decision? If you’ve had to make these McQuillan , & Slauson - Blevins, 2011 ). Anecdotal reports
choices, what factors played a role in your by women of color seeking infertility treatments confirm
thought process? What challenges did that doctors arc less likely to talk about fertility treatments
you face? with Black women ; instead , doctors discuss birth control
and sexually transmitted infections ( Vega , 2014 ) . The fact
that access to infertility treatment varies by race and social
class is an example of stratified reproduction .
Surrogacy, in which one woman becomes pregnant and delivers a child
on behalf of another couple, is less common than other ARTs. In traditional
surrogacy, the gestational mother’s egg is combined with the father’s sperm ,
making the surrogate the biological mother. In gestational surrogacy, the egg
of the woman who intends to raise the child , or a donor’s egg, is combined
with the father’s sperm through IVF, and the surrogate isn’t the biological
mother of the child. All cases raise ethical considerations. For example, some
critics have likened surrogacy to prostitution because women sell the use of
I . their body for money ( van Nickcrk & van Zyl, 2016 ) . More positively, others
see surrogacy as an altruistic act to help a woman who is unable to birth a child
I herself. A task force on ethics and law determined that surrogacy was ethically
ij acceptable as a last resort for infertility treatment as long as surrogates were
paid only for expenses and loss of possible income ( Task Force on Ethics and
Law, 2005 ).
i!
374 Cha r 9 Reproduction and Mothering

i>
9
!
Miscarriage and Stillbirth ’!
How common are miscarriage and stillbirth, and how do women manage
the loss?
f
It
Sometimes a pregnancy is lost. A miscarriage occurs when a pregnancy is lost

before the 20 th week. A stillbirth occurs when a fetus dies after the 20th week.
Miscarriages are very common, occurring in 1 in 6 pregnancies ( Radford Sc
Hughes, 2015 ) . Stillbirth is more rare, occurring in approximately 1% of preg -
nancies ( Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2017 ). Because miscar-
riages are common , women often wait to announce their pregnancies until after
the first trimester when the risk decreases ( Murkoff Sc Mazel, 2008 ) .
When a woman miscarries, pain and bleeding can occur, and surgery may be
necessary to clear the uterus. Miscarriage can be a devastating loss, and women
can experience grief, loss, guilt , emptiness, lack of control, fear, and a desire for
closure ( Radford & Hughes, 2015; Smith , Frost, Levitas, Bradley, Sc Garcia;
2006 ). One study found that many women who were distressed and over-
whelmed immediately after a miscarriage felt considerably better after six weeks
( Swanson , Connor, Jolley, Pettinato, Sc Wang, 2007 ). Other women continued
to grieve and feel anxious and overwhelmed up to a year later. Anxiety is com -
mon after a miscarriage, and women may be afraid to attempt to get pregnant
again .
Miscarriage may also negatively affect relationships. Approximately one third
of married women in one study reported feeling more distant, emotionally or i
sexually, from their husbands after miscarriage (Swanson, Karmali, Powell, Sc

Pulvermakhcr, 2003 ) . These feelings stemmed from a reluctance to talk to their
husbands about their loss and grief as well as from seeing sex as a reminder of
their loss. Because miscarriage often occurs early in pregnancy, many women
haven’t told others they’re pregnant, so they grieve in isolation .
The psychological devastation of a stillbirth is considerable ( Hughes Sc
Riches, 2003 ) . Many full - term stillbirths occur in otherwise healthy, low- risk
pregnancies, so it’s usually shocking to learn about the death of an unborn
infant ( Campbell - Jackson Sc Horsch , 2014 ). Because of the late stage, women
are generally encouraged to deliver the baby vaginally, which can be par-
ticularly overwhelming. Once the baby is born, mothers often rely on the
guidance of health -care professionals to process how best to interact with
their newborn ( Kingdon , Givens, O’Donnell, Sc Turner, 2015 ). Women are
encouraged to grieve, hold the child if they wish to, and perform whatever
religious ceremony is appropriate ( American College of Obstetricians and
Gynecologists, 2009 ). A review of 23 studies found that women who saw
and held their stillborn baby and collected memorabilia ( e .g., pictures, baby
blanket ) were more likely to have positive mental health outcomes ( Kingdon
etal., 2015 ).

EMPOWERING
OR OPPRESSING?
Reproductive Tourism
.
B
ecause surrogacy costs can be prohibitive, and (Deonandan et at 2012) . However , poor women who en-
because surrogacy is outlawed in some U.S. states gage in surrogacy to earn income may see this activity as
and Western European countries, individuals may making a free choice about the use of their bodies. Some
engage in reproductive tourism , traveling to other feminists argue against the practice; others embrace it
countries to obtain reproductive treatments and. often, a but advocate for it to be used in ways that benefit peo-
lower-cost surrogate (Deonandan. Green. & van Beinum, ple’s lives. However, the fact that people with more power
2012). Between 2002 and 2015, India was a common loca- pay people with less power to have their children raises
tion for reproductive tourism (The Guardian. 2015). The cost complex concerns that cannot be ignored ( Parks. 2010).
of surrogacy there was approximately $30,000—about one In one study, researchers determined that the demands
third the cost in the United States. The surrogate received of the parents who wanted the baby took priority over the
up to $8,000 of this money, although many received less. health and safety of the surrogate (Tanderup. Reddy. Patel.
The fact that wealthy women, or gay male couples, & Nielsen, 2015 ). Furthermore, in order to maximize their
from one country pay poor women from another coun- reported success rate, doctors made decisions about how
try to carry their children can be seen as exploitative many embryos were implanted without fully disclosing the
risks involved. One woman described signing the surrogacy
contract: ’’They just told that like you have a drop of water,
we will keep that and grow it by means of injection. You
will have to keep it in your womb for nine months and then
deliver the child No benefit, no risk was told" (p. 494 ).
In 2012, India banned gay couples and single people from
seeking surrogates; in 2015. it banned all foreign couples
from seeking surrogates (Sugden & Malhotra , 2015 ). Al-
though some people applauded the decision, it was particu-
larly devastating for couples who had started the process and
paid considerable money, some of whom had eggs stored in
Mumbai that they were attempting to retrieve. The decision
was also questioned by some Indian surrogates who wanted
to continue because they were comfortable, received three
» I 9
.
hot meals a day and made more money than they would
be able to otherwise. One surrogate who earned $1,797
.
when she delivered noted "What my husband earned in
Some people use international surrogacy to have children, four years, I managed to earn in the one year that I carried a
as the cost can be lower than in their home country. child" (Kumar, 2015, para. 21). Overall, while many critics may
However, there are complicated concerns surrounding the see such women as being exploited by rich foreigners, the
use of other women's bodies for reproductive purposes. women themselves often see their decision as a free choice.
The woman shown here is resting at a temporary home Do you think international surrogacy is empowering
for surrogate mothers in western India. or oppressing for women? What policies could be put in
? place to make this practice more empowering?
376
A common theme among women experiencing stillbirth was a sense of over-
whelming emptiness when they had to leave the hospital ( Lindgren, Malm , 6c
Radestad , 2013/ 2014 ). One woman said, “ I think that was the worst thing of
all, it was sick to leave your own baby, to leave it at the hospital. To return home
empty handed. You just do not leave your baby” ( p. 340 ). Since most people
know that a woman is pregnant by 20 weeks, parents arc in the uncomfortable
position of having to tell friends and colleagues what happened . Many women
grieve for up to two years or more, and the process of deciding to conceive
again can be highly anxiety provoking ( Hughes 6c Riches, 2003 ). Social sup-
port, especially from family members, can decrease depression and anxiety after
a stillbirth ( Cacciatorc, Schncbly, 6c Froen, 2009 ).
Adoption
What are some of the psychological factors involved in adopting a child and
placing a child for adoption ?
One way to become a mother without biologically conceiving a child is through

adoption . Some families adopt because of infertility; others do so regardless of
fertility status. Research has shown that women considering adoption generally
have attached great importance to being a mother and have been unsuccessful
with medical interventions for infertility ( Park 6c Hill , 2014 ). Aspects of social
identity also affect attitudes and behaviors related to adoption. For example,
one study showed that higher levels of religiosity were associated with believing
that mothering adopted children would be as satisfying as birthing children,
and Black women were more likely than White women to have actually taken
steps toward adoption ( Van Laningham , Schcuble, 6c Johnson , 2012 ). Other
researchers have found that , compared to heterosexual couples, lesbian mothers
felt less committed to having a biological child and perceived an easier transition
from trying to conceive to adopting ( Goldberg, Downing, 6c Richardson ,
2009 ).
There are several routes to adoption ( Child Welfare Information Gateway,
—
2015a ). One involves public adoption working with a state agency, fostering
a child , and transitioning that relationship into an adoption. Public adoptions
may take several years, particularly if parents place restrictions on the type of
child they’re willing to adopt . Uncertainty is often part of this process because
a birth parent may also be seeking to reclaim the child . Children of any age can
be available for public adoption, but newborns are rarely placed through this
process. Public adoptions are typically not very expensive.
Families may also choose private adoption through an agency. In these cases,
the birth mother ( and sometimes the birth father ) relies on an agency to place
her child for adoption , and her level of involvement can vary depending on

t
|S
.
—
the agency. These adoptions can be expensive in 2012-2013, the average
cost was approximately $40,000 ( “ Comparing the Costs,” n .d . ). Instead of
working through an agency, families may organize an independent adoption
with a birth mother and her lawyer. Finally, families may consider international
i
i adoption.
In all public and agency- based private adoptions, as well as most international
adoptions, prospective families undergo a home study by a social worker ( Child
Welfare Information Gateway, 2015 b ). This investigation typically includes par-
enting classes, background checks, examination of health and financial records,
reference checks, submitting an autobiographical statement, an interview, and
i
a home visit to assess the safety of the home and the neighborhood . All the
scrutiny can be highly stressful for potential parents. One woman who’d been
|
through several failed IVF cycles said: “ Haven’t I gone through enough already
to prove that I deserve to be a parent ? ” ( Davenport , 2010, para. 1 ) .
Once a family adopts a child , the transition can be stressful ( Goldberg, 2010 ).
They may experience declines in relationship satisfaction and mental health as
1 well as lingering legal complications ( Goldberg, Moyer, Kinkier, & Richardson,
2012; Goldberg & Smith, 2011; South, Foli, &: Lim , 2013 ) . Post -adoptive
depression is more likely if a mother’s post -adoption realities don’t meet her
pre-adoption expectations ( Foli, South , Lim, & Jarnccke, 2016 ) . In one study
done in the United Kingdom and Ireland, adoptive mothers reported feeling
:
1 labeled as either “ desperate ” or “ heroes,” and many felt pressure to be perfect
parents and felt stress when their children acted out ( Weistra & Luke , 2017 ) .
:
Social support appears to reduce the stress associated with post -adoption tran -
sition, particularly when children had unexpected characteristics, such as behav-
ioral concerns ( Foli et al ., 2016; Moyer & Goldberg, 2017 ).
Women who place their children for adoption can experience great loss. In
one study, birth mothers’ mental health improved over time, but 75% described
their mental health as poor, very poor, or neutral ( Brodzinsky & Smith ,
! 2014 ). Because such research doesn’t include a control group of women with
unwanted pregnancies who didn’t place their children for adoption , it doesn’t
clarify whether adoption, per se, is related to negative outcomes or whether
I; the women would have had mental health difficulties anyway. Openness in the
' . •
adoption process and contact between the birth mother and the adoptive child
have been found to improve satisfaction and positive mental health for birth
i,
mothers ( Gc et al., 2008 ).
Open communication can also benefit the adopted child. One study, focus-
i'
ing mainly on interracial adoptions, found that the ability to have contact with
' the birth parent predicted increased self- esteem and fewer behavior problems
. 1i *'
. in adopted children ( Brodzinsky, 2006 ). In another study, lesbian couples
reported preference for open adoption , since it ensured that they wouldn’t
i
have to hide their sexual identity ( Goldberg, Kinkier, Richardson , & Downing,
i
2011). They also were more likely than heterosexual couples to sec birth
;
:
parents as part of their extended family. Regardless of sexual orientation, cou -
ples who pursue open adoption often develop meaningful relationships with
birth parents.
Mothering an adopted child , especially one whose racc/cthnicity is differ-
ent from one’s own, presents joys and challenges. Children adopted into tran -
sracial families are generally psychologically well adjusted ( Boivin & Hassan,
2015; Mohanty 8c Ncwhill, 2006 ) . Such families do best if the adoptive parents
neither deny nor overstate the differences between themselves and their child.
However, children in transracial adoptions may experience discrimination that
their family members do not. It’s noteworthy that while White parents often
adopt babies of different races or nationalities, parents of color rarely adopt
White babies ( Lee, 2003 ) . One reason is that approximately one third of chil -
dren in the foster system are Black , so Black families have a greater chance
of adopting a same- race child ( Dokoupil, 2009 ) . Public reaction to the rarity
of non -White families adopting White children was evident in the experience of
—
one Black family strangers would ask their White daughter if she was “okay”
and even follow her to make sure she wasn’t being kidnapped ( Dokoupil, 2009 ) .
Unequal access in the adoption process is another example of stratified repro-
duction , and the negative reactions to Black families that adopt White babies
reflect continued racism .
Pregnancy
How does pregnancy affect the body, women' s view of their bodies, and the
way women are treated by others?
Pregnancy can bring profound physical, social, and emotional changes. In early
stages, approximately 85% of women experience morning sickness, which
includes nausea and vomiting. Morning sickness is actually associated with
—
lower miscarriage rates in other words, it can be a sign of a healthy pregnancy
( Flaxman & Sherman, 2000 ) . It’s usually triggered by the smell or taste of
specific foods, including meats, some vegetables, cigarette smoke, and alco-
hol. Researchers hypothesize that morning sickness developed as an adaptive
mechanism to keep women from ingesting potentially harmful substances while
pregnant ( Flaxman & Sherman, 2000 ) . Although symptoms generally subside
after the first 12 weeks, some women experience them throughout the preg -
nancy ( Tiran, 2014 ). Morning sickness can be particularly stressful at work
or in social settings, especially if the mother doesn’t want to share that she’s
pregnant .
Pregnancy and Body Image One challenge is adjusting to body changes —
particularly weight gain, since Western culture values the thin ideal. Some women,
.

f
}
however, may feel liberated from that ideal and sec their bodies as functioning
to give life rather than as objects to be viewed and judged . Research reflects
these contradictory perspectives. Some studies have shown that pregnant
women arc dissatisfied with their bodies ( e.g., Skoutcris, Carr, Wertheim,
—
Paxton, 8c Duncombe, 2005; Strang 8c Sullivan, 1985 ) especially early in
the second trimester as they begin to gain weight but don’t look obviously
pregnant ( Goodwin , Astbury, & McMeeken , 2000; Skoutcris et al ., 2005 ).
However, other research has shown that pregnant women are more satisfied
with their bodies than nonpregnant women are ( Loth , Bauer, Wall , Bcrgc, Sc
Neumark -Sztainer, 2011 ).
Although pregnant women may feel less pressure to conform to the thin
ideal, they can still experience pressure to remain physically fit . One study of
a pregnancy- focused fitness magazine showed an emphasis on fitness before
and during pregnancy in order to prepare the body for delivery and to facili -
tate weight loss afterward ( Dworkin & Wachs, 2004 ) . Following pregnancy,
women were repeatedly encouraged to “ get their body back.” Media expo -
sure to celebrities who’ve “ gotten their bodies back ” only weeks after delivery
( ignoring the roles of chefs, personal trainers, and nannies ) reinforces these
unrealistic ideals. In fact, exposure to such celebrity images has been shown
:
i
to decrease body satisfaction even among non - pregnant women ( Hopper 8c
Aubrey, 2016 ).
The fear of gaining weight during pregnancy and looking awkward ( “ Docs
: my bump look big in this? ” ) can detract from a woman’s positive experience of
pregnancy and lead to anxiety ( Johnson , Burrows, 8c Williamson , 2004 ). Fur-
thermore, body dissatisfaction during pregnancy can predict other negative psy -
chological states, such as depression and a decreased commitment to mothering
( Fuller-Tyszkiewicz, Skouteris, Watson , 8c Hill, 2012 ). In one study, women
reported feeling better when they focused on what their bodies were doing
•i rather than how their bodies looked , as well as when they received positive
If: feedback about their appearance from partners ( Watson , Broadbcnt, Skouteris,
;
i!I it
•
8c Fuller-Tyszkiewicz, 2015 ). In contrast, other research showed that men 's

sexual interest in their partners decreases sharply during the third trimester ( von
Sydow, 1999 ). This lack of interest in sex can make pregnant women feel anx -
|| j ious and less comfortable with their bodies.
Pregnancy can be particularly disruptive to the body image of transmen.
•*
Being pregnant in a man’s body isn’t socially accepted, and pregnant men in
n one study reported being stigmatized and occasionally ridiculed ( Light ct al .,
in
2014 ). Pregnancy can also increase gender dysphoria. One pregnant man noted ,
!
I “ Heavy time, having a baby, not passing as male, all the changes and a society
i telling me to just be happy ” ( p. 4 ).
How Pregnant Women Are Treated People treat women differently when
—
they’re pregnant for example, with unwelcome belly touching. In one study,
fill
.E
most participants reported that others routinely touched
—
their bellies without permission “ You become public
property and anyone can touch you ” ( Johnson ct al.,
spotlight o n . .
2004, p. 365 ). Strangers also tend to talk to pregnant
women and give unsolicited advice. In a project where Pregnancy and
Black women were asked to list acts of kindness that
they wished would happen when they were pregnant , Alcohol
many said they wished strangers would stop talking There are significant risks associated with
to them and stop touching their bellies ( Jones ct al ., alcohol consumption during pregnancy
2010 ) . ( Williams, Smith , & Committee on Sub - \
Pregnant women often experience benevolent sexism. stance Abuse, 2015 ) . The American Acad - -
Some people give up seats or help them carry boxes, and emy of Pediatrics notes there is no known
these gestures can be a welcome form of help ( Jones safe amount of alcohol consumption
et al., 2010 ) . However, as discussed in Chapter 2, benev- during pregnancy and recommends com-
plete abstinence during pregnancy, yet in
olent sexism is generally directed toward women who
many parts of the world, consumption of
conform to gender roles. In one study, when women
small amounts after the first trimester is
who appeared to be pregnant ( but were actually wear- widely accepted (Shawe et al., 2015 ). And
ing pregnancy prosthescs ) asked for help, they received research has shown that although heavy
responses such as smiling, nods, and over- helpfulness alcohol consumption is related to low birth
( Hebl, King, Click , Singletary, & Kazama, 2007 ) . But in weight , preterm birth, and childhood
the same study, when women who appeared to be preg - behavioral problems, the same patterns
nant applied for a job ( a violation of traditional norms ), aren' t found for children of mothers who
people were generally rude to them . Other researchers engage in light drinking — less than one
have found that individuals holding benevolent sexist drink daily or one to two drinks weekly
( Kelly et al., 2008; Patra et al., 2011) .
beliefs are more likely to stop a pregnant woman from
In 2016, the U . S. Centers for Disease
engaging in a behavior that they deem risky (Sutton
Control and Prevention (CDC) recom -
ct al ., 2011 ) .
mended that all sexually active women of
White, able- bodied , uppcr- middlc-class women who
childbearing age refrain from any alcohol
arc pregnant are generally treated with kindness and use unless they ' re using birth control
!
benevolent sexism , but pregnant, poor, single, Black, (Centers for Disease Control, 2016 b ) .
and teen mothers are generally negatively stereotyped . Because this recommendation views any
In one survey of mostly White and Asian undergraduate sexually active woman as potentially
students, researchers found that a Black woman who was pregnant , feminist activists criticized it as
described as pregnant was seen as less likely to have the patronizing and condescending. Writer
child’s father involved and more likely to need public assis- Alexanda Petri ( 2016 ) quipped, "No alcohol
tance than a White woman who was described as preg- for you, young women ! The most important
nant ( Rosenthal & Lobel , 2016 ). Teen pregnancy is also fact about you is not that you are people
but that you might potentially contain
often seen as a problem . Most people perceive teen moth -
people one day " ( para . 15 ). Furthermore, al -
ers as deviant, and many social policies aim to decrease
though binge drinking and chronic alcohol
teen motherhood ( Wilson & Huntington, 2006 ). How- use by men affect sperm and can contrib-
ever, research suggests that negative outcomes associ- ute to fetal alcohol syndrome ( Abel 2004;
ated with being a teenage mother arc almost entirely Ouko et al., 2009 ), the CDC recommenda-
due to the increased likelihood of poverty rather than tions didn ' t address male drinking.
381
I
:
i
i
die teen being a poor parent ( Morinis, Carson , 8c Quigley,

your turn 2013). Odier research shows that teenagers report positive
benefits when becoming a mother, including establishing
i
themselves as responsible adults, securing a relationship
Have you ever known anyone who was
i with a partner, and creating an emotional connection with
pregnant, or have you ever been pregnant
i
a baby ( Boustani, Frazier, Hartley, Meinzer, 8c Hcdcmann ,
yourself? How was that person (or you)
treated? Take a moment to consider your
2015; Solivan, Wallace, Kaplan , 8c Harvillc, 2015 ). These
own reactions to different kinds of pregnant findings indicate that not all pregnant women and mothers
women. Have you had a more favorable are viewed positively, highlighting yet another example of
reaction if the woman was of a certain age. reproductive stratification.
racial or ethnic group, or social class?
i Childbirth
How do women's experiences in childbirth often differ from their expectations?
In the movies, a woman usually cries “The baby is coming!” and is rushed to
the hospital . She briefly pushes and screams, and the baby pops out. In reality,
though , childbirth can take a very long time. During labor, the cervix becomes
dilated , widening to allow the mother to push the baby through . Before the
baby can come out, the cervix must be dilated 10 cm , and this can take many
.
i
— —
hours even several days after contractions begin . Although it’s generally rec-
ommended that labor proceed on its own , in some cases labor needs to be
:
induced, or sped up through medical intervention.
Women may choose interventions to decrease their pain during labor and
!
delivery. One common intervention is an epidural, which involves a health -
care provider administering anesthesia to the base of the spine with a needle .
Although an epidural provides effective pain relief, it can disrupt the labor pro-
cess and increase the likelihood that the woman will need additional interven -
tion, including drugs, to speed her labor ( Lothian , 2014 ) . Also, if the baby’s
n
Si head doesn’t have enough room to exit the vaginal opening, a provider may
recommend an episiotomy, a cut between the vagina and the anus to create a
I larger opening for delivery (see Figure 9.3). Although an episiotomy may speed
up delivery, it may increase pain compared to unassisted tearing. Furthermore, it
» !*
can contribute to urinary or anal incontinence after childbirth , although stichcs
ii I generally minimize this risk. As a third intervention, if labor isn’t progressing or
i
the baby is in breech position ( i.e., with feet rather than head facing the vaginal
m -
opening ), the woman may need a cesarean section ( C section ). During this pro-
1 :i cedure, the baby is delivered through incisions in the abdominal wall and uterus.
! Advocates for healthy childbirth suggest that induced labor, epidurals, episi -
•
i» otomics, and cesareans are overused. For example, in 2015, 32% of women in the
i
United States had cesarean births ( Martin , Hamilton , Osterman, & Matthews,
2017 ), although other research finds that only approximately 10% of such births
Ii
ii
I
: Tv 4
t
9
't
/ - •<
'
A;
•
• •
;. r a i
4
'•
Fetal head
/
bulging /
r
V
0
Vaginal - Operating
opening scissors
Medio-lateral
episiotomy am
/
//
Anus
Midline
episiotomy
FIGURE 9.3 In an episiotomy, a cut is made between the vaginal opening and the anus
to widen the area for the baby ’ s head to pass through during birth. Episiotomies are
fairly common procedures, and the size of the cut varies by situation. Current guidelines,
.
however, do not recommend them in every case.
arc medically necessary ( Yc, Betran, Guerrero Vela, Souza, Sc Zhang, 2014 ). ;•
Prc-schcduled cesarean births arc convenient for medical providcis, and hospi -
)
tals can charge higher fees for cesarean births as opposed to vaginal deliveries
( Gcirrson, 2016 ). An analysis by the World Health Organization concluded that
nations with cesarean birth rates above 15% were performing many unnecessary
cesarean births and were over- utilizing global resources ( Gibbons et al., 2010 ).
Women in industrialized countries who are healdiy and having no birdi compli
canons arc routinely encouraged to select interventions such as labor induction, epi -
durals, and episiotomies ( Dcdcrcq, Sakala, Corry, & Applebaum , 2007; Johanson,
Ncwburn, & Macforlane, 2002 ). One reason is diat for many years praennoners
operated under the belief that labor should progress by 1 cm an hour and that
slower labor required speeding up dirough medical interventions. Ho^ exer, rec-
ommendations are shifting to acknowledge the fact that slower labors reflect natural
variations and diat doctors should have more patience (Caughey, Cahill, Guise, &
Rouse, 2014). Practice, though, is often slow to catch up with recommendations.

Moreover, many health -care providers worry
about risk management and litigation in the
context of childbirth ( Healy, Humphreys, &
Kennedy, 2016 ). In one study, Canadian pro-
viders expressed concern about litigation if
something should go wrong during labor and
delivery ( Hall , Tomkinson , & Klein, 2012 ) .
They described how, in order to make a mother
agree to a procedure she may not want , they
might say, “ You don’t want your baby to die, do
Labor can be a very painful process. Although some you ? ” even for non - urgent procedures ( p. 582 ) .
: women wish to experience labor without pain - Sometimes , providers intervene without a
reducing drugs, others choose interventions that woman’s knowledge or consent; 73% of partic-
involve pain medications, such as an epidural. ipants in one study who received an episiotomy
were given no choice in the decision ( Dcclcrcq
et al ., 2007 ).
In response to concerns about women undergoing procedures without
consent and without a true understanding of the risks and benefits, Lamaze
- International has issued six guidelines for a healthy birth ( Mother’s Advocate,
l
I 2009 ):
. 1. Let labor begin on its own , rather than through induction, to decrease
risk of prematurity as well as risks of other medical interventions.
2. Walk, move around , and change positions during labor to promote
pain relief.
3. Bring a loved one or a doula for support . A doula is a trained , paid
professional who provides emotional and physical support before,
during, and after birth .
! !: 4. Avoid interventions unless they’re medically necessary, and medical
• ! professionals should acknowledge that labor can take a long time .
; 5. Try not to give birth on your back, and push only when your body
i
tells you it’s ready. Standing, squatting, or sitting takes advantage of
"
gravity, but lying down may be convenient for a doctor who can easily
1
see what’s going on .
1
!
?i
6. Keep mother and baby together, and let them experience immediate
skin -to-skin contact.
i? ;
i ;J ; Although these guidelines arc useful, one study found that only 2% of partici -
pants experienced births that follow them ( Dcclcrcq ct al ., 2007 ) . For example,
!
39% of participants had babies taken away by staff for routine, non -emergency
!'
interventions ( e.g., being cleaned and weighed ) immediately after birth
( Dcclcrcq et al., 2007; Ondcck, 2014 ). Also, immediate skin - to-skin contact
was less common in public hospitals, where women of low socioeconomic status
' arc more likely to give birth ( Rowc- Murray & Fisher, 2002 ).

i
The World Health Organization ( 2018 ) recently issued guidelines, similar

to those of Lamaze International, to improve women’s childbirth experiences.
These recommendations also caution against unnecessary interventions, such as
cpisiotomies and induction if labor is proceeding slowly. Only time will tell if
these recommendations become widely accepted and utilized.
How a woman feels during childbirth is important because that experience
begins her assessment of her mothering ability ( Rcisz, Jacobvitz, & George, 2015 ).
Those with positive birth experiences report self- confidence as well as a more posi -
tive view of their child . According to one study, a major factor in a woman perceiv-
ing her childbirth experience as positive involves her feelings of control ( Green 8c
Baston , 2003 ). Also, confidence going into labor can predict a positive birth expe-
rience, and one study found that Latinx and Black women had higher confidence
i
going into labor than White women ( Attanasio, McPherson , 8c Kozhimannil ,
2014 ). The same study showed that shared decision making between the mother
and her clinician predicted a positive birth experience. It’s
important to give women every possible opportunity to have
a positive birth experience. This effort can , however, create
pressure to have a “ perfect birth,” which can lead to distress try it for yourself
and embarrassment when the experience doesn’t live up to
this unrealistic expectation ( Pearson, 2014 ). Talk to someone who recently gave birth.
Maternal mortality is a global concern , and in some of the What was her experience like? Did she
world’s poorest areas, the lifetime risk of pregnancy- related receive medical intervention? If so. how
death is 1 out of every 6 ( Ronsmans, Graham , 8c Lancet, did she feel about it? Did her birth expe-
2006 ) . In the United States, maternal mortality appears to rience align with her expectations? If you
plan to have children, what kind of birth
be increasing slightly. One study showed that between 2006
experience do you hope that you or your
and 2010, pregnancy - related mortality rates were 16.0 deaths
partner will have? If you have given birth,
—
for every 100,000 live births a slight increase from prior
what was your experience like?
years in which data were collected ( Creanga ct al., 2015 ).
This rate, however, varied across racial groups: 38.9 for Black
women , 12.0 for White women , and 11.7 for Latinx women
( Creanga et al ., 2015 ). Reasons for pregnancy- related deaths were hemorrhage,
hypertension , embolism , anesthesia complications, cardiovascular conditions,
and infection . Thus, while it’s important that medical interventions not be over-
used, it’s also essential that women have access to safe labor and delivery services.
There’s also evidence of differential infant mortality rates within the United
States based on race/ethnicity. Black infants are more than twice as likely to
—
die during childbirth than White infants in 2015, 11.3 Black infants died per
1,000 live births compared to 4.9 White infants ( Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention , 2018 ). These rates are not linked to genetic differences ( David
& Collins, 2007 ) or maternal education (Schoendorf, Hogue, Kleinman, 8c
Rowley, 1992 ). Researchers attribute these patterns partly to high levels of stress
—
experienced by Black women, particularly institutional racism including within
the medical community ( Giscombc 8c Lobel , 2005; Kramer Sc Hogue, 2009 ).

For example, one study showed that some medical professionals held false and
racist beliefs about Black individuals, such as that they have thicker skin and feel
less pain than White people ( Hoffman , Trawalter, Axt, & Oliver, 2016 ) . These
racist assumptions and the higher rates of negative outcomes for Black women
and their babies are another example of stratified reproduction .
; i
Being a Mother
When a woman becomes a mother, she experiences a great deal of change. Many
of the changes are positive, but there’s also a lot of stress, including a sense of
identity loss and the possibility of post - partum depression and anxiety.
Identity Changes
How does becoming a mother affect women psychologically?
First- time mothers experience a huge shift in identity. No longer defined solely
as their own person , they’re now someone’s mother. And the process of becom -
ing a mother involves many complicated emotions. Some women adjust easily,
especially if being a mother was a role they’d valued throughout their lives. For
example, in a study of identity change during the motherhood transition, one
woman said: “Anyone who’s had a positive preg -
nancy test, you’re a mom. You love that child
more than anything the moment you see that
positive pregnancy test ” ( Lanev, Hall , Anderson ,
&: Willingham, 2015, p. 131 ) . Other women
don’t feel instant love: “ When he first came out
I didn’t have this 100 percent overwhelming
feeling of, T love you , I will do anything for
you’” ( p. 132 ) . Some mothers describe anxiety:
“ It was kinda scary really; this baby is just going
to depend on me” ( Cronin , 2003, p. 264 ).
Many women have reported a loss of identity
because they have to give up their own needs in
order to care for their child: “ It almost feels like
a loss of self at the beginning with the first child ,
Motherhood can be a time of profound identity shift just because newborns basically need you 24/7”
for women It 's common for women to experience ( Lancy ct al., 2015, p. 132 ). This feeling can
some sadness and anxiety as they adjust to their new improve over time, though . One woman noted,
role and the demands associated with parenting. “ It makes me a better mom to find that balance
[ between doing things for myself and spending
Chapter 9 Reproduction and Mothering

:•
time with kids] because, if I only am focused on motherhood , the other part of
you . . . can be lost and forgotten and you go, ‘Wait, well, who am I?’” ( p. 132 ).
However, women who felt they were born to be mothers had difficulty figuring
out how to define themselves as their children grew up. Transitioning to a mother
identity is further complicated for women who don’t give birth to their children .
For example, lesbian co- mothers may struggle over how to identify themselves and
what to call themselves and be called by their children ( Dahl & Malterud , 2015 ).
Women who have a disability face unique changes. For many, the transition
to motherhood is positive in that other people may see them not simply as a
woman with a disability, but as a mother ( Lawler, Begley, 8c Lalor, 2015 ). This
can promote an increased sense of belonging and acceptance in a society that
generally stigmatizes people with disabilities. However, women with disabilities
often encounter stigma about their ability to mother, which can create anxi -
ety or self- doubt . One woman who used a wheelchair described: “This woman
[ midwife ] pulled my mother aside and said ‘Your daughter is not fit to look after t •
this baby, this baby is going to end up being taken away by social services,’ after
that I was always afraid that someone would ring social services” ( Lawler et al.,
2015, p. 7 ) . Another woman , who was hard of hearing, noted: “The nurses 11
were very judging . . . they were going around to all the other mothers in the i «
ward saying ‘How is she going to cope with the baby ? ”’ ( p. 7 ).

Much of the research on identity changes in motherhood is based in quali -
tative interviews because these changes are experienced on an individual basis.
Nevertheless, some larger-scale research has been undertaken. A study of over
80,000 mothers from Norway showed that both self-esteem and relationship
quality declined after having children ( van Scheppingen, Denissen, Chung,
Tambs, 8: Blcidorn, 2017 ) . Relationship quality declined most precipitously
after the birth of the child , especially the first child , while self-esteem increased
immediately after childbirth but declined after the child was six months old.
Whether these self- esteem changes are related to feelings of identity loss has
yet to be carefully investigated. However, other research has shown that par-
ents experience a greater sense that life is meaningful than do non - parents, and
they experience joy while caring for their children ( Nelson, Kushlev, English,
Dunn , & Lyubomirsky, 2013 ). Interestingly, this research showed that fathers .
experienced more benefits related to parenthood than mothers.
Post- partum Depression and Anxiety !
How common are postpartum depression and anxiety, and what forms can
these disorders take?
The difficulty of caring for an infant is rarely discussed in public; instead, media
images of women holding babies glorify motherhood as a time of pure joy
Being a Mother 387 t

r
and love. Yet women have identified a “conspiracy of silence ” in which no one
!
talks about die extreme difficulty of infant care, particularly in environments with
few financial or structural supports ( Mercer, 2004, p. 230 ). Most women, in
fact, experience some negative feelings during the transition to motherhood . The
J baby blues occurs in 80% of women and involves crying, poor sleep, irritability,
and anxiety. However, baby blues generally ends within 10 days after the birth.
l
Some women experience more significant difficulties after giving birth,
including clinical levels of depression and anxiety. These combined difficul -
I ties are called post - partum mood disorders, an umbrella term that includes
post - partum depression as well as post - partum anxiety. Post-partum depres-
sion involves symptoms including feelings of sadness, anxiety, exhaustion, guilt ,
I worthlessness, and suicidal ideation . Post - partum depression occurs in 7% to
> -
i . 20% of women and is often undiagnosed and untreated ( Gavin et al . , 2005 ).
Although postpartum depression is defined as beginning in the weeks after
i'
childbirth , in reality, depression often begins during pregnancy. However, preg-

i
'
nant women who are depressed receive accurate diagnoses less frequently than
i • non - pregnant depressed women ( Ko, Farr, Dietz, 8c Robbins, 2012 ) .
Several factors can contribute to post - partum depression , especially a pre-
vious history of depression or anxiety, a perceived lack of social support, and
stressful life events during pregnancy or early motherhood ( Robertson , Grace,
:
Wallington , 8c Stewart, 2004 ). Furthermore, after giving birth , a woman’s
f
: progesterone and estrogen levels drastically decrease, which may contribute to
i
both the baby blues and post - partum depression ( O’Hara 8c McCabe, 2013 ) .
i
Research suggests that women who are particularly susceptible to hormone fluc-
. tuations may be more likely to develop post - partum depression even without
a previous history of depression (Schiller, Meltzer- Brody, 8c Rubinow, 2015 ).
ii Also, sleep deprivation in the early months of caring for an infant can trigger
•i
depression ( Dorheim, Bondevik, Eberhard -Gran, 8c Bjorvatn , 2009 ) .
Men , too, may feel depressed after the birth. One 23- year longitudinal study
.• : found heightened depression levels in men during the first five years after having
. !
children ( Garfield et al., 2014 ). As noted earlier, the stresses of parenting young
V!
children are related to a decline in relationship satisfaction , which may contrib -
:! ute to this depression in men. Transmen who birth children may be particularly
} at risk for post - partum depression because of the lack of social support for their
!i
pregnancy ( Light et al., 2014 ).
J
Although investigated less frequently than depression , anxiety is a common
II component of postpartum mood disorder ( Bclluck, 2016 ). In fact, one study
; showed that post - partum anxiety was actually more common than depression
( Wenzel, Haugen, Jackson , 8c Robinson , 2003 ). Post-partum anxiety involves
worry, a sense of dread, obsessive checking, difficulty sleeping, and other symp-
toms such as dizziness, nausea, and headaches. In a study of new mothers
drawn from a large urban center, every mother reported fear that her child
. would be accidentally harmed ( Fairbrothcr 8c Woody, 2008 ). Also, thoughts of
: 388 Chapter 9 Reproduction and Mothering

!
• .*
I!
intentionally harming the infant were unexpectedly common. When the infants
were four weeks old, 49.5% of the sample had unwanted intrusive thoughts about
intentionally harming their child. Such thoughts may be triggered by hearing
the infants’ crying; in fact, in a different study, 24% of new mothers reported
thoughts of harm after being exposed to ten minutes of crying ( Fairbrother,
Barr, Pauwels, Brant, & Green, 2015 ). Mothers who have intrusive thoughts
of harm don’t usually act on these impulses, but they may withdraw from their
infants and experience shame and guilt about their feelings. The shame can also
-
contribute to post partum depression . Moreover, mothers may not tell others
about their symptoms because they fear judgment about being a bad mother.
In this way, post partum anxiety and depression are understood as interrelated.
Perhaps a key factor contributing to both post - partum depression and anxi -
ety is the social pressure from media , family members, and peers about what it
i -
means to be a mother. Mothers generally expect they should feel nothing but
happiness around their children, so if they experience negative emotions, they
may worry that something is wrong with them ( Held & Rutherford , 2012 ).
Sensational media reports about women with post - partum depression who kill
H;
-
their children contribute to this dynamic ( Martinez, Johnston Robledo, Ulsh,
& Chrislcr, 2001 ). Moreover, social media provides an outlet through which
mothers can compare themselves to others, and many women use it to commu -
nicate an identity of being a good mother ( Bartels, 2015 ). Because people don’t
generally post images of screaming and crying children, most everyone’s family
looks happy and well behaved . As a result, some women can experience a sense
of isolation about their mixed emotions and insecurities about parenting. Lately,
however, some blogs and websites are becoming increasingly confessional, and
mothers on these sites are sharing the challenges of parenting ( Howorth, 2017).
Breastfeeding
What are the advantages of breastfeeding, and how do cultural views
about breastfeeding affect women?
The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends exclusive breastfeeding for
six months and continued for a year or as long as is comfortable for mother and
child in combination with other foods ( Eidelman et al., 2012 ). In developing
countries, only 37% of children under six months are breastfed ( Victora et al.,
2016 ). Reasons for not breastfeeding include mothers’ perceptions of fathers’
attitudes, concerns about milk supply, and the need to return to work ( Arora,
Mcjunkin , Wehrer, & Kuhn, 2000 ). Women who are married , older, well edu-
cated, non -smokers, and of a higher socioeconomic status are more likely to
breastfeed ( Mathews, Leerkes, Lovelady, & Labban, 2014; Oakley, Renfrew,
Kurinczuk, & Quigley, 2013). In die United States, 81% of infants born in
Being a Mother 389

2013 were breastfed at birth, and 52% were still breast -
feeding at six months ( Centers for Disease Control,
2016a ). The fact that women in positions of privilege are
more likely to have the support necessary to breastfeed is
an example of stratified reproduction.
The benefits of breastfeeding for children include
decreased risk of infection and disease, decreased child -
hood obesity, decreased risk of attentional problems,
and increased intelligence and cognitive outcomes ( Bar,
Milanaik, & Adesman, 2016; Victora ct al., 2016 ). Bene -
fits for the mother include decreased risk of breast cancer
i as well as possible decreases in risks for ovarian cancer and
diabetes ( Victora et al., 2016 ) . Furthermore, women who
exclusively breastfeed often don’t ovulate, and exclusive
breastfeeding has long been considered a form of birth
control ( Labbok et al., 1997 ). All research on breastfeed -
ing is correlational rather than experimental , as it would be
Breastfeeding has benefits for both unethical to randomly assign some women to breastfeed
' mothers and infants. Consequently, and prevent others from doing so. Given this constraint,
: women often feel a great deal of it’s difficult to distinguish the benefits of breastfeeding
pressure to breastfeed. At the same
i! from the benefits of being better educated , wealthier, and
!.: time, however , many people still strongly
; disapprove of breastfeeding in public. not smoking.
One barrier to breastfeeding is the fact that many
women are embarrassed to breastfeed in public and risk
being stigmatized for doing so. Research on attitudes toward public and pri -
vate breastfeeding indicates that while breastfeeding is generally approved
:
1 1
of in private, it’s generally regarded negatively when done in public ( Acker,
: !i - 2009 ). In 2014, a woman in the United Kingdom was asked to leave a
store for breastfeeding, spurring a mass protest of breastfeeding mothers
! ( Newton, 2014 ). Analysis of the online response to this protest indicated
!! ; that, although many posts supported a woman’s right to breastfeed in pub -
!;
lic, 85% were unsupportive ( Grant, 2016 ). Discomfort with breastfeeding
i•
iiiu often stems from the fact that Western society generally views breasts as
having sexual, rather than functional, connotations. Furthermore, in one
.
i
study, benevolent sexist beliefs were found to relate to disapproval of public
breastfeeding, especially by men ( Acker, 2009 ). Women who self- objcctify
i may be especially concerned about breastfeeding because the appearance of
1 '
their breasts might change ( Johnston - Robledo & Fred , 2008; Johnston -
Robledo, Wares, Fricker, & Pasek, 2007 ). Furthermore, respondents in one
: study saw breastfeeding women as less competent, especially in a work envi -
ronment (Smith, Hawkinson, 8c Pauli, 2011 ). Overall, then, while breast -
feeding may benefit the health of the child and the mother, there can be real
social costs.

From another perspective, “ breast is best” may make women who cannot
breastfeed feel inadequate. A study ot lower- income women found that many
respondents experienced pressure to breastfeed and thought everyone but them
was an expert on caring for their children ( Hoddinott & Pill, 2000 ). Moreover,
not all birdi mothers can breastfeed ( e.g., women who have had mastectomies ).
Transmen who desire to “chestfccd ” may or may not be able to do so, depend -
ing on whether they’ve had surgical mastectomies ( Berger, Potter, Shutters, &
Imborek, 2015 ). Some women can’t produce enough milk and may choose to
botde - feed instead . Those who return to work must pump their breastmilk if
!'i
they wish to continue breastfeeding, and unless a woman has a private office,
there arc rarely places to pump in the workplace except for public restrooms.
Breastfeeding is difficult to learn and can be painful. It generally also puts all i
die responsibility for feeding onto the birth mother. Since newborns require
feedings every two to three hours for several months, botdc feeding can be a
way of involving both parents and giving birth mothers a period of welcome, !
uninterrupted sleep.
Clearly, women experience pressure from both directions in terms of breast -
feeding. Those who breastfeed are often discriminated against and viewed as less
competent. Those who don’t breastfeed may feel guilty about their decision and ij
may be viewed as less adequate.
Increased Gender Inequality

i
What changes occur in the family after women become mothers?
Another, possibly unanticipated , change is that gender roles tend to become

more traditional after the birth . Although couples may plan on dividing child
care somewhat equally, this is difficult to achieve. For example, one study
showed that heterosexual women expected they would do 63% of the child care
but ended up doing 73% ( Bichle & Mickelson, 2012 ). Also, after the birth,
both women and men in heterosexual couples were found to start holding more
traditional beliefs about women being best suited to care for children ( Katz-
Wise, Prciss, & Hyde, 2010 ). The unequal division of labor can correspond to
a greater sense of unfairness in the relationship and decreased relationship sat - i
»
isfaction for women ( Bichle & Mickelson, 2012; Dew & Wilcox, 2011 ). How- I
.
ever, when wives did more child care than men expected, men expressed greater
marital satisfaction ( Bichle & Michelson, 2012 ).
This pattern of inequity doesn’t exist in all families. For example, there’s con-
siderable evidence that Black men spend more time taking care of children than
men of other racial groups, particularly White men ( McLoyd, Cauce, Takeuchi,
& Wilson, 2000; Hossain & Roopnarine, 1993; Yogman, Garfield, & Commit-
tee on Psychosocial Aspects of Child and Family Health, 2016 ). One study of
Being a Mother 391
I
!F
Black, heterosexual families showed that marital satisfaction

j your turn was lower when men held traditional attitudes but higher
when men participated equally in running the household
(Stanik & Bryant, 2012 ) . Studies of Asian American fathers
If you don’t yet have children, what are
:
have found that those who hold more egalitarian views arc
your expectations for the division of child
'
care after you have children? If you have
also more involved with child care ( McLoyd ct al., 2000 ).
;
children and a partner, how have you Another study showed that a mostly White sample of
and your partner handled dividing these same - gender couples tended to share child care and house-
responsibilities? If you identify as a wom- work more equitably than heterosexual couples ( Goldberg,
: an. why might you do more child care Smith , & Perry- Jenkins, 2012 ).
than you expect? If you don't identify as It’s unclear why heterosexual women do more child care
a woman and anticipate having a female than they expect. It could be that fathers are unwilling to
>
j
partner, why might you end up doing less do as much as mothers would like. However, in one study,
child care than you expect? What might researchers found that, while college women and men ideally
I
help you to avoid an unexpected slide wanted an equitable division of labor, college men expected
toward inequality?
i
to do 47% of child care while college women expected to
do 70% ( Askari , Liss, Erchull, Staebell, Sc Axelson, 2010 ) .
i
The data show diat the women were anticipating inequality
!t‘
; :
but may also have been anticipating reality. That said , some of the inequity may
result from maternal gatekeeping, in which mothers limit the extent of fathers’
!.
i involvement in child care. For example, women may set high standards for par-
i:
enting and assume that husbands arc unable to meet them ( Allen Sc Hawkins,
£
1999 ). Women may engage in this behavior because the mothering role pro -
: vides an important source of identity and esteem that they don’t want to have
i threatened ( Gaunt, 2008 ).
The expectations that mothers are more engaged with their children than
fathers continue as children grow. For example, parental involvement in schools
1 <|
'
is beneficial for children’s outcomes, but research on such involvement focuses
almost exclusively on modiers. One study whose title indicated it addressed
!I. parental involvement in schools actually was based on a sample diat was 90%
mothers ( Barnard, 2004 ).
)
;
I i.
Mother Blaming
How are mothers, especially those outside of the mold of what is
J
traditionally considered a " good mother, " blamed for anything negative
that happens to their children?
.
n
• «
Mothers may feel compelled to take more responsibility for child care because
I they’re generally considered responsible for how their children turn out.
i
I
s
—
Mother blaming the idea that mothers should be held responsible for the
—
actions, health , behavior, and well - being of their children is pervasive in
! >1
j :
•
i
I
Western society ( Allan , 2004; Jackson & Mannix, 2004 ). In one study, almost
all mothers reported feeling it was their fault if their children misbehaved, acted
against social norms, or became ill ( Jackson Sc Mannix, 2004 ) . Fathers were not
interviewed.
The discipline of psychology itself has a history of blaming mothers. In one
study, when researchers reviewed clinical psycholog)' journals from the 1970s
and 1980s, they found that mothers were blamed for 75 “ problems,” includ -
ing agitation , arson , fetishism, homosexuality, incontinence, schizophrenia,
school phobia , sibling jealousy, sleepwalking, transexualism, tantrums, timid -
ity, and ulcerative colitis ( Caplan 8c Hall - McCorquodalc, 1985, p. 348 ). As
one researcher pointed out , it was easier to blame mothers for their children’s
behavior than it was to look at the ways in which social policy and inadequate
community services contribute to strain on families ( Burrows, 2001 ).
Mothers who don ’t conform to expectations for being a “good mother”
( c.g., White, heterosexual , married , middle class ) are more likely to be blamed.
Poor mothers, for example, are often blamed for their bad “choices” if they have
low- birth - weight babies, but the health -care system’s inadequacy is rarely chal -
lenged ( Colker, 2015 ) . In contrast , there’s a notable lack of blame on wealthy
women who have low - birth -wcight babies due to carrying multiple fetuses as
a result of IVF. Also, poor, Black women who arc addicted to drugs have been
arrested and prosecuted at higher rates than White women . One study showed
that White and Black women had similar rates of drug use during pregnancy,
but Black women were ten times more likely to be reported to government
authorities ( Roberts, 1997 ) . In 2012, the New York Daily News reported that
women in public hospitals mainly serving minority and low-income populations
were being routinely tested for drugs, while women in private hospitals were
only being tested if they were obviously intoxicated ( Yaniv, 2012 ). Test results
were turned over to child protective services, and family courts were seeing
dozens of low - income mothers face neglect proceedings because of a positive
marijuana screening .
Some people also perceive single mothers as neglectful , immature, irresponsi -
ble, promiscuous, insecure, pessimistic, making poor choices, and having mental
health challenges ( Haire & McGcorgc, 2012 ). This attitude was evident in die
case of the woman, mentioned at the start of this chapter, who was arrested for
child abandonment after leaving her children in a food court while she attended
a job interview nearby. Single fathers in a similar situation, however, are gen -
erally seen as struggling with a difficult situation rather than acting irresponsi -
bly ( Haire 8c McGcorgc, 2012 ). Moreover, in the United States, mothers who
don’t speak English may be subject to mother blaming ( Colker, 2015 ). If diesc
women can’t complete paperwork in English, they may be accused of not caring
about their children’s education.
Mothers of children with disabilities have a long history of being blamed and
criticized ( Colker, 2015 ). Psychologists once claimed that “ refrigerator moms,”
Being a Mother 393

or mothers who were cold and unattached, were the cause of autism ( Kanner,
1949 ), and this idea was widely supported by medical providers until the 1970s.
While mothers are generally no longer explicitly blamed for their child’s dis-
ability, they continue to report being criticized no matter how they act. If they
strongly advocate for their children, they’re likely to be labeled as pushy; if they
don’t, they may be criticized for being passive or negligent ( Colker, 2015 ).
Furthermore, if they don’t leave their jobs in order to care for their children
full-time, they may face criticism for being under- involved . However, if they
quit their jobs, they may have inadequate resources for their child . Similarly,
if mothers choose to give their children medication , they may be accused of
drugging them; if they don’t, they may be accused of neglecting the children.
In one study, mothers of children with autism spectrum disorder reported that
they feel blamed for their children’s cognitive and behavioral outcomes because
they think they’re expected to work tirelessly to promote the children’s care and
treatment ( Courcy & des Rivieres, 2017 ). Similarly, mothers whose children are
sexually abused by their partners are generally shamed and blamed for not pro-
tecting their children and for making bad choices ( McLaren , 2013 ) . The shame
can stop mothers from asking for and receiving help for their children .
Lesbian mothers can feel additional pressure because not everyone approves
of children being raised in families without a cohabiting, married mother
and father. However, over 30 years of research has indicated that, despite
stigma, children from gay and lesbian families score just as high on measures of
academic, emotional, and social outcomes as children of heterosexual parents
( Perrin et al., 2013 ). Some of this research even suggests that children of lesbian
parents have higher levels of emotional stability and resilience than children of
heterosexual parents ( Perrin et al., 2013 ). A different study showed that lesbian
mothers had equally well -adjusted children and equally good relationships with
their children as heterosexual mothers did ( Golombok et al ., 2003 ). However,
lesbians hit their children less and played with their children more than did het -
erosexual mothers. Earlier, we presented research indicating that fathers psycho-
logically benefit from parenting more than mothers do ( Nelson et al., 2013).
The culture of blaming mothers, but not fathers, when something goes wrong
with children is one factor that likely contributes to this discrepancy.
Intensive Parenting
How have parenting norms changed in the last few decades to put
increased pressure on mothers?
Pressures on mothers have increased in all domains. Today, women are expected
to liveup to the ideal of intensive parenting ( Arcndell, 2000; Hays, 1996 )
they’re expected to be fully immersed in the parenting experience, seek expert
—
is
advice on how to parent, engage their children in cognitively stimulating activ-
ities to ensure optimal brain development, and feel fulfilled in their role as
mothers. Furthermore, parents are supposed to monitor and supervise their
children’s actions and activities in a way that wasn’t common a generation ago.
Back then, young children were routinely told to “ go play” and were allowed
to walk independently to school. Today, though, a culture of fear and anxiety
prevails ( Warner, 2006 ), bombarding parents with messages about dangers and
risks to their children. This culture continues even though crime has gone down
since the 1990s, and most of us live in a safer world than the generation before
us ( McGill, 2016 ).
Intensive parenting began as a middle - to upper- middle-class phenomenon
as parents attempted to “cultivate ” their children’s brain development and build
up every possible talent or skill they may have ( Ginsburg, 2007; Lareau, 2002 ).
However, the idea that one must parent intensively has become more widely
accepted as the “ proper” mode of parenting ( Arendell, 2000 ), despite evidence
that children actually benefit from playing without adult supervision instead of
always being scheduled into organized activities supervised by adults ( Ginsburg,
2007 ). Lower- income mothers also feel the pressure to parent intensively,
resulting in guilt because they cannot afford activities that they believe will pro-
mote achievement, such as enrichment lessons and extra classes ( Romagnoli &
Wall, 2012 ).
Feminist Mothering
What does it mean to be a feminist mother?
People often stereotype feminists as being anti- motherhood and anti -family.
For example, feminists have been accused of destroying the family and of
hating children ( Dillaway & Pare, 2008; Faludi, 1991; Feder, 2006 ). More
recently, a radio talk show host was quoted as saying, “ I believe history will
go back to this period of time and will look at feminism and say there was a
time in which women lost the love of their children ” (Steiger, 2013, para. 11).
Although these false accusations reflect inaccurate stereotypes, feminists do
report a lower desire to have children than non -feminists ( Hartwell, Erchull, &
Liss, 2014 ).
Feminists have had a conflicted relationship with mothering. A few decades
ago, many second wave feminists saw motherhood as a source of oppression
for women (Snitow, 1992; Umansky, 1996 ). However, around the same
time, cultural feminists who emphasized women’s special characteristics
viewed motherhood as a source of women’s enhanced empathy and strength
( Ruddick, 1989 ). Today, many feminists recognize that Western society
doesn’t adequately value or compensate motherhood and care work in general
Being a Mother 395

1 (Slaughter, 2015 ) . Feminists also now work to support women during the
birth process, discourage mother blaming, question intensive parenting, and
promote policies that allow mothers to balance work and family ( a topic we’ll
address in Chapter 10 ) .
How does a feminist mother differ from a non - feminist mother? Just as there
is no one type of feminist, there is no one type of feminist mother. Some research
suggests that self -identified feminists endorse parenting practices that are more
time consuming and involved than non - feminists do ( Liss
8c Erchull, 2012 ). For example, attachment parenting
focuses on meeting children’s needs on their own sched -
ule, such as by breastfeeding on demand , co-sleeping,
and carrying infants and young children in wraps or slings
( Green 8c Groves, 2008; Sears 8c Sears, 2003 ). Attach -
ment parenting can be very time and labor intensive, and
one might argue diat if feminists were truly anti -child and
anti-family, they probably wouldn’t support such an inten -
sive approach . However, women who identified as fem -
inists were more likely to endorse attachment parenting
practices than were non - feminists in one study ( Liss 8c
Erchull, 2012 ) . In contrast, other feminists have expressed
concern about attachment parenting, saying that being so
continuously connected to one’s children is oppressive for
women ( Jong, 2010 ).
Feminist mothering may be more difficult to enact than
expected. For example, one study of heterosexual -identified
women showed that feminist women who didn’t yet have
children anticipated diat both they and their partner would
equally share child care ( Liss 8c Erchull, 2013 ). After all,
gender equality, even in child care, is a central tenet in
liberal feminism . Many also anticipated that they would
reject patriarchal traditions of child naming and give their
children a hyphenated name, dieir own last name, or a
new shared last name taken by the entire family. How-
ever, the researchers found diat feminist women who were
already mothers actually did the majority of the child care
and that most of them gave their children their husband ’s
There are as many different types of
last name, even if they had kept dieir own last name for
feminist mothers as there are feminists.
Shown here are a mother and her
themselves.
r daughter participating in the Women' s Bing a feminist mother does have advantages. First,
March in Washington, DC, in January feminist mothers challenge the culture of blame and anx -
2017. Other feminist mothers might go fly iety surrounding motherhood ( Warner, 2006 ). Second ,
fishing or bake cakes with their children. women with liberal feminist attitudes have partners who
are likely to more equally participate in child care ( Kroska ,

2004; Stevens, Minnotte, Mannon, 8c Kigcr, 2006 ). Third , feminist parent-
ing has been linked to shared decision making in the family ( Mack- Canty 8c
Wright, 2004 ). One feminist father described feminist parenting as “a sense
of cooperativeness and egalitarianism so that no single person is making deci -
sions that overrules someone else ” ( Mack -Canty 8c Wright, 2004, p. 867 ).
Fourth , parents who are feminists are more likely than non -feminists to raise
their children to have a more flexible sense of gender roles, and these children
have been found to feel empowered to challenge sexism and other sources of i
oppression ( Mack - Canty 8c Wright, 2004 ). Finally, one study showed that
having a feminist mother predicts identifying as a feminist when the child is i
older ( Nelson et al., 2008 ). *
To Work or Not to Work? i .
< .
What makes the choice about whether or not to work challenging for
mothers? i
;
One of the most important decisions many mothers face after childbirth is
whether to continue in the paid workforce . Acceptance and support of work-
i
ing mothers now represents the majority position in the United States. For
example, only one third of survey respondents in 2012 thought that mothers
of pre - school children shouldn’t work, while more than half of survey respon -
dents believed this in 1988 ( Donnelly et al ., 2016 ). Furthermore, for many
i ••
families, the decision isn’t a real choice; they simply need two incomes. In other i
cases, mothers can’t work due to forces outside their control, such as a poor
economy or a disability that precludes working. Despite the increased accep-
tance of working, women of different social classes may receive conflicting
messages in terms of whether working is beneficial. Poor Black mothers may
be stereotyped as welfare queens and encouraged to go back to work ( Foster,
2008 ), while middle - class, White stay-at - home mothers are likely to be praised
( Dillaway 8c Pare, 2008 ) . Some people assume that maternal employment
is bad for children , but research shows that, overall, children do just as well :
— —
cognitively and emotionally in some cases, slightly better when their moth-
ers work as when they stay at home ( Goldberg, Prause, Lucas-Thompson, 8c
Himsel, 2008 ). ;
In particular, girls whose mothers work can benefit because working mothers
provide a positive role model ( Goldberg et al., 2008 ). A meta -analysis indi-
cated that maternal employment was related to higher levels of achievement and
fewer problems with depression and anxiety in daughters ( Lucas-Thompson,
Goldberg, 8c Prause, 2010 ). However, this study did indicate small negative
effects ( on formal test scores) of maternal employment very early in chil- i
dren’s lives ( e.g., the first year ), especially in White and middle-class families.
Being a Mother 397

:
Such research results point to the importance of generous maternal leave poli -
cies ( which we’ll discuss in Chapter 10 ). However, one study with low-income
Black and Latinx families found that when mothers worked during the first eight
i months of their children’s lives, the children had enhanced social and emo-
tional functioning at age seven, especially in Black families ( Coley & Lombardi,
2013). Another advantage of maternal employment is that fathers are likely to
spend more time with their children in families where mothers work ( Hsin &
Felfe, 2014 ).
!
In sum, the findings indicate that after children are one year old, maternal
;
employment has beneficial effects. The effects in children under one year of age
appear to vary and depend on the specific family situation.
Mothering as Children Grow Up

How do the challenges of mothering change as children grow?
The joys and challenges of mothering continue as children grow, and parents
adjust not only their expectations for the children but also their own level of
involvement. As children enter middle childhood and , especially, adolescence,
they develop more independence from their parents, have more interactions
with peers, and are expected to become more autonomous in terms of school -
,
work (Steinberg & Silk, 2002 ).
Adolescence can bring particular challenges for mothers. One study suggests
that parenting an adolescent is actually more difficult than being an adolescent
(Steinberg, 2001). In fact, for parents, both life satisfaction and marital satisfac-
.
tion have been found to decline when children are teenagers, and parent -child
conflict continues to be a source of stress throughout a child’s adolescence
. (Steinberg & Silk, 2002 ). In a study of mostly White, highly educated mothers,
i
i'
the ages 12 through 14 were identified as the most stressful period of parent -
i!
ing ( Luthar & Ciciolla, 2016). This is when parents report the most negative
;>
feelings toward their children and the lowest levels of life satisfaction; however,
mothers of daughters reported slightly higher levels of parenting satisfaction
and felt closer to their child.
Sr
Parenting doesn’t end when children reach late adolescence and young
adulthood. Lately, there has been attention to the phenomenon of helicop-
1'
i
! I .
:iiji
!
•
i
»;
•
—
ter parenting an intensive parenting style targeted at high-school- age and
college-age students. One can think of it as intensive parenting for older chil -
3
dren. Helicopter parenting has been shown to relate to depression and reduced
satisfaction with life among college students (Schiffrin et al ., 2014 ). Intense
over-parenting of older children has also been linked to anxiety in parents as
well as narcissism and poor coping skills in children (Segrin, Woszidlo, Givertz,
- ,
t •
J 398 Chapter 9 Reproduction and Mothering

::
& Montgomery, 2013 ) . Much of the literature on helicopter parenting takes a
parent - blaming, particularly a mother- blaming, tone. However, it may be that
these parents are responding to their children’s needs in providing increased
support. In fact, adult children who received intense amounts of emotional
and financial support from their parents were more satisfied with their lives in
—
one study ( Fingerman et al., 2012 ) . The parents, though , were less satisfied
probably because they were giving more support than they wished to. Overall,
helicopter parenting appears to have negative effects on children when it’s
seen as intrusive and unwanted but more positive effects when supports are
needed . However, overparenting of adult children does not appear to be good
for parents.
,
Conciusion
The transition to motherhood is a huge change in women’s lives. It can be a i
source of both intense stress and intense joy. One source of stress is the domi- i
nant ideology that links womanhood with motherhood . Because of this, those
who don’t wish to or are unable to have children are marginalized . Further, the
notion that women are natural mothers means that women are generally held I
responsible for the majority of child care, expected to engage in time-consuming
and intensive parenting practices to maximize their children’s outcomes, and are
blamed when anything goes wrong with their children . Mothers who don’t fit 1!
into dominant ideologies of motherhood are stigmatized. Although much of
the discourse about motherhood focuses on choices that women are supposed
to be making, the social pressures around motherhood mean that many of those 11
choices are actually limited .
The reproductive justice framework introduced at the beginning of the chap-
ter provides one way of conceptualizing what women need in order to have a
healthy relationship with motherhood . They need to be able to choose if and
when they will have children . They also need supports in order to raise their
children in safe and peaceful environments. In Chapter 10, we wall further dis-
cuss the supports women who have children do and do not receive as they try
to combine having children with work roles. In Chapter 14, we’ll re-visit some
of what mothers and those who support a reproductive justice framework have
done in order to advocate for themselves.
Conclusion 399 i
.
!
Chapter Review
;
SUMMARY
Reproductive Justice: A Question of Choice Miscarriage is very common , and many women
Many women who are less privileged have suffer grief in isolation . Stillbirth, while rare,
limited choices about whether and how can be psychologically devastating.
to parent. Adoption is a meaningful path to motherhood
The reproductive justice movement supports for many women, but private adoptions
the ability of all women to be able to make are expensive, and more affordable
informed choices about motherhood . public adoptions rarely facilitate adoption
of newborns.
Not Being a Mother Women experience a range of feelings about
Most women feel pressure to have children , their body while pregnant, and women can
but some choose to be child - free and generally have body image concerns both during and
have high levels of life satisfaction. after pregnancy.
There are decreasing negative attitudes Pregnant women often experience unwanted
: toward voluntary childlessness, except in touching and benevolent sexism .
pro- natalist countries.
«
During childbirth , many women receive
Most people have views about abortion that are unnecessary medical interventions that may
nuanced and complex. make them feel a lack of control over the
i
Many women have abortions; most women birth experience.
l who have abortions are already mothers and
i come from diverse backgrounds. Being a Mother
! i Abortion is related to a range of emotions, but Women may embrace the role of mother but
.
i
there is no evidence that having an abortion may also feel a sense of identity loss.
increases the risk for negative mental health Post- partum depression and anxiety arc
II outcomes more than bringing an unintended common, but women arc often ashamed to
i:
•
« pregnancy to term. admit their feelings and seek treatment.
!t :3
Although breastfeeding is recommended for
Hi Becoming a Mother infants, there arc inadequate social supports to
Understanding their bodies’ fertility signs can help mothers breastfeed and negative attitudes
1 help women if they wish to become pregnant. toward breastfeeding in public.
11
* Women who have difficulty conceiving can
become distressed, especially if they value the
Those who arc unable to breastfeed can
experience social disapproval .
role of motherhood as central to dicir identity.
i; Assisted reproductive technologies can help
Inequality in the division of household labor
: t. and child care increases after children arrive.
!
i ’* |
women with fertility challenges become
mothers. However, use of these techniques can
This is often unanticipated and can lead to
decreased marital satisfaction .
bring up ethical and moral dilemmas.
|

Historically, mothers have been blamed for There is a double standard whereby White
anything that goes wrong with their children, and middle -class women arc encouraged to
and poor, single, disabled , and teen mothers stay at home while poor women of color arc
continue to be particularly blamed . encouraged to work. Maternal employment, at
Western society sets high expectations for the least after a child is one year old, is beneficial
involvement of mothers in parenting their for children , especially daughters.
children . Feminists seek to support mothers, As children develop, their needs change, and
question mother blaming and intensive parents must adjust to these changes.
parenting, and seek to co- parent with their
spouse if they have children.
KEY TERMS
reproductive justice movement ( p. 360 ) miscarriage ( p. 375 )
stratified reproduction ( p. 360 ) stillbirth ( p. 375 ) i
voluntary childlessness ( p. 360 ) morning sickness ( p. 379 )
motherhood mandate ( p. 361 ) doula ( p. 384 )
!
post -abortion syndrome ( p. 366 ) baby blues ( p. 388 )
infertility ( p. 371 ) post - partum depression ( p. 388 )
social mothers (p. 372 ) postpartum anxiety ( p. 388 )
'
assisted reproductive technologies ( ARTs ) ( p. 372 ) maternal gatekeeping ( p. 392 )
intrauterine insemination ( IUI ) ( p. 372 ) mother blaming ( p. 392 )
in vitro fertilization ( IVF ) ( p. 372 ) intensive parenting ( p. 394 )
-
surrogacy ( p. 374 ) attachment parenting ( p. 396 ) i
THINK ABOUT IT
1. In what ways has a focus on choice helped 3. Are there any places in your community where
i
mothers, and in what ways has it harmed women can openly discuss abortion ? If so,
them ? Using the tenets of reproductive what helps to promote openness ? Based on
justice, what is a better way to talk about the research, what actions can you take to
motherhood ? decrease stigma around abortion ?
2. What arc the benefits and costs for women to 4. How do the dominant narratives of childbirth
have children ? Based on the research, what promote or undermine positive birthing
things should women consider if they are experiences for women ?
I
contemplating having children ? 5. How would you address inequality in the
division of household labor and child care?
Chapter Review 401

1’
:
:•
i
1
ONLINE RESOURCES
:
i
.i —
Guttmacher Institute information
regarding the reproductive choices of people of
—
Planned Parentliood reproductive
health care, sex education and information:
:
. all genders: guttmacher.org pIanncdparenthood .org
:
—
La Leche League International information
and support for mothers who breastfeed: llli.org
—
Sister Song a women of color reproductive
justice collective: sistersong.net
i
momsrising.org
—
MomsRising activism specific to mothering:
:
'
'
i !
'
j
:
:9
•I :
I
i! :
'
}
:
»
!i
I I?
.
II
! '
I!
1( 5
;
- I
»
j
I
ON A TYPICAL DAY, Machelle Diemart, a high school English teacher at Tulsa
•
Memorial High School, wakes up at 4:30 a.m. and exercises for 30 minutes before
heading to school (Covert, 2018). When she gets home at 4:00 p.m., she grades
papers until 7:00. After dinner, she turns to lesson planning before going to bed.
She also carves out time to teach online courses and classes at her synagogue
just so she can "make close to what my husband makes, who' s a manager at a
Stanley Steemer" ( para. 24). However, it wasn't the long hours or low salary that
motivated her to join thousands of colleagues in a statewide strike. It was the
school condition and her overall concern for the children in her classroom. She
.
said "The last three years have been horrendous My classes have 36 kids in
them — so many that there aren't
enough seats, especially since some chairs are
broken" ( para. 23). She uses her own money to buy pencils for her students.
It has been a long time since the United States has had massive teacher strikes,
but in 2018, teachers walked out in West Virginia, Oklahoma , Kentucky, Colorado,
and Arizona (Dastagir, 2018). These strikes indicate that some teachers are be-
!
ii coming fed up with their challenging working conditions and are demanding
change. Their efforts seem to be successful. In West Virginia, for example, the
teacher ' s union achieved all of its legislative goals, including pay raises and bet -
I! ter funding for health insurance (McAlvey, 2018).
.
These teachers from Chicago,

-* 3j 1
m
Illinois, are some of many
W ::w
nationwide who were ir
••/
F 1
protesting and striking in
2017 and 2018 in response S3 3
%
i
to low pay and poor working ) 1»
conditions. Look into teacher

salaries in your state, and
. compare them to other
professions requiring similar
levels of education. What
patterns do you see?
FOP-
FAIR JEACH EK
ontrocr FOR 1
^
^ LCCA - _
JUSTKJ
404 Chapter 10 Work
1'
r.
Since three quarters of U.S. public school teachers are women (Tale. Goldring.
& Spiegelman, 2017 ), it ' s not surprising that teachers are facing low wages and
=
») .
:
M
are working long hours ( Bhattacharya , 2018 ). The fact that the kind of work that's {>
mostly done by women is both undervalued and underpaid is one of many work-
I
place barriers that women face. In this chapter, we’ll explore this as well as other
barriers to women ' s workplace equality. We'll discuss how women and men tend
to cluster in different occupations, and we 'll review the many explanations for
the pervasive pay gap in which women — especially women of color — consistently !
make less than White men. We ' ll explore sources of gender discrimination in the
workforce, the double bind that women face in evaluations of their leadership,
I
and harassment at work. Finally, we' ll discuss challenges that many women face
when they combine working with caring for a family. '
I'
I
1'
A /elution?
{
Why do some researchers say that the gender revolution is stalled?
i
Since the 1970s, women have made great strides in the paid workforce. In
2016, women constituted 46.8% of the paid labor force, compared to 38% in
1970 ( U.S. Department of Labor, n .d. ) . However, as Figure 10.1 shows, most
of the gains occurred in the 1970s and 1980s, and women’s participation in the
labor force has remained at essentially die same level since then . Nevertheless,
in terms of total participation in the workforce, women are within a few points
of total equality.
Furthermore, most people today support the idea that women should
work , and this support has increased since the 1970s. For example, in
1970, 51% of survey respondents indicated believing that it’s better if a
man achieves and a woman takes care of the family, but only 32% indicated i 'i
this in the 2010s ( Donnelly et al., 2016 ). Moreover, a Gallup poll released
in 2017 showed that, globally, 73% of women and 71% of men felt that
women should work outside of the home, but this varied widely by country i
( Farber, 2017 ).
However, overall employment rates and general attitudes about women and
—
work tell only part of the story in reality, equality has not been achieved. Some
researchers have called the gender revolution stalled and uneven ( England,
ii
2010; Sullivan, Gershuny, & Robinson, 2018 ). For example, while women have
increasingly entered the workforce, men have not been contributing to family
life at the same rate as women ( Goldscheider, Bernhardt, & Lappeg&rd, 2015 ). j.
<
;
A Stalled Revolution? 405 i

\
i
»>
t Hi
i i
Men E8 Women
p
o'
<D
2 60
i o
Li.
:
O
J
• A
3
40
S
>
o
©
A
zo 20
©
as
A
CO
1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
i FIGURE 10.1 Percentages of workforce by gender. Participation in the workforce by

women has been slowly converging with that of men over the past 70 years. However,
presence in the workforce doesn't tell the full story. Gender inequality remains a problem in
.
terms of salary, power, and status in the workforce
_
Note. Data from die U.S. Department of Labor { https:// ww )v.dol ov/ wb/ stnts/ NEWSTATS/ facts/ womcn lf
.htmtionc ). ^
1 Furthermore, as the teacher strikes demonstrate, care work ( which is the kind of
work that teachers do ) continues to be largely done by women and is especially
devalued and underpaid ( England & Folbre, 1999 ).
Continued inequality in the workforce is evident from the top to the bottom
i
: of the income and status hierarchy. For example, at the top of the hierarchy, as
v\ of December 2017 only 25 women ( 5% ) were CEOs of Fortune 500 companies
J:
(Wiener-Bronner, 2017 ), and only 22 of the 100 U.S. senators were women
! !I ( United States Senate, n .d.). For another high- profile example, only 18% of
I all directors, producers, editors, and cinematographers of the 250 top-grossing
i;
ill films from 2017 were women (Women and Hollywood , n .d . ).
I While women are under-represented in high-status jobs, they are over-
-
represented in low-status and low pay jobs. As the teacher strikes indicated,
many women struggle to get by from day to day. In 2016, 12.8% of all women
K in the United States lived in poverty, but only 9.3% of men did ( Patrick, 2017 ).
Other than Asian women, women of color had yet higher rates of poverty:
21.4% of Black women, 22.8% of Native American women, and 18.7% of Lat-
i
4' inx women lived in poverty in 2016 (10.7% of Asian women did ). Also, 30.7%
Jiii of women with disabilities lived in poverty. So progress toward equality in
work has been made, but gender inequality continues to harm women and
T’ their families.
406 Chapter 10 Work

i|
The Pay Gap I
How wide is the gender pay gap, and which groups of women are !!
particularly affected by it?
It is widely known that men earn more than women overall. In 2016, women
working full - time in the United States earned 80.5% of what men earned ( Insti -
t
tute for Women’s Policy Research, 2017 b ). In other words, if a man earned a
dollar, a woman earned 80.5 cents. This is an improvement over the 59 cents
that women earned for every dollar men did in 1974. However, most progress i
i
-
t
in this area occurred before 1990, so it’s possible to say that the march toward
financial equity has stalled . Moreover, overall numbers misrepresent variability
in die pay gap . As Figure 10.2 shows, when the pay gap is broken down by
race, it’s evident diat women of color experience a much wider gap, especially in .t
i
comparison to White men’s wages.
Further, women with disabilities earn about 73% less than women without
disabilities and 19.2% less than men with disabilities ( Jans & Stoddard, 1999;
U.S. Department of Labor, 2015 ). This discrepancy contributes to the high i
rates of poverty among women with disabilities ( Patrick, 2017 ). Statistics also
show that women with disabilities are far more likely to experience involuntary
unemployment ( DeLoach, 1995; Smith, 2014; Wu & Eamon, 2011 ) and typ-
ically receive less money than men do through federal disability benefits pro-
grams ( Ruffing, 2018 ). This is largely because, for those who worked prior to
Female Earnings as % of Male Earnings of Same Group

!
Female Earnings as % of White Male Earnings .
100
II
80
;
60
40 *.
.
i
t!
i
20
0
White Black Asian Latinx
. !
FIGURE 10.2 Pay gap by race. Women earn less than men across racial/ethnic groups. 1
Women also earn less than men sharing their racial/ethnic identity. Black and Latinx women
are particularly disadvantaged in terms of earnings, compared to those of White men. :
.
Note Data from the Institute for Women’s Policy Research (2017b ).
i
j,
The Pay Gap 407
.
'
i
developing a disability that restricts ability to work, benefit amounts arc calcu-
lated according to one’s lifetime earnings, and women are more likely to have
worked in jobs that pay lower wages. Women with disabilities are also less likely
than men with disabilities to have had jobs at all, so their benefits arc often
through a separate program that provides less money.
The pay gap is particularly devastating for low- income women . Although
i
men make up 53% of the workforce, women make up 62% of the people who
earn minimum wage or lower ( Krogstad , 2014 ). However, the minimum wage
( which was $7.25 an hour as of 2018, although it’s higher in some states ) is
insufficient to pay for die needs of a family. It has been estimated that, in the
United States, a single mother with two children earning minimum wage would
have to work 138 hours per week in order to make enough to meet her family’s
basic needs, including housing, food , child care, health care, and transporta -
tion ( Glasmcier, 2016 ). That would mean working almost 20 hours every day,
seven days a week!
Occupational Gender Segregation

i
1
:
What are the two forms of occupational gender segregation, and how do
>
;•
ji they relate to the pay gap?
I
.
I One important reason for the pay gap is that women and men generally cluster
. in different jobs, and those dominated by women tend to be lower paying. The
tendenq' for women and men to cluster in different professions is known as
:
;
occupational gender segregation ( Hegcwisch &: Hartmann, 2014 ). There are
1' two types of occupational gender segregation, both of which contribute to the
i!
pay gap. Horizontal occupational gender segregation reflects the fact that men
and women tend to cluster into different professions. Vertical occupational
I
: :: gender segregation reflects the fact that men tend to hold positions with higher
status, authority, and pay than women within any given field . Both horizontal
r and vertical segregation contribute to the pay gap, but we’ll focus on horizontal
.!)
segregation here. Later, when we discuss issues that keep women from being
promoted into leadership positions, we’ll more fully discuss vertical segregation.
According to a report from the Institute for Women’s Policy Research
•i .
!
( 2017a ), women are more highly represented than men in low- paying jobs. For
'
example, in 2016, some of the jobs where women considerably outnumbered
.•
men included secretaries, receptionists, nurses, and elementary/ middle school
teachers. All these jobs are relatively low paying. Men were more likely to be
software engineers, managers, and executive officers. They were also more likely
to hold blue-collar jobs such as auto mechanics, truck drivers, electricians, and
carpenters. Women were three times more likely than men to hold jobs that had
poverty- level wages. Further, when jobs require similar levels of education, those
where men dominate tend to be higher paid. For example, teaching and software
V.
408 Chapter 10 Work
i
engineering require a similar amount of education , but the median weekly earn-
ing for male software engineers in 2016 was SI ,863, while female teachers only
earned S981 . In 2016, janitors, who arc mostly men, earned around S50 more i
!
per week than maids, who are mostly women, despite the fact that the educational
requirements are very similar ( Institute for Women’s Policy Research, 2017a ).
Research shows that the higher the number of women in a profession , the
lower the salary of that profession ( Cohen 8c Huffman , 2003; Hcgcwisch 8c
Hartmann , 2014 ) . This is the case across all skill levels, and although peo-
ple tend to work a greater number of hours in male-dominated occupations,
the differences arc evident when looking just at hourly wages ( Hegewisch 8c f '
Hartmann , 2014 ) . For example, women in low-skill, female-dominated occu -
pations ( where more than 75% of workers arc women ) earned 88% of the hourly
wage of women working in low-skill, male -dominated occupations. The dis-
crepancy was even more extreme for high -skill occupations; women in high-
skill, female-dominated occupations earned 71% of what women in high -skill,
male-dominated occupations earned. These findings show that women make
more money if they work in traditionally male - dominated occupations. Men s
who work in female-dominated occupations experience a discrepancy as well .
For example, men in high -skill, female -dominated occupations earned only 66% i;
1
of what men in high -skill , masculine -dominated occupations earned. "
The fact that female-dominated jobs tend to pay less is even evident within I ;
I .
the same general profession . For example, one study found that civil service (i
positions dominated by men were paid 30% more than civil service positions
dominated by women ( Cohen 8c Huffman , 2003 ). Likewise, managers of I: >
female-dominated industries were found to earn considerably less than manag- :
ers of male -dominated industries ( Cohen, Huffman, 8c Knauer, 2009 ).

Horizontal occupational gender segregation also intersects with race. In gen -
eral, White and Asian women are more likely than Black and Latinx women to
cluster in jobs that pay higher wages ( del Rio 8c Alonso-Villar, 2015; Mintz 8c ‘1:
Krymkowski, 2010 ) . Further, although White men continue to dominate the
most highly paid industries, White and Asian women have made the most prog- :1
ress over time. For Asian women , having a higher level of education tends to
.
move them into occupations that pay more. However, for women of color from
other groups, those with a college degree tend to remain clustered in occupa- Ki
tions that generally pay less ( del Rio 8c Alonso-Villar, 2015 ). l ,
Horizontal occupational gender segregation also intersects with other aspects
of one’s social identity, such as sexual orientation . LGBTQ individuals may
avoid certain fields, such as education and health care, because they fear nega -
tive attitudes or prejudice ( Chung, 1995 ). For example, some gay men avoid
jobs in early education or remain closeted for fear that the “creepy pedophile ”
stereotype might harm their careers working with children ( Artavia, 2013, r i1
p. 1 ). In one study, researchers found that LGBTQ participants were more
likely than their heterosexual peers to work in the non - profit sector because .
: ''
!;\
The Pay Gap 409 :i
they perceived this work environment to be less discriminatory than the pri-
vate sector ( Ng, Schweitzer, 8c Lyons, 2012 ). This finding aligns with other
research showing that job candidates who mention previous experience with
LGBTQ campus organizations faced discrimination during the hiring process
in certain jobs (Tilcsik, 2011). Workplace environments that require gendered
uniforms or job duties can be particularly challenging for transgendcr individu -
als ( Grant et al., 2011).
Causes of Horizontal Occupational Gender Segregation and the

Associated Pay Gap Several factors contribute to women and men clustering
in different occupations. Women are more likely than men to choose work that
involves caring for other people ( England, Budig, & Folbre, 2002 ) . Our society
generally sees this work as a natural inclination for women , so it may be seen as
less worthy of a high salary. In fact, research has shown that care work pays less
than other kinds of work, even after accounting for education and experience
( England et al., 2002 ). Women may pursue careers that involve care work for
many reasons. For one thing, they may feel this work plays to their strengths in
caring for others. As covered in Chapter 5, this can be due, in part, to gender
socialization . For example, toys marketed to girls are likely to involve taking care
of babies and working in a kitchen ( Blakemore 8c Centers, 2005 ) . Furthermore,
as discussed in Chapter 3, there are many reasons why women are underrepre-
sented in the highly paid STEM fields despite getting higher grades than men
in math and science classes all the way through college ( Voyer 8c Voyer, 2014 ).
Another reason why jobs typically held by men tend to pay more than those
held by women has to do with the fact that pay rates for many jobs were set
during a time when most employers assumed that women didn’t need to earn
income to support a family. For example, in 1930, the California Civil Service
; sent a memo to many companies instructing them to set wages for jobs domi -
nated by women at a lower rate than jobs dominated by men ( Kim , 1999 ). In
1936, when discussing whether to give clerical workers or janitors pay increases,
ii another memo stated that “ the clerical workers are more generally the younger
i
! single persons not having the same degree of family responsibility” and recom -
mended only giving raises to the janitors ( p. 54 ) . In other words, it was assumed
that ( female ) clerical workers were young and single or had a husband supporting
them, so they didn’t need high wages to support a family in the way ( male ) jani-
:I
I tors did. Setting wages lower for a job held largely by women was perfectly legal
i and widely practiced before 1963, when the Equal Pay Act was passed ( England,
Allison, 8c Wu, 2007). Some sociologists and economists hold that these early
discriminatory practices have had a continued effect on current wages since rel -
ative wages don’t change a great deal over time ( England et al., 2007 ).
ll '
Although the Equal Pay Act mandates equal salaries for equal work, it
doesn’t address horizontal occupational gender segregation and the fact that
female-dominated jobs simply pay less. Some feminists want to resist the pay
410 Chapter 10 Work

disadvantages associated with horizontal occupational gender segregation and
advocate for comparable worth, arguing that jobs requiring the same edu-
cation and skill and giving similar value should be paid i •
the same ( e.g., maids and janitors ). A class action lawsuit

against Washington State invoking comparable worth was
filed in 1982 by those who were in jobs (such as educa - your turn
tion ) that were more than 70% filled by women and were
being paid less than comparable jobs in fields dominated Although some feminists support com-
by men ( Mathews, 1985 ). The court in Washington State parable worth, others think that a better
awarded the women S400 million in back pay. However, solution would be for women to integrate
fully into all sectors of the economy.
this decision was overturned by the U .S. 9 th Circuit Court
What would need to happen in order to
of Appeals, which held that the state could set rates based
reset salaries so that jobs providing equal
on market forces and didn’t need to act to end pay discrim -
value and requiring equal skills would
ination . In another example, the City of Philadelphia was have equal pay? If you were in a position
recendy paying nurses less than gardeners even though one to make this change, would you choose
would be hard pressed to argue that taking care of plants to do so? Why? If you would, how would
requires more skill or is more important work than taking you go about it?
care of people ( England , 2017 ) .
The Effects of Decreasing Horizontal Occupational Gender Segregation i * •.

There is some evidence that horizontal occupational gender segregation is decreas-
ing and diat women are more fully integrating into all sectors of die economy. For
example, between 1972 and 2012, women went from being 4% to 32% of lawyers,
and from being 10% to 34% of physicians ( Hegewisch & Hartmann, 2014 ). Even
though women and men are moving toward greater integration within many occu-
t f
pations, diis shift has been most clear for individuals with a four-year college degree
rather dian for diose with less formal education ( England, 2010 ). There has been
considerably less integration in traditionally male-dominated, working-class posi-
tions such as construction, plumbing, and truck driving. Further, women of color
continue to experience greater horizontal occupational gender segregation. One
study showed diat highly educated women of color are less likely to work in highly
paid, male-dominated fields such as law dian are highly educated White women . •
( Alonso-ViUar & Cotal, 2013 ). According to another study, highly educated Black
women are more likely to work in management, sales, and the sendee sector, such
as education or health care ( Hardy & Jones-DeWeever, 2014 ). ill!
However, a decrease in horizontal occupational gender segregation may not
lead to equalization of salaries. In fact, a comprehensive analysis of 50 years
of U.S. Census data revealed that the salaries and prestige of male-dominated S'.
professions tends to decrease as women move into them ( Levanon, England,
& Allison, 2009 ). For example, between 1950 and 2000, working in parks iSi
and being ticket agents changed from being predominandy male to predom-
inately female professions, and salaries dropped by 57% and 43%, respec-
tively. A similar pattern happened when women became designers in large
The Pay Gap 411

numbers and wages fell 34% as well as when women became more likely to be
biologists and wages fell 18% ( Miller, 2016 ).
Horizontal occupational gender segregation isn’t the only explanation for
the pay gap. In fact, even when women and men work in exactly the same
fields, men are typically paid more than women . This is true in both female- and
male -dominated fields. For example, in 2016, female elementary school teach -
ers earned 81% of what male elementary school teachers earned , female secretar-
ies earned 85% of what male secretaries earned , and female nurses earned 90% of
what male nurses earned ( Institute for Women’s Policy Research , 2017a ). The
relative percentages tend to be lower in male -dominated occupations. In 2016,
female truck drivers earned 80% of what male truck drivers earned, and female
managers earned 77% of what male managers earned . In one study, researchers
examined the wage gap within the hospitality sector and noted that women
—
were paid less than men in each domain including food service, lodging, and
recreation ( Fleming, 2015 ). However, the discrepancy was the strongest for
management: Female managers earned 26% less than their male counterparts.
These differences remained even after accounting for other factors, such as edu -
cation level and number of hours worked .
Salary Negotiation and the Double Bind

What are challenges women may face when negotiating a salary ?
One reason women have lower salaries than men is that women’s starting sala -
ries tend to be lower. In many jobs, especially lower- wage jobs, starting salary
isn’t negotiable. However, for other jobs, especially professional jobs, starting
salary is often negotiated. In one study, researchers found that undergradu -
ate men expected their starting salaries to be $4,000 more than undergraduate
women did ( Hogue, DuBois, & Fox-Cardamone, 2010 ). They also expected
their peak salary to be $33,000 more than women did . Expectations are import -
:
S
ant because expecting a high salary means that one is likely to negotiate for it. In
another study, researchers found that those who negotiated received an annual
i salary $5,000 higher than those who didn’t negotiate ( Marks & Harold , 2011 ).
Assuming a 5% increase in pay per year over a 40- year career, for example, a
$5,000 difference in starting salary can translate to over a $600,000 difference
in lifetime earnings ( Marks & Harold , 2011 ). Furthermore, retirement benefits
are often tied to salary, so a lower salary means less in retirement benefits.
Research on gender and negotiation has shown that, compared to men ,
women expect to make less, are less likely to ask for higher salaries, and are less
confident in their negotiation abilities ( Kolb, 2009 ). In one study, researchers
found that male MBA students felt they were worth more than their female
MBA peers and that they would prove their worth through the negotiation pro-
cess ( Barron, 2003). Women, in contrast, were more likely to be unsure of their
412 Chapter 10 Work

1!
! j;
'
[•]{
r.i <
I I.
Women are less confident
in their salary negotiating [
abilities, and this can

contribute to them
making less money than
men. Increasing women' s !*
confidence in negotiating
won' t solve this problem,
however. Women are actually
penalized in ways that men
• •-
i
are not if they assertively i
negotiate a salary — putting

them in a double bind.
I
: l
i i
i
worth , felt they were only entitled to the same salary as their peers, and hoped ti
to prove their worth through performance on the job.

It might seem that an easy strategy to address these imbalances would be for
women to simply become more assertive, increase dieir sense of self-worth and
entitlement, and negotiate like men. However, research has shown that women I
are more negatively evaluated than men if they negotiate assertively ( Bowles,
Babcock, 8c Lai, 2007 ). This finding can be explained through common gender
schemas about what it means to be a woman: Women are supposed to care for
others more than themselves, and they’re not supposed to think about their 1 .
own self- interest. In other words, women are supposed to exhibit communal
and caring traits, and when they violate expectations they’re perceived in a '
i
5
negative light ( Kolb, 2009 ). In diis context, women can find themselves in
another double bind : There are social costs if they negotiate and financial ones
if they don’t.
The reality is that women don’t have a skill deficit in terms of negotiat-
ing; in fact, they are excellent at negotiating for other people. In one study, II
3
researchers found that women were able to obtain higher starting salary offers t
than men were when asked to negotiate for someone else ( Bowles, Babcock,
& McGinn, 2005 ) . When asked to negotiate for themselves, however, women
received lower starting salary offers. The researchers suggested that women . t
weren’t seen as advocating for their own self-interest when negotiating on

—
*
behalf of other people. Instead , they were seen as caring for others which is
consistent with the expected feminine gender role and, therefore, not evaluated
negatively. For example, two other studies showed that female lawyers who were i > ],
assertive on behalf of their clients were not rated negatively (Schneider, 2002; <
Tinsley, Cheldelin, Schneider, & Amanatullah, 2009 ). Also, when women acted
The Pay Gap 413

\ :
i
i•! i assertively to advocate for a raise for their entire work team,
;
i
your turn they weren’t perceived negatively ( Tinsley et al., 2009 ).
|
Apparently, women are only negatively evaluated for
! negotiating when the negotiation is seen as self-serving and
Have you ever negotiated a starting salary
as violating feminine gender roles. Given these pressures,
or a raise? If so, was it for a professional
position? How about for babysitting or
it’s understandable that women end up with lower starting
i.
lawn mowing? No matter what the job . salaries. In this way, the pay gap can be partially explained
by the fact that women are less likely to negotiate than men .
were you concerned about appearing
self -interested? Have you ever noticed the Of course, for many women who work jobs that pay die
double standard in how people respond minimum wage and cannot be negotiated, these challenges
to women and men who are negotiating? do not apply.
The Motherhood Wage Penalty

What happens to women's wages when they become mothers, and how does
this relate to what happens to men's wages when they become fathers?
*
Some people dismiss the importance of the pay gap by noting that women make
certain life choices ( e.g., having children ) that cause them to ultimately receive
l: n
lower salaries. However, the pay gap begins too early for this argument to fully
i explain it. Data from the U.S. Department of Education showed that, averaged
Hi! across all jobs, women were making 82% of what similarly educated men were
making one year after college ( Corbett & Hill, 2012 ). Another study done in
Sweden found the wage gap immediately after college to be 12% ( Carlsson,
Reshid, & Rooth, 2015 ). Evidence suggests that this early career wage gap reflects
horizontal occupational gender segregation, although it may also be influenced
by other factors such as differences in salary negotiation ( Carlsson et al., 2015 ).
i. i However, the pay gap widens as women and men progress in their careers.
»•
i; Another study showed that, 10 years after graduation, women made 69% of their
male counterparts’ salaries ( Dey & Hill, 2007). Researchers suggest that die
ii;
widening pay gap as people’s careers progress reflects women’s increasing family
n«
responsibilities. In one study, women’s increased family responsibilities, including
motherhood, were found to influence women’s decreased willingness to take on
11 i •
higher-status and higher- paying positions as well as their lower likelihood of being
promoted within the jobs they held ( Goldin, Kerr, Olivetti, & Barth, 2017).
'
Mothers do earn less dian non-mothers; this phenomenon is known as the

motherhood wage penalty. Research has shown that a modicr’s hourly w'ages
go dowm 7.8% for each child she has; when education and experience are consid -
ered, the per-child wage penalty is 5% ( Budig & England , 2001; Budig, Misra, &
Boeckmann, 2012 ). Although mothers may work fewer hours than non -modiers,
this wouldn’t explain why these percentages reflect the fact diat modiers earn low'er
wages per hour than non-mothers. In fact, one study showed that, for w'omen
under age 35, the pay gap between mothers and non-mothers was larger than die
414 Chapter 10 Work

I
‘
;
gap between women and men ( Crittenden, 2001). The motherhood wage penalty
varies internationally. For example, in the United Kingdom, the wage penalty for
.: i
having two children is 25%, while it’s only 15% in Germany ( Grimshaw & Rubery,
2015 ). In developing countries, die motherhood wage penalty can be as high
as 51%. Moreover, the motherhood wage penalty shows no sign of decreasing
( Avellar & Smock, 2003 ), and it is likely one reason why so many women live in
poverty. In odier words, it most affects diosc who can least afford it.
There arc many reasons why mothers may make less money than non-mothers. r
For one thing, there’s evidence that employers discriminate against mothers a —
topic we’ll return to later in the chapter. It’s also possible that modicrs are unable
I
I
I
to advance in their jobs because they’re doing so much care work at home ( Goldin
et al., 2017 ) . For example, they may not apply for a promotion that would
involve a lot of travel or increased work hours. They also lose job experience if I
they take leave from work or switch to part - time work for a period ( England,
I
Bearak, Budig, & Hodges, 2016 ) . In fact, research indicates that time away from
the workforce explains a great deal of die motherhood wage penalty, especially I
! I
among highly educated and high -achieving women ( England et al., 2016 ). I
While one could argue that these are choices that women make, their deci- I
sions must be understood within the context of the fact that women still do i :
most of the housework and child care ( see Chapters 8 and 9 ). In this way, the ! .
motherhood wage penalty and inequity in the division of labor reinforce each i
other. For example, women are more likely than men to reduce work hours
because their salaries are often lower than their husbands’, but one reason their
salaries tend to be lower than their husbands’ is that they’ve cut back at work
( England et al., 2016; Goldin et al., 2017 ).
—
In contrast, fathers out -earn non -fathers by approximately 11% although the pay
bump for fathers is largest for White men and is nonexistent for Black men ( Hodges I
& Budig, 2010 ). Researchers partially explain this pay bump by noting that fathers
are more likely to be married than non -fathers and that, as we saw in Chapter 8,
married men are paid more ( Dougherty, 2006). There may be several reasons for
mothers’ and fathers’ different experiences. First, research suggests that women are
seen as warmer but less competent when they become mothers ( Cuddy, Fiske, &
Giick, 2004 ). However, when men become fathers, they’re seen as warmer and more
likeable as well as still perceived as competent. Furthermore, the fatherhood wage
bonus only affects married, heterosexual men who live with their wives. This may !.) : !
reflect the feet that heterosexual men have internalized the provider role and increase
their work hours or productivity in order to facilitate having wives who reduce their
work hours in order to focus on caring for the children ( Killewald, 2013).
t
Interestingly, lesbian women who become mothers do not experience a pay

decrease; in fact, they experience a pay bonus of up to 20% ( Baumle, 2009 ). I ]
This may reflect the perception that they probably have a wife at home to take
care of family matters. Furthermore, lesbian couples are more likely to share
household labor and child care with their partners in the transition to child care, ;
The Pay Gap 415

i
,i
i
I
so a lesbian mother would be less likely to be the sole family member changing
work patterns in order to care for a new child ( Goldberg 8c Perry- Jenkins, 2007 ).
Gender Discriminati 1<

Women don’t usually reach the same level of achievement as men , even when
they’re in the same fields. As discussed earlier, this is known as vertical occu -
!
pational gender segregation . As Figure 10.3 shows, it is especially the case for
Representation by corporate role, by gender, and by race in 2017, % of employees
1 = Entry level 3 = Senior manager/director 5 = Senior vice president

2 = Manager 4 = Vice president 6 = C-suite
White men White women
i! B ©
% V
m! '
1"
31 26 26 23 18 18 100%
' !
: i
.n
'
ri DBH
>V .,; I
Men of color Women of color
« • •
;
:
16 16 13 11 9 12 17 11 8 6 4 3
j
ill li
•
i
I Lm Kiiitj
Entry level -
C suite
FIGURE 10.3 Women of color in the corporate pipeline. As women, especially

women of color, move through the corporate pipeline, they find fewer opportunities for
advancement than men do.
- -
Note. Data for 2017 from bttps:// wm\\mckimcy.com/ fcnturcd insiifjl)ts/ j)C }idcr cqiinlity/ womcii in tbc - -
-workplacc-2017
i 416 Chapter 10 Work
1
j I
I'
women of color. Numerous barriers make it challenging for some women to rise
to the top of their profession and keep other women stuck at the bottom . Men
also have some advantages when they seek to advance, especially if they do so in
traditionally female - dominated professions.
The Glass Ceiling and the Sticky Floor

What are the glass ceiling and the sticky floor, and how do they impact
women at work ?
The invisible barrier that stops many women from rising to the highest levels of
leadership has been called the glass ceiling. For example, in 2017 women in the
United States made up 51% of the population and held 60% of college degrees,
60% of master’s level degrees, 47% of law degrees, and 47% of medical degrees
( Warner & Corley, 2017 ) . However, even though they made up 44% of the
labor force for S8cP 500 companies, they filled only 20% of executive and senior
officer positions, 20% of board seats, and 5% of CEO roles. In the law field, IS
women accounted for 45% of associates but only 18% of equity partners. In the I
medical field , they represented 37% of physicians and surgeons but only 16%
of medical school deans. Moreover, in 2016, 43% of die highest-earning com -
i i
panies in Silicon Valley had no women at all at the executive level ( Warner & I •
Corley, 2017 ) . The glass ceiling is even more significant for women of color. * :
Although these women represent around one third of the female workforce in
the United States, they constitute only 3.9% of senior- level managers at Fortune • <
'
i
500 companies. Furthermore, as of 2017, after the departure of Ursula Burns,
who had been CEO of Xerox, there were no Black women who were CEOs of
Fortune 500 companies ( Warner 8c Coley, 2017 ). ( !
One could argue that these statistics should change as more and more women
receive high levels of education and enter the workforce . However, women
—
have been reaching higher levels of education than men for 30 years they’ve
received more bachelor’s degrees than men since 1988, have earned more than
one third of law degrees since 1980, and have outnumbered men in receiv-
ing business degrees since 2002 ( Warner, 2015 ). The World Economic Forum
( 2017 ) found that, compared to other countries, the United States ranked first
in gender equity in educational attainment but 19 th in gender equity in eco-
nomic participation and opportunity. These findings suggest that factors other
—
than education are in play there are invisible barriers that hold women back.
Some researchers argue that the glass ceiling analog)' is inaccurate. They prefer
to think of women’s pursuit of leadership positions as navigating a labyrinth. In
this view, some women do find their way out of the maze and achieve high levels iii .
of leadership, but many others find themselves stymied by the twists, turns, and
obstacles ( Eagly & Carli, 2007 ). Obstacles include die fact that men are seen
as “ natural ” leaders and the fact that informal social networks and mentoring

t Many metaphors are used to
illustrate the barriers women face
. in the workforce, particularly as
: li related to career advancement.
;
i
i
Among these are the glass
ceiling, the sticky floor, and the
i
labyrinth. Which metaphors
i have you encountered before?
If one or more is new to you .
why do you think you haven't
encountered them until now? Do
any of them particularly speak to
your own experiences?
for women are lacking. Another obstacle is the fact that, when women have
male partners, their husbands’ careers often come first . Moreover, women arc
expected to be helpful at work but aren’t rewarded for their help, and women —
—
especially mothers can be targets of discrimination at work. These specific
issues will be addressed later in this chapter.
!:
Although the labyrinth metaphor acknowledges that not all women arc con -
strained by barriers to advancement, the few women who do advance tend to
be exceptional because of the difficulties the labyrinth imposes. Many of these
!; i; ;
i*
women are tokens ( as we discussed in Chapter 3 ), and their presence in visi -
, :i ble, high - power positions can lead to false conclusions that equality has been
achieved (Schmitt, Spoor, Danaher, & Branscombe, 2009 ).
The metaphors of the glass ceiling and the labyrinth that keep women from
I
reaching the highest levels of success arc only relevant for women in higher-
i status positions. Women at the lower end of the pay and status scale are likely
i
i
I
—
to experience a sticky floor that is, the tendency to remain at the bottom of
an organizational hierarchy. The sticky floor also involves being in jobs with
limited opportunities for advancement. Research has shown that men are more
i
likely than women to be offered promotions from low- level positions and that
ill the stick)' floor is a problem for both White women and women of color ( Yap &
;!
i;
!’
i>
.
—
Konrad , 2009 ). Men tend to move up the ladder faster for example, they’re
likely to be promoted to management in fast food and retail settings, while
women are more often stuck on the stick)' floor as cashiers and salespeople.
b
li
The Glass Escalator
How does the glass escalator advantage men at work, and what contributes
to its existence?
While women face the glass ceiling and the sticky floor, some men arc advan -
taged by the glass escalator. This term refers to the tendency for men to be
.
418 Chapter 10 Work
promoted to leadership positions very rapidly when
they work in traditionally female-dominated fields
( Williams, 1992 ). For example, even though there are
spotlight o n . . l!
few male librarians, they represent a large proportion
of library directors ( Snyder Sc Green, 2008 ). Similarly, Leaning In
even though diere are few male nurses, they’re much
more likely to be promoted to administrative positions In 2013, Sheryl Sandberg, the chief oper-
ating officer of Facebook, wrote the book
than are female nurses. Male teachers are more likely | t
Lean In examining the difficulties women

to be promoted to school principal. In fact, even con -
face at work. Sandberg attributed much
trolling for education and credentials, male elementary of the leadership gap to women ' s low
school teachers arc three times more likely to be pro - ambitions and their fear that being seen
:
i it
moted to school principal than are female elementary as ambitious might make them unlike-
school teachers ( Cognard - Black, 2012 ) . Moreover, the able. She encouraged women to choose
glass escalator mainly assists middle -class, heterosexual, partners who will support their careers, to
White men without disabilities (Smith , 2012; Williams, focus on their jobs ( e.g., to "lean in" ), and
i
2013 ). In other words, being a token male results in not to think about eventually having to
nj
benefits for men from socially advantaged groups. For leave those jobs until they actually have :
example, White male nurses who participated in one children and face making that decision.
At leanin.org women can create "lean
study reported that they were often mistaken for doc-
in" circles to support one another as they
tors; in contrast , Black male nurses reported that they
climb the corporate ladder.
were often mistaken for janitors ( Williams, 2013 ). Other However, critics claimed that Sandberg' s
research has demonstrated that men of color are half position only addressed the concerns of
as likely to be promoted as White men and that men privileged White women and that this
with disabilities arc four times less likely to be promoted movement focused on individual women
than men without disabilities ( Woodhams, Lupton, & changing themselves rather than on
Cowling, 2015 ). changing broad social practices (hooks,
Some men in female -dominated professions may 2013; Slaughter , 2012, 2015). Indeed,
gravitate toward more masculine specializations in order Lean In didn' t discuss the problems of
to affirm their masculine identity. For example, a male women in lower social classes who struggle
to support a family with low wages, largely
nurse may gravitate toward administration because he
because traditionally feminine work is
sees it as a more “ masculine ” form of nursing, and he
undervalued and underpaid. Nor did the
may feel uncomfortable in a stereotypically female-
book address other social problems such as
dominated profession or experience pushback about inflexible work environments and the lack
his career choice from friends and family members of affordable child care.
(Snyder & Green, 2008 ). However, another reason What do you think of the "lean in " Ie
for the glass escalator may be that men are automati- movement? Is feminism advanced when
cally seen as having leadership qualities, simply because privileged women break the glass ceiling
j .
—
they’re men a phenomenon we’ll discuss below. At the
same time, though, some scholars argue that the glass
and become corporate leaders? Is asking
women to "lean in" the right solution to
I
escalator is only applicable in jobs that have job security,
consistent schedules, and the expectation that one can
rise through an organization. Many men, such as those
discrimination and injustice in the work-
place ? Is it part of the solution? - # • —
•
who work in low-wage jobs that don’t have consistent • i
419
Hi
'
schedules or a clear way to be promoted dirough the ranks, don’t benefit from
glass escalators ( Williams, 2013).
Why Men Are Seen as Leaders:

The Double Bind Revisited
! What double bind do women often encounter when seeking leadership
!
> »
roles, and how can negotiating this influence women's leadership style?
U
The traits that many people associate widi leadership are agentic ones that are
•: i
also associated with masculinity. This phenomenon has been conceptualized as a
J "think manager-think male" bias (Schcin, 1973 ). In numerous research studies
I
investigating diis bias, participants are asked to rate the qualities of a leader or
a manager and dien to rate die qualities of bodi a typical woman and a typical
man . Consistendy, participants rate the qualities of a manager as being similar
to those of a typical man. For example, bodi men and leaders are seen as ambi -
. tious, assertive, and dominant ( Fischbach, Lichtenthaler, & Horstmann, 2015;
<
Koenig, Eagly, Mitchell, & Ristikari, 2011; Sczesny, 2003 ). Women, but not
leaders, are seen as possessing communal traits such as modesty, kindness, and
intuitiveness. Other research suggests diat these attitudes may be implicit in —
i
I
i
I; other words, participants may unconsciously associate being male with being a
leader but not report this association if they’re asked directly ( Latu et al., 2011 ).
However, experimental research suggests that women and men are evaluated dif-
ferendy even when they act identically. For example, when participants listened
to someone named “Eric” give advice about how to move a company forward ,
he was seen as a leader ( McClean, Martin, Emich, & Woodruff, 2017 ). But when
! someone named “Erica ” gave the same advice, she was not seen as a leader.
i
i Because leadership is associated with masculinity, women face a difficult deci-
sion. If they act in traditionally masculine ways, diey’ll likely be seen as effective
i
leaders. However since they violate norms of femininity when doing this, they
! won’t be perceived as likeable. Here is another double bind: Be seen as a leader
but unlikeable, or be likeable but not seen as a leader.
As we discussed in Chapter 5, girls learn what’s expected of them as girls,
ij ;
i
': and then as women, from a young age. This includes absorbing messages that
•! they shouldn’t be too assertive or aggressive. Those who are assertive are called
J
1 ...
—
bossy a word that’s not a compliment. Women in leadership positions who
are seen as being too assertive are called a different, less flattering, b -word.
: Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign provides a good example. Because
ambition is considered a masculine quality, the fact that Clinton was seeking
the highest public office in die nation could certainly qualify her to be consid -
;• ered ambitious, which the popular press portrayed in a negative way ( Tannen,
!1 2016 ). In fact, in early 2016, if one googled Bernie Sunders ( Clinton’s rival
!
:

!
i
.
for the Democratic nomination ) or Donald Trump ( the Republican nominee ) .

and ambition, one could find positive articles about their ambitious policies. If
one googled Hillary Clinton and ambition, negative articles about “ naked,” Iii-
“ ruthless,” or “ pathological ” ambition would come up ( para . 3). A similar
dynamic played out when Australian voters elected their first female prime min - •F
ister, Julia Gillard , in 2010 . When her rise to power was described as reflecting
her ambition, it was often expressed with disappointment , as though people •
h
had expected a woman in power to be a kinder and gentler leader than a man
( Hall Sc Donaghue, 2013 ).
How do women negotiate this double bind ? One solution is to combine
)! -
feminine communal qualities with masculine agcntic qualities. For example,
11 !
it’s been suggested that “ a woman can finesse the double bind to some extent t
by combining assertive task behavior with kindness, niccness, and helpfulness”

( Eagly & Carli, 2007, p. 164 ) . In a study of women in upper management
positions, researchers found that being both aggressive and cmpathic was
related to self- perceived leadership success ( Caliper Research and Development
l
Department , 2014 ) . Finding this balance can be tricky, but it’s possible. It’s
another obstacle in the labyrinth that women face on the path to leadership .
r
t
M
i
(
i
tr-fi =
f fi Women often face a double
bind in which they're either
Respected liked by others when they
Liked, but not Respected, and liked
respected but not liked behave in traditionally
(men only)
\ li feminine ways, or viewed as
I
1 I competent and respected

vi leaders when they behave
i
in traditionally masculine
lv
ways. Being both liked and
:
respected, however , is a
v
privilege usually only granted
to men.
.
v /
&

.
The irony of the negative perceptions of women as leaders is that research has
suggested that women may actually be better leaders than men . A meta - analysis
of 49 years of research revealed that women are rated as more effective than men
-
in a variety of contexts ( Paustian Underdahl, Walker, & Woehr, 2014 ) . This may
occur because women are more likely to exhibit qualities of
a transformational leader ( Eagly, Johanncsen -Schmidt, &
try it for yourself —

van Engen, 2003 ) someone who inspires others to focus
i
on the mission of the organization and who stimulates opti -
mism and excitement about the organization’s future. Such
Think of various times in your life when leaders also focus on mentoring their followers and attend -
you've worked with a female boss, super- ing to their needs. Transformational leaders have a good
visor, or group leader, or had a female understanding of their own emotions as well as those of
professor or teacher. Would you describe
any of those women as having acted in —
others a quality known as emotional intelligence. In fact,
researchers have found that women generally have higher
masculine or assertive ways? Now ask
some of your friends and family members
emotional intelligence than men, which may positively
!
how they've reacted to female, male, or impact their leadership skills ( Mandell & Pherwani, 2003 ).
transgender bosses. Talk to people of dif- One reason that women may exhibit emotional intelli -
'
ferent ages , in different professions, and gence and transformational leadership at work is that they
: so on. What patterns do you notice? have learned to navigate the tightrope of being both nice
and competent.
:
I
Networking and Mentoring
How does access to mentors affect women at work, and what is the
difference between a mentor and a sponsor?
I i
People often say that it’s not what you know, but who you know. In reality,
it’s harder for women than men to access informal social networks that lead to
connections for getting ahead . Some groups of people, for example, have lunch
;
;
or play golf together. In these settings, diose involved engage in networking,
I I in which they interact in order to make contacts to further their careers. One
problem for women, though, is that a great deal of networking takes place in
T! informal settings, some of which may be explicitly unfriendly to women. For
I ij
example, a woman working in the financial sector noted , “There was a big social
I
network there that revolved around men’s sports and men’s activities, and to be
i '4 on die outside of that really impacted my ability to develop relationships with
people ” ( Eagly & Carli, 2007, p. 145 ). Liz Feathcrstone ( 2004 ), an investi-
gative journalist, interviewed Walmart employees and discovered that middle
si managers often met at strip clubs or Hooters, and one female executive was told
she probably wouldn’t advance because she didn’t hunt or fish .
s i
Women may also have a difficult time because the events central to net-
working, whether formal or informal, often take place after work hours or on
=r<
422 Chapter 10 Work
i
1-
•:
i *
v
weekends ( Eagly & Carli, 2007 ) . Men arc better able to take advantage of • Mi
these opportunities because, as discussed in Chapters 8 and 9, they’re likely to I
have partners who take more responsibility for the household and children . In
contrast, when women work, they’re often still responsible for family life and , i
therefore, have less flexibility to attend informal social work events or to take ;i
advantage of other networking opportunities.

Sometimes, when a woman networks, she can find a mentor or a sponsor. A
mentor is a person with more experience who can help and guide a person with
less experience. A sponsor is someone who advocates for a person in order to help
i
that individual get a job or a promotion. Mentors give support and encourage-
ment directly, while sponsors say positive tilings about the individual when that
-
person isn’t present ( Dufu , 2013 ) . Finding a mentor isn’t easy, and finding a spon
sor can be even more difficult. For example, LGBTQ individuals report that lack
of other visible LGBTQ workers makes it difficult to identify and connect with
j>
mentors ( O’Ryan 8c McFarland , 2010; Parnell, Lease, 8c Green, 2012 ). When
ii I
LGBTQ workers are able to find a mentor who also identifies as LGBTQ, they
report higher work satisfaction and greater work advancement ( Rumens, 2010 ). i I
Some organizations have formal mentoring arrangements, but a Linkedln i
survey found that only 19% of women who responded had a mentor ( Williams,
2011 ). Also, research has suggested that women don’t benefit from formal
mentoring programs as much as men do. A study of women and men who
i
had received MBA degrees found that mentorship corresponded to a salary
bump of S9,260 for men in their first post - MBA job, but having a mentor only I
corresponded to a bump of S661 in women’s salaries ( Carter 8c Silva , 2010 ). •
! ii
Two reasons for this discrepancy were identified. First, men’s mentors were r
more likely to be at a senior level and , therefore, in a better position to advocate
for their protegees. Second, men were more likely to have mentors who also
acted as sponsors who actively advocated for them . There’s a tendency for peo-
ple in high - power positions to advocate for those who remind them of them -
selves when they were younger and whom they feel they have a lot in common
with ( Carter 8c Silva, 2010 ) . Because there are fewer women in top positions,
it’s more likely that a high - powered mentor wall be male. And even though a
-
high powered man may be walling to mentor a woman, he may be more com-
fortable sponsoring another man . iii •
The problem of access to successful mentoring relationships is enhanced for i)
women of color. Because the majority of people in power are not only men
but also White men, women of color face a double challenge ( Kay 8c Gorman, ii
m
2012 ). It’s noteworthy that research in die field of law has found that for- : ;
mal mentoring arrangements do little to help people of color succeed ( Kay 8c
Gorman, 2012 ). In one study of female Latinx lawyers, researchers found that
these women often felt ignored or left out socially due to their outsider status in ]
the workplace ( Garcia- Lopez , 2008 ). Equally important, though, is that when i; i
workers with racial/ethnic minority identities have a good relationship with . if !
1 •
11
Gender Discrimination at Work 423 :i

ii
!
I
'
V
.if
ii
: a mentor, there are fewer negative effects if they also experience discrimination
at the workplace ( Ragins, Ehrhardt, Lyness, Murphy, Sc Capman , 2016 ). Being
!
I
:
trained to mentor across difference is an important component in successfully
i . mentoring diverse groups of women and is one goal of intersectional feminist
i psychologists ( Chin, Desormeaux, Sc Sawyer, 2016 ).
!i
Another way women can support women is through amplification . This
•
occurs when one woman makes a comment in a meeting and another woman
repeats the idea and gives credit to die original speaker ( e .g ., “ I think Susan’s
point about XYZ was excellent, and we should consider moving forward in the
i direction she suggests” ). This strategy became popular among female staffers
in President Obama’s administration ( Eilperin, 2016 ) . After the women began
1
intentionally speaking in this way, President Obama began calling on women
more frequently in meetings.
;
i
i
:
:
i Unpaid Work at Work
i• What else are women expected to do at work other than their work ?
!:
1
In the office, women are often expected to go above and beyond in ways that
aren’t expected of men. As described in a Washington Post article, women are
!
(
“expected to bring cupcakes for a colleague’s birthday, order sandwiches for
!
i
!
'
'
office lunches, and answer phones in the conference room , even if their job
!
description is far up the ladder from such administrative tasks” ( Williams, 2014,
para . 5 ). Women aren’t rewarded for these activities, which take time and atten -
!
tion away from tasks that may lead to greater rewards. After all , the person
i taking notes generally is not able to simultaneously concentrate on making a
!; :: •
brilliant suggestion ( Fletcher, 1998; Grant Sc Sandberg, 2015 ) .

! Moreover, since women are expected to be communal and act on behalf of
others, these contributions to the work environment can simply “ disappear”
8i ( Grant & Sandberg, 2015, para. 8 ). In one study, researchers had participants
( a ) read scenarios about either a female or a male employee who helped another
l:
employee or was asked for help but didn’t help, or ( b ) read similar scenarios that
: gave no information about whether the employee helped or not ( Heilman Sc
Chen, 2005 ). The study participants then evaluated these employees. When
male employees were described as helping, they were evaluated more favorably
than male employees in scenarios where no information was given about help-
.
I?
;
ii ing. However, when female employees were described as helping, they were
! evaluated at the same level as women in scenarios where no information was
:
given about helping. Conversely, female employees were rated less favorably
when they were described as not helping, but male employees who didn’t help
were rated no differently from men for whom no information was given about
helping. The researchers suggested that women are negatively evaluated for
:
1
424 Chapter 10 Work
j
Gender -role expectations carry

over into the workplace. As a
result, consistent with the feminine
gender role, women are generally ii
expected to be helpful and to think :,

about the needs of others at work.
Find some people you know who
.
are currently working in an office
environment , and ask them who
is usually in charge of organizing
workplace parties and making sure
co- workers' birthdays and other
special events are recognized. Also
ask why these roles have fallen
to those particular people. Are
women more likely to be in these !i -
roles? Are gendered expectations
part of the explanations you
•I
receive?
h :i
not helping because helping is seen as part of the feminine role and not doing
so violates a gender norm . Conversly, men are praised for helping because it’s
unexpected from them . Given this situation , how are women supposed to pro-
tect their work time without being perceived as unhelpful ? One strategy is to
ii
frame their inability to help as reflecting a desire to help their team rather than
themselves. For example, a woman in a consulting firm learned to say no to
unreasonable requests by saying it would take her team past its breaking point
( Grant &: Sandberg, 2015 ) .
The Glass Cliff

What often happens to women who are promoted into leadership positions?
As we have mentioned , some women overcome all the barriers described above
and break through the glass ceiling. However, of those who do this, some may
—
then face the glass cliff that is, the tendency for women to be promoted to
leadership positions precisely when a company is in a precarious position or at
risk for failure. In fact, research has shown that women tend to be appointed to
leadership positions during turbulent financial times, when the company is doing
poorly, or when the company has recently experienced a big loss ( Mulcahy &
Linchan, 2014; Ryan & Haslam , 2005 ). Women and people of color are also
more likely to be promoted in failing firms ( Cook & Glass, 2014 ). An analysis of
CEOs from Fortune 500 companies found that women were much more likely i
• •:
than men to be promoted to CEO when the company was at imminent risk of
failure ( Glass & Cook, 2016 ). When a company is on the road to disaster and

I
I
ll
<I
! picks a woman to lead it and then fails, the female leader is generally blamed.
t
This occurs even though the problems plaguing the company existed before her
appointment. The pattern can, however, lead to an incorrect perception that
women arc incompetent leaders.
i
There arc many high - profile examples of the glass cliff. For example, Yahoo
president and CEO Marissa Mayer was hired after the company lost significant
; market share to Google ( Hass, 2012 ) . In another case, two weeks after the
appointment of General Motors’ first female CEO, Mary Barra , the company
recalled 1.6 million cars due to faulty ignition switches that had been linked to
deaths ( Covert , 2014 b ). Barra then spent her early days as CEO testifying in
front of the U.S. Congress about mistakes made long before she was placed in
charge. The glass cliff occurs outside of the corporate world as well. For example,
Katie Couric was asked to be the first female anchor of the CBS Evening News
when the broadcast was already in third place in the ratings ( Covert , 2014 b ).
Also, Julia Pierson , the first woman to lead the U .S. Secret Service, was hired in
I
i
—
2013 when the organization was in the midst of a high - profile scandal some
of its agents had been accused of hiring prostitutes, and uninvited guests had
crashed a state dinner under the previous ( male ) director ( Covert, 2014a ).
!
Pierson’s leadership of die Secret Service was short lived ; she resigned in 2014.
One may consider the phenomenon of the glass cliff to be a compliment to
women . Maybe they’re seen as particularly skillful at leading during precarious
times. In fact, some researchers postulate that women arc seen as ideal leaders in
;! a crisis and have supplemented die “think manager-think male” stereotype with
.i a “ think crisis-think female ” one ( Ryan , Haslam, Hersby, 8c Bongiorno, 2011 ).
Hiring a woman may be regarded as a sign that the company is going in a new
direction, and women may be seen as interpersonally skilled and able to take
the blame for failed companies ( Ryan et al., 2011 ). Nonetheless, the glass cliff
means that women are particularly likely to be promoted to leadership positions
i
just before a company ultimately fails, and some women who do can find that
their careers are destroyed .
i
Further, female CEOs face other barriers that men do not. For example,
i while male CEOs are also likely to be promoted to chief business officer ( CBO ),
women are considerably less likely to get this kind of dual appointment ( Glass 8c
Cook, 2016 ). As a result, they’re less likely to have die support of the board
of directors and other senior personnel throughout the organization . More -
over, female CEOs are subject to greater levels of scrutiny than are male CEOs.
. In one study, women in executive positions described feeling they had to be per-
fect in every way because every move they made was evaluated ( Glass 8c Cook,
2016 ). This included looking perfect and dressing accordingly. Many noted that
a great deal of attention was paid to their clothing and weight, while no atten -
tion was given to the male executives’ weight and appearance.
Another study showed that female CEOs were more likely than their male
counterparts to come under scrutiny from activist shareholders ( those who own
426 Chapter 10 Work

Y
I;
it
jjK!
more than 5% of the company ) who wish to change aspects of the company i.
( Gupta, Han , Mortal , Silveri, & Turban, 2018 ). Dealing with the demands of
activist shareholders can be a source of stress for female CEOs and take up a
great deal oi their time. The researchers suggested that women come under fire
from activist shareholders because these shareholders see women as less effective
leaders than men and , therefore, feel compelled to provide unsolicited advice on
how to run the company ( Gupta, Mortal, & Turban, 2018 ). In all these ways, «i ;
even women who break the glass ceiling or successfully navigate the labyrinth
face barriers and discrimination .
-
Workplace Harassment il '

i: l
What are two types of workplace harassment and how do they affect M:
women in a variety of contexts?
:
To this point, we’ve talked about ways that women can be disadvantaged in I i
the workplace, but many women also face explicit sexual harassment at work.
There are two types of sexual harassment. Quid pro quo harassment occurs
when a supervisor requests sexual favors in exchange for workplace benefits
such as a raise or a promotion or to prevent negative events such as being fired
or demoted . Hostile work environment occurs when the atmosphere at the
workplace is hostile, intimidating, and /or offensive. Examples of hostile work
environments include sexual comments and jokes, comments about women’s
bodies and clothing, unwanted touching, and sexual advances. Harassment can
happen in any work setting and is surprisingly common. A nationally representa-
tive survey of women in the United States showed that 81% of participants had
experienced some sort of sexual harassment in their lifetime and 38% had expe- I
rienced it at work ( Chatterjce, 2018 ). A survey of female union members from
die United Kingdom showed that over 50% of participants had experienced
sexual harassment at work ( Trades Union Congress, 2016 ).
A report by the British trade group Trades Union Congress mentions
one woman who anonymously reported on everydaysexism.com that she
• i
“ used to work in a law firm . Whenever [she ] won a case in court, [she ] •:i |
would be lambasted by a particular male colleague who would leer at [ her ] I( >
and make such inane comments as ‘You only won because you’re wearing a • •
skirt’, and ‘Did you sleep with the judge then ? ”’ (Trades Union Congress, m :
2016, p. 11 ). Despite experiences like this, harassment often goes unreported, ;
'i l
and when it is reported , colleagues often minimize it. Another woman com- l !|
l ;
mented , “ I went to HR about a sexist and flirty CEO. I was told to put up with !) •
it as I’m ‘young and pretty and they’re men, what do you expect?’” ( p. 11 ).
il 1
Harassment at work can also be framed as attempted romance. A New York !•

Hi!!
Times article by a professor of geobiology chronicled how women in science
!!
is
:
s
I:
l! :
I*
often receive unwanted romantic attention from
male colleagues; she noted that this pattern has
happened to many of her students ( Jahrcn ,
2016 ). These often start with an email in which
the colleague references an altered state of mind
(‘“It’s late and I can’t sleep’ or ‘Maybe it’s the
—
three glasses of cognac’”; para . 7 ) and then
goes on to discuss his feelings of love for her,
commenting on her “shiny eyes” or “sparkling
hair” ( para. 8 ) or calling her “incredibly attrac-
tive ” or “adorably dorky ” ( para. 2 ) . Recipients
of emails like these are in an awkward posi -
tion if the feelings aren’t reciprocated because
they often come from a supervisor or senior
Although the Me Too movement gained widespread colleague with whom she has to interact reg-
recognition in 2017 as use of the #MeToo hashtag ularly, which creates feelings of betrayal and
gained popularity, the movement actually was social isolation. In this way, even in the guise of
started in 2006 by Tarana Burke. She has been attempted romance, sexual harassment may be
i
repeatedly recognized for her advocacy and
a factor that discourages women from pursuing
activist work . Most prominently, she was named,
along with other activists collectively called "the
careers in science.
silence breakers," as Time magazine s 2017 Person
' Harassment and gender discrimination at
. of the Year and received the 2018 Ridenhour work can be frequent but of low intensity, such
Courage Prize. as offensive remarks or jokes or mistaking
i; female professionals for lower- level staff. For
example, female Latinx lawyers reported , in
one study, that other people often thought they were secretaries or custodial
staff ( Garcia- Lopez, 2008 ). Harassment can also be more intense but occur less
1
frequendy, such as sexual coercion or unwanted sexual attention . One might
think that low-intensity but frequent harassment would have a less harmful effect
than a single, more severe, incident of harassment. However, a meta -analysis
indicated that low-intensity but high-frequency events have effects just as detri -
mental on job satisfaction, job performance, and mental health as more severe
harassment does (Sojo, Wood, 8c Genat, 2016 ).
Targets of Harassment Research shows that women of color are more likely
:
I to be harassed at work than White women ( Berdahl 8c Moore, 2006 ) . For
example, in a study of Black female firefighters, researchers found that these
women experienced a great deal of harassment and hostility at work ( Yoder 8c
Aniakudo, 1996 ). Most of the women interviewed reported being called a wade
variety of negative names, including “ troublemaker,” “ bitch ,” “ witch ,” “dyke,”
“rebel,” and “militant ” ( p. 257). Another study suggested that Black women
find sexual harassment by White men to be particularly disturbing, offensive,
and frightening, and it is more strongly related to symptoms of trauma than
428 Chapter 10 Work

:
;
sexual harassment from members of their own race
( Woods, Buchanan, 8c Settles 2009 ) .
Another group of workers who face harassment, but
spotlight o n . . !!
i1
may not feel comfortable defining it as such or reporting • !
it, are immigrants ( Maldonado, 2006; Yakushko, 2009 ). The Me Too Movement
Within the United States, a high number of working
In 2006, Tarana Burke, a sexual assault
immigrants come from Latin American countries ( 53% ),
survivor, coined the phrase me too to help
and they are more likely than U .S.- born citizens to be
girls of color feel less alone after experienc-
employed in physically demanding and low- paying jobs
ing assault (Johnson & Hawbaker, 2018). In
( Catanzarite, 2002; U .S. Census Bureau, 2004; Zavodny, 2017, the hashtag #MeToo became popular
2015 ). Research suggests that immigrants who face after prominent film producer Harvey
harassment are unlikely to report it and arc likely to ques- Weinstein was repeatedly accused of sexual I
:
tion whether what they’re experiencing actually counts harassment and assault. As use of this
as harassment ( Welsh , Carr, MacQuarric, 8c Huntley, hashtag spread, many women related per-
2006 ) . This is largely because immigrant women are sonal experiences with sexual harassment
often socially isolated and are concerned about losing a and assault that they'd kept silent about for :{
job and resident status if they complain. years. Among these silence breakers was
Workplace harassment can also be based on sexual Tomi- Ann Roberts, a developer of objectifi-
orientation . One study showed that women who vio- cation theory ( see Chapter 6). She met with
Weinstein while in college and an aspiring
lated norms of femininity were likely to be labeled as
actress. When he asked her to remove her
lesbians, just as men who violated masculine norms are i
top, she refused. This experience turned her
often called gay ( Konik 8c Cortina, 2008 ). Heterosexist away from acting and toward psychology —
harassment involves expressing a negative view toward and studying the objectification of women
sexual minority identities ( gay, lesbian , bisexual ) whether (Chamberlin, 2018) .
or not the target of the harassment identifies as a sex - By late 2017, accusations had been made
ual minority. Other research suggested that harassment against many powerful men in Hollywood,
based on gender and heterosexist harassment are strongly politics, and other arenas. Many of these i
—
linked both attempt to punish those who violate tradi - men resigned, were fired, or weren't elected.
tional gender norms ( Konik 8c Cortina , 2008 ). More- The Me Too movement has contributed to
over, a review of the literature found that 27% to 43% changing culture so that sexual assault and
harassment aren 't so easily accepted or
of LGBTQ people have experienced workplace harass-
dismissed. It hasn 't been an entirely positive
ment or discrimination based on their sexual orientation
process, however. For some people, the in- j
(Scars 8c Mallory, 2011 ). Only one third of participants
creased attention on sexual harassment and
said they were “out ” at work to all their co- workers, and assault has triggered upsetting memories
.i *
25% described not being out to anyone at work. Some of ( Seales, 2018) .
the documented incidents of harassment included call- The Me Too movement is an important
ing individuals “ homo,” “ pervert,” or most commonly conversation that can be considered part
“fag,” as well as instances of physical violence ( p. 11 ). of a broader feminist movement (Seales, M
!i :
Transgender individuals can experience even higher 2018 ). Whether this will promote wider
rates of workplace discrimination and harassment. In conversations about sexism at work that *; 1
one review of the literature, between 52% and 78% of could benefit women across the job and
income spectrum remains to be seen.
transgender individuals across various studies described
such experiences based on their gender identity (Sears 8c
429
ji
iii
Mallory, 2011 ). As just one example, a transgender librarian in Oklahoma dis-

covered a flier circulating that claimed that God wanted her to die. Other studies
report higher numbers; for example, in a large national sample of 6,450 trans-
gender individuals, 90% reported experiencing harassment at work ( Grant ct al.,
2011 ). One explanation for such widespread discrimination is that transgendcr
individuals arc stigmatized as being mentally ill. In one study, participants were
i randomly assigned to review a description of a hypothetical job interview in
: which the applicant was either transgendcr or cisgendcr ( Reed , Franks, & Schcrr,
ii 2015 ). Participants who reviewed the transgender applicant’s interview were less
likely to make a hiring recommendation than participants who viewed the en-
gender applicant’s interview. This decision was largely explained by the partici -
pants’ inaccurate perception that the transgendcr applicant had a mental illness.
Currently, there is no federal law in the United States prohibiting work -
place discrimination based on gender identity, and only some states, as well
as over 200 cities and local towns, provide legal protection for transgender
workers ( American Civil Liberties Union, n .d .; Beyer, Weiss, &: Wilchins,
2014 ). Although the U .S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
( EEOC ) recently ruled that workplace discrimination directed toward trans -
gender individuals qualifies as sex discrimination ( EEOC, n .d . ) , without an
explicit federal law in place it’s possible that the Supreme Court could reverse
the EEOC ruling. Furthermore, in 2017, the U .S. Department of Justice
released a memo stating that transgendcr individuals were not covered under
i: sex discrimination laws ( Moreau , 2017 ) . As of the writing of this text , the
EEOC is at odds with the Department of Justice, and it remains unclear how
this will affect transgender individuals in the workforce.
Harassment and Hypermasculine Environments Harassment is likely to

occur in environments that are traditionally masculine ( Chamberlain , Crowley,
Tope, & Hodson, 2008; Gruber, 1998 ). Further, those who harass are likely to
hold hostile sexist attitudes and endorse hypermasculinity ( Maass, Cadinu , &:
Galdi, 2013). The motivation for those who do the harassing can be sexual,
but it can also be to assert power or feel more confident in their masculine
gender identity ( Maas et al., 2013 ). One study showed that women who were
more masculine, rather than feminine, were more likely to be harassed . This
was interpreted to mean that harassment is a way to put women who challenge
men’s power, or “ uppity women,” into their “ place ” ( Bcrdahl, 2007, p. 425 ).
I
Those who perpetrate harassment generally minimize what they’re doing and
see it as a form of fun and flirty banter. In fact, one study showed that endors-
ing the belief that harassment was simply fun banter was related to increased
hostile sexism and increased intentions to commit sexual harassment in the
future ( Page, Pina, & Giner-Sorolla, 2016 ).
Computer coding is one example of a field with a hypermasculine culture
that breeds a hostile environment for women. The industry is known for the
-r
f 430 Chapter 10 Work
!!!
|11
—
predominance of “ brogrammers” that is, men who
combine technology prowess with masculine, fraternity spotlight o n . .
boy behavior and a desire to get rich quick ( Kumar,
2014, p. 28 ). Although brogrammers may not recog- r
nize that they exclude others because they sec them - Transgender
selves as “ nerds” and , therefore, as socially excluded
themselves (Tufekci, 2014 ), the brogramming culture Individuals Informing
can be very hostile toward women . For example , Ashe Workplace
Drydcn, a consultant about diversity in technology,
said , “ I’ve been a programmer for 13 years, and I’ve Discrimination
always been one of the only women and queer people Some transgender people are uniquely i
in the room . I’ve been harassed ; I’ve had people make positioned to observe gender discrimina - ;
1
suggestive comments to me; I’ve had people basically tion in the workplace because they stay in
dismiss my expertise . I’ve gotten rape and death threats the same job after they transition (Budge,
just for speaking out about this stuff ’ ( Miller, 2014, Tebbe, & Howard, 2010 ) . As a result, they
para. 11 ) . can compare how they 're regarded as both
I
Culture change is a necessary part of reducing work - a woman and a man. Ben Barres, a biolo - I
I
gist at Stanford University who spent most
place harassment. As society becomes less accepting of
of his life living and working as Barbara
hostile work environments and those who contribute to
Barres, noticed that people took him more
them , toxic workplaces will become less common . While seriously after he transitioned to a man.
individuals may continue to engage in harassment, if the For example, a colleague who didn ' t know
environments and organizations they find themselves in that Ben and Barbara were the same per -
don’t tolerate this behavior, harassment will decrease. son commented: “Ben gave a great seminar
In workplace environments that do not tolerate harass- today— but then his work is so much better
ment it is the harasser, rather than the individual being than his sister 's" ( Nordell, 2014, para . 5 ) . ji
harassed , that will experience negative consequences as a In interviews with transgender men , ! i
result of the harassment . sociologist Kristine Schilt ( 2010 ) noticed

how much more respect they received !
after transitioning. Women who were
considered aggressive became transmen
who were respected for their take- charge )
Balancing Work and attitudes. In contrast, transwomen started

to experience gender discrimination .
Family Joan Roughgarden, another biology

professor at Stanford , lived much of her
What is the difference between viewing work and life as Jonathan Roughgarden. Since her
family as being in conflict and viewing them as being transition, she has been accorded signifi-
j f
cantly less respect. “ You get interrupted
mutually enriching?
when you are talking , you can ' t command
Women in the workplace aren’t just workers. They’re
i* •*
attention, but above all you can ' t frame

often also spouses, children , and parents. Yet many the issues" ( Vedantam , 2010, para. 32) . I
Because Joan is in the same department as

women find it difficult to achieve work-life balance and I i»
Ben, she can compare their situation: " Ben
can face obstacles when they try to do so. Combining
has migrated to the centre, while I have
work and family life can be beneficial. Research has had to migrate to the periphery" (para. 32) .
I
1
J
I
i\
shown that women who stayed in the work-
place after they had children enjoyed greater
physical and mental well - being than those
who interrupted their careers, worked part -
time, or stayed at home after having children
( Freeh & Damaske, 2012 ) . This finding may
seem counterintuitive because many people
believe that mothers who work experience
work-family conflict, which occurs when work
interferes with family obligations or family life
interferes with work. Although many women
do experience work-family conflict, it isn ’t an
inevitable consequence of combining work
Parents can find it challenging to balance the and family. Instead , some women experience
demands of their job with the demands of their benefits associated with being involved in mul -
family — particularly as related to child care. Since
tiple roles. Role enhancement theory states
women typically do more child care than men.
this is an especially important issue for women.
that when people are engaged in multiple roles
However, with the right structural supports, work ( e.g., worker, mother, sister, friend ), they actu -
can enhance family life, and family life can enhance ally find that they have more energy and their
one' s experience at work. well- being is enhanced by being so involved
and engaged ( Castro & Gordon , 2012 ) .
Ji One way in which role enhancement occurs
if is through work - family enrichment, a two- way process in which what hap-
pens at work benefits family life and what happens in the family benefits work
( Grccnhaus & Powell, 2006 ). For example, the money earned at work can help
provide opportunities for one’s children. The social support received at work
can help manage family stress; for example, if one’s children have been difficult,
f
t telling a supportive colleague can reduce stress. Family life can also positively
benefit work. Organizational or planning skills honed at home can be applied
I
. in the work setting, and patience learned at home can help if one is managing
others at work ( Ruderman, Ohlott, Panzer, & King, 2002 ) . For example, a
! therapist reported that learning how to deal with her toddler’s tantrums helped
her also deal with tantrums from her adult clients ( Liss & Schiffrin, 2014 ).
A Question of Choice?
How does framing work-family balance as depending on women's choices
constrain the ways people can approach this topic?
:
People commonly think about work-family balance as involving choices that
women make. The conversation is often framed around women’s choice to stay
• in the workforce, opt out, or work part- time. However, as we’ve seen throughout
432 Chapter 10 Work

.ij i.
)
'
this text, women don’t make free and unconstrained choices. Their choices sur-
rounding work-family balance are often limited by discrimination, inflexible
work environments, and /or low pay that doesn’t cover the cost of child care i( fi;
( Stephens Sc Levine, 2011; Stone, 2007 ). Furthermore, very few people discuss
with the same level of attention the choices that men have to make about how
to balance work and family.
When women’s decisions about work are framed within the language of
“choice,” people are less likely to pay attention to sexist practices that constrain
those choices. In one study, undergraduate students were shown posters about
a book titled Choosing to Leave: Women s Experiences away from the Workplace,
’
while others saw an almost identical poster about a book titled Women at Home:
Experiences away from the Workplace that didn’t mention choice (Stephens 8c
Levine, 2011 ). Those who saw the poster about choices were significantly more
likely to report believing that women and men have equal opportunities and that
gender discrimination no longer exists. Interestingly, other research has shown
that priming the idea of choice in odier contexts decreases empathy toward
members of marginalized groups, increases victim blaming, and decreases sup-
i ,
port for policies that increase the common good , such as reducing pollution
(Savani, Stephens, 8c Markus, 2011 ) .
Women’s choices around work and family are constrained for many reasons
that we’ll discuss in detail in the following sections. First, women continue to be
more responsible for household responsibilities and child care ( Coltrane, 2010 ).
Second , the workplace generally isn’t designed for people who want to balance
work and family ( Blair- Loy, 2003 ). Further, modiers and caregivers experience
discrimination within the workplace ( Williams Manvell, 8c Bornstein, 2006 ).
Finally, the lack of parental leave and inadequate child care makes it extremely
difficult for many workers to combine their work and caregiving roles (Stone,
2007; Williams et al., 2006 ).
These constraints make balancing work and family difficult, especially
in the United States. In fact , the United States ranks in the bottom eight of
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development ( OECD ) countries
in terms of work-life balance ( OECD, n .d .- b ). Countries that rank lower are
Turkey, Mexico, Chile, Korea, Israel , Japan, and Australia ( OECD, n.d .- b ).
Women's Responsibility for Care

How does the fact that women do most of the care work make it difficult to
balance work and family?
Theoretically, the ability to be actively involved in multiple roles and combine
work and family should be an issue that both women and men face. After
all, both women and men combine parenting and work roles. However, the
Balancing Work and Family 433

I
: E M P O W E R I N G|
I • i
OR OPPRESSING?
1
Having It All
H
M
any young women have heard that they're bed 'til midnight so I don't get behind at work, then do it
supposed to try to “have it all" and seamlessly all again tomorrow on 5 hours sleep" ( para . 26 ). It's possi-
balance a successful career and a blissful ble that the goal to "have it all" has increased the extent
family life. This may sound like an empow- to which women who work outside the home are over-
ering message—women can (and should) be able to have burdened and overwhelmed. In fact , some conservatives
both a fulfilling career and a family life. However, en- have blamed the feminist movement for putting too much
couragement to "have it all" has made many chafe at the pressure on women by telling them they're supposed
pressure it puts on women. In the Huffington Post article to "have it all" and then failing to deliver ( Szalai, 2014 ).
"Having it all kinda sucks," journalist Amy Westervelt In fact, after Anne-Marie Slaughter quit her job in the
. i! (2016) noted sarcastically that "no woman (or man. for State Department to spend more time with her family,
that matter) ever said, hey. you know what would be she famously wrote an article for The Atlantic noting that
IK great? If I could get up at 5 a. m.. make breakfast for every- women actually could not have it all ( Slaughter. 2012).
.
one then get dressed (with heels, natch ), drop my kids off Have feminists let women down by selling them a bill
at daycare, go to work for 10 hours, pick the kids up, come of goods that they can’t cash, or is there a greater need
home, cook dinner, clean up, put the kids to bed, work in for feminism in order to finish the march for equality? As
i Gloria Steinem said, "The idea of having it all never meant
doing it all. Men are parents too and actually women will
never be equal outside the home until men are equal in-
side the home" (quoted in Fine, 2010, p. 89 ). As we have
seen, gender equity has yet to be achieved. Although
women have made strides in the workforce, as we saw
in Chapters 8 and 9. men haven't taken responsibility at
home in equal measure.
Instead of telling women they ' re supposed to have
it all and admonishing them if they don ' t, perhaps it
would be more empowering to change the narrative so
that both women and men can have fulfilling careers
and family lives. What do you think? Is it empowering or
It can be hard to have it all when you' re being told to oppressing to encourage women to " have it all " ? More-
go in four different directions at the same time. over. why do you think people never talk about men
"having it all"?
;ii
• »
responsibility for family life often falls disproportionately on women. World -

wide, according to the latest available data from the Organisation for Eco-
nomic Development and Co- operation , women spend 4.5 hours per day on • :
!
—
i I;
unpaid work, including cooking, cleaning, and child care double what men
spend ( OECD , n .d .-a ). Men spend more time on paid work and in leisure
activities. As discussed in Chapter 8, the practice of women coming home
from their jobs and doing another round of work in the home is called the I .
second shift.
11
Research indicates that patterns of domestic behavior can have inter-
generational effects. For example, when fathers do more domestic work around ,
the house, their daughters have been found to hold higher, and more non-
traditional, career aspirations than daughters in families where fathers do less
domestic work ( Croft , Schmader, Block, & Baron , 2014 ). In other words, the
daughters don ’t assume that having a family means they’ll have to do all of the • i
household work. . ii i
Another source of unpaid work for many women is caring for elder relatives.
Adult daughters ( as opposed to sons ) are often primarily responsible for the
care of their parents. For many women, elder-care responsibilities begin while
they’re still raising their children ; this has led to the term sandwich generation
to describe individuals, primarily women, whose work and hobbies need to fit
between these two care -giving demands. For some women, elder-care respon - Ft
sibilities begin just as their children are becoming more independent, so these
women may have had an opportunity to focus more fully on their careers if they
didn ’t have to take on elder-care. Research has suggested that informal care pro-
vided to adult relatives greatly influences women’s time available to devote to
work. One study showed that women ages 55 to 67 who provided care to their
parents reduced their work hours by almost half in order to do so ( Johnson 8c
Lo Sasso, 2006 ) .
The fact that women have more responsibilities at home contributes to
inequality at work. Many workplaces function under an outdated model in which
an ideal worker is assumed to have no responsibilities at home because a partner
( i.e., wife ) takes responsibility for the home and children ( Blair- Loy, 2003 ).
Studies have, in fact, shown that having a stay-at - home spouse, which is more f
likely the case for men, is related to career success ( Kirchmeyer, 2006; Schneer 8c
Reitman, 2002 ). One executive noted how inequity in home life makes it easier
for men than women to advance: “ I saw that the older white, male partners
who mentored the younger white, male associates were able to work long days
and excel professionally precisely because their stay-at - home wives took care of
everything else; I saw that virtually none of the female partners had a similar
setup” ( Filipovic, 2016, para . 13 ). Id: 1
ifi:.
Having someone stay at home and take charge of domestic tasks is invaluable .
if one wants to reach the highest levels of success at work. In fact, in 2012, i: )
-
7 out of 18 female CEOs of Fortune 500 companies had stay at - home husbands i is
Balancing Work and Family 435 i

1
I
( Hymowicz, 2012 ). Others didn’t have children or hired

I
your turn others to do the bulk of the child care . This points to the fact
i
that it helps to have a full-time partner who takes responsi-
bility for domestic labor in order to succeed at a demanding
If you're married or in a long-term, com-
corporate job. The issue becomes even more challenging if
mitted relationship, how have you and
women with male partners have children because, as we saw
your partner negotiated whose career is
i
i most important? (For example, who would
in Chapter 9, inequality in the home increases when chil -
move for the other person's career? Who. dren are born ( Katz -Wise, Pricss, & Hyde, 2010 ) .
i
i
! if anyone, would take time off from work
if there were children to care for?) Was
l
this the result of an explicit discussion, or
Inflexible Work Environments
.
;
is it a pattern that developed over time?

How do inflexible work environments make it difficult to
If you're not yet married or in another
balance work and family?
type of committed partnership, do you
expect that your career or your partner's A major barrier to women’s ability to successfully combine
career would be most important? Why? work and family life is that the workplace isn’t organized to
Do you think your partner will have the
facilitate it. In corporate environments, there’s an expecta -
I same views or a different view?
tion for long work hours done at the office in full sight of
’ When should partners have these
i
types of discussions?
others and, often , an expectation for working more than
i
50 hours a week (Williams & Cooper, 2004 ). One study
il ;
showed that the average worker in the United States put
i in 47 hours per week in 2014, and four in ten participants
:
reported working more than 50 hours per week ( Saad , 2014 ) . In contrast, in
;
the European Union , regulations limit the work week to 48 hours and provide
at least four weeks of paid vacation annually.
Overwork can have negative consequences for both high - and low -income
workers. For high -income workers subject to competitive pressure, long hours
: can be seen as a badge of honor and a sign of commitment to the workplace
( Williams & Boushey, 2010 ) . A worker from the Silicon Valley noted : “Guys
i try to out- macho each other. . . . There’s a lot of see how many hours I can
work, whether or not you have a kid . He’s a real man; he works 90 - hour weeks.
He’s a slacker; he works 50 hours a week” ( Cooper, 2000, p. 382 ). One study
interviewing workers at a consulting firm found that many men carved time out
of their work day to meet family obligations, but they did so informally while
i still giving the impression of working long hours ( Reid, 2015 ) . Women , on the
!
i
other hand, were more likely to ask for flexible work arrangements in a formal
.
; manner, and they were often penalized for this.
The expectation for long hours can drive women out of the workforce, even
after they’ve invested considerable time and effort in their careers. A study of
i
female Harvard graduates, many of whom delayed childbearing in order to
focus on their careers, showed that those who worked in organizations that
weren’t family friendly were much more likely to leave the workforce than those
.
who worked in more family friendly occupations ( Herr & Wolfram , 2012 ).
j
436 Chapter 10 Work

:
I
This tendency was described in a New York Times Magazine article as opting I; !
out ( Belkin, 2003 ), but it’s only an option for those who have partners with
!:•
sufficiently high incomes to support the family. Many women can’t afford to
stop working even if they’d like to. Moreover, sometimes women with very low
wages cannot afford to work, given the high costs of child care.
Lower- income workers also put in long hours. Since minimum wage jobs don’t
pay enough to support a family, many low- income workers need multiple jobs
in order to provide for their families ( Williams 8c Boushey, 2010 ). Also, while
higher- income workers may value flexibility such as the ability to work some hours
from home or on their own schedule, lower- income workers often lack stability in
work hours. Their hours may fluctuate from week to week, which means they’re
unable to organize child care in a stable and consistent manner. For example,
although Starbucks claims to provide at least a week of notice for schedules, a
reporter found that many workers interviewed reported being given less than a
week and some were given only one day of notice ( Kantor, 2014 ). In order to get it i
a full - time schedule at Starbucks, workers must make themselves available for 70%
—
of the hours the store is open in other words, about 80 hours a week ( Gross,
2008 ). Yet when the stores aren’t busy, they may send workers home unpaid.
Furthermore, work hours at retail stores are often late in the day and on week-
ends, when typical child -care centers aren’t open ( Kantor, 2014 ). This can cause
problems for working mothers. For example, a woman who worked as a manager
at Walmart was called to work on an inconsistent, as - needed basis. As a result, she
had to have her mother move in with her in order to be able to work and care for
her child . In fact , low- income workers often rely on a patchwork of care from fam -
ily members, friends, and community organizations ( Williams 8c Boushey, 2010 ).
Discrimination against Mothers

How does discrimination against mothers make it difficult to balance work
and family? !
Another barrier to work-family balance is explicit discrimination against moth-

ers. This occurs not just in pay, as described previously, but in how mothers are
perceived and evaluated . The discrimination that mothers experience in pay and
promotion has been called the maternal wall ( Crosby, Williams, 8c Biernat,
2004 ). Such discrimination is rarely obvious because, when employers make
negative judgments about women who are mothers, they usually find other
reasons to explain those judgments. For example, they may say that the woman
is less committed to her job or a poor fit for the company ( Richardson, 2013 ).
Mothers also are likely to face higher standards than non- mothers.
In one study, in which participants evaluated applications that were iden-
tical except for parenthood status, mothers were judged more harshly than
non - mothers ( Correll, Benard, 8c Paik, 2007). For example, if die applicants

i
ii
!
.'
;;
were mothers, participants said they would have to receive a higher score on a
f! !! management exam to be recommended for a job, and they would be allowed to
i
miss fewer days ofwork before they would no longer be recommended . Fathers, in
contrast, suffered no such penalties and were actually accorded some advantages.
They were offered higher salaries than non -fathers, were seen as more commit-
'1
!' -
ted than non fathers, and were allowed to miss work significantly more often
i
than non - fathers. One study of women in a law firm showed that more than half
:
•i said they felt their co-workers treated them differently after they had children,
t and one fourth said they had been demoted, taken off of work assignments, or
'
.
lost out on promotions after having children ( Richardson , 2013 ) .
Women can also experience discrimination while they are pregnant. The
Pregnancy Discrimination Act of 1978 prohibits discrimination based on preg-
nancy and requires employers to treat pregnant women in a similar manner to
a non - pregnant employee with a similar ability to work ( Siegel, 2018 ). It does
not, however, require that employers accommodate pregnant women by, for
example, changing the job so they don’t have to lift heavy objects, allowing for
rest times, adjusting work stations for comfort , or allowing time off for pre - natal
exams since these accommodations are not given to other workers. In one case
that went to the U .S. Supreme Court, a UPS worker was told by her doctors
i
that she was not able to lift more than 20 pounds, so she was fired because her
job required her to lift up to 70 pounds. However, UPS gave other workers
i
in different situations ( e.g., those with disabilities or injuries ) other jobs that
involved lighter lifting. Although the district court ruled for UPS, the ruling
was overturned when the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the UPS worker
i!
i
(Spiggle, 2015 ). It is also noteworthy that while the Pregnancy Discrimination
Act does protect some women , it doesn’t protect transgender men who become
M
I! pregnant because the language of the act refers to “ women ” ( Currah, 2008 ).
it
•i Women who become mothers are also often treated poorly at work when they
I
:
return after giving birth. According to one report, a woman returned to work and
faced consistent warnings not to get pregnant again as well as complaints when
i she had to take her child to medical appointments ( Williams 8c Boushey, 2010 ).
Eventually, her ( female ) supervisor asked her to find a pediatrician who had hours
:
available after work. According to the same report, it’s common for women to
•
be passed over for promotions and to see men with considerably less experience
'
get promoted ahead of them . Court records indicate that women from a variety
i
of professions, including “a bank vice president , an attorney on a partner track,

-5
I an assistant medical director, a hotel regional manager, and a national sales direc-
tor,” have been denied promotions or demoted because they are mothers ( p. 58 ).
One lawyer complained: “ I had a baby, not a lobotomy” ( p. 58 ).
Overall, across the income spectrum , discrimination against mothers and
caregivers makes balancing work and family difficult, and not simply because
of time spent out of the office. In her article on ( not ) having it all, Anne- Marie
-
Slaughter ( 2012 ) pointed out that if co workers left the office early in order to
438 Chapter 10 Work

Ill
: :
»
if ;. i
IL !
train for a marathon or observe a religious holiday, they were given more respect :
T ,
than someone who had to leave in order to care for a child.
.i
!
:
I;
Parental Leave
How do inadequate parental leave policies make it difficult to balance work
*
and family? .
Another reason it is difficult to balance work and family is that, in the United
:
States, there are fewer social policies that support families than in other coun-
tries. One important example of this is the lack of paid leave for parents. As of
2015, the United States was the only industrialized country without a national
policy to give paid parental leave ( Livingston , 2016 ) . In the United States, the ;
i
decision whether or not to offer paid leave is left up to individual employers. In it
2016, only 14% of civilian U .S. workers were offered paid family leave ( Desilver,
2017 ); 88% had access to unpaid leave. Low- wage workers are the least likely
to have access to paid leave ( Adema, Clark , 8c Frey, 2015 ), and the lowest rates i
of leave are in the construction and leisure/ hospitality sectors ( Desilver, 2017 ).
Data suggest that most Americans ( 82% ) do, however, believe mothers should
get paid leave after the birth or adoption of a child ( Stepler, 2017 ) . if , i
The United States does have the Family Medical Leave Act ( FMLA ). This i
legislation provides 12 weeks of unpaid leave for the birth , adoption, or foster i
care placement of a child. It can also be used for personal illness or to care
for a sick family member. However, many workers cannot afford leave without
pay. Additionally, in order for FMLA to apply, the company must employ over
50 workers, and a person must have worked over 1,250 hours at the organiza - I
tion . Given these requirements, FMLA doesn’t apply to approximately 40% of
the workforce ( Adema et al ., 2015; Walsh, 2011 ).
Paid leave provides enormous benefits to mothers, children, businesses, and
the economy. It increases women’s ability to continue working, which allows
them to provide for their families, stimulates economic growth, and saves
businesses the costs of hiring and training new workers ( Adema et al., 2015 ).
Paid leave is extremely important for the mental and physical health of both
:
mothers and children. Research has indicated that being in a job with little or no i
paid leave is related to increased depression in mothers and decreased ability to ! ;

bond with their children ( Aitken et al., 2015; Avendano, Berkman, Brugiavini, 8c
i
1
Pasini, 2015; Chatterji 8c Markowitz, 2012 ). Paid leave has also been linked to a
decrease in infant mortality ( Tanaka, 2005 ), perhaps due to decreased maternal i
.!i
stress, as well as to positive physical and mental health in children. i
.
When women return to work before their children are 12 weeks old, the
babies are less likely to be breastfed, less likely to make it to their regular checkups \
i .,
!I
at the pediatrician, and more likely to have behavioral problems ( Berger, Hill, 8c i, !!
i
i
•
'1 .
Balancing Work and Family 439 i ,
if
:
V
1i
Waldfogel , 2005 ). In fact, women who must return to work early often have
difficulty breastfeeding. In interviews with Human Rights Watch , women
described inadequate support at work for pumping breast milk such that they
i
pumped in “ bathrooms, copy rooms, shared kitchens, bulk closets, a gymna -
sium , a phone booth, an equipment storage room , a photography studio, a mail
;!
truck, and an exam room ” ( Walsh , 2011, p. 55 ).
•!
Fathers as well as mothers can benefit from paid leave . In contrast to the lack
: of paid paternity leave in the United States, most countries in the European
—
Union have paid leave policies that are quite extensive for example, 3 months
paid paternity leave in Sweden , 90 paid days off in Iceland, 2 weeks paid leave
in the United Kingdom, 15 paid days off in Spain , and 11 paid days off in
France ( Kelly, 2016 ). There is also paid leave in countries throughout Africa,
—
Latin America, the Middle East, and Asia for example, 4 days in Rwanda and
Uganda, 5 days in Brazil and Chile, and 1 day in Saudi Arabia ( International
Labour Office, 2010 ) .
Research in Sweden has indicated that when fathers take leave , they spend
more time interacting with their children and have a better relationship with
them ( Haas & Hwang, 2008 ). In a different study, fathers in the United States
who took at least two weeks off from work to help care for their infants were
i
i
found to be more involved in all aspects of child care nine months later, including
feeding, bathing, diapering, dressing, and getting up with the baby during the
i night ( Nepomnyaschy 8c Waldfogel , 2007 ). This is important because fathers’
!il.; involvement in child care has been found to relate to marital stability and happi -
ness, including more satisfying sexual relationships ( Carlson , Hanson , 8c Fitzroy,
! 2016; Kalmijn , 1999 ). It also benefits children as those with involved fathers
i
are likely to develop faster as infants and to have greater well - being, higher
'
cognitive skills, greater social competence, and fewer behavioral problems than
those whose fathers are less involved ( Amato 8c Rivera, 1999; Cabrera , Tamis-
t
LcMonda, Bradley, Hofferth , 8c Lamb, 2000; Kim, Kang, Yee , Shim , 8c Chung,
2016 ). These effects are above and beyond those of other factors such as income
and maternal involvement.
Fathers in the United States rarely have the opportunity to take leave. Accord -
i: ing to a national study of employers, only 14% of companies in the United States
offer any leave for fathers ( Matos 8c Galinsky, 2014 ) . Moreover, men report
being hesitant to use paternity leave because the practice is uncommon , so those
who take it are very noticeable ( Lieber, 2015 ). Yet when women take leave but
'
i
men do not, women are penalized and perceived as less committed to their job.
It should be noted that some countries have extremely long maternal leave
policies and that diis may not be the best option if one hopes to achieve gen -
der equality. For example, in Hungary, women are paid 70% of their wages
for three years in order to take care of their children ( Mandcl 8c Semyonov,
;j 2005; Weller, 2016 ). However, in countries like this with very long maternity
I •, leave, women earn considerably less money than men and arc less likely to be
f
I! 440 Chapter 10 Work

;
! 1
:?
fi ,
i
.
j]
a
Many fathers take an active

role in caring for their
a
children. Workplace policies
that facilitate fathers ' I
involvement with child care

make it easier for them
to actively participate in
day - today parenting tasks.
These policies benefit fathers,
mothers, and children — as
well as the companies
themselves. i -.
in managerial positions. Also, explicit discrimination against mothers is evi -

dent in these countries. For example , a bank executive in Hungary said that
“ if you decide to have a baby, your job is over because no one will wait for you
for three years” ( Glass, & Fodor, 2011, p. 16 ). Overall , while providing some
paid leave is important, extended leave that is only available to women isn’t the
optimal solution .
Child Care
How does the high cost of child care make it difficult to balance work
i
i !:
and family?
Parents who work need child care. In the United States, 11 million children are
in some sort of child care every week ( Child Care Aware of America, 2017 ) .
Center- based child care is extremely expensive, although it varies tremendously
from state to state . For example, a year of center- based care for an infant in
2016 was the most expensive in Massachusetts at $20,125 and was the least
expensive in Mississippi at $ 5 ,178 ( although this was still more than the average
cost of a mortgage in Mississippi ). In the Northeast and Midwest, child care
was the highest family expense; in the West and the South, it was only exceeded
by housing costs. To give a different perspective, the average annual cost of
center- based care for an infant was higher than tuition and fees at a four-year
public college in 28 states.
A single mother of an infant and school -age child described her financial
situation: “ Almost half of my paycheck goes to daycare. I pay $208 a week

for my son and $25 a week for [ my] daughter to go before and after school.
Obviously I have to work but some days it really doesn’t seem worth it. I love
the daycare center they are in, they do an amazing job. But it’s hard to live
when daycare is almost $1,000 a month” ( Child Care Aware of America , 2015,
p. 31 ). For people living at or near die poverty line, center- based child care is
truly unaffordable. For example, a Massachusetts resident living at the poverty
line would have to pay 99% of her salary to put one infant in center- based care
( Child Care Aware of America, 2017 ). Even for those who can afford child care,
quality is an issue. One study showed that the most consistently poor-quality
child care served areas where families were between poor and middle income,
earning $15,000 to $40,000 a year (Williams 8c Boushey, 2010 ) .
Child -care challenges are further complicated by the fact that about 20% of
die U.S. workforce is on a non -standard schedule, such as working evenings or
nights ( Enchautegui, Johnson, & Gelatt, 2015 ) . These are generally workers
who receive low pay and few benefits. People on a non -standard work schedule
have a particularly difficult time finding consistent child care. One divorced
single mother with seven - and nine-year-old children relied on nine different
adults, including her sister, a neighbor, and a grandmother, to watch her chil -
dren while she was at work ( Williams & Boushey, 2010 ) .
!. There is some federal funding for child care in the United States. Child Care
Development Block Grants ( CCDBG ) are given to states to subsidize child care
for low-income families, and parents generally have to pay a portion of the
; ll child -care costs. These grants are given to approximately 1.5 million families,
yet five times as many families are eligible but remain unfunded ( Williams &
Boushey, 2010 ). Funding for CCDBG hasn’t gone up since 2002, despite states
seeing higher demand. As a result, states have tried to stretch their dollars by
offering lower reimbursement rates for providers, increasing the family contri-
bution to the point that it becomes unaffordable for many families, or tighten -
ing the eligibility criteria so that fewer families are served .
The U.S. government does have other policies that can help parents alleviate
the cost of child care. For example, there are tax breaks for child -care costs.
However, this is no help to the many low- income Americans who don’t pay fed -
eral taxes because their incomes are lower than the standard federal deductions.
The effort to improve child care, as well as parental leave , has largely been taken
up by individual states and corporations. We’ll discuss some of these initiatives
1
in Chapter 14.
One approach to child care that’s available to wealthy women involves hiring
other women to work as nannies. Highly educated women often hire female
immigrants to care for children ( Cortes & Pan, 2013 ) . Only six states have
legislation that protects the rights of domestic workers, so it’s often the case
that they are not provided a minimum wage or overtime pay, do not get health
care coverage, and do not receive protection from harassment ( Aviv, 2016 ).
For example, one woman was paid $375 to care for two girls around the clock
t.i
i «
<i .
five days a week. As she described, “Mothers and daughters i
i
leave their families so they can do the type of ‘women’s

try it for yourself
work’ suing for the young, the elderly, and the infirm
that females in affluent countries no longer want to do or
— Talk to a number of people who have chil-
i
11;
=
have time to do” ( p. 3 ) . This practice has led some scholars
dren and work. Try to speak with people
to note that immigrant women are often the ones helping
with different social identity characteris-
wealthy women to “ have it all ” ( Furtado, 2016 ). In fact, tics, including gender identity, who work
fertility rates of upper-class, U .S.- born women are higher in a variety of occupations with different ii .
in areas with a large population of female immigrants work expectations. Ask them how they
( Furtado, 2016 ) . Thus, issues of work-family balance can balance work and family responsibilities.
exacerbate inequality between different groups of women. What barriers to work-family balance
Social policies designed to improve the work lives of all do they talk about? Do you notice any
women would help to alleviate these disparities. consistent themes? Do barriers cluster ac-
cording to gender or type of employment •I i 1
( e.g., hourly, salaried, commission)? How )
do these people address the barriers?

How does this activity influence your
Conclusion own thoughts about balancing work and
family, now or in the future?
In this chapter, we’ve explored barriers that keep women
from fully achieving in the workplace. These barriers affect
women across the income spectrum in different ways, but
they are particularly devastating for low- income women who struggle to meet
their families’ needs. However, some people are advocating for change. There
is increasing awareness of the importance of allowing women to thrive in the
workplace and how this benefits them, their families, and their employers.
The Me Too movement has shined a spodight on die problem of sexual harass-
ment and sexual assault in the workplace. By reading this chapter, you now have
more tools to better understand these challenges as well as some ideas about
how individuals and organizations can overcome them.
18. !
• r
»;•
i
Siii
;
i
I
*
Conclusion 443
; i
..
Chapter Review
!
:
1
:! SUMMARY
A Stalled Revolution? Gender Discrimination at Work
l
Although women have made great strides in Women are less represented in higher- power
die workplace, some researchers have called positions, and this is particularly true for
die progress toward gender equality stalled and women of color.
uneven. Women in low - wage jobs are less likely to be
promoted from the lowest levels than arc men .
The Pay Gap
Men who work in predominantly female -
Women, on average, are paid less than men,
dominated fields arc more likely to be
and women of color experience a larger pay
promoted to management and leadership
gap. The pay gap is particularly devastating for
positions than arc women .
low- income women .
! Leadership is seen as a masculine trait , but
One explanation for the pay gap is diat women
women who lead in traditionally masculine
tend to cluster in different occupations than do
ways are generally disliked .
men , known as horizontal occupational gender
i segregation. Women have a harder time than men finding
mentors and sponsors to help them advance in
Horizontal occupational gender segregation
their careers. Networking often takes place in
interacts with aspects of social identity, such
hypcrmasculinc environments and during times
as race and sexual orientation, in addition to
when many women need to attend to family
gender.
needs, limiting their ability to participate in
Women cluster in occupations involving care networking events.
work, and these jobs have lower salaries dian
i
jobs with comparable training and education Women are expected to be helpful around
the workplace, and they arc disliked if they
requirements.
don’t help.
One cause of die pay gap is a history of
discrimination that took place when the wages Women arc more likely than men to be
:
of many jobs were initially set. promoted to positions of leadership at times
when companies are at the edge of failure.
Women are generally paid less even in the same Compared to men , female CEOs receive more
field as men, and when women move into unsolicited advice from activist shareholders
traditionally male occupations, the pay tends to about how to run the company.
go down.
jl
Workplace harassment is a common experience
Women are less likely than men to negotiate among women specially for those who
for higher starting salaries, and they are judged also have other devalued social identity
more negatively than men when they do. characteristics such as race, sexual orientation,
There is a significant wage penalty for women or immigration status. Workplace harassment is
. when they become mothers, but fathers particularly problematic in masculine workplace
generally receive a wage bump. environments.
•
444 Chapter 10 Work

Balancing Work and Family -
for lower income workers, who often have
Although it’s a common assumption that work little say about when they work and little
and Family will conflict, research suggests that consistency in their schedules.
people are enriched by engaging in multiple There is widespread discrimination across the
roles. income spectrum against pregnant women,
People often consider work-family balance mothers, and family caregivers.
in the context of choices women make, but The United States is the only industrialized
their choices are constrained in many ways. country without a parental leave policy. Lack !
Focusing on choice obscures the role of of parental leave has negative psychological
gender discrimination. consequences for both mothers and children.
Work-family balance is difficult to achieve When fathers take leave, there are benefits for
because of inequality in the division of labor at fathers, mothers, and children.
home . Care burdens increase further for women In die United States, high -quality child care is
who also provide care for their aging parents. extremely expensive and often difficult to find.
Inflexible work environments and expectations High -income women often hire low-income and
for long work hours make balancing work immigrant women to care for their children, so
in diese cases liberation for one group of women
and family challenging. This is exacerbated
comes on die back of odier groups of women.
KEY TERM.
horizontal occupational gender segregation ( p. 408 ) sponsor ( p. 423 )
vertical occupational gender segregation ( p. 408 ) amplification ( p. 424 )
comparable worth ( p. 411 ) glass cliff ( p. 425 )
motherhood wage penalty ( p. 414 ) quid pro quo harassment ( p. 427 )
glass ceiling ( p. 417 ) hostile work environment ( p. 427 )
sticky floor ( p. 418 ) heterosexist harassment ( p. 429 )
glass escalator ( p. 418 ) work-family conflict ( p. 432 )
“ think manager-think male ” bias ( p. 420 ) role enhancement theory ( p. 432 )
transformational leader ( p. 422 ) work-family enrichment ( p. 432 )
networking ( p. 422 ) sandwich generation ( p. 435 )
mentor ( p. 423 ) maternal wall ( p. 437 )
THINK ABOUT IT
1. Imagine you’re advising a woman who is is it? If it is hard to locate or unclear, what
negotiating a salary for a new job. Based on recommendations would you make to change
the research, what things would you tell the that ?
woman to say? What would you advise her to 4. Imagine that a friend who has two small
avoid ? children decides to go back into the
2. Using the research in this chapter, what workforce. What types of stressors do you
specific actions can you do in your work think she will encounter? What advice would
environment to address inequalities? you offer her?
3. Locate the sexual harassment policy at your
school and /or workplace. How accessible
Chapter Review 445
I
>
I
:
i ONLINE RESOURCES
!i
J
i
i
Equal Rights Advocates — information
that protects and promotes economic and
—
Girl Boss conversations with women who
are leaders in die paid workforce: girlboss.com
i
educational access and opportunities for
women and girls: equalrights.org
National Women’s Law Center — policies
and laws that help guide women and girls, with
i
—
Fairy God Boss advice about pay and
workplace culture, with attention to gender
particular attention to women who face some
of the toughest challenges: nwlc.org
equality in the workplace: fairygodboss.com
!•
;
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t;
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.
s£
'i
;
446 Chapter 10 Work

•V
- . ^ , .-••.- \
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* v •* i
.'j,N 5o "••\
'
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Ns*
'•
.
v
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. V.
1
i :
i?
o Oseola McCarty, a Black woman from Hattiesburg, Mississippi, retired
i at age 86 in 1995. Since dropping out of school in sixth grade, she had
i
worked full-time as a "washerwoman" doing laundry for people to help
support herself, her aunt, and her grandmother ( "Oseola McCarty " n.d.). .
She had also saved some of her earnings, resulting in $280,000 in the
.
bank when she retired. After setting aside enough to live on she donated
$150,000 to the University of Southern Mississippi to fund scholarships for
students seeking the type of education she had been unable to pursue,
n .
At age 50 Carol Masheter, a White epidemiologist from Salt Lake City .
Utah, began climbing mountains (Henetz, 2012). She did most of her train-
ing and climbing during her yearly three- week vacations.
In 2012, the then 65-year -old, retired Masheter became the
oldest woman to climb the tallest mountain on each of the
4 seven continents —something she managed to do in a span
L\ of four years.
r,« In 2017, Alla lllyinichna Levushkina became the world’s oldest
III
n
..s
-
' 3 \
working surgeon at age 89 (White, 2017). She has performed
'
IV '
*
more than 10,000 surgeries and has had no fatalities. In
.
t Russia, where she lives, it's typical to retire in one's mid-fifties,
(N
.’ but Levushkina can't imagine her life without her work. She
—
A
! u
A] 7M s
still performs at least four surgeries per week.
;• ! : yr
• f
Pinup calendars with naked or nearly naked women are noth-
?!
ing new. However, in 1999, when the Rylestone Women's
K
Institute in England made such a calendar as a fund-raiser
; X
(
i
for leukemia research in honor of a member's late husband,
A ;
: .
the women made waves (Hoge 2000). That's because all
.
* Older women contribute to society the nude, but strategically blocked, models were between
in diverse ways. LaDonna Brave the ages of 45 and 60. This effort inspired a movie, Calendar
si -
Bull Allard, pictured here, has
Girls, starring Helen Mirren. It also inspired many other calen-
:i worked as an activist to both
preserve tribal lands and protect dars in this vein, such as one featuring 16 women in their 70s
the Missouri River from the and 80s from the Riderwood retirement community in Silver
!
development of an oil pipeline. Spring, Maryland, to fund-raise for community residents who
However, women such as this
aren ' t usually the first to come to .
were struggling financially (Rosenwald 2012).
mind when people think of older n In 2016, LaDonna Brave Bull Allard, a member of the Stand-
: women. Why do you suppose ing Rock Sioux tribe in her 60s, founded the Sacred Stones
these women are viewed as the
exception rather than the rule?
camp on her property in North Dakota ( Deerinwater, 2016;
Merlan, 2016). This became the first of numerous camps for
i 448 Chapter 11 Older Women

i
i
l si
—
those calling themselves water protectors people working to halt con- i
struction of the Dakota Access Pipeline to both preserve sacred lands and :
protect the Missouri River. Allard, who also identifies her name as Ta Maka
Waste Win, meaning " Her Good Earth Woman," became a spokesperson !
for the water protectors at Standing Rock ( "Standing Rock Sioux Historian ". >
2016). She spoke on their behalf at the United Nations (UN) in October
2016 to urge intervention since the proposed Dakota Access Pipeline vio- I I
•
!
lated treaties between the U.S. government and the Lakota people as well «
as the Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples adopted by the UN !
( "LaDonna Bravebull Allard Urges UN,” 2016).
If you're like most people, the previous stories probably aren't i
i
the first that come to mind when you think of older women. your turn
Instead of active women working to make a difference in the
iii
world, you may think of frail women who can't care for them- When you think of older women, what !!
selves, or women in nursing homes living with dementia, or comes to mind? What do these women
white- haired grandmothers rocking on a porch while knit - look like? How do they spend their time?
What are their concerns? Now ask the
ting, or widows living alone in a small apartment struggling
same questions of others. Are there I
to pay the monthly bills. Those experiences are the reality patterns to the responses based on the
for some older women, but they aren't the only ones. In this age or gender of those you talk with? How
chapter, we' ll explore both the assumptions about and the about sexual orientation or race/ethnicity?
realities of being an older woman. We 'll talk about appear-

ance, health, relationships, and work. We'll touch on some !
of the stressors associated with being an older woman, and the ways in which
older women are resilient and continue to make important contributions to their i •
communities.
:» »
Stereotypes of Older Women

When docs someone go from being a woman to being an older woman? After
all , we begin aging as soon as we’re born , so each minute we’re alive means
we’re now older than wc were before . This isn’t something we can pinpoint; it’s
often a matter of perspective . When you were 6 years old , people in their early :•
20s may have seemed old to you . However, most of our students in their •* :
Hi
early 20s don’t feel old —some don’t even feel like adults yet. When you’re 20, i
•
ii;
i
people who arc 40 or 50 may seem old . Many birthday cards associate both these .. .
j j

milestone birthdays with being “over the hill,” but people in their 40s and 50s
may not see it diis way. They’re likely to be busy building their careers, raising
children , and developing and /or maintaining romantic relationships. They may
feel that being old will come with retirement in their late 60s. Do you notice a
pattern here ?
How Others Perceive Older Adults

What are the stereotypes of older adults, and how do they vary based on
different aspects of people’s social identities?
Regardless of the specific age at which “ old ” begins, it’s common to expect
different things from people as they grow older. Throughout this book , we’ve
explored stereotypes of women and the way these stereotypes change when
other aspects of women’s social identities are considered . Older women consti -
tute one more group for whom stereotypes abound . As with general stereotypes
of women, stereotypes of older adults reflect a mix of positive and negative attri -
butes ( Levy & Macdonald, 2016 ). For example, older people are perceived as
warm, caring, and communal, but they’re also seen as as frail, forgetful, and less
competent. Meta -analyses indicate that, overall, attitudes toward older adults are
more negative than those toward younger adults ( Kite & Johnson , 1988; Kite,
Stockdale, Whitley, & Johnson, 2005 ) . Ageism is prejudice related to a person’s
!.
actual or perceived age, and the stereotypes given above reflect ageist views.
Do people judge older women and men in different ways ? The answer
appears to be yes. For example, a sample of predominantly White college stu -
dents generally evaluated older adults positively and evaluated older women
more positively than older men ( Narayan, 2008 ). Flowevcr, older women were
rated more positively in traditionally feminine domains of having friends and
participating in religious or leisure activities; older men were evaluated more
positively in traditionally masculine domains related to competence and work.
In another study whose participants ranged from 20 to 92 years old , older men,
as compared to older women, were evaluated more positively in domains of
finances and work ( Kornadt, Voss, & Rothermund, 2013 ) . These findings indi-
cate that gendered expectations continue as people age.
Stereotypes become more complicated when other aspects of social identities,
such as race or sexual orientation, are taken into consideration . For example, a
sample of largely White undergraduates was asked to rate groups of people on
traits related to agentic or communal orientations ( Andreoletti , Leszczynski, &
Disch, 2015 ). The groups were described as either Black or White, female or
male, and between 15 and 95 years of age ( e.g., Black 35 -year-old women ).
When the researchers looked just at gender, women were perceived as more
communal and men as more agentic. When looking just at race, White individu-
als were perceived as more communal and Black individuals as more aggressive,
450 Chapter 11 Older Women
'
I
i
i
1
I
Beliefs about older adults

differ, depending on what
social identity characteristics :
are considered. Gender i
J
-
certainly impacts people' s 1'
^ %r
perceptions of older adults.
" but so do other factors such i
i
as ability status and sexual
orientation. What image do
you picture when you think
i
about an older lesbian? What i:
about an older heterosexual i
woman ? What about an older

!l
Latinx woman or an older it
Asian woman? ii
ii
competitive, and dominant. When looking just at age, older adults were gener-
ally seen as less agcntic and more communal. A more complex picture emerged
when the researchers considered how gender, race, and age interacted . For
example, older Black and White women were evaluated differently. Specifically,
older Black women were rated as similar in competitiveness to older Black and 1
•!
White men and as more competitive than older White women . Older White :
women were rated as more devoted to others than were older Black women.
i
Although little research has explored it , there’s evidence that sexual orienta - • >1
tion may also influence perceptions of older adults. In a study of college students
who predominantly identified as heterosexual and White, older adults were, ,i » i
overall, perceived as being more frail but also more judicious ( c.g., wise, mature, I i
patient, and cautious ) than younger adults, consistent with general aging ste-
reotypes ( Wright & Canetto, 2009 ) . Moreover, heterosexual women and men
were perceived as being traditionally feminine and masculine in line with gender
stereotypes. Older lesbians, however, were perceived as more similar to hetero- t.'ii
sexual men than heterosexual women in terms of masculine/agentic traits such

as being independent and being able to withstand pressure.
If
•11
How Older Adults Perceive Themselves I
Bi
What is stereotype embodiment theory, and how do stereotypes influence • I;. •
the way older adults see themselves?
ii ; i
Stereotypes don’t just influence how others perceive older adults; they iiir
also influence how older adults see themselves and the choices they make. <
» •

ill
Psychologist Becca Levy ( 2009 ) developed stereotype embodiment theory to
describe this process. She argued that people learn age- related stereotypes at a
young age and internalize them . As we grow older, these become self-stereotypes
that influence die way we think and act, which in turn can affect our mental
and our physical health. Researchers explore this by priming older participants
to think about stereotypes of older adults ( e.g., by showing them words asso-
ciated with these stereotypes ). For example, some participants will be shown
words associated with negative stereotypes ( e.g., confused , dependent ) , and oth -
ers will be shown words associated with positive stereotypes ( e .g ., accomplished ,
t
guidance). In various studies, participants who were primed with negative ste-
reotypes subsequently showed results ranging from worse handwriting ( Levy,
2000 ) to heightened stress responses when solving puzzles ( Levy, Hausdorff,
Hencke, & Wei, 2000 ) to decreased performance on memory tests ( Hess,
Auman, Colcombe, 8c Rahhal, 2003 ).
The internalization of aging stereotypes is related to stereotype threat , an
idea discussed in Chapter 3. Research has shown that stereotypes in domains
that people particularly value, such as physical health and the capacity to indc -
pendendy care for oneself, seem to be those most likely to impact their thoughts
and behavior ( Bennett 8c Gaines, 2010 ) . Given this, the influence of internalized
} stereotypes on older adults’ health and well - being is of particular concern. Other
> research with older adult samples has indicated that they have worse outcomes in
a variety of domains when they’re exposed to or believe in ageist stereotypes. For
example, endorsing ageist stereotypes has been shown to relate to lower levels of
! physical activity ( Emile, Chalabaev, Stephan , Corrion, 8c d’Arripe - Longucville,
2014 ), and being exposed to ageist stereotypes has actually been shown to
decrease die will to live ( Levy, Ashman, 8c Dror, 2000; Marques, Lima , Abrams,
8c Swift, 2014 ). Believing in ageist stereotypes has also been related to decreased
engagement in preventive health practices such as seeking regular medical care
I" improve and maintain healdi overall.

—
and taking prescribed medicines ( Levy 8c Myers, 2004 ) actions that can help
Nevertheless, other research shows that not everyone who might be consid -
ered “old ” is affected by negative stereotypes about older people. In one study,
many participants who held negative stereotypes about older people didn’t actu -
ally sclf-identify as old, even at age 70 and above ( Kornadt 8c Rothermund ,
2012 ). If people don’t view themselves as old , then negative stereotypes about
aging will have a lesser effect on them. In fact, other researchers have found
! that when participants encountered negative stereotypes about aging, they were
actually less likely to see themselves as old ( Weiss 8c Lang, 2012 ). In a study on
the conceptualization of aging among women from Quebec ( age 65 and older ),
most participants didn’t identify as old , or did so only grudgingly ( Queniart 8c
Charpenticr, 2012 ). One 91-year-old woman said , “I think it [ the label of old
woman ] best described some else, not me,” and another said , “ I told you my age
[ 85], but I don’t feel that age ” ( p. 992 ). This was largely due to their awareness

—
of negative stereotypes of old women as being dependent, socially isolated, and
fragile characteristics they didn’t associate with themselves. Rather, they saw
themselves as aging well, maintaining physical and intellectual health as well as
their independence.
H
Some women may also have a positive view of their own aging. For example,
one study showed that older lesbians perceived the aging process as positive
(Schope, 2005 ) . This was attributed to the fact that the participants reported
diverse social networks consisting of both younger and older friends. Also, older I« : !
lesbian women reported feeling revered by younger lesbian women because of
their wisdom and increased engagement in politics.
Overall , the findings just described suggest that people view “ old ” in dif-
ferent ways and that it may only be a state of mind . Apparently, age stereo-
types don’t have the same effect if one doesn’t view oneself as old . No matter
how old one may actually be in years, not seeing oneself as “ old ” means a
lower likelihood of worrying about memory loss, physical frailty, or loss of
independence .
!
I
The Av : i g Body i
Many stereotypes about aging involve the body and how it changes as we get !
older. If you imagine an older woman , you may think of someone with gray hair
and wrinkles. Perhaps you think of someone who uses an assistive device to help i :
with mobility or who has other health concerns. It’s true that bodies change
as we age, in terms of both physical appearance and function. It’s also true
—
that eventually all of us will see our bodies fail that’s part of being human.
Women , however, face added pressures related to their aging bodies because
i
societal beauty standards are narrower and more harshly applied to women than
to men.
Appearance
How do older women feel about their appearance, and what role does
beauty work play in their lives?
Age stereotypes aren’t just about how people act and what they can do. They’re
also about how people look. As we saw in Chapter 6, women in Western society
are under particular pressure to conform to largely unachievable beauty ideals.
Although appearance expectations and pressures to meet them do change as
women grow older, they don’t go away. This means that older women may 5i -
have different concerns as compared to younger women. One reason is that
The Aging Body 453

} •!
:
!».i;
( .
beauty is typically equated with youth ( Calasanti, & Slevin, 2001; Chrisler,
2007; Furman, 1997). So beautiful skin is smooth, not wrinkled; beautiful
hair isn’t gray; beautiful breasts are high and firm , not sagging. Even though
women might be able to change their weight through dieting and exercise or
their breast size through cosmetic surgery, they can’t actually stop the aging
i
process. Regardless of how they adjust their physical appearance, ail women
will get progressively further away from die beauty ideal as they age ( Chris-
ler, 2011). As one woman put it when describing how society treats older
: women, “Well, you’re old. You can’t look good anyway ” ( Hurd Clarke &
•;
Griffin, 2008, pp. 660-661).
This attitude is reinforced by die fact that there are few images of older women
in the media. As discussed in Chapter 6, older women are under - represented in
—
the media especially women of color ( Coltrane & Messineo, 2000; Covert &
Dixon, 2008; Mastro & Stern, 2003; Robinson , Callister, & Magoffin , 2009 ).
Older lesbians are also rendered “ invisible ” within society ( Rose & Hospi-
tal, 2015 ). When media portrayals of older women do occur in movies or
—
television shows, the women are rarely in lead roles especially not as sex-
ually desirable romantic leads ( Lauzen & Dozier, 2005a, 2005 b ). The few
older women in TV shows and movies are typically portrayed in stereotypical,
and sometimes explicitly negative, ways ( Robinson et al., 2009 ). However,
not all portrayals are negative. For example, Jennifer Lewis in the TV show
iRll
!
' Blackish and Meryl Streep in the movie It3s Complicated play older women
who are funny, intelligent, compassionate, multi-dimensional , and involved
in love affairs. Still, the majority of positive images of older women are usu -
- •
ally of affluent White women who conform to traditional standards of beauty
( Lemish & Muhlbauer, 2012 ) . Given this pattern, it’s not surprising that a
study of middle-aged women ( ages 35 to 55 ) showed that greater media expo-
sure through television viewing was related to body dissatisfaction and disor-
dered eating (Slevec & Tiggemann, 2011 ).
In fact, many women report body dissatisfaction throughout their lives
( Roy & Payette, 2012; Tiggemann & Lynch, 2001 ). In a study of women
in Austria, fully 60% of participants ages 60 to 70 reported body dissatisfac-
tion ( Mangweth- Matzek et al., 2006 ). However, other research indicates that
older women may be less worried about their appearance than younger women
are. For example, in one study, researchers found that both older and younger
women paid attention to their appearance at similar rates, but younger women
felt worse about their bodies when they did so as compared to older women
( Grippo & Hill, 2008 ). In another study of 20- to 84-year-old women in
Australia, body dissatisfaction was shown to be stable across the lifespan, but
self-objectification, body monitoring, appearance anxiety, and disordered eating
!
! all decreased with age (Tiggemann & Lynch, 2001). As covered in Chapter
’
6, self-objectification and body monitoring have been identified as cognitive
•• I
distractions that can impair women’s task performance ( Fredrickson , Roberts,
.;
_
• .
j:
*
i :; '
Noll , Quinn , Sc Twengc, 1998; Hebl, King, 8c Lin, 2004 ). Thus, older women
may be less likely to experience these negative consequences of feeling dissatis-
fied with their appearance.
If
.
Older women also have varying perspectives on attractiveness ( Krekula,
2016 ) . This research suggests that older women are sometimes influenced A 1
by youthful beauty standards, but they also draw on a different set of beauty '
1
norms related to age. Essentially, their comparison groups shift.

!'•
Even though they may compare themselves to young women and
m!
media figures who represent cultural beauty ideals, they also com - i1
pare themselves to other older women . This comparison with simi - INGREDIENTS: Aqua (Water ) ViUs .
Vmilera (Grape ) Seed Extract .
lar-age peers may help them maintain a positive self-image. Cyclomothlcone, Glycerin PEG . -
!
.
100 Stearate Propylene Glycol
Prunus Armeniaca (Apricot ) Kernel
. f
i
.
Oil Butyleno Glycol, Aesculus I
Beauty Work Because aging brings body - and appearance-related Hippocastanum (Horse Chestnut )
Extract .Symphytum Officinale
changes, it's common for women to feel increased pressure to

(Comfrey) Leaf Extract Cucumis
Sativus (Cucumber ) Fruit Extract
. .
Camellia Olelfera ( Green Tea )
engage in beauty work, or body modifications to conform to Extract, Glycino So|a ( Soybean) !
.
Oil Glyceryl Dlstearato. Glyceryl
Stearato , Olmethlcone. Tocopheryl
social norms of attractiveness. Beauty work isn’t limited to older .
Acetate Linoleic Acid Cetyl .
.
Alcohol Stoaryl Alcohol Alpha . i
• i
women , and it includes practices such as wearing makeup, shaving Upoic Acid, Citrus Medica Umonum
( Lemon) Peel Extract Macrosystis .
legs, and dying hair. It can also involve invasive procedures such
Pynfera ( Kelp ) Extract Panax .
Ginseng (Ginseng) Root Extract
Cymbopogon Schoonanthus
.
as Botox injections or cosmetic surgery. Studies have shown that (Lemongrass) Extract Rosa Camru
( Dog Rose ) Fruit Extract .
Equlsitum Hiomale (Horsetail)
some women feel beauty work is necessary in order to hide the Re -Sto ration 1'W Extract . Chamomilla Recutita
( Matricaria ) Extract, Sodium
signs of aging and to “ pass” as younger than one’s chronological DEEP REPAIR .
Hyaluronate Glyceryl Unoleate.
!
age ( Hurd Clarke, Griffin, & Maliha, 2009; Winterich , 2007 ). This FACIAL SERUM V , .
Hydrolyzed Soy Protom Retinyl
.
Palm tato Daucus Carota Sativa
.
(Carrot ) Root Arginine, Superoxido
. t
Oismutase. Caffeine. Panthonol.

type of beauty work is known as age concealment. As a result, .
Niacin Phytonadlone Riboflavin .
Folic Acid .
Cyanocobalamln
Eucalyptus Globulus Loaf Oil, PEG-
.
“anti -aging ” products, such as skin creams, are popular. In 2015, tensive anti -aging f° .
Stearato Com Starch Modified.
Irnldazolidirryt Uroa. Mothylparabon .
—
Americans spent S281.6 billion on anti -aging products a figure
Z. Bigatti Cl 14700 ( Red 4 )
.
.
Propylparabon Totmsodium EDTA!
.
Cl 19140 t :
that’s projected to reach S331.3 billion by 2020 ( Elder, 2016 ).

( Yellow S) Cl 15510 (
Orange 4 )
“
It’s often said that men become distinguished as they age,
while women just get old ( and become unattractive; Calasanti,
& Slcvin, 2001; Furman, 1997 ) . The human body changes as it All beauty work takes time and
money, and this expenditure
ages, and that’s true regardless of gender identity, but women are
increases when women engage
generally perceived as “old ” at earlier ages than men ( Calasanti, in beauty work in an effort
2005 ). Therefore, it may not be surprising that women, as com- to conceal their age. If you
pared to men, worry about looking young or younger ( Halliwell compare the cost of "anti- aging’
Sc Dittmar, 2003 ). Women are also both expected to, and actually versus traditional moisturizers i: t
do, engage in age concealment more than men ( Harris, 1994 ). available at a local store, you're
Moreover, anti-aging products are largely marketed toward women almost certain to find that the ..
anti-aging versions cost more.
(Smirnova, 2012 ), and when they are marketed to men, the focus :
Even more expensive products a•
generally shifts from appearance to body function ( Calasanti, can be found at doctors'
M'
ij
<
2007 ). So, when anti-aging ads target men, they’re more likely offices, spas, and premium
to promote products such as dietary supplements. Even in adver- retailers. The product pictured
tising for appearance- related products targeting men, a different here retails for nearly $200 ( for
tone usually prevails. For example, Touch of Gray hair dye mar- 1 ounce). ‘it -
keted to men conveys the message that it’s alright for men to have * j! •
The Aging Body 455

some gray ( but not too much ), as it shows that they have
try it for yourself life experience. Can you imagine a similar product being
marketed to women ?
When women in research studies have been asked about
Go to a drug store or the health and
their appearance - related body concerns, they’ve mentioned
beauty section of a big box store. Look at
graying hair, wrinkles, sagging skin , facial hair, and weight
the products on the shelves as well as the
advertising throughout the section and the gain ( Hurd Clarke ct al., 2009; Winterich, 2007 ). As noted
product packaging. Are products aimed previously , it’s generally expected that most women will
at women, at men. or at all people? Which attempt to conceal their age, but they actually receive con -
products seem marketed explicitly toward flicting messages about whether or not they should . For
older adults? Do you see any gender differ- example, primarily White participants of diverse ages judged
ences in these products? What about the older individuals described as using age concealment more
products marketed as anti-aging? Are they negatively than those described as not engaging in such
for women, for men. or for everyone? Who practices ( Harris, 1994 ). However, women in another study
! is depicted in the ads or on the packaging? reported receiving negative reactions if they didn ’t take
Do those people look “old"?
steps to conceal their age ( Hurd Clarke & Griffin , 2008 ).
These women reported feeling that they were invisible, that
others assumed they weren’t knowledgeable or competent,
and that it was challenging to keep or attract the interest of a sexual and /or
ii : romantic partner.
I: Overall, then , older women face a “damned if they do/damned if they don’t ”
I
situation. Consequently, many try to conceal their age in subtle ways in
order to achieve a “ natural ” look ( Hurd Clarke & Griffin , 2007 ) . Moreover,
older women themselves often set and enforce appearance standards, as with
“age-appropriate ” dress ( Hurd Clarke et al., 2009 ). Clothing identified as inap-
propriate included revealing items ( e.g., low- rise jeans, short skirts ), garments
in bright or bold colors, and clothes that were “ too fashionable ” and youth
—
oriented as opposed to those that were “classic” or “ traditional ” in style and
the older women who participated in the study made negative judgments about
those whom they perceived as violating these standards ( p. 715 ).
Women respond in various ways to the pressure for beauty work. A group
of 46- to 71-year-old women, diverse in terms of race and sexual orientation,
shared an array of perspectives ( Winterich, 2007 ) . One White lesbian woman
said that when her hair began to gray, “students started to treat me differently
. . . they started to talk to me like I was an old woman . . . I started dyeing my
hair and that was the end of that ” ( p. 63 ). Other women embrace their gray
;
hair. A Latinx lesbian said, “ I worked for every single one! . . . Besides, I think
it looks pretty cool,” and a Black lesbian said, “ I want to put that stuff to make
the gray shine!” ( p. 63).
i One age-related change that most women find unacceptable is the growth of
facial hair. Although a minority of women in one study reported experiencing
this change, the majority of those who did engaged in practices to remove the
:i unwanted hair ( Winterich, 2007 ). As discussed in Chapter 4, people are often
!
i 'i
uncomfortable with the fact that sex /gender distinctions aren’t as clear as they
may have believed to be the case. The presence of facial hair is associated with
masculine identity and violates norms of femininity in addition to youthful norms
of attractiveness. As a result, facial hair as a body change associated with aging til
may be viewed as particularly problematic because it also disrupts assumptions

of a strict and clear gender binary. One woman reported being asked “What arc
you ? ” as the presence of facial hair made her gender ambiguous ( p. 65 ).
Some women may opt for more invasive beauty work in the form of surgi -
cal and non -surgical cosmetic procedures such as face and neck lifts, chemical
peels, and Botox injections. In fact, in 2014, among those age 55 and older, the
nvo most common cosmetic surgical procedures were eyelid surgery ( which can
address drooping eyelids ) and facelifts ( American Society of Plastic Surgeons hi
[ASPS ], 2014 ). A different report for the same year concurred that these were
the most common procedures for those age 65 and older, but liposuction was
slightly more common than eyelid surgery and facelifts among those ages 51
to 64 ( American Society for Aesthetic Plastic Surgery [ ASAPS ], 2014 ). Botox
( or other similar injections ) and the injection of soft tissue fillers were the most
.I
common non - surgical procedures ( ASAPS, 2014; ASPS, 2014 ).
These products and procedures can be considered empowering because they
give women control, or the illusion of control, over die aging process. One
study participant said , “ You don’t exactly cheat on Mother Nature, but you
kind of, you know, get a handle on this particular ageing process” ( Brooks,
2010, p. 245 ) . However, other participants reported that anti -aging products
and procedures can make them feel as if aging is their fault. These potential
benefits and drawbacks associated with conforming to norms of beauty and
sexiness arc similar to the challenges younger women encounter if they engage
in sclf-sexualization, as discussed in Chapter 7.
Some women may explicitly reject youth -oriented beauty norms typi -
cally associated with White and /or heterosexual women ( Brooks, 2010;
Wintcrich , 2007 ). Even if women don’t do this, however, anti -aging products
and procedures aren’t accessible to everyone. They’re rarely covered by health
insurance, so the expense alone keeps many women from pursuing them. How-
ever, in one study with a predominantly White sample of midlife women, 81%
of participants said they would undergo at least one cosmetic procedure if cost
weren’t an issue ( Chrislcr, Gorman, Serra, & Chapman, 2012 ). In fact, 3S.5% of
the women in this study had actually undergone some sort of procedure. Appar-
ently, then, for some women the capacity to appear to be “aging gracefully” is
directly connected to their ability to afford anti-aging products and procedures.
Older women may have mixed feelings about the results of no longer meeting
traditional standards of beauty and sexiness. For some, the invisibility of older
women in our culture may allow a reprieve from sexual objectification that they
experienced in their younger years ( Chrisler, Rossini, & Newton, 2015 ). This
can be a relief. Other women, who had enjoyed receiving attention related to
li
The Aging Body 457
their appearance and may even have found it empowering, report that they miss
the sexualized attention they received when they were younger ( Chrisler, 2007 ).
Menopause
What is menopause, what are women's experiences of menopause like,
and what role does medical intervention play in women' s experience of
menopause?
Menopause is die permanent end of menstrual periods, resulting from decreased

hormone production in die ovaries. Typically, menopause occurs at around
age 50; however, it can occur earlier ( Laven, Visser, Uitterlinden, Vermeij, &
Hoeijmakers, 2016; Shadyab ct al., 2017 ). For example, if a woman has an oopho -
rectomy^ or removal of her ovaries, she will enter surgical menopause. This often
—
occurs as part of a hysterectomy, or removal of the uterus typically done to treat
a disorder such as endometriosis ( in which uterine tissue grows outside of the
uterus ) or a disease such as cancer. When die uterus is removed , menstruation
stops. However, if the ovaries aren’t removed at the same time, they continue
to produce estrogen and other reproductive hormones, and menopause doesn’t
actually occur even if a woman can no longer menstruate. Early menopause can
also occur for other reasons, including experiencing chemotherapy to treat cancer.
What most people refer to as menopause is better thought of as die meno-
pausal transition, or perimenopause. Perimenopause is a term for the few years
before and the 12 months after a woman’s last menstrual cycle. Once a woman
hasn’t had a menstrual period for 12 months, she’s considered postmenopausal,
or in postmenopause. During perimenopause, many women experience body
changes. These include changes in the length and regularity of the menstrual
cycle, hot flashes, night sweats, and vaginal dryness. Although these changes occur
to different degrees and for different periods of time for different women, irreg-
ular menstrual cycles and hot flashes typically occur over a period of a few years.
Although transgender and gender non - binary individuals who have ova -
ries can experience menopause, the vast majority of research about menopause
focuses on cisgender women. This practice limits the understanding of meno-
pause since people appear to classify their experiences based on their social iden -
tities. For example, in one study of women in the United States, researchers
found that race/ethnicity influenced participants’ attitudes toward menopause
(Sommer et al., 1999 ). Black women held the most positive attitudes, followed
by White, Latinx, and Asian American women . The researchers speculated that
menopause represented a relatively minor stressor in comparison to the Black
women’s lifelong experiences of racism. Results from another study suggest that
attitudes about menopause may influence the extent to which women notice
body changes as well as how they respond to those changes (Ayers, Forshaw, &

t!
Hunter, 2010 ) . In other words, when women think menopause is something !
to be dreaded and feared , they may actually experience more severe symptoms.
Cultural context can also influence experiences of menopause. In one study, a
!•
sample of women in Canada and the United States reported more body changes I)
than did a sample of women in Japan ( Lock, 1994 ). Another study showed
that country of residence was related to reports of body changes associated !
with menopause in samples of women from Lebanon, Morocco, Spain, and
die United States ( Obcrmeyer, Reher, & Saliba, 2007). Overall, body changes If
associated with menopause are found among women worldwide, and rates vary
—
within every sample of women with some reporting few changes and little to
no distress, and others reporting much more ( Obermeyer, 2000 ). I;
In a study of 50 - year- old women and their mothers ( all of whom identified
as White ), even though the participants’ physical experiences were similar across
generations, mothers generally viewed menopause as a natural stage of life while ;
daughters regarded it as a mcdicalized experience of symp- ii
toms that needed to be treated and/or cured ( Utz, 2011).
One mother said , “ Menopause just happened. We didn’t do
! ii
much about it” ( p. 147); but one daughter said, “I will treat
try it for yourself Hi
it [ menopausal symptoms], or better yet, stop it before it ever
—
starts” ( p. 148 ), reflecting a more negative view as if meno-
pause were something to be delayed or avoided at all costs.
When you think of menopause, what
comes to mind? Do you think of it as one
H
r•
more aspect of life to be experienced,
This view was generally associated with a fear of aging and a or as a medical issue to be managed
discomfort with die body changes associated with menopause. with the help of health-care providers?
In talking about their own experience with body changes, one Take a minute to google menopause . ii
daughter shared that she was “ no longer able to lose weight, What comes up as the initial links? Do <
no matter how much I diet” ( p. 148 ), and another said, “I these sites talk about body changes or i
began to notice skin changes, it just wasn’t as tight as it used to symptoms? Are the pages from medically
b e. . . . And weight gain, well, not really weight gain, my body oriented sources? How can the differ- ill
just changed. It is a different shape now” ( p. 147). Because the ences in language and the sources of
older women saw menopause as natural, it didn’t bother them information shape the way people view 5:
the menopausal transition?

much. However, their daughters saw it is a medical issue and .I
!
l:!!
|
reported greater distress.
Hormones Menopause does contribute to changes in the body’s physical

t \\
appearance. As estrogen levels decline, collagen production decreases, so the skin
loses elasticity and becomes thinner. Fat deposits are redistributed, which can i;
make skin and breasts sag. As estrogen declines, testosterone in women’s bodies I
can produce facial hair and a deepening voice. Vaginal tissues become thinner, and :i
vaginal lubrication often decreases. The last two changes can contribute to some ii
ii
of the changes in women’s sexual experiences as they age (discussed in Chapter 7).
These changes may be particularly impactful for heterosexual women, as they’re
likely to define sex in terms of penile-vaginal penetration. In one study, hetero-
ii - •’
sexual women described vaginal dryness as contributing to relationship problems ti
The Aging Body 459 i :

i
.» •
because their male partners complained about die dryness impacting their own
experience of sex ( Winterich, 2003). In contrast, lesbian women reported that
vaginal dryness ( their own or dieir partner’s ) led to more communication about
how to adapt dieir sexual activity so diat bodi partners were satisfied .
i!j ?!
For years, menopausal and postmenopausal hormone therapy ( HT; also
! known as hormone replacement therapy, or HRT) was considered the best way
il : to treat and prevent symptoms associated with menopause. In fact , in 1966 the
I
r
gynecologist Robert Wilson published the book Feminine Forever promoting the
i use of HT to “cure ” menopause, which was considered a hormone deficiency
.
:
.
disease. The book contributed to large numbers of women being prescribed
(
estrogen supplements, and later estrogen / progestin supplements. The shift to
die latter occurred because a link between estrogen -only HT and endometrial
cancer was identified in 1975 (Smidi, Prentice, Thompson , 3c Hermann, 1975;
Zicl & Finkle, 1975 ). Rates increased from approximately 1% of peri - and post -
menopausal women using HT prior to 1980 to approximately 4.4% of women in
the 1980s and 8.8% of women in the 1990s ( Jewett, Gangnon, Trentham- Dietz,
j
8c Sprague, 2014 ). By the early 2000s, researchers and doctors alike were inter-
!j ested in HT as a preventive treatment for problems ranging from heart disease
to osteoporosis to dementia.
!
However, the enthusiasm for HT ended abrupdy when it became clear that
i1 diis therapy actually increased, radier than decreased, the risk of many odier
diseases. In fact, in 2002, a large study of postmenopausal estrogen / progestin
!:
use was stopped 2.5 years early because the results indicated that taking HT was
! doing harm to the participants. Specifically, it was linked to increases in heart
:
,
i '!
!'
Even though people of all
ages utilize health - care
services, chronic illnesses
increase as people age. Given
: ! this, older women are greater
consumers of health - care
'
; I services than younger women.

Talk to an older woman
you know , and ask about
her experiences with the
health-care system. Are they
generally positive or negative ?
! How can other social identity
characteristics and financial
if resources influence older
women ' s experiences with
? ; ... • **' «
health- care providers?
; • •
c
•v #
/
J
!
L
ig
!
i
disease, stroke, breast cancer, and pulmonary embolism a blood clot in the—
lungs (Writing Group for the Women’s Health Initiative Investigators, 2002 ).
i
A related study of estrogen -only HT for women who’d had hysterectomies was
stopped two years later because of the increased risk of stroke ( Women’s Health
Initiative Steering Committee, 2004 ). Current medical recommendations for
HT center on short - term use during perimenopause to address hot flashes and
vaginal dryness ( de Villiers ct al., 2013 ). In line with changing recommenda -
tions, prescription rates have fallen substantially in recent years. For example, I
l
among women ages 45 to 64 in the United States, 13.5% were using HT in 1 !| :|

1999, but only 2.7% were using it in 2010 ( Jewett et al., 2014 ).
Physical Health ! .
What physical health concerns disproportionately affect women or affect

women and men differently?
One reason HT seemed to be a potential wonder drug was that researchers spec- !!
ulated it could help prevent diseases for which women are at increased risk. As
Table 11.1 shows, heart disease and cancer are die two most common causes of death
for women , followed by respiratory diseases ( e.g., COPD, or coronary obstruc-
tive pulmonary disease ), stroke, and Alzheimer’s disease ( Heron, 2016 ). The rates .
Si
aren’t the same for all women , however. For example, diabetes is among the most
common causes of death for all groups of women other than White women. •.
.
TABLE 11.1 Most Common Causes of Death for Women in the

iii
United States
!
Asian / American
All Women White Black

Pacific
Islander
Indian/Alaska
Native
Hispanic
(any race) III
11
heart disease heart disease heart disease cancer cancer cancer
( 22.3% ) ( 22.3% ) ( 23.2% ) ( 27.3% ) ( 17.4% ) ( 22.6%)
cancer cancer cancer heart disease heart disease heart disease

( 21.6% ) ( 21.4% ) ( 22.5% ) ( 20% ) ( 16.8% ) ( 19.7% )
respiratory respiratory stroke stroke accidents stroke

( 8.1%) ( 8.1% ) ( 6% ) ii It
diseases ( 6% ) diseases ( 6.5% ) ( 6.2% )
stroke stroke diabetes Alzheimer’s liver disease diabetes

(6% ) ( 5.9% ) (4.6% ) (3.9%) (5.7%) (4.7%) s.
Alzheimer’s Alzheimer’s respiratory diabetes diabetes accidents •• i
( 5% ) ( 5.3% ) diseases ( 3.2% ) ( 3.8% ) ( 5.4% ) ( 4.5% ) 1
ji ,
Note. Data drawn from Heron (2016). Because the U.S. government collects data using the term Hispanic,
we will report data throughout this chapter using this term.
w; .
Iii
The Aging Body 461
I
I
• l. i
For years, heart disease was considered a men’s disease. Even today, this idea
—
remains common possibly because the disease tends to develop about 10 years
later in women as compared to men ( Finnegan et al., 2000; Maas 8c Appelman,
2010 ). Because the onset in women usually occurs after menopause, many research -
I: ers and health-care providers thought that estrogen might protect against heart
disease (Writing Group for the Women’s Health Initiative Investigators, 2002 ). In
i! fact, this theory was a major contributor to the trend of prescribing long-term HT
for postmenopausal women. However, as mentioned earlier, this view was incorrect.
! li
;!
Researchers have begun to view die potential roles of endogenous estrogen
i:
!; ( produced within die body ) and supplemental estrogen and testosterone in
the development of heart disease as being even more complex than previously
thought. For example, one study indicated that transwomen receiving estrogen
supplements have a higher risk for heart disease than transmen ( whose ovaries
produce endogenous estrogen ) receiving testosterone ( Gooren, Wierckx, 8c
Giltay, 2014 ). In fact, transgender individuals, both those who do and diosc who
do not use supplemental hormones, have the potential to provide valuable and
unique data about the influences of endogenous and supplemental hormones.
I Regardless of why the onset occurs later, heart disease is now known to be
. common among women . Yet they’re still less likely than men to receive proper
! diagnosis. For example, a study in Britain showed that women were signifi -
W\
cantly less likely to be correctly diagnosed with a heart attack than men ( Wu
'
;!
et al., 2018 ). One explanation may be that women are less likely to have severe
fi .!r chest pain as a key symptom ( Finnegan et al ., 2000 ) . They’re more likely to
experience pain in other parts of the body ( e.g., jaw, neck, arm, back ) as well
as lightheadedness, breathlessness, and nausea . If women don’t know they’re
: having the symptoms of a heart attack, they’re likely to delay seeking treatment.
:
Moreover, if doctors don’t recognize heart attack symptoms in women, then
women probably won’t receive proper treatment ( Wu et al ., 2018 ). In fact ,
research suggests that doctors often misdiagnose heart problems in women as
anxiety, depression, stress, or panic, which can delay necessary treatment and,
i
ultimately, lead to women having worse outcomes than men ( Carnlof, Iwarzon,
s . ii
Jensen- Urstad, Gadler, & Insulander, 2017 )
'
.i
In contrast to heart disease, many people do associate cancer especially breast
—
cancer with women. Breast cancer is the most commonly diagnosed cancer
—
among women (see Table 11.2; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, n.d.),
-
: i
and it receives considerable attention and research funding from both public and
! private sources ( Gander, 2014; Thompson, 2010 ). This occurs despite the fact that
lung cancer is the leading cause of cancer death for women, except for Hispanic
!
women. Men can be, and are, diagnosed with breast cancer too but at much lower
rates than women ( Giordano, Cohen, Buzdar, Perkins, 8c Hortobagyi, 2004 ).
—
:
. *Authors* note: Because the U.S. government collects data using the term Hispanic, you will sec us use this term
at various points throughout this chapter in contrast to our typical use of the term Latinx.
.1.
i= 462 Chapter 11 Older Women
-
•
Lung cancer and lung diseases like COPD ( the third lead -
ing cause of death for women ) are related to rates of smoking
among women ( U.S. Department of Health and Human Ser-
vices, 2014 ). Risk for both heart disease and stroke ( the latter
is the fourth most common cause of death for women ) is also
increased by smoking, as is the risk for diabetes ( one of die most
common causes of death for all groups of women except White
women ). In fact, according to die U.S. Department of Health
and Human Services ( 2014 ), women’s risks for these diseases
have increased dramatically over the past 50 years, and the pat -
tern is linked to an increase in women’s smoking rates over the i
:;
same period . Neverdieless, lung cancer receives signifkandy ’ . .- - -T - i
less attention and research funding than odier cancers ( Gander,

2014; Thompson , 2010 ) .
Why does this discrepancy occur? One explanation is that
Having one or both breasts removed through i ii
more groups lobby for allocating Rinds to research on certain
mastectomy, as the woman pictured here
diseases, including breast cancer. Such organizations, usually
did, can be challenging both medically and
non - profits, can lobby for funding allocation while also raising
psychologically. However, many women find
their own Rinds, which can also be allocated to research. For ways to reclaim their changed bodies. Some
example, in the United States, the Susan G. Komen Founda - women get tattoos so they can focus on art an
tion is a well - known charity focusing on breast cancer. It is beauty rather than their surgical scars. !:
active in providing education and advocacy, raising funds, and
I
:: v
;
TABLE 11.2 MosL Common Types of Cancer Diagnosed and Most
Common Causes of Cancer Death among Women in the i :
United States, 2014
?!
Most Common Cancer Diagnoses in Women
Rank Asian / American Indian/ Hispanic

Order All White Black Pacific Islander Alaska Native (any race)
!.
1 breast breast breast breast breast breast
2 lung lung lung lung lung colon
3 colon colon colon colon colon lung

i jf i
Most Common Causes of Cancer Death in Women
Asian/ American Indian/ Hispanic

All White Black Pacific Islander Alaska Native (any race) !'
;
1 lung lung lung lung lung breast

breast lung
2 breast breast breast breast i•it
3 colon colon colon colon colon colon .h
Note. Data drawn from Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ( n.d.). 1 I;:
The Aging Body 463

; •!
PI
E M P O W E R I N G|§|
OR OPPRESSING?
ir
!
Breast Reconstruction Surgery
promoting acceptance of bodies with differences. For ex -
A
Ithough lumpectomy (removal of breast tissue
from around a cancerous tumor), or breast- ample, instead of seeking reconstruction, some women
conserving surgery, is the more common sur- opt for tattoos around their mastectomy scars to celebrate
gical treatment for breast cancer today ( 62%), their lives and decorate their bodies ( Conger, 2014). One
some women, particularly those with more advanced can- woman summed up her comfort with her mastectomy
cers, have mastectomies to remove the entire breast (38%; (without reconstruction) in this way: "When you are older,
ii .
Mahmood et al. 2013). Any cancer treatment can affect imperfections count for less .. . you actually should have
!• body image, but breast surgery offers special challenges .
some rips in your sails when you get older " ( Fallbjork et al.
because breasts are often considered a uniquely feminine .
2012, p E44).
aspect of appearance and can be connected to women's Further, while breast surgeons strive to produce breasts
. .
gender identity As one woman reported "I would die with- that "will 'feel' like a natural breast," this "feeling" is from
I
;
out breasts; I could never live without breasts" (Fallbjork. the perspective of an observer or sexual partner rather
11
Salander, & Rasmussen, 2012, p. E45). than the women themselves (Rabin, 2017, para. 7). One side
i.v Slightly more than half of women who experience mas- effect of reconstruction is decreased sensation in the breast,
l! Ii tectomy undergo breast reconstruction , which involves so women's breast(s) go from being a source of pleasure for
creating a new breast with implants and/or other tissue themselves to being a source of pleasure only for others.
. .
from the body (Connors Goodman Myckatyn, Margen - Also, breast reconstruction isn't a choice that’s avail-
thaler, & Gehlert, 2016). Women may opt for reconstruc - able to all women. One study showed that older women
tion to better meet societal beauty standards, and one and those without private health insurance are less likely
'
I study showed that those who chose reconstruction had to receive breast reconstruction, and Black women are
better body image following cancer treatment than those 30% less likely to have reconstruction than White women
ii .
who didn’t (Nano et al. 2005). Moreover, other studies (Connors et al., 2016). Although some of these differences
show that women who have delayed as opposed to imme- may reflect different values, they're also indicative of
diate reconstruction report more body concerns (Metcalfe systemic barriers, including financial ones, that influence
.
et al. 2012) and that feeling uncomfortable about one’s and constrain women's options.
body after a mastectomy predicts seeking breast recon- Ultimately, breast reconstruction is a personal choice
.
struction later (Metcalfe et al., 2017) Given these findings, that's connected to larger expectations about femininity .
reconstruction may indeed help women feel better about Overall, women who do and do not have reconstruction
i -
.
themselves (Fallbjork et al., 2012) .
have no differences in quality of life (Sun et al. 2014).
However, one could argue that breast reconstruc- Do you think breast reconstruction is empowering or op-
tion reinforces a narrow standard of beauty rather than pressing for women?
;|
-;l
5 464
providing research funding. While one may argue diat
cancers that kill more women should get more research
funding, it would be hard to find anyone who thinks that
spotlight o n . .
funding research on all cancer is a good thing.
—
breast cancer research should be defimded after all,
Pinkwashing
A number of years ago, while teaching a class, one of
We've all seen them — pink ribbons on car
the authors of this book noticed a student’s breast cancer- magnets, on yogurt containers, as graph -
related shirt with a pink ribbon as part of the design and ics on water bottles, and so on. These
die slogan “save the ta-tas” printed on it. Well - intentioned are examples of pinkwashing , which
T-shirts like this increase awareness about breast cancer, occurs when a company or organization
encourage breast self-exams and mammography to pro- highlights its concern for breast cancer by
mote early detection , and help raise funds for research. promoting pink or pink ribbon products.
However, the sexualized nature of the slogan and its Although these efforts seem admirable,
placement over the wearer’s breasts seemed to imply that the organization Breast Cancer Awareness
the T-shirt campaign was about saving breasts rather than runs a Think Before You Pink campaign that
prompts people to consider why companies
saving women’s lives. This point may sum up why breast
align with breast cancer awareness, and to
cancer, in particular, receives so much attention and fund -
ask how much money from those products
ing. Breasts arc a symbol of femininity and sexuality, are actually goes toward breast cancer research, !I
linked to standards of beauty, and are seen as a source of treatment, and/or education. Moreover, the
—
sexual pleasure particularly for male partners.
Unlike breast cancer, many diseases that dispropor-
organization is troubled by the fact that the
focus has largely been on individual aware-
tionately affect women receive very little attention . For ness and screening instead of on systemic
example, osteoporosis, osteoarthritis, and dementia all changes that could promote a decrease
present significant risks. Osteoporosis is a disease of in breast cancer, and other cancers, for
bone loss. Everyone loses bone density as they age, but all. Some of the organization's initiatives
for some people this happens at a greater and /or faster involve identifying hazardous chemicals
that may contribute to the development of
rate, resulting in osteoporosis. This is a particular con -
breast cancer and pointing out that many
cern for women , as estrogen plays a role in bone devel -
companies that pinkwash either manu-
opment and maintenance, and the decrease in estrogen
facture or use products associated with
at menopause is linked to decreased bone density, par- increased cancer rates or have partnerships
ticularly for White women ( U.S. Department of Health with companies that do. Some critics have '1
and Human Services, 2014 ). Many women who have even suggested that pinkwashing obscures
osteoporosis don’t know they have it, however. In one the discussion of environmental contribu-
study, only 11% of women age 65 and older who were tors to breast cancer (Lubitow & Davis, 2011).
surveyed reported having osteoporosis, but testing indi - Do you own any pink or pink ribbon
cated that 26% actually had the disease ( U.S. Depart- products with a link to breast cancer char-
ment of Health and Human Services, 2004 ). Consistent ities? Do other people you know? Research
with these data , the Centers for Disease Control and .
some companies that pinkwash find out
how they allocate money from these prod-
Prevention estimate that 25% of women in die United
ucts, and identify their corporate politics.
States over age 65 have osteoporosis ( Looker & Frenk, Do your findings make you reconsider
2015 ). This is a concern because it contributes to frac- supporting pinkwashing campaigns?
ture rates and, subsequently, hospitalizations and place -
ment in nursing homes. Hip fractures, in particular, are
465
I:
i• ;
•
M
.k
)
I ;
associated with an increased risk of deadi in die initial year after the fracture
occurs ( U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2004 ) .
While osteoporosis is a bone disease, ostcoardiritis ( OA ) is a joint disease. It’s
a degenerative condition that occurs when cartilage in joints breaks down, so
] there’s nothing left to cushion die movement of bones against one another. This
r can result in pain , stiffness, and swelling. It can occur in any joint, but the knees,
i
. hips, lower back, and fingers arc among die most common sites. Anyone who
lives long enough wall eventually develop OA, and greater wear and tear on joints
[
;;
(e.g., due to physical labor or athletic activity ) can be a contributing factor. OA is
a leading cause of chronic pain and disability for both women and men ( United
t; States Bone and Joint Initiative, 2014 ). Although there’s great variability in the
5
experience of OA from person to person , die pain and physical limitations associ -
ated with it can interfere with individuals’ ability to work and engage in preferred
!! leisure activities. Because women generally live longer dian men (see Table 11.3;
| Arias, Heron, & Xu , 2016 ), they have more opportunity to develop and live with
h
OA, and research indicates diat women are at higher risk (Srikanth et al., 2005 ).
Anodier disease that disproportionately affects women is Alzheimer’s disease
( Mazure & Swendsen, 2016 ). This is the most common form of dementia, and
it involves progressive declines in cognitive abilities that typically begin with
memory loss. Women are at 30% greater risk than men ( Tejada -Vcra, 2013 ),
* and while women’s higher life expectancy can explain part of this, it doesn’t
M:\i
explain die entire gap, particularly in people ages 60 to 80 ( Vina & Llorct,
2010 ). Non - Hispanic White women appear to be at higher risk compared to
1m:1.? non - Hispanic Black women and Hispanic women of all races ( Tcjada -Vera,
;h
U
8
2013 ). Although some treatments seem to slow the progression of the disease
in certain individuals, there is no cure, and women tend to live longer with
0' Alzheimer’s than do men ( Mazure & Swendsen , 2016 ). As a result, women
with dementia often live for extended periods in assisted living and long- term
care facilities. It’s noteworthy that women not only have the greater burden of
" I living with this disease, but they also often serve as care providers for loved ones
; i
TABLE 11.3 Life Expectancies in 2012 for Women and Men in the
United States
!
Women Men
I
All 81.2 years 76.4 years
White 81.4 years 76.7 years
:
i! Black 78.4 years 72.3 years
Hispanic (all races) 84.3 years 79.3 years
:
Note. Data drawn from Arias et al. ( 2016 )
.
i

fi
I
! :
iil
II
who have Alzheimer’s ( Winblad et al., 2016 ). Wives make up a large proportion !l
of these individuals, but daughters and daughters-in-law also frequently fill this
role. As discussed later, carcgiving, particularly in old age, can be challenging.
The Health- Care System i
I
How can differing social identity characteristics, ageism, and other prejudices
impact older women's experiences within the health-care system?
Even if a woman has no chronic illnesses such as high blood pressure, diabe-
t
-
<
I
tes, or osteoarthritis, she’ll almost certainly utilize health - care services at some
point. Whether she has access to high-quality health care depends on where she
lives and what type of health insurance, if any, she has. People’s experiences with
the health -care system are different depending on their social identity character-
istics. There arc, for example, significant racial disparities in access to adequate
care. The American Medical Association ( AMA ) reviewed the existing research
i
in 2002 and concluded that the evidence for racial disparities was overwhelming
and unacceptable ( Nelson , 2002 ). These disparities lead to higher death rates
for cancer, diabetes, and heart disease among people with racial/ethnic minority
identities. The AMA also concluded that , beyond economic factors, inequities i
stemmed from often - unacknowledged prejudice and discrimination on the part i

i
of medical providers, who tend to be disproportionately White. Recruiting more
people of color into health-care fields can help address this issue, as can edu - ! i«
»
i
cating all providers about cultural issues and providing interpreters as necessary :
i
so that language proficiency doesn’t become an additional barrier to treatment
( Betancourt, Green, Carrillo, & Ananeh -Firempong, 2003 ). is» t
•
!
Although these factors influence all people’s experiences with the health-care i ;
— —
system , older adults and older women in particular have unique challenges
in navigating the system . As is true with race/ethnicity, health-care profes-
i
t
! >
sionals bring their personal assumptions and biases into their interactions with !
patients, with the result that ageism plays a role in the care that many older t
adults receive ( Chrisler, Barney, & Palatino, 2016; Nemmers, 2005 ). For those
who also identify as belonging to other marginalized groups, this experience can
be compounded by racism , heterosexism, transphobia, ableism, and other biases
(Spring, 2015 ) . For example, a transwoman who has long lived as a woman and
is publicly recognized as such may find herself needing more health services !
as she ages. If she hasn’t had genital surgery, she may have to “out ” herself to
providers. In doing so, she may experience an array of reactions ranging from
surprise and discomfort, to misgendering, to humiliation and refusal to treat.
Researchers have found that older LGBTQ adults often feel the need to “ go
back into die closet” because of fears of mistreatment by health-care providers
( Bradford et al., 2016; Czaja et al., 2016; Gendron et al., 2013).
The Aging Body 467

•l 1
/:
One challenge that older adults, and older women in particular, encounter is
infantilization. Because of negative stereotypes about older adults being frail and
experiencing cognitive decline, some people, including those within the health-
—
care system, are likely to treat older adults as if they were children for example,
through clderspeak. Elderspeak involves simplified speech , a high pitch, and an
! : |: exaggerated tone similar to baby- talk. Some people might think that address-
ing older women as “sweetie” and “dear” is an appropriate way to connect and
!) doesn’t belitdc them ( Lcland , 2008 ), but those on the receiving end of clderspeak
I
*: perceive it as a sign that die speakers see themselves as superior ( O’Connor &
'
St. Pierre, 2004 ).

li There are real consequences to engaging in elderspeak. Research has shown diat
I; people perceive targets of elderspeak as less capable ( Balsis 8c Carpenter, 2006 ),
j!
and diose who are targets can experience it as a microaggression ( Chrisler et al.,
2016 ). Moreover, a growing body of research has linked the use of elderspeak
by healdi-carc providers to more aggressive and less cooperative behavior among
I those widi dementia ( Cunningham 8c Williams, 2007; Herman & Williams, 2009;
I;
: Williams, Herman, Gajcwski, 8c Wilson, 2009 ). Although much of the research
i on elderspeak has been done in medical contexts, elderspeak is used in all contexts.
:
I
'i
[i!!
'! !
Changing Relations
si
.i
I
•i
^
Positive experiences with aging are related to having successful relationships and
a sense of belonging. In Chapter 8, we examined the importance of friendships
across the life span. Strong social tics with family members and friends are espe -
i: cially important predictors of positive mental and physical health among older
i
. adults ( Cornwell 8c Waite, 2009 ). However, as women age, their relationships can
If
change. As is true throughout our lives, changes can be positive or negative. More-
over, the same change can be experienced in varying ways by different people.
r
Romantic and Sexual Partners

In what ways may women's relationships with their partners change, and
what are the impacts of these changes?
Among married women and men, older men have been shown to be more sat-
I
isfied with their marriage than older women ( Boerner, Jopp, Carr, Sosinsky, 8c
Kim, 2014; Bulanda, 2011; Jackson, Miller, Oka, 8c Henry, 2014; Umberson 8c
Williams, 2005 ). This is largely because men see their wives as nurturing and car-
ing, and they report that their wives treat them better than the wives report about
their husbands ( Boerner et al., 2014 ). These findings may reflect the fact that
li
; ii
s •:i! 468 Chapter 11 Older Women
I j 1
: i
=
=
the current cohort of older adults was raised at a time when women were more
encouraged to be caring and nurturing than may be true of younger women
today. It remains to be seen if these patterns will continue in future generations. t
Sexuality Sex is often an important part of intimate relationships. Many older i*

I
women desire and have sex; however, with the exception of the category of
—
“cougars” a term often perceived as derogatory since it implies a predatory
—
approach to sexuality ( Montemurro & Siefkcn, 2014 ) advanced age is stc-
reotypically associated with asexuality ( Drummond et al., 2013; Filcbom et al.,
2015 ). Even physicians don’t generally talk about sexual health with older adults
because they don ’t see it as a concern for this group of patients ( Gott, Hinchliff, i
& Galena , 2004 ) . Although rates of sexual activity do decrease with age, one
: \» i
study showed that the majority of women who were married or cohabiting
remained sexually active, with rates ranging from 92% for those in their 40s to
44% for those age 80 and older (Thomas, Hess, & Thurston, 2015 ). Two of die
most common reasons that older women provide for decreased sexual activity are !
their partners’ poor health and the lack of a partner ( McHugh & Intcrligi, 2015 ).
!
Moreover, research with older women indicates that they experience sexual
desire and sex in diverse ways and that their conceptualizations of what constitutes
a satisfying sexual encounter can change throughout dicir lives. In a study of
Australian women ages 55 through 81 ( all but one of whom identified as hetero-
sexual ), participants reported a wide range of attitudes about sex ( Fileborn et al., f)
2015 ). Some reported that sex was “ really important and it’s a lot of fun achieving
it too,” while others expressed sentiments such as “We don’t have it. It doesn’t i
worry me” ( p. 120 ). Among women not having, or not often having, penetrative
sex, most still reported engaging in odicr types of sexual intimacy with their part- i
ners ( e.g., cuddling ) and/or masturbating in order to satisfy themselves sexually. t «}

u
As discussed above, body changes associated with menopause include changes !' i
«
in vaginal lubrication and the thinning of the vaginal walls. These changes can
make penetrative sex less comfortable and potentially less satisfying for women . i!
However, one study indicated that poor or nonexistent communication between
partners may also contribute to lack of sexual satisfaction in older women
( Fileborn et al ., 2015 ), and another showed that older women who talked about till
sex with their partners reported higher rates of sexual satisfaction (Thomas et al.,
2015 ). The latter study also showed that those who enjoyed sex when they were
younger were more likely to continue enjoying it as they got older.
Caregiving Another change to romantic relationships can occur if a partner

becomes sick or develops a disability. The term family caregiving refers to
the unpaid assistance provided to an older adult or an adult with chronic or
disabling conditions, and women are those most likely to be caregivers ( Brazil, i
Thabane, Foster, & Bedard , 2009; Strang, Koop, & Peden, 2002 ). In the
United States, older adults receive care primarily through family caregiving

( Taylor, Kuchibhatla , 8e 0stbye, 2008 ). Overall, 60% of care -
givers are women, and they typically dedicate more hours
to care work than their male counterparts do ( AARP Public
Policy Institute, 2015 ) . Among married couples, a spouse is
the family member who provides most caregiving, accounting
for 41% of all informal long -term care and 70% of short - term
care (Schulz & Martirc, 2004 ) . Because LGBTQ older adults
are less likely to have children and haven’t always been per-
mitted to marry, they’re more likely to rely on friends to pro -
vide caregiving ( Adclman , Gurevitch , Vries, & Blando, 2006;
Croghan , Moone, 8c Olson , 2014; Czaja et al., 2016; de Vries,
2014; Shippy, Cantor, 8c Brennan, 2004; Shiu, Muraco, 8c
Fredriksen - Goldsen, 2016 ) .
Numerous studies have shown that the chronic stress associ -
ated with family caregiving is associated with increased levels of
Caregiving is a common
—
depression , fear, anxiety, and anger especially among women
( Bookwala 8c Schulz, 2000; Brazil , Bedard , Willison , 8c Hode,
experience for women of all ages, 2003; Strang et al., 2002 ). There is also an increased risk for
but it ' s often part of changing
loss of income, social isolation, and chronic illness ( Cheung 8c
relationships as partners age —
particularly if one partner needs
Hocking, 2004; Pinquart 8: Sorensen, 2007 ). Because of die
ongoing assistance and care. time demands and stress associated with providing care, caregiv-
Although many couples adapt ers are less likely to seek out positive experiences, social support,
their relationship in response to and opportunities to acquire or develop new skills ( Mausbach
their changing roles and abilities, et al., 2012 ). Long- term caregiving also has been shown to
caregiving can also serve as a increase physical health risks, such as the likelihood of develop-
source of stress. ing heart disease ( Vitaliano, Young, 8c Zhang, 2004; von Kanel
et al ., 2008 ). In one study that followed those caring for part -
ners with dementia , researchers found that 24% of participants
had an emergency room visit or a hospitalization within a six - month period
(Schubert et al., 2008 ).
However, for many people, family carcgiving is the only viable option . Other
options, including hiring a caregiver or having a family member move to an
assisted living facility, can be prohibitively expensive. For example, the median
cost of an assisted living facility in the United States was $45,000 per year in
2017; in some states ( e.g., Delaware, New Jersey, Massachusetts ), the cost was
over $65,000 per year ( Heckler, 2017 ). The cost of hiring someone to help in
the home varies, but according to payscalc.com in 2018, an in - home caregiver
—
makes a median of $23,893 ( “ Live-in Caregiver Salary,” n .d . ) a salary that’s
barely above the poverty line but still out of reach for many families to afford .
i
I Bereavement Because women have a higher life expectancy than men , most
I women with male partners will outlive them ( DiGiacomo, Davidson, Byles, 8c
Nolan, 2013). The death of a life partner is extremely stressful, and several

m
studies show that almost half of all women over age 65 have lost their partner,
with married women from lower socioeconomic backgrounds being the most
likely to become widowed ( Richardson et al., 2015; Zivin 8c Christakis, 2007 ).
Following the death of a spouse, people are more likely to engage in high - risk
behaviors, such as smoking and drinking (Wilcox ct al., 2003; Zisook, Shuchtcr,
& Mulvihill , 1990 ) . They also tend to experience a decline in physical and men -
tal health ( Burns, Browning, 8c Kendig, 2015; Lee & Carr, 2007; Williams
et al., 2011 ) . In fact, a 48% increase in mortality risk occurs when people arc
widowed (Sullivan & Fenelon, 2014 ). This pattern, called the widowhood
effect, is most pronounced immediately following the death, especially if the
death was unexpected and if it results in a loss of financial resources ( Manzoli,
Villari, Pironec, 8c Boccia, 2007; Sullivan 8c Fenelon, 2014 ).
Bereavement is grief associated with losing a relative or a close friend through
death . Although bereavement can occur at any time in a woman’s life, it’s most
common in later life ( Stahl Sc Schulz, 2014 ). In Chapter 8, we discussed social
support, and such support can help in coping with grief ( e.g., Jacobson, Lord, 8c
Newman, 2017; Stroebe, Zech, Strocbc, 8c Abakoumkin, 2005 ). However, rela-
tionships may change when a loss occurs, and the change can affect support. For
example, those in one’s support network may also be experiencing grief related to
the shared loss ( Moss 8c Moss, 2014; Stroebe 8c Schut, 2015 ). Some people may
also feel it’s important to grieve on their own . In one study of Black and White
widows, most of the w'omen wanted to remain autonomous and independent
and, therefore, didn’t rely on family members to help process emotions ( Moss 8c
Moss, 2014 ) . For example, they avoided discussing their sadness with their adult
children because they thought the children wouldn’t understand dieir experience.
The ability to openly mourn the loss of a partner is also related to bereavement
experiences ( Bristowc et al ., 2018; Deevey, 2000; Ingham , Eccles, Armitage, i
!
8c Murray, 2017 ). For example, one study showed that lesbian women who
were unable to disclose the nature of their relationship with a deceased partner
received less social support and experienced more prolonged feelings of grief
as compared to those who could disclose ( Bent 8c Magilvy, 2006 ). Older les-
bian and bisexual women are vulnerable to experiencing disenfranchised grief,
or the inability to openly grieve a loss because the loss isn’t acknowledged by
those around them . This type of grief occurs because, compared to those from
younger generations, they’re less likely to disclose their relationship status out I
of fear of economic insecurity, personal safety, familial and cultural relationships,
and child custody issues ( Beals 8c Peplau, 2001; Jenkins, Edmundson, Averett, i:
8c Yoon, 2014; Keppel, 2006; Whitman, Cormier, 8c Boyd, 2000 ). Further,
!
inclusion in one’s family or religious community may be contingent on keeping
silent about one’s sexual orientation ( Hughes, 2009 ). II
Following the death of a romantic partner, one difficult decision is whether
to date or remarry. There appears to be a gender gap in late- life remarriage:
Men are more likely to remarry than women ( Livingston, 2014 ). There are

'{
several possible explanations for this. For example, because women generally
outlive men , there arc simply fewer potential partners for women who are inter-
ested in a male partner to find , so women may not end up in another marriage
even if it’s desired . Other research shows that older women tend to have strong
!
social networks and receive support from their adult children ( Antonucci,
1
Akiyama, & Takahashi, 2004; Connidis, 2014 ), so they might not look to a new
spouse for this. Also, as discussed in prior chapters, women do a larger propor-
tion of carctaking and domestic labor than their male partners. Given this, older
ji! women may not be interested in taking on additional responsibilities like these
!i that a new marriage might bring.
I
Finally, when women remarry, they risk losing or seeing a reduction in their
r1
1
Social Security or pension benefits ( Brien, Dickcrt-Conlin , Sc Weaver, 2001 ).
For example, if an older woman hasn’t worked, or hasn’t worked much, during
her lifetime, she may depend on spousal Social Security benefits based on her
late husband’s earnings. If her new spouse’s Social Security benefits are greater
than hers, she will no longer be eligible to receive the ones from her late spouse.
However, the potential new spouse’s retirement income may not be enough
to support both himself and the woman if she cannot retain the Social Security
benefits derived from her late spouse’s earnings. In fact, research has shown that
higher income and lower worry about finances were significant predictors of
widows remarrying ( Moorman, Booth , & Fingcrman , 2006 ) .
I it
ill
'
Children and Grandchildren

What are the stereotypes about and the realities of older women 's roles as
:’ i
mothers and grandmothers?
Mothers don’t stop being mothers when they and their children get older, and
many mothers subsequently become grandmothers. Changes in relationships
between women and their children can add both beneficial and challenging
aspects to older women’s lives. Similarly, grandparenting can be very rewarding;
but for some, it also brings significant carcgiving responsibilities that women
i might not have expected to be taking on in their older years.
An Empty Nest The term empty nest became popular in the 1970s to describe
r
!
—
the post - parental period the time when children are grown and no longer
live at home ( Dcnncrstein, Dudley, & Guthrie, 2002 ). Because of changes in
: :
birth control that have allowed for smaller families, the post - parental period is
now lasting longer than ever before ( Bouchard, 2014 ) . Among couples with
children, nearly half of marriage is now spent after the children leave home
( Vespa, Lewis, & Krcider, 2013 ), yet for many people the term empty nest still
conjures an image of a sad and lonely mother ( Sheriff & Weatherall, 2009 ).

!il!
This pessimistic view perpetuates an ageist and sexist understanding of life with -
out children .
Overall, research shows that experiencing an empty nest is actually benefi -
cial for most adults, and especially for women ( Mitchell 8c Lovcgrccn, 2009; I
Schmidt, Murphy, Haq , Rubinow, 8c Danaceau, 2004 ). One explanation
is the role strain relief hypothesis, which suggests that parents, particularly
-
mothers, have an increase in well being after children leave home because
of a decrease in daily demands, time constraints, and work-family conflicts
( Erickson , Martinengo, 8c Hill , 2010 ) . In several studies, women reported that
the post- parental period allowed for reconnection with partners, improved self-
care, and increased freedom ( Bouchard , 2014; Grover 8c Dang, 2013 ). Further,
both women and men have been shown to experience increased marital and
sexual satisfaction after their children leave home ( Gorchoff, John , 8c Helson ,
2008; Hagen 8c DeVries, 2004 ).
Although most women describe positive experiences post - parenting, some
do report a sense of ambivalence ( Dare, 2011 ) . This is especially true for women i
i,
with limited social relationships or roles outside of carctaking and for those who
became parents earlier in life ( Bouchard , 2014; Mitchell 8c Lovegreen , 2009 ) .
Empty- nest syndrome occurs when a person experiences depression, loneliness,
identity crisis, or emotional distress after children leave the home ( Mitchell 8c
Lovegreen , 2009 ). Scholars suggest that such experiences may be connected
to the role loss hypothesis, which proposes that parents, particularly mothers,
•I
will experience a decrease in well - being when their role as caregiver is no longer
needed (Sheriff 8:Wcatherall, 2009 ) . The post - parental period may also present "
unique challenges for women with chronic illnesses and disabilities ( Murphy, il
Roberts, 8c Hcrbeck, 2012 ). HIV- positive mothers, for example, have reported < t
that their “ mother role ” was helpful in distracting them from their illness, so •i
they had a particularly hard time adjusting when their children left home.
Of course, a lot has changed since the 1970s, when the idea of an empty
nest became popular. Many mothers now work outside the home, which gives
i
them a role beyond that of parent ( Pew Research Center, 2013 ) . Further,
the process through which children leave home has become more dynamic i:
(Sandbcrg-Thoma, Snyder, 8c Jang, 2015 ). For example, die term launching
phase now refers to the period during which children are in the process of
leaving the parental home; the oldest may have left, but younger children
continue living with the parents ( Hagen 8c DeVries, 2004 ). As a result, the
nest doesn’t empty at one point in time. Further, because of recent economic i.
changes, the term boomerang kids has been coined to describe adult children i !
who leave but then return home again (Sheriff 8c YVeatherall, 2009 ). In one
study, parents appeared to understand the economic pressures that contribute
to this pattern and reported stronger familial bonds when their adult children
returned home ( Cherlin, Cumberworth, Morgan, 8c VVimer, 2013). Other
—
studies show a more complex picture the return of adult children contributed
II
I . )
i
to conflict between parents, decline in marital satisfaction, and decreased sexual
i
intimacy between parents ( Bouchard, 2014; Lodge &: Umberson, 2016 ).
i
i
i Grandmothering New relationships and roles enhance women’s lives as they
— —
age, and one of them becoming a grandmother can bring tremendous hap-
piness and fulfillment (Shlorno, Taubman - Ben -Ari, Findler, Sivan, & Dolizki,
2010; Thiele & Whelan, 2008 ). Although becoming a grandmother is often
viewed as a sign of aging, it can also enhance social status for older women ( Arm -
strong, 2003 ). Grandmothers can act as caregivers, mentors, and teachers, and
!} the practical and emotional support they provide has reciprocal benefits ( Moore
8c Rosenthal, 2015 ). For example, a grandmother’s involvement contributes to a
!! grandchild’s positive health and resilience ( Barnett, Scaramella, Neppl, Ontai, &
Conger, 2010; Greve & Bjorklund, 2009 ) while simultaneously improving the
II
grandmother’s mental and physical health ( Grundy ct al., 2012 ). Engagement
i .i with grandchildren has also been found to relate to overall life satisfaction among
grandmothers ( Moore & Rosenthal, 2015 ). Moreover, periodically visiting and
.
: providing caregiving can promote positive, affirming, and loving relationships
ii
i '
•' I I!
with their adult children as well as their grandchildren ( Armstrong, 2003 ).
1
Other research, however, shows that grandmothers who are very involved
HI :
in child care experience greater levels of depression and health problems
:
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i
J> than their non-caregiving peers ( Fuller-Thomson, 8c Minkler, 2000; Whitley,
lijl: : j
Lamis, & Kelley, 2016 ). This is most true for grandmothers who live with their
i:
i* .
h r
Many women look forward
to grandmothering ,
. and it can be a way
!!: !! to form and maintain
rich, intergenerational
! i relationships. However, some
!
grandmothers also find
1
' ill themselves in the role of part -
u'1 time or full- time caregivers
ft! Ill for their grandchildren —
something that may not
. :l! have been part of their
.'
S " I.
. expectations for this role.
a '
I:
.
v
i •'
- 1
i
i
;
i
i
grandchildren , and especially for those who are primary caregivers. According
to a report from the United States Census Bureau , nearly 4.6 million house-
holds ( 4% ) included grandparents and grandchildren, and of these, 33% had no
parent present ( Ellis 3c Simmons, 2014 ). In 63% of these households, grand -
mothers reported being responsible for the care of their grandchildren. Multi -
generational homes often occur when a teen or adult child has a baby or when
a parent experiences health problems, divorce, or job loss ( Musil 8c Ahmad,
2002; Pruchno 3c McKenney, 2002 ) . These multi generational households can
be found nationwide and among families with diverse demographic profiles, but
they’re more common for those who live in the South, arc of lower socioeco-
nomic status, or identify as people of color ( Ellis 8c Simmons, 2014 ).
Some grandparents assume a custodial role and become full - time, and often
permanent, guardians of a grandchild . In 2006, for example , 2.6 million grand -
parents in the United States had legal custody of their grandchildren ( Living-
ston 3c Parker, 2010 ). Because becoming a primary guardian often occurs as
a result of unexpected stressors such substance abuse, incarceration, or death,
grandparents may already have feelings of depression and
anxiety when they take on this new role ( Minkler 8c Roe,
1993; Standing, Musil, 3c Warner, 2007 ). Furdier, becom - your turn
ing a primary caregiver disrupts retirement plans, reduces
social and leisure time, and creates financial strain, which
Do you know any children who were
further contributes to distress ( Ludwig, Hattjar, Russell, raised by their grandmothers? If so, how
3c Winston , 2007 ). This role is especially demanding for did this affect the grandmother's quality
grandparents who have chronic illnesses or physical disabil- of life? How would you feel about being
ities ( Marken , Pierce, 3c Baltisberger, 2010 ). Nevertheless, a primary caregiver to your own grand-
research shows that grandmothers with strong support sys- child? How might the different circum- !
!
tems report less depression and feel positive about their care -
giving role ( Doley, Bell, Watt, 3c Simpson, 2015; Gerard,
stances that could contribute to this
situation impact your feelings? 11u !
Landry- Meycr, 3c Roe, 2006 ).
Older Women at Work

Despite a few high - profile women w'ho continue to w'ork into old age ( e.g.,
Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg ), the media rarely portray older
women working. However, despite their general invisibility as workers, they
appear to be staying in the workforce longer than ever ( Goldin 3c Katz, 2016).
—
This upward trend is true for women in all age groups even those over age
70. In fact, the gender gap for workplace participation among older workers is
smaller now' than the gender gap among younger workers. For example, among
60- to 64-year-olds during the period 2012-2014, fully 61% of men and 51% of !!
—
women were working a 10 - point gender gap, compared to a 16-point gender

>
: I
;
gap among 30- to 40-year-olds ( Goldin & Katz, 2016 ). These data indicate
that, although women may leave the workforce during their mothering years,
older women continue to vigorously participate in it. This may be a healthy sign
of job engagement among older women , but it may also indicate that many
women aren’t financially able to retire. In fact, one study showed that some
older women are working longer than in previous generations because they have
:
more debt and cannot afford to retire ( Lusardi & Mitchell, 2016 ) .
•
i!
i
Age Discrimination
In what ways do women experience workplace age discrimination, and how
does this interact with other forms of discrimination they may experience?
•i
Even though older women are participating in paid work more than ever, they
i still face job discrimination . In 2016, die Harvard Business Review profiled several
women who experienced age discrimination at work ( Rikleen, 2016 ). One was a
60- year-old who had worked for years in the insurance business. Despite outstand -
it
ing performance evaluations, her situation became difficult when a new manager,
20 years younger than her, was hired. Suddenly, she was assigned the most diffi -
i cult cases, and the manager was harsher on her than her younger colleagues. She
received a bad performance review, was told she had 90 days to improve, and then
was fired after only a few weeks. Another profile was of a 64 - year-old bartender
who had worked at a neighborhood bar for over a decade. When the bar was sold,
;
the new owners told her she was too old for the job. They made fun of her age and
gender in front of the other workers, and she was eventually fired .
111 Both women ultimately sued for age discrimination, something that’s not easy
!
!i to do. Although the Age Discrimination and Employment Act ( ADEA ) of 1967
i makes it illegal to discriminate against older adults ( defined as over age 40 ),
discrimination can be difficult to prove. In 2009, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled
i ,i
that tiie burden of proof for age discrimination cases should fall on workers.
;
!
Before this ruling, if age was just one of several factors, it was the employer’s
1,ii! responsibility to prove that the worker was fired for a reason other than age. In
ji
other words, workers must now provide proof that age was the reason they were
fired or demoted, and this type of clear-cut evidence is hard to come by.
i:
Although age discrimination may be noticed when one is being fired or
demoted, it’s much harder to notice when being hired. After all, it’s usually
If impossible to know why one isn’t being offered a job. However, several studies
have demonstrated that age discrimination can be a factor in hiring. The general
design of such studies involves submitting resumes matched on experience and
!
I: skills in response to job ads, varying only the applicant’s age. Although peo-
>!
.
• it
1 ple typically don’t indicate their age on their resume, it can be inferred from
information such as the high school graduation date. In one study of female
!
J

|
; -
job applicants, those ages 35 to 45 got offered interviews 46% more frequently
than those ages 50 to 62 ( Lahey, 2008 ). Another study explored both the age i
and the gender of applicants and , again, showed age discrimination ( Ncumark,
Burn , & Button , 2015 ) . Older workers, especially those near retirement age ( 64
to 66 ), were called for interviews less often than younger workers, but the gap
;
was much larger for women than for men . For example, for retail sales, the gap
i
between older and younger workers was twice as large for women as it was for t
men . Older men were also called more often than older women for administra -
tive jobs. The researchers were actually surprised at how little age discrimination !l
was found for men .
i W
Intersecting Factors There are many other reasons an older worker may i
be let go or encouraged to take early retirement. For example, because older

i '
workers who’ve been in a position or a company for a long time generally
make more money, companies may be motivated to replace them with younger .
workers who can be paid less. In these cases, the employers could argue that i
i
their motivation is financial and not discriminatory due to age ( Duncan ,

2003 ). Furthermore, age isn’t people’s sole social identity characteristic, so
age ( and gender ) need to be considered as part of the broader constellation
of characteristics that constitute someone’s social identity. For example, older
workers are more likely than younger workers to have a disability. Just over
10% of people between 18 and 64 years of age in the United States have a
.

I I ,
:!
: ,
i
disability, but approximately 35% of those age 65 and older do ( Kraus, Lauer,
Coleman , & Houtenville, 2018 ). Of those adults with disabilities, only 36%
were employed as compared to just over 76% of adults without disabilities.
•i Given this context, ableism may interact with ageism. It may, similarly, be
difficult to identify the source of discrimination for older women of color,
given that they may experience discrimination along a number of dimensions
:
( e.g., age, gender, race ).
i
i Research has identified several negative stereotypes about older workers that
Q may contribute to workplace age discrimination . These include the stereotypes
It that older workers are less motivated, less willing to participate in training or
i career development, less willing to adapt to technology and change, less trust -
:
| ing, less healthy, and more likely to have work-family conflict due to greater
!t
interest in family and leisure activities than work ( Ng & Feldman , 2012 ).
l However, when the researchers explored the reality of
older workers’ attitudes and behaviors, their meta - analysis
your turn showed no evidence to support most of these stereotypes.
Older age was actually associated with being somewhat
more motivated, being more interested in change at work ,
What are your attitudes toward older
i i' -
workers? Do you think they bring valuable

and having greater confidence about computer skills. No
ll
insights to the workplace, or should they relationship was found between age and work-family
Age was also not related to physical or psycho -
<
: •j move out of the way to make room for conflict .

it younger workers? Does the type of job you logical health overall , although greater age was associated
•n imagine older workers in influence your with increased cholesterol levels. The only stereotype that
\U thoughts? Explain your responses. received a small degree of support was that older work -
i'll Then ask friends and family about their ers were somewhat less interested in career development
attitudes toward older workers. Is there a and training. Overall , these findings suggest that many
general attitude of respect or competition? of die reasons people discriminate against older workers
1! are unfounded . In fact, other research has shown that job
experience is a better predictor of job performance than
:
I
age, and older individuals generally have more job experience than younger
I individuals do ( Hardy, 2006 ).
! I
- Age discrimination may be particularly prevalent in periods of economic trouble
when jobs are scarce. Under these circumstances, older workers can be de-valucd
- because younger workers may perceive them as competing for resources ( Nordi
:•
& Fiske, 2016 ). For example, younger workers may feel that older workers should
i[j step aside and make room for younger generations. They may also think older
workers are a burden on society or on the company through overuse of resources
!?
III
such as health care. Finally, younger workers may be irritated when older workers
•I,
don’t act their age and engage in activities that are associated with younger gener-
ations ( e.g., use certain forms of social media or listen to certain types of music ).
Jii In other words, when there’s plenty of work to go around , there seems to be less
I
"M bias toward older workers, but when younger workers are concerned about their
own welfare, bias against older workers can occur.
i
i :
:'•
j 478 Chapter 11 Older Women
I
While older workers may face unfounded discrimination in general, physical
appearance is an especially relevant issue for older women. In one study, women
across all age groups reported more discrimination at work based on physical
appearance than did men, but this discrimination increased as women got older
( Duncan & Loretto, 2004 ) . In another study, a receptionist in her mid - fifties
described her difficulty getting work: “On the telephone I can sound animated
and I would often get called in for jobs, and then they would see me, and not
that I looked bad, but I looked my age, and they instantly weren’t interested ”
( Handy & Davy, 2007, p. 91 ) . Consultants placing women in jobs often admit-
ted that clients weren’t interested in hiring older women because of physical
appearance, especially for front -of- housc receptionist positions: “They always
want good looking at reception ” ( p. 93 ).
Older women experience discrimination based on both age and gender, but
discrimination based on a combination of the two is especially hard to prove.
Although age discrimination is illegal under the ADEA and gender discrimina-
tion is illegal under Title IX, no agency exists that can defend against a combi -
nation of gender and age discrimination, so older women who arc discriminated
against have little recourse. If a company shows that older men were retained, the
women will have a difficult time proving that age discrimination took place (Sped -
ale, Coupland, & Tempest, 2014 ). If younger women were retained, the older
women will have a difficult time proving that gender discrimination took place.
Age and gender discrimination particularly affects women who are trying to
re -enter the workforce ( Hardy, 2006 ). As discussed earlier in this book, women
are more likely than men to leave the workforce in order to care for children .
These women then face a difficult situation when they attempt to return to work
once their children arc older. Similarly, women who weren’t working might
find themselves needing to find a job after a divorce or the death of a partner.
Even among women who’ve maintained ongoing employment, smaller periods
of unemployment may be especially detrimental for older women. For exam -
ple, older women were particularly hard hit after the recession of 2007-2009.
In one study, older women ( over age 65 ) were more likely than older men to
report long- term unemployment of more than six months ( Monge- Naranjo &
Faisal, 2015 ). Further, women over age 50 made up almost half of the long-
term unemployed .
The situation becomes more complex when other aspects of social identity
also play a role, as is the case for older women of color. Research typically focuses
on a single type of discrimination ( e.g., sexism ) or sometimes a combination of
two ( e.g., sexism and ageism ). Much more research is needed to understand
the role of intersecting aspects of social identities as well as overlapping forms
of discrimination. For example, future research would benefit from explor-
ing the triple threat of ageism, sexism, and racism in the work environment.
At the moment, in more general research on discrimination, older women of
color have reported difficulties associated with a lifetime of discrimination and

5i
i!
'
!i
marginalization. For example, in a study of older Black lesbians and gay men,
researchers found a common “uneasiness” among participants arising from their
i
life-long experiences with stigma and stereotypical assumptions ( Woody, 2014,
J p. 158 ). Participants reported often being the only person of color in their les-
!
bian/gay circle of friends and being the only lesbian /gay person in their Black
group of friends. This resulted in chronic feelings of being “ othcrcd ” within
i
: both groups based on the participants’ distinctiveness related to another aspect
i
of social identity ( p. 159 ).
Even though experiencing multiple sources of discrimination can enhance
stress, other research docs suggest a buffering effect by which someone expe -
riencing additional discrimination can be less negatively affected by it than
(5
.
someone who has rarely experienced discrimination in the past ( Raver 8c Nishii,
i!
2010 ). For example, if someone has experienced bias related to race, they may
I
!i
—
be more prepared for the experience of bias in the future even if it’s related
to a different aspect of their social identity ( e .g., gender or age ) . They may
also have developed coping strategies used for one type of discrimination, like
reaching out to their support networks for emotional support and /or practi -
cal suggestions, which can be applied to the additional type of discrimination.
Consistent with this idea, research has shown that White individuals are more
negatively affected by age discrimination than Black individuals, presumably
because the White individuals have had less need to develop coping mechanisms
J
f against discrimination ( Foley 8c Lytle, 2015 ) .
I* f
I .
K
• fc
>
!1 Retirement
il
Mil
What are women's positive and negative experiences of retirement?
itM Women face conflicting messages in deciding when to retire. On the one hand ,
Mil
l
society tells them they should be able to rest and focus on their relationships and
'
. . !!
i
leisure activities. On die other hand, there are a few high - profile media images
Ml
‘illi i
of vibrant older women ( e.g. die late poet Maya Angelou and Supreme Court
Justice Sonia Sotomayor ), which imply that older women should stay in the
workforce and remain productive into late life ( Lips 8c Hastings, 2012 ).
Women decide to retire for many reasons. Retirement may be a response
to being phased out of work or feeling no longer valued . It can also reflect a
Mi
i positive desire to relax and enjoy leisure time. Further, women are more likely
>
than men to retire due to the need to care for others, such as a spouse, a grand -
•t
child, or an older child ( Duberley, Carmichael, 8c Szmigin, 2014 ). In a study
conducted in Canada, researchers found that women age 55 and older who
M: had to engage in intensive caregiving ( more than 15 hours a week ) were espe-
v;
i cially likely to be out of the labor market, be working part - time, or retire early
• ji: ( Jacobs, Laportc, Van Houtvcn, 8c Coyte, 2014 ).
. *
:
Mi
l 480 Chapter 11 Older Women

Many women don’t have a specific retirement moment at which they go from
working full-time to not working at all. Instead, they may engage in part-time
work, which can be essential if they cannot folly afford retirement. However, as
discussed earlier, it can be difficult for older women to find work, so part- time
work after retirement often involves a lower skill level and lower pay ( Tavener, Vo,
Sc Byles, 2015 ) . Jobs obtained after retirement from another job arc called bridge !
work, and these can serve as an important transition on die way to full retirement.
Affording Retirement A woman cannot enjoy a leisurely retirement unless she

is well prepared financially. However, there’s a great deal of evidence that older i
women don’t financially plan for retirement as carefully as their male counterparts i
( e.g., Boisclair, Lusardi, Sc Michaud , 2017; Lusardi Sc Mitchell, 2008, 2011;
Noonc, Alpass, Sc Stephens, 2010 ). For one thing, women :
tend to be less informed than men about how to plan and
save for retirement. Furthermore, they generally pick low- try it for yourself
er- risk investments with lower yields, which can negatively
-
affect their long term savings (Speelman, Clark- Murphy, Sc
Have you given any thought to your
Gerrans, 2013 ) . One study indicated that women who had a
retirement plans? What kind of lifestyle
mother or a sister with breast cancer were less likely to plan do you want to have when you retire?
for retirement than those with no family history of breast How do you plan on saving for retire-
cancer ( Zick, Mayer, Sc Smith , 2015 ). The researchers sug- ment? Using one of the many online re-
gest that this pattern may be due, in part, to women not tirement calculators, estimate how much
believing that they would live long enough to retire. you'll need to save each year to have a
The Women's Institute for Secure Retirement ( WISER) has “comfortable" retirement income. Talk to
identified risk factors that affect women as they plan for retire - your parents and other working adults
ment ( WISER, 2014 ). Financially, dicy’re less secure dian men. about how they saved or are saving for
They tend to have less in savings, receive lower Social Security retirement . Are they comfortable with
payments, and are less likely to hold a job covered by a pension. their choices ? Why or why not?
a
Moreover, because women have a longer life expectancy than
men, they’re at significant risk of outliving dieir assets. The latter
risk factor is compounded by die fact diat health-care costs can be extremely high — ill
»
median health-care costs for older adults were estimated to range from S40,000 to
S80,000 a year in 2014, depending on die level of care needed (WISER, 2014 ).
In one study of primarily White, retired women, participants reported that
much of their stress derived from die fact that dicy hadn’t planned for retirement
appropriately ( Price & Ncsteruk, 2015 ). One woman noted, “My financial con -
dition is a disaster. I have no savings. I was always working day and night and that
is why I kept putting off saving for retirement. I think your study should [ tell ] I
women to get financial training in high school so they would know how to make
good decisions about money when dicy arc single retired women ” ( p. 427). The ; :
study participants also hadn’t anticipated die level of caregiving they were doing
during retirement. They were caring for their spouses, their adult children, their
aging parents, and sometimes even dieir grandchildren.

!’
(I
:lI
I
Hi ,
ii ' In the United States, 10.6% of women over the age of 65 live in poverty, as
II i
i
compared to 7.6% of men ( Patrick, 2017 ). These financial concerns are com-
pounded for women of color. At 22.4%, 20.6%, and 19.8%, respectively, the
poverty rates for Native American, Black, and Latinx women arc more than
1! double those of White women ( 8.2% ). One factor causing these high poverty
rates is the gender wage gap ( discussed in Chapter 10 ), which translates into
:
a retirement savings gap. For example, Black women earn $421 ,000 less than
White men over the course of their careers and are less likely to be in jobs cov-
i
ered by pensions ( WISER, n .d . ). Another factor is the likelihood that women

i !i will outlive their male partners. One study of rural White Americans showed
that becoming a widow gready increased the risk of poverty, because of the loss
of the husband’s pension as well as his Social Security benefits ( Gillen & Kim,
r
;
2009 ). Private retirement savings can pass to spouses or other surviving family
!•
members upon someone’s death, but private pensions arc often not available
..
I, to spouses. While spouses are still eligible to receive a portion of their deceased
.
spouse’s full Social Security benefit, the reduction can be significant when still
i
trying to pay the same housing costs, for example.
Joys and Challenges Even if a woman is financially able to retire, there are
i certain challenges stemming from retirement that she may not anticipate. For
i. i \
i
example, although work can be a source of stress, it can also be a source of social
connections and provide a feeling of competence. In one study of primarily
.;
•• t
•
White women, researchers found that many were bored when they retired ( Price
i & Nesteruk, 2015 ). One woman stated: “The one thing I did not plan for and
that has caused me the most problem, is die lack of mental challenge ” ( p . 424 ) .
In fact, data from anodier study indicate that television viewing increases and
'
physical activity decreases once people retire as compared to their pre- retirement
ii ' levels ( Barnett, van Sluijs, Ogilvie, & Wareham , 2014 ). Research shows that
i those who had been in more physically demanding jobs prior to retirement are
the ones who experience larger decreases in activity level ( Barnett et al ., 2014;
Berger, Der, Mutric, & Hannah, 2005; Chung, Domino, Stearns, & Popkin,
2009 ). Their leisure activities, even when active in nature, couldn’t compensate
. lj.
for die overall decrease in work- related activity.
To cope with the boredom that can come with retirement , many women
'
engage in volunteer work or civic/community engagement, which can bal -
i
:
ance the loss of one’s identity as a worker and can also help develop and main -
tain social connections (Tavener et al., 2015; van den Bogaard , Henkcns, &
:i
. Kalmijn, 2014 ). Another positive way to cope with die possible social isolation
>i
and lack of mental stimulation is to engage in new leisure activities ( Liechty,
-! •»
!'{ Yarnal, & Kcrstcttcr, 2012 ). Leisure innovation, or trying new leisure activities,
' has been identified as very important in having a successful retirement. One
v
White woman said, “ I want to experience everything. . . . I’ve never felt that
ii! way before, but as you get older, I think you kind of think, cmy time’s running
j;
Si?
out here. I want to do everything! ( p. 397 ). Leisure innovation can promote
a sense of autonomy, fulfillment, and new friends and connections.
Much of die research on women in retirement, like research on leisure inno-
vation, focuses on White women . The experiences of women of color are largely
studied in the context of increased risks of poverty ( e.g., Sullivan & Meschede,
2016 ) rather than the joys they may also experience when they retire. However, i,
one study on positive retirement experiences among women of color identified
their role as caretakers, their participation in spiritual activities, and their status
as keepers of the family history as beneficial aspects of aging and retirement
( Nettles, 2016 ).
Another challenge of retirement is the changing relationship with one’s
spouse . Although many couples plan to retire at the same time in order to
pursue leisure activities together ( Blau, 1998; Loretto & Vickerstaff, 2013),
retirement can put a strain on relationships. One woman reported: “ It took a
lot of attitude adjustment, patience, and love to deal with having my husband
under my feet constantly ” ( Price & Nesteruk, 2015, p. 432 ) . Another said: “I
think that maybe we can get a bit on top of each other” ( Loretto &: Vickerstaff,
2013, p. 76 ).
v.
Moreover, while men generally see retirement as a chance to pursue recre -
ational activities, women more often see it as a break from juggling the demands i .
of work and family life ( Loretto & Vickerstaff, 2013 ). However, in some cases,
the demands of caring for the home and other family members can actually
—
intensify and exacerbate gender inequality in the home as one study partic-
ipant exclaimed , “Housewives never retire!” ( Loretto & Vickerstaff , 2013,
p. 77). Yet there’s evidence of some men participating more in household labor
after retirement. In one study that followed couples in Germany from ten years
before to ten years after the husbands’ retirement, the men’s contribution to

; ;
household labor doubled after retirement ( Leopold & Skopek, 2015 ). Their
activities included spending a little more time cooking, cleaning, and doing
i other traditionally feminine chores and considerably more time gardening and
doing household repairs.
!
Health and Longevity Retirement may mean different things to differ-

ent people depending on social and financial circumstances. A key question is
1 whether retirement is good or bad for individuals’ mental health and physical
.! i
•
health. Would older women fare better if they continued to work ? There is
i
; • conflicting research on this subject. In one study of over 200,000 people in
Australia, early retirement ( before age 65 ) was related to psychological distress
for both women and men, but retirement after age 65 was related to distress
only for men ( Vo et al., 2015 ). This may be because, as other research has
shown , women have more social connections outside of work and are better
able to stay engaged in the community ( Byles et al ., 2013 ) . Retiring because of
being laid off or needing to care for a family member has been specifically linked
to increased psychological distress among retirees ( Vo et al., 2015 ).
S !: However, research indicates that retirement is not, overall, a negative experi -
:!
ence. One study showed that retirement didn’t decrease self-esteem or increase
: —
depression instead, those who were depressed or had low self-esteem before
retirement tended to experience the same problems after retirement ( Reitzes,
;!
Mi Mutran, & Fernandez, 1996 ). Another study indicated that decreases in
self-esteem experienced in old age are accounted for by changes in both physical
* !iil
ill':
health and socioeconomic status ( Orth , Trzesniewski , & Robins, 2010 ). Inter-
Mi! estingly, additional research shows that retirement is actually linked to decreased
: !l
antidepressant use ( Oksanen et al., 2011 ) and is beneficial for mental health over-
all (see van der Hcide, van Rijn, Robroek, Burdorf, & Proper, 2013, for a review ).
!•! Finally, there’s evidence that one’s health after retirement may be related to
It whether one expects retirement to be a positive or a negative experience . In one
study, researchers followed more than 1,000 participants over age 50 for a period
! ui- of 23 years ( Ng, Allorc, Monin & Levy, 2016 ). At the beginning of the study,
iff ]
they assessed participants’ beliefs about whether retirement was associated with
~ :
:«
|:i
positive or negative mental health ( e.g., hopeless or hopeful, meaningless or
meaningful ) as well as positive or negative physical health ( e.g., sick or healthy,
!
mobile or immobile ). The researchers then followed the participants through
their retirement years to determine how long they lived. Those whose general
beliefs reflected positive stereotypes about physical health in retirement lived
4.5 years longer than those whose beliefs reflected negative stereotypes. Those
with positive stereotypes about mental health in retirement lived 2.5 years lon -
ger than those with negative mental health stereotypes. These findings reflect
stereotype embodiment, a topic discussed early in this chapter. In fact, most
participants in this study had negative attitudes toward retirement: 76% were
negative about physical health and 77% about mental health. The researchers

noted that this negative perspective is consistent with persistent ageism seen in
the media and in society overall . If one wants a happy and healthy retirement, it
appears essential to have a positive attitude about what to expect.
‘
Aging "Successfully"?
What is “ successful aging," what are the problems with this perspectivet
and how can perspectives on aging be broadened to more positively frame
aging and being old?
-
—
There is no right way or perfect way to age there are as many experiences of
aging as there are people. In the same way that there’s no one path through
s
childhood , college, parenthood , or work, there’s no single path to the end of

our lives. Nevertheless, researchers have attempted to define “successful aging” j
( Rowe 8c Kahn , 1987, 2015 ). The original approach was to focus on neutral
and positive aspects of aging, as opposed to the typically negative focus on defi-
cits and decline . In this way, successful aging was contrasted with usual aging.
However, as we saw in Chapter 1, researchers operationally define constructs
in order to study them , and there is no single , agreed - upon operational defi -
nition of successful aging in the research literature. In fact, one review of the
research identified 105 distinct operational definitions ( Cosco, Prina, Perales,
Stephan , 8c Brayne, 2014 ). Within these studies, researchers explored many
potential aspects of successful aging, including physical health, emotional
well - being, community engagement, and financial resources. Depending on
the factors explored and the participants included, studies identified anywhere
between less than 1% and more than 90% of people as aging “successfully.”
Some researchers and theorists have questioned the idea that there’s a suc-
cessful way to age ( for a review, sec Martinson 8c Berridge, 2015 ). Certain crit -
ics believe that existing models are too narrow and focus on experiences that are
more likely if one is White, physically healthy, and financially well off. Others call
for greater consideration of each individual’s perceptions of whether they are,
in fact, successfully aging. Still others reject the entire idea of “successful aging”
because it can be an additional burden for older adults, further marginalizing
those with chronic illnesses, disabilities, or limited resources in other domains.
In fact, one study showed that participants ages 42 to 61 blamed themselves for
not aging “successfully ” enough ( Calasanti, 2016 ). Given these considerations,
the notion that there’s a particular way to age successfully can be a source of
stress rather than a framework diat helps people approach growing older in a
positive manner.
Because of these problems with die framework of successful aging, some
researchers have tried to reframe work in this area by using more inclusive
Aging “Successfully"? 485

jl ,
; approaches. One proposed shift is to the concept of “ harmonious aging,” which
>
focuses on balancing the challenges and opportunities that aging presents ( Liang
& Luo, 2012 ). Another approach, more common in Europe than North Amer-
ica, is “active aging,” which involves being an active member of one’s commu -
i
«1;
—
nity although this framework has also been criticized for focusing too much
on employment-related activity ( Foster & Walker, 2015 ). A third approach is
a focus on “ resilient aging,” since resilience is something that everyone can
• develop and it acknowledges that one can have strength despite challenges or
K
hardships ( Harris, 2008 ). Another advantage of this model is that it can high-
|
! '
i light the resilience of those within marginalized communities who have not
''
i been a key focus of research in this area ( Wild , Wiles, &: Allen , 2013 ).
i
In Chapter 6, when talking about beauty norms, we discussed the problems
associated with replacing one narrow set of norms with another set, because
!I
doing so still involves establishing a standard that many people won’t be able to
•I meet. The same is true with aging. Focusing on individual choices that people
ill make about aging won’t be useful without also considering systemic factors that
i: may influence the choices available to them ( Katz & Calasanti , 2015 ). Ulti -
': mately, regardless of the language used , any “ideal ” model of aging is inherently
exclusionary. Instead of trying to identify how best to age, it has been suggested
1 that the focus should be “on creating the conditions in which people can thrive,
:
on their own terms, as they age ” ( Martinson & Berridge, 2015, p . 66 ).
' .
Creating this type of social change will require more than replacing negative
i
ii
h* - stereotypes of frail, dependent, older women with positive ones of active women .
r
A broader focus will recognize that there are many ways to age successfully and
be empowered ( Chrisler et al., 2015 ). For example, a woman with decreased
| physical mobility because of osteoarthritis may still focus on her power to con-
: ii trol her thoughts and emotions even if she has less control over her physical
;;;ij
* i! body. Similarly, a woman experiencing the onset of dementia may recognize that
"i
•• she still can choose the activities with which she fills her days and the people
• ;
—
with whom she spends time. These women do live with limits this is true of all
people at all ages, but they can still be viewed as active, successful, and resilient
by focusing on what they are doing rather than on what they are not doing.
‘ 1
1! Also, experiences, even challenging ones, from earlier in life can help during
1
one’s older years. For example, older women alive today lived through die civil
i
i|
rights and gay rights movements. They’ve generally experienced stereotypes and
discrimination in different ways than younger women have ( Harley & Teaster,
j*;
2016; Woody, 2014 ). These experiences can be a source of strength as in
developing coping skills and strong social networks (Witten, 2014 ). Of course,
—
access to resources and social support can be key for older adults, and those in
marginalized groups who lack such resources are particularly at risk ( Bradford
et al., 2016; Czaja et al., 2016 ). For example, one study showed that older
transgender individuals who experienced stigma and victimization were particu -
larly at risk for mental and physical difficulties ( Fredriksen- Goldsen et al., 2014 ).

*.vr *r
The Raging Grannies draw

attention to themselves and
their age by wearing clothes
that are stereotypically
associated with old women.
i
They then violate those
stereotypes by engaging in 1 i
activism and education while

wearing this attire — as is true
of these women protesting in 1 !4 i
Detroit, Michigan, in 2016 »
I 'i .
Il
I
Regardless of their challenges, older adults can and do frequendy contrib- u

ute at both local and global levels. In particular, older women contribute to !f :
society by being part of the workforce, by serving in carcgiving roles for fam -
ily members, and by volunteering within their communities. In fact, in 2015,
almost 25% of women age 65 and older in the United States volunteered ( U.S. I
Department of Labor, 2016 ) . Some older women chose to focus their energies h
on activism . For example, the Raging Grannies is an activist organization in ]!

V
Canada and the United States whose members dress in stereotypical “ old lady”
attire and raise awareness about social issues through song. One granny said, I
!
“ I want to make a difference, I want to be a part of something bigger than me”
( Hutchinson & Wexler, 2007, p . 103 ).
:
Conclusion
Research on stereotype embodiment demonstrates that our experience of aging .'
has a lot to do with what we think will happen to us as we age. If we anticipate
that getting older will be a depressing and lonely experience, it may come to pass.
However, if we expect to still rock and rage through our golden years, that’s
more likely to happen . Women’s experiences of aging are influenced by their
own beliefs, societal stereotypes, and changing roles and relationships. There are
also life challenges that are more common in older age, such as chronic health
conditions and bereavement. There are, in fact, choices that we can make about
how to approach aging, both as individuals and as a society, but there are also
constraints on how aging can happen, on individual and societal levels. Much like
other stages of development, the experience of aging isn’t the same for everyone. i'
M.
Conclusion 487 ii
!•
•
.I I 1
J•
i
'
' :
!
l
Chapter Review
i
SUMMARY
: Stereotypes of Older Women More health concerns can mean greater use of
People hold a mix of positive and negative health -care services, but disparities in access
stereotypes of older adults, but all arc to high - quality care arc related to factors such
||! connected to ageist beliefs. as social class, race/ethnicity, and language
Older women and men arc judged differendy, proficiency.
fl
and this becomes more complex when Increased, age - related use of health -care
I looking at other intersecting social identity
characteristics.
services can be especially challenging for lesbian
and transwomen , who may feel the need to
Internalizing negative aging stereotypes can hide their sexual and /or gender identities from
!'! . lead to poor outcomes for older adults. health -care professionals.
t ;i
Infantilization from health - care providers is a
it
The Aging Body common experience for older women .
1
Older women , like younger women, often
report body dissatisfaction . Body changes
Changing Relationships
: associated with aging can be a cause of distress Many older women remain sexually active,
•i
; 5 ; and dissatisfaction, and older women often although the ways in which they arc sexual may
M ii - report feeling invisible.
Many older women feel pressure to engage in
change.
Older women often serve as caregivers for
beauty work to conceal their age and conform partners or other family members with chronic
to societal beauty norms. Others reject youth - or terminal health conditions, and this can lead
ii oriented beauty norms typically associated with to relationship strain and impact the women’s
; White and/or heterosexual women . own mental and physical health .
id While some experience menopause as a Mental and physical health decline after losing
i
challenging medical event, other women view a partner. This includes an increase in mortality
it as one of many transitions that happen risk , particularly for the period immediately
;
i; throughout their lifetimes. following the death .
6 Experiences with grief can be more complicated for
Women’s likelihood of developing chronic or
terminal health conditions increases with age. women with female partners, as their relationship,
P and their grief, may not be publicly recognized.
Heart disease and cancer arc the most common
;!i! causes of death for women in the United Some women experience an “empty nest ” as
til States. Breast cancer receives a great deal of challenging because they identified primarily as
!i .'!. mothers, but others welcome the freedom that
attention , but lung cancer causes the most
If cancer-related deaths among women each year. comes with reduced caregiving responsibilities.
•!
Osteoporosis, osteoarthritis, and dementia Being a grandmother is a welcome experience for
are health conditions that also present many older women. For some, grandmothering
i: significant risks for women. involves being a primary caregiver.

:
Older Women at Work Many women engage in volunteering and
More older women arc working now than in experiment with new' leisure activities during
previous generations, and experiences of age retirement.
discrimination are common . Younger adults Health in retirement is related to attitudes
may feel in competition with older adults for toward retirement.
resources in the workplace.
Because different laws address age, gender, and Aging "Successfully"?
racial discrimination , it can be hard for women Researchers have attempted to define and study
to prove discrimination based on a single cause
if
“successful aging,” but this perspective has
since multiple social identity characteristics can been criticized for focusing on the experiences l
play a role in their treatment. of privileged individuals and adding pressure to
Women decide to retire at different times and older adults rather than positively re -framing b
for different reasons, ranging from die desire for the idea of aging.
i
leisure time to the need to become a full - time Regardless of age - related challenges, older ;
caregiver. Financial concerns may delay retirement women can be empowered and politically
for some, as they often have less money saved for active, and they frequently contribute to society
retirement than is typical for men. at both local and global levels.
'
C
KEY TERiV
ageism ( p. 450 ) widowhood effect ( p. 471 )
stereotype embodiment theory ( p. 452 ) bereavement ( p. 471 )
i
beauty work ( p. 455 ) disenfranchised grief ( p. 471 )
age concealment ( p. 455 ) role strain relief hypothesis ( p. 473 )
menopause ( p. 458 ) empty - nest syndrome ( p. 473 )
pcrimcnopausc ( p . 458 ) role loss hypothesis ( p. 473 )
postmenopause ( p. 458 ) launching phase ( p. 473)
pinkwashing ( p. 465 ) custodial role ( p. 475 )
i
H
cldcrspcak ( p. 468 ) bridge work ( p. 481 )
family caregiving ( p. 469 ) leisure innovation ( p. 482 )
THINK ABOUT IT
1. Go to a local store, explore magazines, and 2. Do you think older women should be
look for images of older women. What types compensated for their carcgiving work? If
of things do you notice ? Are your observations so, who should fund this? How much should
consistent with the research presented in this women receive in compensation ? What
chapter? If so, think of alternatives that might barriers do you think would prevent women
counter ageist and sexist stereotypes. from receiving compensation ?
Chapter Review 489

I
.
3. In what ways could our society’s health - care in planning for this transition ? Who is more
system be improved to better provide for older likely to have the resources to retire ? What
! I women ? can be done to ensure that all people have an
4. Imagine that you’re advising someone about opportunity to retire ?
:
I retirement. What should that person consider
,; j
i 1'
. i
i ,
i
ONLINE RESOURCES
»
American Association of Retired Persons Women’s Institute for a Secure Retirement
III
—
(AARP ) provides information and services
to support and enhance the quality of life for
( WISER) — resources to improve the long-
term security of all women: wiserwomcn .org
I*
people as they age: aarp.org
—
Raging Grannies International international
—
WomensHealth.gov resources and
information regarding top women’s health
network of older women who promote peace, issues: womcnshcalth .gov
.
it * justice, and social and economic equality
through song and humor: raginggrannies.org
l
i,
!};
:
r :
r:f;
j
*
'j >
!; !
j *
!
i
!
ll
!' )
i <<
j
3
,
4
tfi .
J • 490 Chapter 11 Older Women

**Gender -Based Violence
i Youth and Violence
A Rape Culture
Interpersonal Violence
War and Violence
Stopping a Culture of Violence
Conclusion
» Chapter Review
I
:
RAZAN MOHAMMAD ABU -SALHA WASN'T SUPPOSED TO BE THERE. Her class

.
let out early, so she decided to visit her newlywed sister Yusor, and brother -in-
:!
law, Deah, at their condominium close to campus (Talbot . 2015). She hadn't been
!
i U there long when an enraged neighbor knocked on the door. Within seconds, he
took out a gun and repeatedly shot Deah. He then killed Razan and Yusor. An
hour later, Craig Hicks turned himself in to police.
After the killings, two competing speculations about Hicks' s motive emerged
| (Talbot,2015). The first was that the shootings were related to a longstanding
I
;;
dispute over parking. The second was that they were triggered by hate. Hicks's
I! anger had intensified when Yusor moved in with Deah. Yusor wore a hijab, and
!! her father remembered Yusor worrying about Hicks's escalating anger. " Daddy,"
r .
she'd said "I think it is because of the way I look and the way I dress " ( para. 31).
i
Jack McDevitt, a criminologist, believes this was a hate crime, one that is moti-
i
: .
vated by bias. According to the FBI anti-Muslim hate crimes in the United States
t! multiplied after the terrorist attacks of September 11, and Muslim American wom-
li
en were more often attacked than their male counterparts ( Abu - Ras & Suarez,
2009 ). Researchers believe that attackers more readily identify and target
r 1
Muslim women who wear headscarves ( Allen, 2015; Chakraborti & Zempi, 2012 ).
!
*1!
;
M
.: ,
: :r Pictured here are Deah
! •
Barakat, Yusor Abu-Salha .
and Razan Abu -Salha. Some
people argued that their
'
P murders were hate crimes,
but the crimes weren ' t
prosecuted as such. However,
in the same year that these
three young people were
Mi * killed, the U S . Department
of Education did classify
!
860 criminal incidents that / .
1« iww
.' .-
(
V «
*#
J,
occurred on college campuses **
ill V »
as hate crimes, using criteria . „„ .*
W J U
in
. it
developed by the FBI.
1
•!
ii
$'
S
'
VI
1 1.J
'
' 492 Chapter 12 Gender-Based Violence

1
i
In this case, it 's impossible to know if Hicks was responding to gender, re-
.
ligion ethnicity, parking disputes, or some combination of all these factors.
Thirty years ago, feminist sociologist Deborah King (1988) coined the term mu/-
tiple jeopardy to describe the difficulty in identifying one factor as the most
significant explanation for an oppressive act. Particularly when women have
multiple marginalized social identity characteristics, their risk for violence in-
. .
creases ( Collins 2017; Creek & Dunn, 2014; Crenshaw 1991). No one will ever
know for sure, but Razan 's friends believe her identity was connected to her
murder (Talbot, 2015). !
Ultimately. Hicks was charged with three counts of first-degree murder and , W{i
discharging a firearm into a dwelling (Talbot, 2015). He wasn't charged with a
hate crime because his motives weren't clearly identifiable. Nevertheless, this
crime had the effect most often associated with hate crimes —it caused fear 1
( Qualey . 2015). When violence occurs to a person with a marginalized identity, !
!
other people with a similar identity may experience fear and subsequently re-
strict their behavior to avoid becoming another target. In other words, one could
think of the political and social goal of identity -based violence as putting people
"back into their place " ( Hodge, 2011, p. 12). Hate crime legislation acknowledges
that some crimes have ripple effects beyond the individuals involved.
Crimes motivated by gender bias are technically classified as hate crimes. How- ! '
ever, prosecutors rarely get hate crime convictions because it's difficult to prove
beyond a reasonable doubt that gender bias was a motive for a crime against a !
woman ( McPhail & DiNitto, 2005). Because of growing recognition that violence
.
against girls and women isn’t random but rather, is bias-related, some feminists
want prosecutors to more frequently seek hate crime convictions as a way to
signify the seriousness of this issue ( Lieberman & Freeman, 2017; Lynch 2012; . I
.
McPhail 2002).
In almost every society, violence related to gender is both hidden and under -
I reported. It 's rarely identified as a social problem; rather, it's usually seen as the
actions of a few bad people (Hodge, 2011). For this reason, it's challenging to stop.
These types of violence happen across the lifespan, and the effects are deep and
long -lasting, making it one of the most important areas feminist psychologists
study. In this chapter, we'll examine specific types of violence, including child-
hood abuse, sexual assault, domestic violence, trafficking, and elder abuse. We’ll
i also discuss the ways in which women can be resilient by working to end the
culture of violence.
493
;
i
Gender- Based Violence

What is gender-based violence, and how can it be understood both
individually and systemically?
i Gender- based violence is a form of violence that is motivated by anger, hatred,

or bias because of a person’s gender. Gender- based violence occurs at both indi-
vidual and structural levels. At die individual level, an attacker might direatcn or
use power against another person in order to inflict injury. Structural violence is
il;
subder; it involves the systemic ways in which social structures hurt or otherwise
i!
disadvantage certain people ( De Antoni & Munhos, 2016; Mukhcrjce et al .,
: .i 2011). The ways in which sexism, racism , and prejudice against religious groups
iii
!!• can cause harm are examples of structural violence. Because
*
it’s ingrained in a system, there’s often no one person who
. can be held responsible (Salcem et al., 2016 ) . Craig Hicks’s
ii
try it for yourself actions are an example of violence at the individual level.
However, the fact that his actions created widespread fear
I Some colleges and universities have among other Muslim and female students exemplifies struc-
1.1
implemented hate and bias policies to
tural violence because those not specifically attacked became
N: address crimes motivated by hate. Go
i
| aware of an ever- present threat. For example, after the mur-
to your student handbook or campus
website, and search for any policy on
der many Muslim students feared going out at night , and
hate and bias. Does your school have some reported walking together on campus during the day
one? If so. what social identity character- ( Qualey, 2015; Talbot, 2015 )
1 istics does the policy include or exclude? Decades ago, in writing about sexual assault, the fem -
; I Talk to fellow students, faculty, and staff. inist journalist Susan Brownmiller ( 1975 ) discussed how
How many of them know about the policy awareness of ever- present threat restricts personal freedom
or lack of policy? Do you think this type and can render those who are part of marginalized groups
!
| of policy would be helpful in deterring dependent on others for safety. As a result, girls and women
|j’ gender-based violence? Explain your
may avoid wearing certain clothing or traveling alone
response.
at night ( Hickman & Muehlenhard, 2006 ). In this way,
ii gender- based violence acts as a source of power and control,
whether or not a person has experienced a personal attack.
i
1
Violence against girls and women has become a public health crisis worldwide
'
( UNICEF, 2014a ). The United Nations reports that 1 in 3 women have experi -
enced some form of physical and/or sexual violence during their lifetime ( United
i.
Nations Statistics Division, 2015 ). Within the United States, 1 in 5 women
( 22.3%) have experienced severe physical violence ( Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention, 2016a ). In 2015, men murdered more than 1,600 women, and
the most commonly used weapon was a gun ( Violence Policy Center, 2015 ).
In 2016, the number of transgender women, particularly transgender women
of color, who were murdered was the highest ever recorded within the United
States ( Human Rights Campaign, n.d.). These statistics are sobering, and
behind each number is someone with a name and a story, like Razan .
494 Chapter 12 Gender- Based Violence

The United States has seen an overall drop in rates of violent crime in the
last 30 years ( Farrell, Tilley, & Tseloni, 2014 ). Since the 1990s, overall rates
— —
of crime including homicide, theft, and burglary have dropped by approxi-
mately half. There’s no clear explanation for this. Better home and car security
and decreased social acceptability of violence may be contributing factors ( Farrell
et al., 2014 ). However, not all the data are positive. Based on an analysis of rates
of domestic violence and rape ( which aren’t always counted properly in crime
statistics ), crimes against women have actually increased since 2008, although
crimes against men have continued to drop ( Walby, Towers, & Francis, 2015 ).
Thus, although overall crime has dropped, violence against women continues to
be a significant problem within the United States.
Youth and Violence

Violence against children occurs in every region of the world ( UNICEF, 2014a ).
Globally, approximately 40 million children are abused each year ( UNICEF,
2014a ). In the United States, child abuse referrals increased from 3.6 million
in 2014 to 4 million in 2015, with the numbers of children involved increasing
from 6.6 to 7.2 million ( Children’s Bureau, 2016 ). Moreover, 1,670 children • 11
died from abuse or neglect during the same period . Although all children are
vulnerable to abuse, girls are especially susceptible ( Allroggen, Rau, Ohlert, & i
Fegert , 2017; Finkclhor Turner, Hamby, & Ormrod, 2011). For example, child
protective agencies receive more reports of childhood abuse toward girls than
toward boys ( Children’s Bureau , 2016 ).
I!
Types of Abuse
What types of abuse do children experience, and how is this abuse related
to gender ?
One type of abuse that children can experience is physical abuse, which is defined
as acts of physical force intended to cause physical pain. This can include hitting,
kicking, choking, burning, or biting a child. Many families believe that corporal
punishment, or the use of physical force, is an acceptable way to discipline chil-
dren ( UNICEF, 2017 ). Studies from many countries worldwide suggest that
80% of children experience spanking, which is defined as open- handed hitting
with intent to discipline ( Gershoff & Grogan- Kaylor, 2016; UNICEF, 2017).
A recent meta-analysis showed that spanking was associated with children’s
increased aggression and antisocial behaviors, higher incidences of mental health
concerns, lower self-esteem, lower cognitive abilities, and negative relationships
Youth and Violence 495

ii
M
'I
with parents ( Gcrshoff & Grogan - Kaylor, 2016 ). Sixteen countries have out -
lawed spanking by parents, and the American Academy of Pediatrics opposes it
. as a disciplinary technique ( Fuller, 2009 ) . As one scholar pointed out, the equiv-
t ,
alent act among adults ( e.g., one adult slapping another ) would be considered a
criminal offense ( Finkclhor et al., 2011 ) .
i
i
ill :
Another form of abuse is psychological abuse, a type of abuse in which
perpetrators act in ways that cause fear, shame, isolation , or deprivation. Psy-
I i
I
——
chological abuse may include verbal abuse speech that is denigrating or humil -
iating. It can also include emotional abuse behaviors that aim to control or
’’
I:I manipulate, such as withholding love, attention, or communication . This is also
11 a component of neglect. While this type of abuse is believed to be common,
specific rates arc unclear since researchers use different operational definitions
I I
i; and psychological abuse rarely results in criminal abuse charges ( Lecb, Paulozzi,
Mclanson , Simon , & Arias, 2008 ). However, psychological abuse can have
II
i;
—
severe consequences for example, a higher lifetime risk for clinical depression
( Infurna ct al ., 2016 ).
:ii:« Children also can experience childhood sexual abuse, defined as any sexual
I ;
i! i
activity between an adult and a minor. Girls are 2.5 times more likely to expe-
P! rience sexual abuse than adult women ( World Health Organization, 2016 ).
Whereas boys are more likely to be sexually abused by someone outside the
I.f J family, girls are far more likely to be sexually abused by a family member or
i someone close to the family, such as a mother’s boyfriend ( Freyd , DePrince, 8c
Gleaves, 2007 ). In many situations, a perpetrator first establishes a child ’s trust
by spending time together or buying the child toys. After an assault, there may
.1 be a period when the perpetrator experiences remorse and promises not to vic-
timize the child again . In this way, a cycle begins in which violent acts alternate
4.1.
Fraidy Reiss ( center ) is the

founder and executive
i director of Unchained At
Last, an organization that
!i is dedicated to ending
childhood marriage in the
!
United States. As a survivor
; . of a forced marriage, Reiss
j is committed to advocating
i
' for girls and women through
I legislative action . What are
the laws about marriage for
people under the age of 18
where you live ?
II -

with loving behavior ( Finkelhor et al., 2011 ). This cycle can be confusing to a
child ; it also makes it hard for the child to report the abuse and for other adults
to believe that the perpetrator is actually causing harm ( Firth , 2014 ) .
In more extreme situations, childhood sexual abuse occurs within forced
childhood marriage. According to UNICEF, over 700 million women living
today were forced into childhood marriage, and 1 in 3 of those women was
married before age 15 ( “ Child Marriage Database,” 2018 ). Countries with the
highest rates of child marriage are Niger ( 76% ), the Central African Republic
( 68% ), Chad ( 68% ), and Mali ( 55% ), but every country has childhood mar -
riage, including the United States. Although 88% of countries set the minimum
marriage age at 18, loopholes exist that make childhood marriage legal ( c.g.,
parental consent, judicial approval ). In the United States, 207,459 American
children and adolescents were married between 2000 and 2015 (Tsui, Nolan,
8c Amico, 2017 ) . Of them , 985 were 14 years old, 51 were 13 years old, and 6
—
were 12 years old nearly all of them girls. Children who are forced into mar
riage are especially vulnerable to abuse, early pregnancy, and sexually transmit -
-
ted infections ( UNICEF, 2014 b ). In 2017, New Jersey became the first state in
the nation to completely ban marriage before age 18 ( Livio, 2017 ).
Another form of violence inflicted on girls is female jjcnital mutilation
( FGM ) , a procedure typically performed on children that involves partial or
total removal of external female genitalia for non - medical reasons ( Jungari,
2016 ) . Because a child cannot give consent , many people believe that FGM
is a human rights violation. The practice can cause severe bleeding, infections,
mental health distress, discomfort during sex, and reproductive health concerns,
yet it continues because of cultural beliefs that FGM improves a girl’s mari -
tal prospects and signifies that she’s an adult ( Vissandjee, Kantiebo, Levine,
8c N’Dcjuru , 2003 ). The World Health Organization ( 2017 ) estimates that :
125 million girls and women have undergone FGM, with most incidents occur- 1i
ring in African countries. Researchers also document that FGM is increasingly
i occurring among immigrant populations in Europe, die United States, and
Canada ( Goldberg ct al., 2016 ).
Negative Outcomes and Resiliency

What are some outcomes of child abuse, what factors contribute to
resiliency in the face of abuse, and how has the focus on individual
resiliency been challenged?
Children and adolescents who experience abuse have high rates of depression
and anxiety (Sachs- Ericsson, Sheffler, Stanley, Piazza, 8c Preacher, 2017 ). They
may show delays in physical growth, experience sleep difficulties and chronic
fatigue, have impaired immune function, and be medically classified as obese.
Youth and Violence 497

1 I
:
•:
i
They also may act out aggressively or engage in self-destructive behaviors

( Coolcy- Quille, Boyd, Frantz, & Walsh, 2001). Moreover, the effects of child -
hood abuse can last a lifetime ( Briggs, Thompson , Ostrowski, & Lckwauwa,
2011 ). Adults with histories of childhood abuse have shown higher incidences of
i
many health problems, including irritable bowel syndrome, insomnia, fibromy-
algia, infectious diseases, cardiovascular disease, and cancer ( Springer, Sheridan,
i Kuo, & Carnes, 2007 ). They also have increased risk of developing psychiatric
l ; disorders and engaging in potentially harmful behaviors, such as substance use
and risk)' sexual behaviors ( Gallo, Munhoz, Loret de Mola , 8c Murray, 2018 ).
:
They may have difficulty developing and maintaining stable and trusting rela -
i i
ij
ii tionships, which limits their support systems ( Lassri, Luytcn, Fonagy, 8c Shahar,
j!
2018 ). This makes them more vulnerable to experiencing additional relational
violence. In fact, the greatest factor that increases vulnerability to violence as
I!
an adult is having previously experienced violence as a child and /or adoles-
I; cent ( Dias, Sales, Mooren , Mota - Cardoso, 8c Klcber, 2017; Zamir, Szepsenwol,
: Englund, 8c Simpson, 2018 ).
• I
Although the life-long risks of childhood abuse are clearly documented , some
I: children grow up with no lasting effects of their childhood abuse ( Cashmore 8c
! Shackcl, 2013 ) . This is known as resiliency, or the capacity to successfully adapt
!• to trauma or stress, and it’s associated with positive outcomes ( Masten, 2014 ).
!
A study of Latinx women showed that cultivating a belief in personal strength ,
developing a robust support group, and talking about childhood abuse were
helpful in healing and becoming resilient ( Ligiero, Fassingcr, McCauley, Moore,
•
••
! 8c Lyytinen, 2009 ). Likewise, a study of Native American women who experi -
enced childhood sexual abuse showed that developing a sense of personal auton -
omy, social support, and connection to the cultural community provided some
relief from negative effects in adulthood ( Hobfoll ct al.,
iii !•
2002 ). Resiliency appears to be an ongoing process that
occurs over the course of a lifetime, with hope and optimism
ili ; try it for yourself being key components ( Bogar 8c Hulsc- Killacky, 2006 ).
However, some scholars highlight that learning to cope
ii Google the term resiliency. After reading with violence is ultimately limited and might shift too much
some of the links, list all the ways people responsibility onto survivors ( Ungar, Ghazinour, 8c Richter,
are advised to develop adaptive coping 2013 ). Especially when violence is ongoing ( as is some-
il strategies. How much of the advice is
times the case in childhood abuse ) or is structural ( as is die
individually focused? How much is about
•j case with forced childhood marriage and/or female genital
!•
i changing systems of oppression like
sexism, racism, classism, or homophobia?
mutilation ), a better approach may be to demand societal
4 '
!: What messages are conveyed about change. In fact, when Martin Luther King Jr. addressed psy-
whose responsibility it is to develop adap- chologists at the American Psychological Association Con -
:*• tive coping strategies and systems? How vention in 1967, he famously said, “ I am sure that there
can people develop resiliency that consid- are some things in our world to which we should never be
ers the reality of abuse and violence? adjusted. There are some things concerning which we must
:
always be maladjusted if we arc to be people of good will”
i
j' 498 Chapter 12 Gender- Based Violence
_
( “ King’s Challenge,” 1999 ). In other words, even though resiliency in the face
of violence is helpful for childhood survivors, society at large would benefit from
efforts to end childhood violence itself.
-
From Objectification to Violence
How does the cultural acceptance of objectification of girls and women
relate to violence against them? !
As we discussed in Chapter 7, sexual objectification has negative effects on girls

and women . It can undermine cognitive functioning as well as physical and
mental health ( American Psychological Association, 2007). It also contributes
to violence and exploitation . In a review of over 100 empirical studies pub-
lished between 1995 and 2015, psychologist L. Monique Ward ( 2016 ) identi -
fied that exposure to sexualized images in the media was associated with greater
support for sexist beliefs and greater tolerance of sexual violence toward girls
and women . Objectifying girls and women has been associated with having less
empathy for girls and women, likely because objectification is related to dehu -
manization ( Daniels & Zurbriggen, 2016; Holland & Haslam , 2016; Ward,
Vandenbosch , & Eggermont , 2015 ) . Among men, the reporting of higher lev- •
els of objectification of women has been associated with higher rates of mini-
mizing violence, feeling entitled to sex, and endorsing coercion to control girls
and women ( Ward , 2016 ) .
In one study, when primarily White girls and boys ( ages 11-16 ) were exposed
to sexually objectified images of female bodies, they reported stronger accep-
tance of sexual harassment ( Strouse, Goodwin , & Roscoe , 1994 ). A more recent
study showed that a racially diverse group of college men who readily associated i
women with words representing objects ( e.g., tool, device, thing ) or animals
( e.g., animals, paw, snout ) , as measured by an implicit association test, were
more willing to later expose women to sexually aggressive pictures ( Rudman &
Mescher, 2012 ) .
Given that most media sexually objectify girls and women ( American Psy-
chological Association , 2007 ), die findings mentioned above are a serious cause
for concern . Because Black and Latinx girls and women are more commonly
portrayed in a sexualized manner than are White girls and women ( Rivadeneyra
& Ward, 2005 ), this may be an even greater problem for those who identify as
or are perceived as part of these groups.
One source of sexual objectification is the adult entertainment industry a
$10 to $12 billion industry within the United States, with over 10,000 videos
— <
produced annually ( Wosick, 2015 ). Much of the material produced within this
industry depicts sexual themes with violence, dehumanization, and abuse. For
example, researchers analyzing the content of the most popular pornographic
Youth and Violence 499 • i
!
!
;
videos found that 88.2% contained physical aggression and 48.7% contained
; verbal aggression ( Bridges, Wosnitzer, Scharrer, Sun , 8c Liberman, 2010 ). Per-
petrators were overwhelmingly male; targets were mostly female.
Moreover, under-age or nearly under-age actors are often portrayed in dehu -
manizing ways ( Eberstadt 8c Layden , 2010; Foubert, Brosi, 8c Bannon , 2011 ) .
“ Barely legal ” pornography depicts adult women who are made to look youth -
ful . Because the models arc 18 years or older, this type of pornography is legal;
i i
however, there’s evidence that viewing it affects adults’ perceptions of children.
; One study showed that viewing “ barely legal ” pornography resulted in stronger
associations between non -scxual images of children and words related to sex
1
f
| ( Paul 8c Linz, 2008 ). Other studies have shown that consumption of online
H child pornography is on the rise, likely due to the normalization of girlhood
i
sexualization as well as easy access through mobile devices (Steel, 2015; Wolak,
1' i
Finkelhor, 8c Mitchell, 2012 ). A content analysis of packaging for 2 ,600 ran -
domly selected, mainstream adult films produced from 1995 to 2007 found
:
that 20% had references to young pcople/youth ( Jensen , 2010 ). The increase in
|:
child pornography has also been linked to a growing illegal demand for sex with
children and a steady increase in profits made in the child trafficking industry
Ji
( Dank ct al., 2014 ).
I !
. ii
:: ,
'l l
r A Rape Culture
What is rape culture, and how common are sexual assault and rape in the
United States?
••M
i
'
!
in
The culture of objectification contributes to a rape culture in which sexual
I* violence is normalized and perpetrators don’t fear repercussions. Within the
i;
i
•I ,
United States, rates of sexual abuse are high; yet rapists are rarely convicted
ill ( U.S. Department of Justice, 2016 ). Sexual violence is often dismissed , ignored ,
I; and deemed “ no big deal .” This is evidence of a rape culture . For example, in
# 2016, a California judge sentenced Brock Turner, a Stanford University stu -
T dent, to a mere six months in jail for his rape conviction . Critics believed die
judge was influenced by the defendant’s father, who complained that his son’s
" !I .'i life had been ruined for “20 minutes of action ” ( Stack , 2016, para 1 ) . The judge
claimed that a harsher punishment would have left a “severe impact” on Turner
.
and, therefore, wasn’t warranted ( para. 4 ).
is;
It is estimated that more than a third of women ( 37.1% ) will experience some
* . form of sexual assault, a general term that refers to different types of sexual
•• abuse, including rape, attempted rape, unwanted sexual touching ( e.g., grop-
ing, fondling ), and/or sexual harassment (Smith et al., 2018 ). More specifically,
rape is legally defined as “penetration, no matter how slight, of the vagina or
500 Chapter|2 Gender-Based Violence

anus with any body part or object, or oral penetration by a sex organ of another
person , without the consent of the victim ” ( U .S. Department of Justice, 2012,
para . 1 ) . It’s estimated that 1 in 5 women in the United States ( 20% ) will be
raped in her lifetime, with 81% of survivors reporting that the rape occurred
before the age of 25 ( Black ct al., 2011; Smith ct al., 2018 ). Most survivors are
girls and women, and men arc the primary perpetrators (Smith et al., 2018 ).
=
Reflecting these numbers, women have a higher fear of rape than men, and
women report fearing rape more than other forms of violent crime ( Custers &
ii
Van den Bulck, 2013; Pryor 8: Hughes, 2016 ).
Rape Myths £
What are common rape myths, and how do they correspond to the reality
of rape?
A rape myth is a false belief about how and why rape occurs. Such myths per-
petuate rape culture by inaccurately depicting reality, which then creates doubt
and self- blame among survivors ( Lonsway & Fitzgerald , 1994; Russell 8c Hand ,
2017 ). Rape myths also reflect victim blaming, a type of blame that shifts
responsibility away from the perpetrator and onto the survivor. Successfully
combating rape requires accurately understanding rape threat and both recog- i ’ ll
nizing and speaking out against misleading statements. i1
i ;
Myth: Women lie about being raped .

Reality: Women rarely lie about being raped; in fact, rape is extremely under-
reported .
Research suggests that only 0.05% to 7% of all reported rapes are unsubstan -
tiated or false ( Ferguson 8c Malouff, 2016; Lisak, Gardinier, Nicksa, 8c Cote,
2010; Lonsway, Archambault, 8c Lisak, 2009 ). In contrast, over 50% of women
who experience an incident that meets the legal definition of rape won’t actu -
ally label their experience as rape ( Kahn , Jackson, Kully, Badger, 8c Halvorsen,
2003; LeMaire, Oswald, 8c Russell, 2016; Wilson 8c Miller, 2016 ). They may i
use a more benign label such as “ bad sex” or “ miscommunication ” ( Wilson 8c
Miller, 2016, p. 1 ). These arc examples of unacknowledged rape. Survivors are
especially unlikely to acknowledge rape if they have a long-standing relationship
with the perpetrator and if there was not much physical aggression used ( Kahn
et al., 2003 ) .
Even when a woman acknowledges diat she was raped , she’s unlikely to report
it. People are less likely to report sexual assault than other violent crimes ( Chen 1
8c Ullman, 2010 ) . One study of crime victims in the United States showed that
only 38% of those who were raped reported the crime to police, in comparison
to 47% of victims of other violent crimes and 62% of victims of aggravated
A Rape Culture 501

'
!: assaults and robberies ( Harrell, 2012 ). Reporting rates appear to be even lower
among college students, with several studies finding that only 5% to 13% of rape
i
survivors reported the crime to police ( Demers et al., 2018; Wolitzky-Taylor
et al., 2011). In another study, most mid - life and older women participants felt
i
rape should be dealt with privately as opposed to being reported to authorities
! ( Rennison & Rand , 2003 ). Rape survivors’ reluctance to report may reflect
their concerns about other people’s reactions ( Egan 8c Wilson , 2012 ). Fears
'
:
I
of misbelief and retaliation also contribute to underreporting ( Cohn, Zinzow,
i
i Resnick, 8c Kilpatrick, 2013; Heath, Lynch, Fritch, McArthur, 8c Smith , 2011 ).
i {:.i
Myth: Rape is usually committed by a stranger or scary <cother.”
ii Reality: Rape is mostly committed by intimate partners or acquaintances.
i1 In a large national study of female rape survivors, perpetrators were reported to
!i be intimate partners ( 51.1% ), acquaintances ( 40.8% ), family members ( 12.5% ),
li1 and strangers ( 13.8%; Black et al., 2011 ) . Other studies corroborate this find -
—
ing, showing that acquaintance rape rape perpetrated by an intimate partner
!
i —
or someone known to the victim is much more common than stranger rape
( Clay-Warncr 8c Burt, 2005; Fisher, Cullen , 8c Daigle, 2005 ) . For example, one
study showed that 10% to 20% of husbands or ex - husbands rape their partners
( Herrera, Dahlblom , Dahlgren, 8c Kullgrcn, 2006 ) .
S"
Nevertheless, undergraduate students generally report that they think a
i
15 « “typical ” rape includes physical aggression and is perpetrated by a stranger

:!• i
( Clark 8c Carroll, 2008 ). This is the traditional rape script. Although it doesn’t
'
:h i
!m
i describe the vast majority of rapes, the script is powerful because it shapes beliefs
about what to classify as rape ( Peterson 8c Muehlcnhard, 2004 ) . When an expe -
:
rience of rape doesn’t match the traditional rape script, women are less likely to
view it as rape and less likely to receive support ( Weiss, 2009 ) .
•
'
illi The traditional rape script has served to justify discrimination . In Chapter 4,
we discussed House Bill 2 ( HB2 ) from North Carolina that banned transgender
i! '
individuals from using bathrooms that didn’t align with their gender assignment
5; at birth . Legislators claimed the ban was necessary to protect girls and women
' ji:
from male sexual predators who would claim to be transgender in order to enter
.
women’s bathrooms (Steinmetz, 2016 ). But several organizations dedicated to
:
>
stopping violence against women asserted that die legislation perpetuated a rape
- i1 myth in order to justify discrimination ( National Task Force to End Sexual and
Domestic Violence Against Women, 2016 ). Partially due to this effort, HB2
was repealed in 2017.
Understanding the history and politics of rape culture can shed more light
on this myth. Over thirty years ago, feminist scholar Angela Davis ( 1981 ) dis-
i cussed how the myth of the Black rapist uses rape threat to justify violence against
1
Black boys and men . This particular myth perpetuates the idea that Black men
Ei -
are driven to assault White women, which unjustly increases fears of Black men
( Dorr, 2004 ). For example, research participants see Black male perpetrators of
502 Chapter 12 Gender-Based Violence

sexual assault as more guilty than White perpetrators ( Donovan, 2007; Foley,
Evancic, Karnik, King, 8c Parks, 1995 ). In 2015, when 21-year-old Dylann Roof,
a White man, murdered nine Black people at the Emanuel African Methodist
Church in Charlestown, South Carolina , he repeatedly shouted, “You rape our
women, and you’re taking over our country, and you have to go” ( Bouie, 2015,
para. 1 ). His justification for committing murder was based on the myth of the
Black rapist.
Feminist scholars also point to the ways in which media coverage and politi -
cal rhetoric often portray men in the Global South and East ( e.g., Africa, Latin
America , Middle East, and parts of Asia ) as sexually violent in comparison to
North American and European White men ( Khalid 2017; Nayak 2006; Sjoberg, I
2013 ). Such portrayals reinforce racialized stereotypes ( Nayak, 2006 ). Post -
colonial scholars also warn that Western governments use images and rhetoric of
violence against women in the Global South and East as a rationale for military
action and restrictive immigration policies ( Khalid 2017; Nayak, 2006 ).
Myth: Most survivors of rape actively fight off their attacker.

Reality: Many women who arc raped are not able to fight back .
Most survivors of rape don’t resist their attacker, especially if they know the
attacker or are intoxicated ( Ford, 2017; Porges 8c Pepe, 2015 ). In one study,
57% of women seeking treatment from a large hospital emergency room as a
result of rape reported that they hadn’t resisted ( Carr et al., 2014 ). Many said
M
they chose not to resist in order to reduce the risk of injury, and research does
show that survivors who resist are more likely to be injured ( Wong 8c Balemba, '
2016 ). In other studies, survivors have reported being literally unable to resist
because of tonic immobility, an involuntary “frozen ” body response that occurs
in high - fear situations ( Marx, Forsyth, Gallup, Fuse, 8c Lexington, 2008;
TeBockhorst, O’Halloran, 8c Nyline, 2015 ). This paralysis makes it impossible
for a person to move or call out for help.
Women with a history of sexual assault are less likely to engage in asser-
tive resistance behaviors ( Gidycz, McNamara , 8c Edwards, 2006; Litdeton 8c
Decker, 2017 ) . Studies have shown that when responding to scenarios, college
women who had a history of sexual assault took longer to determine that a
man’s actions were sexually inappropriate and were less likely to assertively resist
than college women without a history of sexual assault (Soler- Baillo, Marx, 8c
Sloan, 2005; Stoner et al., 2007). Researchers speculate that survivors may be
less physiologically reactive to danger, which would explain their slower resis-
tance to a potential attack (Soler- Baillo et al., 2005 ). \
Even though women’s self-defense programs have been criticized for putting
the responsibility for preventing rape on victims rather than assailants, several
studies have shown that self-defense programs can help women resist sexual
assault, build confidence, and reduce their belief in rape myths ( Gidycz et al.,
2006; Ullman , 2007 ). Especially when taught from a feminist perspective,
A Rape Culture 503

.
Self - defense programs
especially those taught from
«
a feminist perspective, can
;> help women gain confidence
i
and feel stronger, and they've
been shown to help women
resist sexual assault and rape.
i |i However, they've also been
criticized for putting the focus
on women preventing assault,
rather than on men not
assaulting women.
t
I
;i
self - defense programs can be effective ( Gidycz & Dardis, 2014 ) . In such pro -
!j j grams, women are taught to accurately assess risk, acknowledge when they’re
in a risky situation , and respond quickly and assertively ( Rozce 8c Koss, 2001 ).
mi;. However, when the rape involves a romantic partner or an acquaintance, a
‘
ill;
•i
;
woman’s concern about rejecting the partner or being embarrassed may prevent
m; her from identifying risk and actively resisting ( Ullman , 2007 ) .
r
:
Myth: Sex with someone who is incapacitated or drunk is not rape.
i; Reality: If someone is not able to give consent, sex with that person is rape.
• I!
When someone rapes a person who is intoxicated, unconscious, or asleep,
1
I incapacitated rape occurs. Women who experience incapacitated rape are most
•i!
likely to blame themselves and are less likely to identify their experience as rape
• ji
1 !i
( Brown, Testa, 8c Messman - Moorc, 2009; Walsh ct al., 2016 ). People arc also
less likely to blame intoxicated male perpetrators than sober ones ( Cameron &
Stritzke, 2003; Finch & Munro, 2005 ). In some cases of incapacitated rape, the
: i:
perpetrator even sleeps in the same bed with the rape survivor, suggesting that
I!: the perpetrator doesn ’t fear repercussions ( Maurer, 2016 ) .
!
College women, particularly those with a history of sexual abuse and who
1 believe alcohol will enhance their sexual experiences, are especially at risk for
n incapacitated rape ( Carey, Durncy, Shepardson, 8c Carey, 2015b; Messman-
Moorc, Ward , 8c Zerubavcl , 2013). One study showed that 15% of first year
college students reported attempted or completed incapacitated rape, and by
-
their second year, 26% and 22% had experienced attempted and completed
incapacitated rape, respectively ( Carey ct al ., 2015a ) . Alcohol may increase
vulnerability by altering a woman’s ability to assess her risk and subsequently

resist ( Ford , 2017; Franklin , 2016; Sell, Turrisi, Scaglione,
Hultgren, 8c Mallett, 2016 ) . In fact, some college men have your turn
reported intentionally providing alcohol to women because
of their intent to incapacitate and assault or rape them
Go to your school website, and look for
( Brennan ct al., 2018 ) .
the policy on sexual assault/rape. How
easy or difficult is it to find this policy?
Myth: Girls and women arc partially responsible for being What is the mechanism for reporting?
raped if they wear revealing clothing, act in promiscuous Are the judiciary process and possible
ways, or make risky choices like being out alone or drinking sanctions clearly outlined? Given the pol-
at a party. icy. if students experience sexual assault
Reality: The only one responsible for rape is the rapist. while intoxicated, how likely do you think
In Chapter 7, we discussed how women are seen as sex- they'd be to report it? Why or why not?
ual gatekeepers who are responsible for controlling men’s Institutions sometimes establish
(supposedly uncontrollable ) sexual urges. When women policies that are intended to protect girls :
fail to follow this expectation , they’re blamed and punished and women but also restrict them. For s
example, high schools may forbid certain
( Farvid , Braun , 8c Rowney, 2017; Jozkowski , Marcantonio,
clothes for female students as being "too
8c Hunt, 2017 ). Rape threat, or the ever- present fear of
distracting," and colleges may recom-
being raped , is something girls are warned about at a very mend that female students call campus
young age ( Gordon 8c Riger, 1989; Starkweather, 2007 ) . safety for an escort across campus. Is
They’re taught “ rules” to avoid rape, such as “ Don’t wear this a form of benevolent sexism, or is it
revealing clothes” or “ Don’t use your cell phone when a realistic way to deal with rape threat?
walking alone ” ( Bcdera 8c Nordmcyer, 2015 ). Studies How might these policies and recommen-
show that women do restrict their behaviors, particularly at dations influence reporting? Explain your
night , in order to prevent sexual assault and rape ( Hickman responses.
8c Muchlenhard, 2006; Yodanis, 2004 ). These restrictions
even occur in cyberspace. Amnesty International found that
32% of women reported that they stopped using social media platforms ( e.g.,
Twitter, Facebook ) because of abuse and harassment, including explicit rape
threats ( “Amnesty International Reveals Alarming Impact,” 2017 ).
Rape threat places die burden on women to prevent rape, and programs aimed
at decreasing rape have been criticized for relying heavily on behavior change
among girls and women ( Bcdera 8c Nordmeyer, 2015 ). An analysis of 40 college
websites, for example, showed that tips about rape prevention were more often
directed toward women ( 80% ) than men (14%; Bedera 8c Nordmeyer, 2015 ).
Of the 25 most common tips, 24 were directed at women ( e.g., “ Be aware of
your surroundings,” “Communicate sexual limits” ), and only 1 was directed at
men ( “ No means no” ). Rules like these convey that it’s women’s responsibility
to change their behaviors in order to stop rape. Moreover, many of the tips
implied that a rapist would be a stranger ( “Walk in well - traveled areas,” “Avoid
being alone,” “ Don’t open doors unless you know who’s there” ). However,
rapists are actually more likely to be partners or acquaintances ( Black et al.,
2011 ), so researchers have concluded that these tips may unnecessarily create a
climate of vigilance and fear ( Bedera 8c Nordmeyer, 2015 ). Even decades ago,
A Rape Culture 505

!
*
i feminist scholars identified rules about how to avoid rape as a problematic aspect
of rape culture ( Brownmiller, 1975; Riger & Gordon, 1981 ).
Myth: Sexual force is a normal aspect of male sexuality.

->
Reality: There is no evidence that force is a normal aspect of male sexuality.
The idea that “ boys will be boys” embodies a stereotypical belief that men’s
sexual urges are out of control. When taken to the extreme, it normalizes the
i
: idea that any boy or man could be a rapist because his uncontrollable urges are
a natural part of male biology (Smiler, 2008 ). Not only is this stereotype false
( and offensive to men ), but it has dangerous implications ( Barnett, Hale, 8c
i Sligar, 2017). For example, 1 out of 5 women in one study excused their per-
n
! petrator’s actions because they believed that male sexual aggression was natural
il or normal (Weiss, 2009 ).
Feminist scholars warn about the dangers of conflating sex and rape. Sex is
about intimacy and connection; rape and assault are about violence ( Bradshaw,
! ’i
i!
fit Kahn, 8c Savillc, 2010 ). Rape doesn’t occur because a person is so turned on
i they can’t control themself; it happens when someone feels entitled to degrade
i: or harm others. Numerous studies have shown that men who have hostility
i
toward women , a strong desire to be in control , anti -social traits, high con-
i
Ij sumption of pornography, and heavy alcohol use arc more likely to rape ( Francia
il et al., 2010; Murnen, Wright, 8c Kaluzny, 2002; Turchik , Garske, Probst, 8c
Irvin, 2010 ). Most men don’t rape, yet it does appear that many men have dif-
:• :i
1
: ficulty identifying and standing up to rape culture ( Groth 8c Birnbaum , 2013 ).
|i ;
;i »
Myth: Rape only happens to heterosexual women.
Reality: Rape can happen to anyone.
Between 3% and 8% of boys and men in the United States have experienced
:* ;
i! sexual assault ( Coxell 8c King, 2010; Lowe 8c Rogers, 2017 ). Although die
. 11 majority of assaults are perpetrated by other men , between 6% and 15% involve
HI a female assailant ( Fisher 8c Pina, 2013; Russell, Doan , 8c King, 2017 ) . Many
: i.
Ill people don’t believe a woman can rape a man, especially if the man is stronger
:• or bigger than the woman ( Javaid, 2016 ). Moreover, male sexual assault by a
' il
I: female perpetrator has often served comedic purposes ( Carmon , 2010 ). The
films 40 Days and 40 Nights ( from 2002 ) and Wedding Crashers ( from 2005 )
i
-i depicted fcmalc-on -male rape as funny, and a Saturday Night Live sketch from
2015 poked fun at a female high school teacher who rapes a male high school
i student. The sketch went on to suggest that the crime was every teen boy’s
dream, a clear sign of victim blaming ( Blay, 2016 ) .
Sexual minority women may be at even greater risk for lifetime sexual vic-
timization than heterosexual women ( Coulter et al., 2017; Long, Ullman,
Long, Mason, 8c Starzynski, 2007). In a review of research about sexual assault
against sexual minority women and men, reports of sexual assault ranged from
11% to 53% across studies, with most incidents happening widi a known male

-
perpetrator ( Ford 8c Soto Marquez, 2016; Gurung ct al., 2018 ). There’s also
a high likelihood of sexual assault among transgender individuals, with reports
ranging from 14% to 54% ( Coulter ct al., 2017 ) .
Myth: Consent is clear -cut and can be readily understood .

Reality: The process of consent is not as simple as it may seem.
A verbal yes or no is the clearest form of consent , yet most people negotiate sex-
ual consent through a combination of verbal and non -verbal cues ( Jozkowski,
Sanders, Peterson , Dennis, & Recce, 2014; Marcantonio, Jozkowski, & Lo,
2018 ). Men arc more likely to give permission for sexual activity in non -verbal
ways and to rely on non -verbal cues for consent than women, who are more likely
to give and rely on verbal strategies ( Jozkowski 8c Peterson, 2013 ) . Some people
also say that getting consent can be awkward. One 16-year-old revealed his con - > .
fusion : “What does this all mean . . . do [ I ] have to say ‘yes’ every 10 minutes? ”
( Medina, 2015 , para . 4 ) .
Complicating the issue is the fact that people sometimes agree to unwanted
sexual acts ( Muehlenhard, Humphreys, Jozkowski , 8c Peterson, 2016 ). This
is known as compliant sex ( Walker, 1997 ). As a result , researchers distinguish !
between wanting sex and consenting to sex { Peterson 8c Muehlenhard , 2007; also
see Figure 12.1 ) . Although heterosexual college women in the United States
report engaging in compliant sex more than their male counterparts when in
committed relationships, both women and men report consenting to unwanted j, i
sexual acts ( Katz 8c Schneider, 2015; Sanchez, Fctterolf, 8c Rudman, 2012 ).
.
This can occur because they don’t want to hurt a partner’s feelings or they feel
obligated ( Peterson 8c Muehlenhard, 2007).
Sometimes a person doesn’t initially agree and is then
coerced into consenting ( Muehlenhard , 2011 ). This is a form i
of rape that’s rarely acknowledged . The belief that women
widely engage in token resistance, saying no to sex but really your turn
meaning yes, contributes to rape culture. When men believe
that women demonstrate token resistance, they’re less likely Have you ever heard anyone endorse
to report that a verbal no means refusing sex ( Osman , 2003 ). rape myths? Why do you think people do
Research has shown that men think women use token resis- so? Were you surprised to find that any
tance more than they actually do ( Emmers-Sommer, 2015 ) . of the rape myths described in this text
aren ’t true? Imagine being in a conver-
The extent to which women do use token resistance is
sation with another person and hearing
controversial. Original work in this area indicated that up to
that person say a rape myth. Would you
39% of women reported saying no to sex when they meant address the misperception? What would
yes ( Muehlenhard 8c Miller, 1988 ). In subsequent research, make it difficult for you to do so? What
women were asked to describe dieir experiences in more detail would make it more likely for you to say
( Muehlenhard 8c Rodgers, 1998 ). This research showed that something? If you did decide to speak
women often meant no when they said it but, subsequendy, up. what would you say to challenge the
cither changed their minds or were pressured to say yes. More- rape myth?
over, women may have conflicting feelings about whether they
A Rape Culture 507
i
!
i
a. The Dominant Model:

“Sex is either wanted and consensual or unwanted and nonconsensual.”
Wanted Unwanted
Consensual Not rape NOT POSSIBLE
Nonconsensual NOT POSSIBLE Rape

i
b. The Dominant Model:

“Rape is unwanted nonconsensual sex.”
.
!
! i! Wanted Unwanted
!j
it Consensual Not rape Not rape
Nonconsensual Not rape Rape

j
c. The New Model:

!;
“Wanting and consenting are distinct concepts; nonconsensual sex is rape.”
:
• li Wanted Unwanted
.}
!
Consensual Not rape Not rape

.
Nonconsensual Rape Rape
! ;;
I . FIGURE 12.1 A model for understanding rape and consent. Researchers have
r. ' .
begun to differentiate between wanting sex and consenting to sex as the two don't
always align. This chart illustrates how the different combinations correspond to different
I ..
ways of thinking about what is and isn't rape.

: !« Note. Adapted from Peterson & Muehlenhard ( 2007 ).
!i
i :!il
!1 want sex. For example, they may consent to sex but not actually want it as can
occur with compliant sex ( Peterson & Muehlenhard, 2007 ). Given all these find -
—
f ings, feminists advocate that instead of looking for a lack of a wa, people should
I! initiate sex only when there’s an enthusiastic y#. This is affirmative consent, which
! occurs when there is mutual, explicit, voluntary, active consent given before a sexual
act. Affirmative consent cannot be elicited through coercion and can be withdrawn
any time. Furthermore, a lack of resistance does not imply consent ( Litde, 2005 ).
i'
i’: Who Endorses Rape Myths? Not everyone endorses rape myths. In fact, sev-
eral studies have shown that men as well as people who have higher degrees
- i of sexual aggression and hostile attitudes toward women were more likely to
endorse rape myths ( Bhogal & Corbett, 2016; Hockett, Smith, Klausing, &
: Saucier, 2016; Stoll, Lilley, & Pinter, 2017). Endorsement of rape myths has also
been linked to problematic drinking behaviors ( Hayes, Abbott, & Cook, 2016 ),
experiencing objectification as a woman ( Papp & Erchull , 2017 ), having authori-
tarian personality traits ( Bcgany & Milburn, 2002 ), and watching more television,

particularly televised sports ( Custers 8c McNallic, 2017;
Kahlor Sc Eastin, 2011 ). Higher levels of sexism, racism,
homophobia, ageism, classism, and religious intolerance
spotlight o n . .
have also been associated with rape myth acceptance
among both women and men ( Aosved Sc Long, 2006 ). Consent
All these findings suggest that rape myths are tied to the When more people affirm to themselves
maintenance of other oppressive systems. and others that they have a right to start
Additional research shows that greater endorsement of and stop a sexual activity at any time, co -
a belief
— —
in a just world the belief that most people get
what they deserve is associated with greater endorse-
ercion is less likely to occur. However, even
an enthusiastic yes isn 't as simple as it may
ment of rape myths ( Russell Sc Hand, 2017 ). When seem. Communication scholar Kate Lock-
people hear about a rape, they can feel anxious because wood Harris ( 2018) explains that consent
rape undermines their beliefs about a just world ( Lerner, is often negotiated and that power and
1980 ). In order to restore their belief, they may distance gender expectations influence how direct,
verbal, and clear individuals can be.
themselves from the rape survivor or engage in victim
In 2018, the website babe published an
blaming. Paradoxically, among women, the endorsement
article describing an encounter between
of rape myths may also provide an illusion of control
a woman and comedian Aziz Ansari ( Way,
( Hayes, Lorenz, Sc Bell, 2013 ) . This can occur because n.d.). The woman described how Ansari
women who endorse rape myths may be less fearful when ignored several verbal and nonverbal cues
hearing about a rape since they inaccurately perceive their and pushed her to concede to a sexual
own risk to be low ( Papp Sc Erchull, 2017 ). encounter. She described the experience as
Rape myths often appear in media and social media "a violating night and a painful one " and
coverage of actual rape cases. In one study, 65.4% of " by far the worst experience with a man
print articles about rape were found to include at least I've ever had," while Ansari " was surprised
one rape myth ( Franiuk, Secfelt , Cepress, Sc Vandcllo, and concerned" that he had misread her
2008 ). In another study, 25.8% of comments on news cues of consent ( paras. 44, 55, 57 ). Ansari is
a self - proclaimed feminist, so this incident
stories were identified as victim blaming, and perpetra -
shows that even men who intend to treat
tor support was found in comments on all but one of the
women with respect can have difficulty
articles analyzed ( Zaleski, Gundersen , Bacs, Estupinian , interpreting consent . Given this, paying
Sc Vergara, 2016 ) . Rape myths commonly portrayed attention to a partner and becoming com-
on television include the idea that victims’ claims were fortable with conversations about what
false and that the victim did something to cause the rape is and isn ' t wanted is a skill that can be
( Cuklanz, 2000 ). Also, rape scenes are often depicted as valuable to everyone.
precursors to romance. For example, the main romance What factors make affirmative con-
in the Blade Runner movies starts with a rape; and in an sent challenging? What are the potential
early episode of Buffy the Vampire Slayer, Spike attempts barriers when interpreting enthusiastic
to rape Buffy, only to later become one of the show’s consent? What could be done to improve
communication about consent?
most beloved characters ( Beck, 2018 ). Another study
—
showed that rape myths including the idea that victims
could have done things to avoid rape and that when
—
a victim said no she really meant yes are a frequent
component of sexual assault portrayals in comic books
( Garland , Branch , 8c Grimes, 2016 ).
509
11
:•
.1
:
The Reality of Rape
Which groups of women are particularly at risk for experiencing rape and
sexual assault?
i
j
Now that we’ve dispelled inaccurate myths, it’s instructive to discuss the reali -
ties of rape and whom attackers most often target. Although some individuals
' j arc more vulnerable, not everyone who’s “ at risk ” wall experience sexual assault
and/or rape. Also, regardless of risk, survivors are never responsible for their
rape.
?i
I
>
College Women Sexual assault and rape occur five times more frequendy
among college women than among non -college women ( Fedina, Holmes, &
! Backes, 2018 ). During dieir first year of college, 1 in 7 women will experience
I
incapacitated sexual assault or rape, and 1 in 10 will experience forcible sexual
assault or rape ( Carey, Durney, Shepardson, & Carey, 2015a ) . Between 5% and
i
*
9% of college women are raped in a given academic year ( Testa, Hoffman, &
•It!
Livingston, 2010 ).
|
One explanation for college women’s higher risk for rape involves the social
:! scene. College hookups typically occur in settings where men control the par-
.t i —
ties and there is heavy alcohol or drug use factors that increase the likelihood
of sexual assault or rape ( Jozkow'ski & Wiersma - Mosley, 2017 ). Some research
•i
i suggests that a hookup with an acquaintance or previous romantic partner
involves a higher risk for being sexually assaulted ( Flack et al., 2016; Gross,
Winslett, Roberts, & Gohm, 2006 ), but other research indicates that a hookup
with someone w'ho is known by friends of die survivor, but not the survivor
;ii
herself, is more risk)' ( Ford, 2017).
At least 50% of collegiate assaults involve alcohol consumption , and haz-
I
•
1:
.i ardous drinking paired with casual sex increases die risk of rape ( Abbey, Weg-
’! I ner, Woerner, Pegram , & Pierce, 2014; Mcssman - Moore, Ward , Zerubavel,
; Chandley, & Barton, 2015 ). Women with a sexual abuse history are more likely
t to engage in hazardous forms of drinking, particularly before sexual encoun -
ters, which contributes to dieir risk for re-victimization ( Testa et al., 2010 ).
II Research has identified lower alcohol consumption as one reason for fewer
i!
rapes among undergraduate students at historically Black college or universities
( HBCUs ), where the rate was 9.7% compared to 13.7% among undergraduates
at non-HBCUs ( Krebs et al., 2011; Mohler-Kuo, Dowdall , Koss, & Wechsler,
2004). However, alcohol isn’t the only factor that contributes to the likelihood
of rape. Other factors, such as having rape-supportive beliefs, anti -social person -
-
ality traits, and a history of sexual abuse and/or childhood adversity, may lead
some men to drink heavily and then sexually assault ( Porta, Mathiason , Lust, &
: Eisenberg, 2017; Zinzow & Thompson, 2015 ).
-
51.0 Chapter 12 Gender-Based Violence

i
Women in the Military Women who serve in the military are also at
risk. A Department of Defense report states that 23% to 30% of enlisted
women report experiencing sexual assault during their military service
( U .S. Department of Defense, 2016a ). This is higher than the 20% life -
time rate of rape described previously. In fact, a woman who enlists is more
likely to be raped by a fellow soldier than be killed by enemy fire ( Harman
ct al., 2008 ) . This phenomenon has been called the invisible war ( Ziering,
Barklow, 3c Dick, 2012 ). i =
One explanation for high rates of rape in the military is cultural spillover
theory, which states that widespread cultural support for violence ( e.g., the
use of force in the military ) leads to increased acceptability of violence in other
aspects of life ( e.g., rape of a comrade or civilian; Baron, Straus, 8c Jaffee, 1988; I
i
Rosen, 2007 ). Another explanation is that military service academies value char-
acteristics associated with traditional masculinity ( e.g., toughness, aggression, :! :
I i*
dominance, and power ) and devalue characteristics associated with traditional
femininity ( Harway 8c Steel , 2015; Turchik 8c Wilson, 2010; Zurbriggen,
2010 ) . Finally, incidences of rape in the military may be high due to lack of »
accountability. Researchers have found that individuals who report sexual assault
in the military arc 12 times more likely to be retaliated against than they are to
see their offenders be convicted of a sex offense ( Bergman, Langhout, Palmeiri,
Cortina, 8c Fitzgerald , 2002 ) .
Civilian women in military conflict zones are also at risk for rape and assault. II
«!
We’ll return to this topic later in the chapter.
Native American Women Within the United States, Native American !

women are between 2 and 3.5 times more likely to experience rape or sexual
assault dian are women of other racial /ethnic backgrounds (de Heer 8c Jones,
2017; Lehavot, Walters, 8c Simoni , 2010 ) . In fact, in a study of Indigenous
women within the United States, several participants reported not knowing
anyone in their community who hadn’t experienced sexual violence ( Amnesty
International, n .d . ). Some scholars assert that the high rates of rape among
Native Americans are connected to the history of colonization and genocide,
which created a culture in which many White Americans don’t respect Native
Americans ( LaPointe, 2008; Smith, 2013 ). According to the U.S. Department
of Justice, in at least 86% of reported cases of rape or sexual assault against
Indigenous women , survivors stated that the perpetrators were non- Nadve men
( Perry, 2004 ). The same report states that this percentage is in stark contrast
to non -Indigenous rape survivors, whose assailants are typically of the same
.
race Because of legal jurisdiction, tribes cannot arrest, investigate, or prose-
cute a non - Native person accused of rape, and this constraint creates a legal
loophole diat permits many rapes against Indigenous women to go unpunished
( Joy, 2016 ).
A Rape Culture 511

r i
i
:
l
•I
.!
.
Women with Disabilities Women with disabilities are at a higher risk for sexual
i
abuse than women without disabilities ( Horner- Johnson & Drum , 2006 ). In one
(
5 study, 69% of deaf women reported having experienced one sexual assault, and 56%
reported having experienced multiple types of sexual assaults, with most assaults
8 being by a knowm male perpetrator (Smith & Pick, 2015 ). Other studies have
shown that w'omen with severe physical impairments experience the highest risk
of sexual assault ( Brow'nridge, 2006; Casteel, Martin, Smith, Gurka, 8c Kuppcr,
2008 ). Individuals with cognitive and emotional disabilities are also at risk for sex -
:
ual exploitation and rape because perpetrators may perceive these w'omen as being
11 1 especially vulnerable ( Khalifeh, Howard , Osborn, Moran & Johnson, 2013 ).
iiII! ; !
it
!:
Aftermath of Sexual Assault
i
What are the psychological consequences associated with experiencing
ji
sexual assault?
Immediately following sexual assault, survivors may seek medical attention, typ -
m ically through an emergency room . In this setting, a health -care provider can
ii j|> perform a forensic exam using a Sexual Assault Evidence Kit ( SAEK ), otherwise
:: knowm as a rape kit. This container includes a checklist , materials, and instruc -
II tions, along with envelopes and containers to package any specimens collected
during a physical exam . A rape kit can be administered up to a week post -assault.
!•
' When a survivor is a minor, the person performing the exam is a mandated
reporter. Otherwise, survivors are not compelled to formally report the crime;
however, any DNA evidence can become part of a national database that helps
connect perpetrators to other crimes.
’
Most survivors experience negative psychological consequences immedi -
=;
• ately following an assault, including symptoms of post - traumatic stress disorder
( PTSD ), depression, and anxiety ( Nickerson ct al ., 2013; Ullman, Towmsend,
Filipas, 8c Starzynski, 2007). However, most ( but not all ) survivors experi -
;!
!:! ence relief within a year ( Hyland et al., 2016 ), with only 5% to 10% devel -
:
oping PTSD ( Brewin, Andrew's, 8c Valentine, 2000 ). Variables that make an
r,
individual especially prone to long- term negative effects include prior history
li of abuse, assault severity, having close ties with the perpetrator, engaging in
.
more self- blame, and receiving negative reactions from other people ( Dw'orkin,
r Ullman, Stappcnbeck, Brill, 8c Kaysen, 2018; Pcter- Hagene 8c Ullman, 2018 ).
Further, individuals who use maladaptive coping strategies like avoidance and
8 social withdrawal and who engage in self-destructive behavior after the assault
typically have a slower recovery process ( Frazier, Mortensen , 8c Steward, 2005;
Ullman 8c Relyca, 2016 ).
Structural barriers also make recovery more challenging for some survivors
( Loya, 2014; Tjadcn 8c Thoenncs, 2006 ) . For example, there are fewer legal,

medical, and social services available to women of color than to White women
( Abbey, Jacqucs-Tiura, 8c Parkhill, 2010; Weist ct al ., 2014 ). Rural communities
I
have limited medical care facilities that can offer forensic sexual assault exams
( Logan , Evans, Stevenson , 8c Jordan, 2005 ), and in urban areas, overcrowded
medical facilities can result in low- quality care ( Campbell, Wasco, Ahrens, Scfl,
8c Barnes, 2001 ). Moreover, women of color and undocumented immigrants
may hesitate to seek services because of their collective history of mistreatment
by law officials and health -care providers ( Sokoloff 8c Dupont, 2005 ). Also,
since women of color face the compounded effects of racial and gender income
inequalities, their financial ability to recover from a sexual assault or rape is
limited ( Loya, 2014 ) . In one study, researchers estimated the medical costs of i
rape within the first 30 days to be $6,737, of which 14% ( $943 ) was paid out -
of- pocket by the survivor (Tennessee, Bradham , White, 8c Simpson , 2017 ).
Another study determined that the lifetime cost of rape is $122,461 ( Peterson, IP
DeGue, Florence, 8c Lokey, 2017 ). These costs include expenses for medical
and mental health treatment, legal advice , and lost productivity.
On a positive note, some survivors find that their experience with sexual
assault was a catalyst for reorganizing their priorities, deepening their rela -
tionships, developing a heightened sense of meaning and spirituality, and /or
Often occurring on college -

campuses, Take Back the
Night events typically consist
of a protest walk followed
by a vigil where survivors
of sexual violence tell their
stories. The first marches
p w began in the 1970s in
P w
V w response to a rise in violent
p p crimes against women. Does
p p I
your school or community
hold Take Back the Night
marches?
-
V'
•>
«1
A Rape Culture 513
I
EMPOWERING m
OR OPPRESSING?
1
S! Reporting Sexual Assault
t’s impossible to address rape at individual or soci- to a friend and/or family member has the potential to
etal levels if survivors don't share their experiences improve post-assault outcomes; however, this is contin-
it •
with friends, family, and formal support systems gent on receiving a supportive response.
:i .
(Ullman, 2010) When survivors do share their sto- What about formally reporting a rape? If the perpetra -
i ries, they often challenge rape myths and strengthen a tor is a current or former partner, there's a legitimate fear
shared perception that rape is a major societal problem that reporting will cause an escalation of violence (Wolf,
•r
ji ?* . .
(Ullman 2010) They also increase empathy and under- . .
Ly Hobart & Kernic, 2003). Further, because some law en-
!l standing among listeners. These are key factors in reduc- forcement personnel endorse rape myths, survivors may
ing rape. Speaking out also strengthens connections with .
get a negative response (Cook & Lane 2017; Parratt &
II!
—
other survivors, friends, and family members a process . . . .
Pina 2017; Shaw Campbell Cain, & Feeney 2017). Other
!illi ! that promotes healing and hope (Ahrens & Aldana, 2012). research indicates that reports of rape by sex workers are
jj i
However, sharing highly personal details about sexual rarely taken seriously and may place these rape survi-
:: :
assault is a daunting task, and the research is mixed on vors in greater danger of being charged and convicted of
whether telling others is helpful or harmful . .
prostitution (Sherman et al., 2015; Sprankle Bloomquist .
Some studies show positive effects for women who . .
Butcher Gleason, & Schaefer 2018). Survivors of prison
.
disclosed their rape (Milliken, Paul Sasson, Porter & . sexual assault also are less likely to report victimization
.
Hasulube, 2016; Starzynski & Ullman 2014). They were because of fear of retaliation and re -victimization ( Fowler.
more likely to seek treatment for physical and emotional .
Blackburn Marquart, & Mullings, 2010). A similar fear ex-
>, injuries and were less likely to blame themselves ( Milliken ists among undocumented immigrants, who worry that
I
i:
et al., 2016). Another study revealed that survivors who
actively sought help from friends and family members
their reports of rape will lead to deportation ( Seyler, 2012).
Despite these problems, survivors are often encouraged
*
were more likely to receive positive than negative reac- to report their assaults so criminals can be prosecuted
. .
tions (Ahrens Campbell, Ternier-Thames Wasco, & Sefl, (Paul et al., 2013). However, most survivors aren't likely to
.
2007) However, in other research, those who received receive justice. Arrests are made in only 38% of cases, only
.
a negative response (e.g , blaming statements) reported 18% result in convictions, and only 5% of convicted rapists
flj
increased self -blame, social withdrawal, reduced sexual . .
go to prison (U S. Department of Justice 2016) .
assertiveness, and greater hostility and fear (Orchowski What do you think? It is empowering or oppressing to
& Gidycz, 2015; Relyea & Ullman, 2015). Overall, disclosure report rape?
I;i
‘:
ii
!{;•
5
;
514
improving personal resources and skills (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004 ). These
survivors experience post-traumatic growth, a positive psychological change
that can occur following a struggle with highly challenging life circumstances
( Ulloa, Guzman, Salazar, & Cala , 2016 ). Individuals who experience such
growth typically have strong support networks, rely on active and religious cop-
ing, and perceive greater control over their recovery. Another study showed
that women of color, older women, and women with less education had greater
i i
post - traumatic growth ( Grubaugh & Resick, 2007 ). Some researchers suggest
this may be due to greater religious coping found among older women and
women of color ( Ahrens, Abeling, Ahmad , & Hinman, 2010 ). !
ill
I
1'
lot : Violence ;
What are the different types of intimate partner violence, and how do
abuse and control manifest within abusive relationships?
In 2009, just days before the Grammy Awards, Rihanna and Chris Brown cancelled
their performances after it was revealed that Brown had physically attacked Rihanna.
Two female police officers had leaked photos showing Rihanna with a bloody nose,
black eye, and split lip ( Goldstein, 2009 ). Brown later pled guilty to felony assault
and was sentenced to community service, probation, and counseling ( Duke &
Rowlands, 2009 ). Both Rihanna and Brown were reportedly overwhelmed by the i [
extensive public attention that followed die assault. Years later, Rihanna disclosed !
that she felt punished “over and over again ” ( Robinson, 2015, para. 9 ). Her reac-
tion wasn’t surprising, given that media coverage reflected mixed messages about |
*
her culpability. Although most of die coverage stated that die assault was wrong, t
53% of mainstream articles also included statements diat die incident wras romantic,
erotic, normal , and partially Rihanna’s fault ( Rodiman et al., 2012 ).
Domestic violence is defined as any abusive, violent, coercive, forceful, or
threatening act by one member of a family or household toward another ( World ;
Health Organization, 2016 ) . Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a particular
form of domestic violence, involving violence by one member of an intimate
couple against the other ( Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2016b ) .
It’s a sub - type of domestic violence because it doesn’t include elder or child
abuse. IPV can occur in all types of relationship configurations ( e.g., heterosex -
ual, same-gender ) and among married or dating couples. IPV perpetrators are
more likely to target younger women, like Rihanna, than older women ( Capaldi,
Knoble, Shortt, & Kim, 2012; Kim, Laurent, Capaldi, & Feingold, 2008 ).
Before the 1970s, there was almost no public recognition of domestic vio -
lence ( Circulating Now, 2015 ). Spousal abuse ( and to a certain extent, child
abuse ) was considered an unfortunate, but understandable, custom. In the
Interpersonal Violence 515

;
•I
United States, public opinion changed when three socially charged movements
—
women’s liberation , women’s health, and anti - rape united and formed the
—
battered women’s movement ( Jacquet, 2015 ) . Activists wanted medical and
legal systems to respond to domestic violence as a serious criminal offense radicr
than as a private matter between a wife and a husband . They worked to change
*
:, • 1•
public opinion and to create safe havens for women and children. Crisis hotlines
became available, and the first women’s shelter opened in 1973. Almost twenty
r
-
years later, in 1994, the Violence Against Women Act ( VAWA ) provided the
: i
first comprehensive federal program to combat domestic violence . In a relatively
!» short period , activists experienced considerable success.
j However, cases such as diat of Rihanna and Chris Brown indicate that much
work remains to be done. Some people still think intimate partner violence can
be deserved and is inevitable within some relationships ( Rothman et al., 2012 ).
Further, violence in romantic relationships among teenagers and young adults
remains high . According to a national survey, as many as 1 in 10 high school
students and 1 in 4 college students in the United States report being physi -
cally hurt by a romantic partner ( Vagi, Olsen , Basile, & Vivolo- Kantor, 2015 ).
H-
ii Also, although early activist work focused on intimate partner violence between
Pi women and men, IPV occurs in same -gender relationships too ( Hamby, 2009;
!
1
Hassouneh 8c Glass, 2008 ).
» . ;
i
hi
I: ! Types of Intimate Partner Violence
i There are three main types of IPV ( Johnson, 2009 ) . When conflict sponta -
. neously escalates to violence and isn’t severe, it’s classified as common couples
i
violence or situational couple violence ( Johnson, 2009 ) . This, the most frequent
V' ! form of IPV, occurs when stress is high and a couple’s normal coping strate -
gies break down (Stark, 2010 ). Common couples violence is considered to be
!I gender symmetrical, although some studies show that women report engaging
I
in it more. For example, 17% to 48% of women and 10% to 39% of men have
;
reported engaging in physical violence toward their partner ( Hickman, Jaycox,
i
:: & Aronoff, 2004; Luthra 8c Gidycz, 2006; Straus 8c Ramirez, 2004 ), and 60%
v« *
to 83% of women and 55% to 80% of men have reported engaging in psycholog-
i
; ical abuse ( Hickman et al ., 2004 ). The fact that women generally report higher
!
rates of violence than men is controversial ( Anderson, 2013 ). Some researchers
» conclude diat women are more willing to self - report, and others conclude diat
I
t women have started to compete with men over dominant status as women gain
!
status in broader society (Stark, 2010 ).
Violence that occurs with more regularity and that increases in severity over
time constitutes intimate terrorism, also called coercive controlling violence ( Jaffe,
Johnston, Crooks, 8c Bala, 2008 ). It differs from common couples violence
because perpetrators show clear patterns of emotionally abusive intimidation,
l;
.
domination, coercion, and control ( Johnson, 1995, 2009; Johnson & Ferraro,
2000 ). When people, including researchers, use the term IPV to talk about
domestic violence , they’re usually talking about intimate terrorism ( Johnson,
2011 ). The power and control wheel, depicted in Figure 12.2, shows some of
the ways in which perpetrators maintain dominance and control, although not
every relationship involves all of them ( Pence & Paymar, 1993 ). Men are more
likely to perpetrate intimate terrorism , and women are more likely to experience
it ( Johnson , 2009 ). Compared to common couples violence, survivors of inti-
mate terrorism are more likely to reach out to police , hospitals, and women’s
shelters ( Johnson , 2009 ) . In some cases, control tactics can be so effective in
\\ef S which give Qflg

-
One sided
power
Physical games
violence games
Domestic 1
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16 2 restrictions
15 3
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14 4 3.
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12 6 Unklndness
\ o
£o abuse Violation
oftrust JJ i
11 7
O Using
the 10 8 Degradation
children 9
Denial
Minimising Using Separation
Blaming social abuse
Institutions
FIGURE 12.2 Power and control wheel. This diagram shows the different tactics an
abuser can use to manipulate a partner. Sometimes these tactics are used in subtle ways
and may be unrecognizable as manipulative until understood in the context of how they
contribute to the cycle of violence.
Note. From www.spcakoutloud . net © Clare Murphy Phd 2016

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1
I
creating fear that physical violence might not occur at all ( Johnson, 2009 ). This
has led some people to advocate for the justice system to develop laws specific
to coercive and controlling behaviors within intimate relationships, and to pros-
i
.
ecute accordingly (Stark, 2007).
The third type of intimate partner violence is violent resistance, which occurs
hi .
in response to violence from a partner ( Pence & Dasgupta , 2006 ) . In heterosex-
A
ual relationships, women are die ones most likely to engage in violent resistance
( Johnson, 2009 ). One large study of couples showed that women were more
likely than men to be arrested with their partners, and police were more likely
l-i to mention self-defense in the arrests of women than men ( Melton & Belknap,
ii* ,
2003). In another study, women arrested for IPV with their partners were less
I
1 :
likely to have initiated the violence and were more likely to have called the police
for help, have physical injuries, and need medical attention than men ( Muftic',
Bouffard, & Bouffard, 2007). In the same study, women generally reported
using violence in self-defense.
'!
Intimate Terrorism The dynamics of intimate terrorism are complicated

.. ii i because relationships aren’t usually violent initially ( Keeling & Fisher, 2012 ).
i •
However, even at the beginning when partners report being satisfied and happy,
there are predictable red flags. For example, one study of primarily White, het -
t » erosexual women who experienced intimate terrorism revealed a common pat -
:;!: : tern ( Keeling & Fisher, 2012 ) . Initially, their partners made them feel “ like
;
:
a princess,” consistent with benevolent sexism ( p. 1562 ) . The princess effect,
the tendency for a man to make his partner feel uniquely special, is a strat -
'
egy to increase attachment and loyalty. Once loyalty was secured , participants
.
reported that their partners initiated deep, intense conversations that required
..
•if! self-disclosing vulnerabilities, which were later used to control the women .
i;
' 1: Finally, the abusive men pushed for a significant commitment early in the rela -
It tionship, leading to emotional dependency and social isolation . These tactics
•
;I!
i* i
were employed before any violence took place, so when it did occur, it was hard
for the women to leave the relationships.
a
.
l
—
Another study this one of Asian, Pacific Islander, and Native Hawaiian queer
—
women who experienced intimate terrorism revealed that abuse was character-
ized by deep emotional intimacy combined with fear and pain, much like in
heterosexual relationships ( Kanuha, 2013 ). One woman shared , “ I had never
i:, experienced a relationship that could be so loving and so hurtful ” ( p. 1182 ).
!••
'
: Yet, unlike heterosexual couples, participants reported that the intimacy was
Ti intensified by the fact that they were in a relationship with someone similar to
themselves. This contributed to their desire to stay in the relationship despite
clear signs of abuse.
i It’s not surprising that many survivors describe their abusive relationships
jji as mixed with intense love and violence. As we saw in Chapter 8, romance is
•• often depicted within the context of jealousy, control, and aggression ( Bonomi,
; ;
i'
i
!
!•
Altenburger, & Walton, 2013; Collins & Carmody,
2011 ). In fact , popular movies and books, such as the
Twilight series, Beauty & the Beast, and 50 Shades of
spotlight o n . . ;
Grey, have been criticized for conflating love with vio- i

lence ( Bonomi et al., 2013; Collins & Carmody, 2011; Stranger Harassment
Olson, 2013 ). Such widespread endorsement of tradi-
tional romantic ideals creates a climate in which violence Stranger harassment ( also called street
harassment ) is harassment of women in
is normalized and sets the stage for intimate terrorism . i
public places by men who are strangers
Moreover, violence within the context of romanticized ( Davidson, Butchko, Robbins, Sherd , & I
jealousy can be particularly problematic because it’s Gervais, 2016). This can include catcall- jl
1
often construed as a sign of love rather than danger ing, leers, winks, pinches, and remarks. ’ll '
( Puente & Cohen , 2003 ). It's difficult to address because it 's nearly
A complicating aspect is that die violence isn’t con - impossible to pursue legal justice against a
stant. In many cases, a cycle of abuse consists of a stranger who disappears after an incident .
tension - building stage, a violent episode, and a loving and Stranger harassment happens frequently 1:
contrition phase ( Walker, 2017 ). The latter phase has been ( Davidson et al., 2016; Fairchild, 2010 ). In
called a honeymoon stage because it’s a time when perpe- a study of undergraduate women, 57% to
trators apologize and provide gifts, admiration, and atten - 88% reported experiencing verbal street
harassment, and 11% to 33% experienced
i:
tion. They may also promise to attend counseling, stop
sexual forms of street harassment (Davidson
drinking, or seek spiritual guidance. These positive inter-
et al., 2016) . Women also reported more pub-
actions strengthen the relationship and can convince the
lic incivility (e.g.r pushing in crowded spaces,
survivors that they’re uniquely qualified to help the perpe - cursing, yelling ) than men did (Bastomski &
trator reform or become a better person. When Rihanna Smith, 2017 ). Because such harassment re-
reunited with Chris Brown in 2012, she told Vanity Fair, duces feelings of safety— especially at night
“ Maybe I’m the person who’s almost the guardian angel or when alone — women, more than men,
to him, to be there when he’s not strong enough, when limit their use of public spaces ( Macmillan,
he’s not understanding the world, when he just needs Nierobisz, & Welsh , 2000 ) .
someone to encourage him in a positive way and say the It ' s hard to know what to do when
right tiling” ( Robinson, 2015, para. 10 ). Believing that a stranger harassment occurs. In one study ,
only 20% of women reported confronting
perpetrator can change is called learned hopefulness, and
harassers ( Magley, 2002 ) . Women were i
it’s one reason some survivors remain committed to an
most likely to ignore or try to avoid harass-
abusive relationship ( LaViolette & Barnett, 2000 ).
ers. However , in a study of college stu -
Over time, these dynamics can have devastating dents, those who responded actively were
effects. Abusers rely on many tactics to establish coercive less likely to feel sexually objectified than
power, a type of power that leads survivors to think they’ll those who responded passively ( Fairchild &
experience negative consequences if they don’t comply Rudman , 2008 ) .
with their abusers’ demands ( Felson, 2002 ). Lately, cell In 2014, social worker and activist
phone technology, drones, and social media have inten - Feminista Jones launched # YouOkSis to
sified abuse tactics. Perpetrators now can send threaten- encourage bystanders to intervene when
ing or insulting text messages, keep tabs on a partner, witnessing stranger harassment. Anyone
check a partner’s browsing history and phone log, and can go up to a girl or woman who looks
uncomfortable and say, " Are you okay ? "
post demeaning messages on social media sites ( Dimond,
( Berlatsky , 2014, para . 13 ) .
Ficsler, & Bruckman, 2011 ). In one study of men arrested
519
: t’
I
II
I .
ij ; : for IPV, 81% admitted to perpetrating at least one act of cyber abuse in the year
prior to entering an intervention program ( Brem et al., 2017 ). Technology has
:
•l
I led to an increase of stalking, particularly among teens and young adults ( Picard,
* 2007; Southwordi, Finn, Dawson, Fraser, & Tucker, 2007 ).
:| Abusers also rely on jjaslijjbtinjj, a form of psychological abuse that involves
manipulating victims into doubting dieir memory, perception , or sanity ( Dutton,
2006 ). Gaslighting abusers respond to any conflict as if they’ve been victimized.
This leads to one-sided arguments and may even cause the survivor to apologize
or take responsibility for the abuser’s behavior. This type of psychological abuse
can lead to self-doubt, depression, anxiety, and low self-esteem ( Afifi , Boman,
.1 Flcisher, & Sareen, 2009 ). Survivors may also feel shame and guilt, which can
hinder their ability to end die relationship (Scheffer Lindgren & Renck , 2008 ).
• As one woman described , “ He almost managed to persuade me that I’m nobody.
j!
!: :
Not wordi a human life ” ( Walker, 2017 p. 71 ). In one study, over 20% of women
living with abuse wouldn’t tell anyone about their situation because of self- doubt,
i
Hi
depression, and self- blame (Spangaro, Zwi, 8c Poulos, 2011 ).
ii ! • Widiin lesbian battering relationships, tactics can be different. Compared to
i!! heterosexual perpetrators, lesbian perpetrators use emotional and psychological vio-
lence more often dian odier forms of violence ( Badenes- Ribera , Bonilla -Campos,
f ! Frias- Navarro, Pons-Salvador, 8c Montcrde - i - Bort, 2016; Matte 8c Lafontaine,
•I
2011). Perpetrators might also use die threat of disclosing lesbian identity to
.
i! J instill fear. The double stigma of being outed as a lesbian and outed as abused is
l . !
particularly distressing ( Kanuha, 2013 ). Internalized heterosexism, discussed in
Chapter 4, has been found to predict experiencing IPV, and abusers can use this
—
to exploit and control a partner for example, by direatening to “out ” a partner
who wishes to leave the relationship ( Balsam 8c Szymanski , 2005 ) . Other research ,
•j .
however, shows diat the more out a person is, die most likely they are to experi -
I
ence IPV ( Carvalho, Lewis, Derlega, Winstead , 8c Viggiano, 2011 ) .
One result of frequent and ongoing abuse is battered women’s syndrome, a type
: of posttraumatic stress disorder diat includes disruption in interpersonal relation -
ships, body image distortion, and sexual intimacy issues ( Walker, 2017 ). Contro-
l’l
I, versially, battered women’s syndrome has been used as a defense for women who
are prosecuted for killing their abusers. In these cases, the women resorted to
extreme violence as a form of self- defense, an example of violent resistance.
! i
J! ;
!ii Who's Involved in IPV?

•i .
: What social identity characteristics are most common among those who
!! experience and those who perpetrate IPV?
;
;!i
Using meta -analysis, researchers have found that women who were younger, had
a low income, and had more children were at higher risk for IPV ( Humphreys,
.
2007 ). In fact, women with children were three times more likely to experience
f;
<:
r.
i
IPV than women without children. Other research has shown that incidents of
IPV arc the highest during pregnancy and right after the birth of a child, mak - t
ing it harder for women to mobilize and leave an abusive relationship ( James, i
Brody, & Hamilton , 2013 ). Still other research suggests that bisexual women F:
arc more likely to experience IPV than are lesbian or heterosexual women ; some f
researchers believe this is related to the high rates of early victimization among
bisexual women contributing to vulnerability to abuse later in life ( Goldberg
Sc Meyer, 2013; Roberts, Austin , Corliss, Vandcrmorris, Sc Kocncn, 2010 ) .
Transgender individuals also appear to be at higher risk. In one study, 31.1% of
transgender participants, compared to 20.4% of cisgcnder participants, reported
experiencing IPV ( Langendcrfcr- Magruder, Whitfield, Walls, Kattari, Sc Ramos, i .t
2016 ) . In another study, 54% of transgender respondents had experienced IPV
( James et al ., 2016 ). Transgender individuals who were people of color, undoc-
i
I
umented immigrants, people with disabilities, sex workers, and homeless indi -
viduals were those most likely to report IPV.
Perpetrators, regardless of gender or sexual orientation, also share similar
qualities. They’re likely to have witnessed interpersonal violence, to have experi -
enced childhood abuse, to abuse substances, and to believe in traditional gender ‘
roles ( Dardis, Dixon , Edwards, & Turchik, 2015 ). Women’s perpetration of
IPV is more strongly associated with depression , anger, and having experienced
victimization , whereas men ’s is associated with lower socioeconomic status, low
education levels, and anti -social personality characteristics ( Dardis ct al., 2015 ).
Overall , researchers identify that men perpetrate more severe forms of violence j;
and women report greater injury, fear, and psychological consequences (Swan,
Gambone, Caldwell, Sullivan , Sc Snow, 2008; Tjaden Sc Thocnnes, 2000 ) .
Regardless of ethnicity, race, or socioeconomic status, women are more likely
than men to be injured or killed by IPV ( Kelly Sc Johnson , 2008 ).
Challenges of Leaving Abusive Relationships

What factors play a role in whether women are able to successfully leave
abusive relationships?
People who hear about instances of IPV may wonder, “Why doesn’t she just
leave ? ” Several factors make it challenging to do so. First, when a woman tries to
leave, the likelihood of her abuser attacking her, and even killing her, increases
( Campbell et al., 2003; Campbell, 2004; Dobash Sc Dobash, 2012; Halket, .{
Gormley, Mcllo, Rosenthal, Sc Mirkin, 2014 ). Second, abusers may threaten to
kidnap children if the relationship ends. One study found that 11% ot children i
were actually kidnapped after a woman tried to leave an abusive male partner
(Stahly, 2008 ) . Third , women often don’t tell others about the abusive situation
for fear of losing their children if child protection agencies become aware of it
( Rivett Sc Kelly, 2006; Robinson Sc Spilsbury, 2008 ).
ii

rl
i ; •
i f! Some perpetrators exert control because their partner is financially depen -

dent or relies on them for health care or medical assistance ( Cockram , 2003 ).
: r For example, women with physical and mental disabilities have an increased risk
in-: for IPV, and researchers speculate that their vulnerability may be related to their
ii financial dependence and decreased ability to fight back and/or leave ( Brown -
ridge, 2009; Plummer & Findley, 2012 ). Perpetrators also may withhold assis-
tive devices, such as wheelchairs and hearing aids, or they may deny needed
help, as in leaving a woman with mobility limitations in an uncomfortable posi -
tion for long periods (Saxton et al., 2001 ). In a sample of predominantly well -
r educated women of color with physical disabilities, being younger, less mobile,
more socially isolated, and more depressed were factors related to an increased
j ;.
I ;I : likelihood of experiencing IPV ( Nosek, Hughes, Taylor, & Taylor, 2006 ).
Housing instability and homelessness are also barriers for women who seek
i 5 :- safety for themselves and their children ( Clough, Draughon, Njie -Carr, Rollins,
& Glass, 2014 ). As one woman said , “We left and I couldn’t find a single place
to sleep or anything and I went back. My two children said let’s go, mommy,
but, right then, I told them it was best for us to go back ” ( p. 7 ). Women who
return to abusive relationships are likely to experi -
ence more extreme violence, which is one reason
many psychologists suggest that women develop a
detailed plan before leaving ( Murray et al., 2015 ).
In addition to securing financial resources and
social support, women who contemplate leaving
are encouraged to keep cash, a cell phone, copies
of keys, important documents, and supplies for
children or animals readily available ( Campbell,
2002; Favcr & Strand , 2003; Glass, Eden, Bloom,
& Perrin, 2010; Murray et al., 2015 ).
For other women , stigma prevents seeking
safety ( Berg, 2014 ). One White woman said ,
“ I was in a very wealthy marriage. Ajid , my
doctor- husband battered me constantly. I was
Seeking support from a trained professional is one ashamed and embarrassed . As a mental health
way in which survivors can get confidential help to professional, I felt I should have known better”
deal with violence. Survivors can find someone to ( p. 144 ). In the United States, women are still
i
i talk with about their experiences by reaching out often blamed for being abused ( Meyer, 2016 ).
to either local support organizations or national
In the case of Rihanna and Chris Brown, 46% of
organizations like the Rape. Abuse & Incest
National Network ( rainn.org ) and the National survey respondents stated that she was respon -
Domestic Violence Hotline (1- 800 -799 -7233) . Staff sible for Brown’s violence, and 52% said both
and volunteers at these organizations can also help partners were at fault ( Nasaw, 2009 ).
survivors identify resources for additional support As women contemplate leaving abusive rela-
and long - term care. tionships, they may rely on IPV programs that offer
* 1: community outreach, case management, advocaq',
i
health education , and support groups. However, within the United States, some
programs have stringent policies that can make women feel unwelcome and overly
scrutinized ( Glenn & Goodman, 2015; Goodman & Epstein, 2008 ). Further,
many shelters hire primarily White staff and are often located in predominandy
White neighborhoods ( Donnelly, Cook, Van Ausdalc, & Foley, 2005). Researchers
have speculated that one reason Black women arc less likely
to use shelters than White women is that they’ve experienced
racial discrimination ( Campbell ct al., 2001 ). Moreover, IPV
program staff may minimize the severity of violence within les- try it for yourself I '1
bian relationships and may have little to no training in working
with LGBTQ survivors ( Basow & Thompson, 2012; Brown Many people wonder why women don’t
& Groscup, 2009 ). This can significandy impair survivors’ leave abusive relationships. Ask three
ability to seek formal resources for help and may even cause friends with diverse social identity
additional harm. Survivors can experience humiliation within characteristics about their thoughts on !
—
IPV programs particularly low-income single women of this issue. What kind of responses do you
get? Now that you've learned more about
color, LGBTQ women, and women with severe mental illness
factors that influence decisions to leave,
( Koyama, 2006; Sokoloff & Dupont, 2005 ). However, a pos-
what would you say to a friend who won-
itive relationship with an IPV advocate has been found to be ders why a person wouldn’t "just leave"
related to reduced symptoms of both depression and PTSD an abusive relationship?
( Goodman, Banyard, Woulfe, Ash, & Mattern, 2016 ).
Sex Trafficking
: li
What is sex trafficking, and how is it similar to and different from IPV?
IPV sets the stage for even more dangerous relational situations. Human traf -
ficking is a complex , worldwide problem . Although researchers characterize IPV I
and human trafficking differently, in some ways these two types of violence inter-
sect. The Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act ( 2000 ) defines sex
trafficking as commercial sex induced by force, fraud, or coercion. Unlike indi -
viduals who voluntarily work in the sex industry, victims of sex trafficking are
sold and traded against their will. IPV and sex trafficking often co-occur, with I
one study showing that 64% of female victims reported having been roman-
tically involved with their pimp ( Raphael & Ashley, 2008 ). Sex trafficking is
the second largest criminal industry in the world , and it’s the fastest growing,
generating $99 billion annually ( Human Rights First, 2016 ). Researchers have
estimated that between 22% and 40% of adults working in the sex industry are
in trafficking situations ( Roe -Sepowitz, Hickle, Dahlstedt, & Gallagher, 2014).
Additionally, 1.2 million children are sold into the illegal sex trade inter-
nationally ( UNICEF, 2014a ). Any situation in which a person under age 18
performs a sex act in exchange for money constitutes childhood sex traffick-
ing ( Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act, 2000 ). In the United .
States, childhood sex- trafficking victims are typically 12 to 14 years old, and

i
*
S
r;
3!
i
=
i!
children who run away or are kicked out of their homes are especially vulnerable
( Mitchell, Finkelhor, & Wolak, 2013 ) . Adult male customers often know the
age of die children widi whom they’re having sex and, therefore, are knowingly
I!
!i
raping children ( Monto, 2004 ).
Similar to IPV, sex - trafficking relationships arc based on unequal power
i
dynamics and are characterized by secrecy, abuse, financial control, and fear
( Roe -Sepowitz et al., 2014 ). One study showed that street - level sex workers
experienced unpredictable violence as well as love and loyalty from their pimp/
trafficker (Williamson & Cluse -Tolar, 2002 ). As is the case within IPV relation -
ships, this confusing combination contributes to victims staying in trafficking
l!
relationships ( Roe-Sepowitz et al., 2014 ) .
Despite similarities, there arc distinctions between IPV relationships and
i
1 those that involve trafficking. For example, although IPV survivors may expe -
!• . '
ilr rience financial exploitation, it’s more common for girls and women in traf-
I
ficking situations to be used primarily for profit and revenue ( Roe-Sepowitz
et al., 2014; Williamson & Cluse -Tolar, 2002 ). Trafficking victims are forced
I II
to have sex with people outside of their primary relationship, with one study
if t
ii
:• reporting that, on average, traffickers force women to have sex with 10 people
per day ( Raphael, Reichert, & Powers, 2010 ). Although many organizations
and shelters focus on IPV survivors, trafficking survivors have fewer options.
M Only 13 states have organizations that specifically help trafficking survivors, and
;; ;; a mere handful of those offer long- term housing ( Roe -Sepowitz et al ., 2014 ).
Girls and women in sex - trafficking situations are often perceived, by both
iul, law enforcement and the general public, to be criminals rather than victims of a
crime ( Macias- Konstantopoulos & Bar- Halpcm, 2016; Vanwcscnbceck, 2017 ).
This has implications for when ( and if ) a trafficking victim tries to seek help.
I: One study of primarily White undergraduate students showed that men, but not
women, were likely to blame a victim of sex trafficking for being in that situation
:
( Cunningham & Cromer, 2016 ). Men were also more accepting of human traf-
» '
ficking myths, such as die idea that victims gain wealth, enjoy having sex with
multiple people, and either can’t be raped or deserve to be raped ( Cunningham
Hi
: & Cromer, 2016; Sullivan , 2007). These myths further justify the exploitation
i
if :
of women, increase violence against sex workers, and reduce the reporting of
girls and women in trafficking situations ( Farley, 2003 ).
!i
:
i
lii
!»;
!i
Violence against Older Women
What unique issues are faced by older women who experience violence?
Women may experience violence at any point in their lives. Moreover, some
il
women experience abuse as children , go on to experience it in their intimate rela -
tionships, and then experience it from their adult children or from a professional
• v.

caretaker later in life ( Hightower, 2004 ). In other words, gender- based violence
has the potential to follow women through their lives, and as women age, the
intersection of ageism and sexism impedes their ability to seek help ( Crockett,
Brandi, 8c Dabby, 2015 ).
Elderly women , like younger women, can be abused by their romantic partners
( Lundy 8c Grossman, 2005 ). According to one study, current or former romantic
partners committed 10% of violent victimization reported by individuals ages 50
to 64, and 6% of violent victimization reported by individuals ages 65 and older
( Morgan 8: Mason , 2014 ) . Another study showed that 9% of older adults have
reported experiencing verbal mistreatment and 3.5% have reported experiencing
financial abuse ( Laumann, Leitsch 8c Waite, 2008 ) . In this study, a spouse or
romantic partner was identified as the perpetrator by 26% of participants.
Older women who experience IPV report more severe health consequences
than younger women do, particularly if they’ve experienced additional trauma
during their lifetime ( Policastro 8c Finn, 2017 ). Abusers have been found to
change their tactics with age, reducing physical violence and , instead, controlling
finances and increasing verbal and psychological abuse (Stockl 8c Penhale,
2015 ). In a study of older women who’d experienced violence throughout their
lives, some reported that such non - physical abuse was harder to cope with than
physical abuse ( Dunlop, Rothman , Condon , Hebert, 8c Martinez, 2001 ).
Particularly when older women experience IPV in long- term committed rela -
tionships, they’re likely to blame themselves and feel powerless and hopeless
( Beaulauricr, Seff, 8c Newman , 2008 ) . They’re also more likely to stay in violent
relationships because of financial vulnerabilities, lack of access to quality health
care, and beliefs in traditional gender roles ( Hightower, Smith, 8c Hightower,
2006; Rosay 8c Mulford, 2017 ). Older women who live in rural areas are the
most at risk because of social isolation and the challenges associated with seek - i
ing help ( Roberto, Brossoie, McPherson, Pulsifer, 8c Brown, 2013 ).
Elderly women also can be abused by family members or caretakers. Elder
abuse is defined as a single or repeated act, occurring within the context of a
trusting relationship, that causes harm to a person over the age of 60 ( Hightower
ct al ., 2006 ) . In a large national study, more than 1 in 10 adults 70 years of age
or older ( 14.0% ) reported experiencing some form of elder abuse ( Rosay 8c
Mulford , 2017 ). Women are at higher risk than men ( Zink, Fisher, Regan, 8c
Pabst, 2005 ) . Poor health and cognitive impairments can contribute to an indi -
vidual’s vulnerability, as do low educational attainment, substance abuse, and
social isolation ( Zink 8c Fisher, 2006 ). Immigrant seniors are especially at risk
because of language barriers, small social networks, and increased dependency
on others ( Tam 8c Neysmith, 2006 ). Although elder abuse can be physical or
sexual, most cases reported to adult protective services involve financial exploita -
tion ( 50% ), neglect ( 45% ), and emotional abuse ( 45%; Teaster et al., 2007).
Elder abuse is often ignored as a crime because older research suggested that
this type of abuse stemmed from caregiver stress ( Zarit 8c Toseland, 1989 ).

3!
1i
:
I
I The caregiver stress model assumed that the cumulative effects of being a care-
jit
I'
i* taker resulted in abuse and neglect ( Ncrenberg, 2002 ). More recent research
; »
. shows that elder abuse has more to do with die controlling characteristics of an
.r
abuser and with unequal power dynamics ( Lundy & Grossman , 2005 ). How-
i
M:
i
ever, because the caregiver stress model still holds sway, many social service
agencies focus on reducing caregiver stress rather than assessing the power
imbalances in relationships ( Kilbanc & Spira, 2010 ). The focus on the caretaker,
without proper assessment of the dynamic between the caretaker and die elder,
continues in many adult protective services and contributes to the minimization
or ignoring of elder abuse ( Kilbanc & Spira, 2010 ).
Healing after Abuse

U
'
How do women heal from abuse, and what role can restorative justice play
i .i : in their healing?
!: Even after years of abuse, some women do escape abusive situations and expe -
|: J ? rience significant relief from depression and anxiety, but they also experience
i grief ( Coolidgc & Anderson, 2002 ). In one study of Filipino women who left
|i
abusive relationships, participants reported increased freedom , inner strength ,
V\
and hope, although they also reported stress associated with the loss of a partner
t: to help raise their children ( Estrellado & Loh, 2016 ) . In order to heal , women
I
often transform their identity from “ victim ” to “survivor,” an identity that sig-
nifies empowerment ( Goodman & Epstein, 2008 ) . Such healing occurs when a
!
i
;
>
survivor realizes how individual experiences of violence arc connected to a larger
sociopolitical system in which few obstacles prevent men from using violence to
i
control and dominate women. In Chapter 13, we’ll discuss how feminist thera-
! pies can help women heal from violence and abuse.
I
|
Achieving Justice Scholars have noted that incarceration does not reduce
repeat criminal offenses or lead to social change ( Boots, Wareham, Bartula, &
i Canas, 2016; Will, Loper, & Jackson, 2016; Williams & Stransfield , 2017 ).
Since many incarcerated individuals are themselves survivors, some researchers
argue that prison might actually perpetuate a cycle of violence ( Wolff, Shi, &
!
| Siegel, 2009 ). Further, the criminal justice system disproportionately punishes
i; perpetrators who are people of color, those with mental illnesses, and the poor
. (The Sentencing Project, 2013; Walker, Spohn, & DcLone, 2012 ). Given this
context, scholars have called for more progressive approaches to achieving jus-
tice ( Boots et al., 2016; Karp & Frank, 2016; Zarling & Berta , 2017 ).
.i
' One such approach has been modeled on Indigenous peacemaking pro-
: cesses (Yazzie & Zion, 1996 ). Known as restorative justice, it focuses on reha-
bilitation through a process of facilitated meetings between perpetrators and
1
(•

survivors, with the goal of achieving reconciliation and commitment to peace.
Restorative justice seeks to allow offenders to accept accountability for their
actions, to restore community safety through collective action, and to address
—
underlying issues that cause offenders to harm such as poverty, living within a
patriarchal environment, lack of education /work, and poor stress management
( McAlinden , 2017 ).
Supporters of restorative justice believe that the traditional perpetrator/
victim dichotomy doesn’t acknowledge that many offenders are, themselves,
victims and that cycles of trauma and abuse continue if communities don’t
attend to the suffering of all members ( Daly & Stubbs, 2006 ). Critics, however, i
:
suggest that this approach may be too lenient and that it doesn’t prioritize sur-
vivors’ safety ( van Wormcr, 2009 ). For this reason, restorative justice meetings
have very specific guidelines, particularly for crimes involving IPV and sexual
abuse ( Cameron , 2006 ). Successful models ensure that survivor and perpetrator
meet face - to- face and that survivor safety is prioritized .
Research has found that restorative justice works better at reducing repeat
offenses and reducing harm to survivors than jail time or other punitive mod - :
els of justice ( Sherman , Strang, Mayo-Wilson , Woods, & Ariel, 2015 ). In this
study, victims who participated in restorative justice meetings reported reduced
self- blame and desire for revenge compared to those who participated in con-
ventional justice systems. Offenders who participated were more likely to admit
they had breached a community moral standard and were more likely to apol-
ogize. A study of youth sexual violence showed that restorative justice con-
ferences were a better option for survivors if the perpetrator admitted to the
offense ( Daly, 2002 ) . However, scholars worry that apologies are notoriously
part of the cycle of abuse, particularly among IPV situations, so a focus on this
might be inappropriate. More research is needed to understand the effectiveness
of using restorative justice among IPV survivors.
War and Violence

How do war and militarism contribute to women's experiences of violence,
and in what ways do some feminists respond?
Worldwide, women and children account for almost 80% of war casualties as
well as 80% of the 40 million people who are refugees ( Kinkartz, 2015; United
Nations, 2015 ). For women living in war zones, sexual assault and rape are
estimated to be common, but actual numbers are unknown ( Cook, Wilson,
& Thomas, 2018; Simon, Nolan, & Ngo, 2013 ). One report released by
the United Nations Development Fund for Women estimated that 59% to
94% of female civilians living in a war zone experience sexual assault and/or
War and Violence 527

ail
-' - rape ( Rchn & Sirleaf, 2002 ). Other research has confirmed that soldiers com -
monly rape civilians, and attackers are overwhelmingly male ( Donohoe, 2013 ).
Even after war ends, the risk can remain high , since UN peacekeeping forces and
ji international police have been found to engage in sexual coercion and to accept
bribes to facilitate sex trafficking ( Higate, 2007; Hynes, 2004 ). Moreover, war-
time crimes often go unpunished ( Human Rights Watch , 2015 ).
Given these findings, the presence of U .S. military forces worldwide can be
concerning. At the time of writing this chapter, U .S. military forces are deployed i
—
in 135 nations roughly 70% of the countries on the planet ( Tursc, 2017 ).
The proposed 2017 U .S. military budget was S 582.7 billion ( U .S. Department
of Defense, 2016 b ). Since 2009, the United States has been engaged in mul -
tiple conflicts and wars that involve violent airstrikes and robotic technology
( Carter, 2017 ).
il
—
These wars aren’t always defensive that is, they aren’t occurring because a
V
foreign government attacked the United States ( Zarkov, 2016 ). In 2002, the
i
U.S. national security strategy included the idea that preventive military action
N
i was justifiable in order to address potential future threats ( The White House,
ill 2002 ). This has been a controversial policy. Some scholars worry that preemp -
tive military intervention might be an extension of imperialism , a practice that
;
extends a country’s power through either diplomacy or war, or both ( Mohanty,
Pratt, & Riley, 2008 ). Others see military action as necessary to ensure global
safety. For example, in 2012, one U .S. national security goal was protecting the
rights of girls and women ( Pratt, 2013 ). Female empowerment ( e .g., remov-
ing prohibitions on girls’ education ) was given as justification for U .S. military
I occupation in Afghanistan and Iraq. According to a recent survey, Americans
are split over the use of preemptive military force: 12% believe it is often justified
ill and 38% believe it is sometimes justified , while 28% believe it should rarely be
'
!
,il i
; 1 used and 20% believe it should never be used ( Tyson, 2017 ) .

Some feminist and peace scholars are concerned with the proliferation of
—
militarism that is, the prioritization and justification of military values within
both military and civilian life ( Faludi, 2007; Sjoberg, 2013 ) . These values
ii include the belief that men are natural protectors and that
both obedience to authority and the threat of physical force
your turn ensure safety ( Enloe, 2016 ). In the United States, pub-
'
i lic spaces such as high schools, and public safety officers

such as police forces, have become increasingly militarized
Do you believe female empowerment can
( Abajian, 2016; Faludi , 2007 ) . In this atmosphere, the pro-
be achieved through military occupation
and intervention? If so. how? If not, why liferation of militarism can undermine feminist principles of
i not? Consider the various feminist philos- equality and social justice ( Enloe, 2016; Mayton, Peters, &
ophies covered in Chapter 1. Which ones Owens , 1999 ). For example, studies have shown that indi-
are more likely to support military action viduals who support militarism are more likely to value con -
and which ones are not? formity than diversity and are less likely to endorse social
and environmental justice ( Bliss, Oh, & Williams, 2007;
'

Militarized vehicles like the
one pictured here in Baltimore,
Maryland, are being added to
police resources in both urban
and suburban settings. Additions
such as these, along with an
increase in military tactics in
policing, have prompted a
nationwide debate about the
nature of law enforcement.
Mayton et al ., 1999 ). According to feminist psychologist Eileen Zurbriggen

( 2010 ), sexual violence cannot be eliminated without significantly reducing or
eliminating our nation’s increasing emphasis on militarism.
Locally and internationally, transnational feminists work against militarism
because they understand that girls and women bear the brunt of war more
than others ( Grabe, 2016 ). Some feminist scholars have called for Western
women to challenge ongoing wars, especially the increased use of drone exe -
cutions ( Blanchard , 2011; Feigcnbaum, 2015 ). In 2013, feminist international
activist and Nobel Peace Prize recipient Malala Yousafzai ( herself a survivor
of violence ) said , “ Drone strikes are fueling terrorism . . . . Innocent victims
arc killed in these attacks, and they lead to resentment ” ( CNN Political Unit,
2013, para . 4 ) . According to Yousafzai , as well as other feminists, an investment
in education for children would be a better solution than increased violence
through warfare.

What can people do to stop rape culture and a broader culture of violence?
The types of violence discussed in this chapter and the high rates ot occurrence
are disturbing, but it’s possible to address this widespread problem . Structural
changes can make a large difference in the lives of girls and women. In gen -
eral, when women have more power, violence is reduced . In an analysis of two

!
1!
,
9,
I.
I !! • very different countries ( Nicaragua and Tanzania ), researchers found a strikingly
!' '
similar pattern in terms of women’s status and violence ( Grabe, Grose, 8c Dutt,
* I
2015 ). When women owned land, they had access to more power and mobility,
2 and this, in turn, was related to reduced violence. However, even small acts by
individuals can have a ripple effect in creating awareness, resistance, and change.
Reimagining Gender
it One way to address violence against girls and women is to have candid conver-
sations with men about masculinity. Individuals, especially men , who believe in
>:
traditional gender roles are more accepting of violence toward women ( Loveland
!
8c Raghavan , 2017; Seabrook, Ward, 8c Giaccardi , 2018; Willie, Khondkaryan,
Callands, 8c Kershaw, 2018 ). Most boys and men are socialized to adopt traits
:: of traditional masculinity, which include aggression, dominance, self- reliance,
Mi• i
•
lack of emotional expression , homophobia , avoidance of femininity, and view-

ii' : ing sex as an accomplishment rather than a key part of an intimate relationship
: nf ( Cuthbert, 2015; Levant, 2011; Levant 8c Richmond , 2008; Thompson 8c
Ijll : Bennett, 2017 ). In fact, in a meta -analysis, nearly all aspects of traditional mas-
l!i !
iJ1:: culinity were linked to sexual aggression ( Murncn ct al., 2002 ) . Today, although
not all boys and men conform to traditional notions of masculinity, they still
i;
i . experience pressure to adhere to these norms ( Levant 8c Richmond , 2016 ).
Offering boys and men an opportunity to discuss these pressures can change the
: : !:
way they think about and enact masculinity.
; At an organizational level, higher incidences of violence occur when a group’s
—
identity is centralized around masculinity as in the military, law enforcement,
and professional athletics ( Harway 8c Steel, 2015 ). Since many of these organi -
jtiji
ri
| zations value brotherhood and loyalty, an “ us versus them ” mentality can exac-
1 erbate sexism ( Flood, 2011). One way to address this is to evaluate women’s
leadership roles and to promote their increased presence and power within such
organizations ( Harway 8c Steele, 2015 ).
! *
See Something, Say Something
ii Violence can be prevented through a shared, community responsibility for cre-
ating a safe environment and a cultural intolerance of violence ( Flood , 2015 ).
For example, community members can hold religious and political leaders
accountable for sending clear messages against violence toward girls and women
and for creating a climate of respect ( Bryant - Davis 8c Wong, 2013 ). Commu-
! ' nities can also provide educational programs on identifying patterns of abuse
SiI . so that everyone acquires the knowledge and skills to intervene if necessary
( Flood, 2015 ).
;•
i

:
Some communities sponsor

programs that encourage men
to talk about gender roles and
train men to help stop sexual
violence. Research suggests
that programs like these are
effective in changing men' s i
attitudes about gendered I:
violence and increasing their

likelihood of intervening when
i
they see a potentially dangerous
situation. Two organizations
that work to engage men as I
allies in identifying and stopping
violence are Men Stopping
Violence and Men Against
Violence Against Women.
;
i!
In some ways, men are uniquely qualified to confront other men ( Flood , i
2015 ). They can encourage other men to talk about gender roles, dating :
••
!
:
norms, and issues relating to consent ( Gidycz, Orchowski, 8c Berkowitz, 2011 ).
I
Also, churches, community groups, and schools have sponsored programs that
i
encourage men to talk to one another about how to stop violence enacted by
others ( Flood , 2015; Garrity, 2011 ). For example, the White Ribbon Campaign i
i
is a global movement of boys and men working to end violence against women
and girls and to promote healthy relationships. Several studies have found that
i
such programs are effective in changing men’s attitudes and increasing their 1
likelihood of intervening in potentially dangerous situations ( Garrity, 2011;

McMahon 8c Dick, 2011; Stewart , 2014 ) . However, in other research, all - male
groups were no more effective than mixed -gender groups in changing attitudes
and increasing the likelihood of intervening ( Anderson 8c Whiston, 2005 ).
— —
Many colleges have encouraged bystander intervention that is, interven-
ing when people witness a problematic situation with some success. In one
}
1
study, students who received training in bystander intervention were less likely
to be victims of violence, and men who participated were less likely to be per-
petrators ( Coker et al., 2015 ). Bystander intervention has also served to help
—
young adults intervene in situations that may lead to dating violence for exam-
ple, by helping a friend who’s in a controlling relationship realize that there may
be red flags of violence ( Storer, Casey, 8c Herrcnkohl, 2016 ).
Becoming Media Literate

The media contribute to a culture of violence ( Katz-Schiavone, Levenson, &
5:
Ackerman, 2008 ). Violence, especially toward girls and women, is a common

r
-; •
ji l
i*
theme in television shows ( Gabrielli, Traore, Stoolmiller, Bergamini, & Sargent,

«
2016 ), movies ( Bushman, Jamieson, Weitz, & Romer, 2013 ), video games
; ( Hartmann , Krakowiak, & Tsay -Vogel , 2014 ), and music videos ( Ward, Reed,
Trinh , & Foust, 2014 ). In a large study across seven nations, researchers found
i
that viewing violence contributed to aggression , even after controlling for other
variables such as having experienced prior abuse ( Anderson et al., 2017 ). Even
i brief exposure to violence can cause some people to become more aggressive
:
•i and show less empathy and fewer helping behaviors ( Anderson , Bushman,
Hi 1
Donnerstein, Hummer, & Warburton , 2015 ). Exposure to violence increases

aggressive thoughts, angry feelings, and physiological arousal such as increased
heart rate ( Bushman & Anderson , 2009 ). It also contributes to desensitization,
and since violence is often rewarded in media portrayals, those outcomes rein -
force die idea that violence is a winning strategy ( Bushman , 2018 ).
Even the way the media talk about violence matters ( Bohncr, 2001 ) . For
: !i example, media oudets often describe rape using the passive voice: “The woman
i was raped ” instead of “The man raped the woman . ” A content analysis of over
. 1,500 U.S. newspaper articles indicated that writers more frequently used a
: i •
!
passive ( 70% ) than an active style ( 30% ) to describe rape ( Henley, Miller, &
? • Beazley, 1995 ). The passive voice allows the perpetrator to be absent from the
i !! description, which suggests that the victim was somehow responsible for the
rape ( Bohner, 2001 ). In one study, female and male participants who read news
I.
reports that described rape in a passive way were more likely to believe that vio-
! ji
i: lence against women was acceptable, as compared to those who read the same
report written in a more active style ( Henley et al ., 1995 ) .
. ! Research has shown that individuals can counteract some of the harmful
effects caused by exposure to violence by critically evaluating media ( Bcrgsma
& Carney, 2008; Choma, Foster, & Radford, 2007 ) . Other research confirms
li V
that becoming a critical consumer of media is a positive first step, but engaging
in media activism is also necessary to truly counter problematic messages and
strengthen feelings of empowerment among girls and women ( Brinkman , Khan,
; 1
t Jedinak, & Vetere, 2015 ). Joining campaigns sponsored by the Women’s Media
. Center and Women in Media and News is one way to begin engaging in media
activism.
Thinking Globally, Acting Locally

Because war is ever- present, it’s useful to reflect on how local policies affect
global relationships. For example, in 1979 the United Nations adopted a reso-
lution titled the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
against Women ( CEDAW ), which defines violence against women as a violation
.
of human rights ( United Nations, n.d . ). Nations that accept CEDAW commit
ij:
to incorporating principles of gender equality into their legal systems and to
!
I 532 Chapter 12 Gender-Based Violence
:
;
abolishing discriminatory laws. CEDAW also requires that countries establish
funding for public institutions that can ensure effective protection of girls and
women, and it affirms reproductive rights as a human right.
Although 185 countries have ratified CEDAW, at the time of writing this
chapter, the United States is the only industrialized nation that has not ratified .
it. In 2002, the U .S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee recommended ratifi -
cation , but the issue has never been brought to a vote because detractors believe
it violates American sovereignty and too rigidly dictates a progressive view of
gendered relations and reproductive rights. Grassroots organizations like the
Women’s Intcrcultural Network ( WIN ) are working to address this. WIN’s
campaign , Cities for CEDAW, encourages individual cities to pass ordinances to
improve the lives of girls and women and reduce violence against them. Its web-
site provides a “ how to” organizational kit. As of July 2018, there are 31 U.S.
cities, including San Francisco, Honolulu , and Pittsburg, that have adopted
ordinances or affirmed resolutions for the principles of CEDAW ( “ Cities for
CEDAW,” n .d.).
Come :' cS: 00

'
:
Girls and women arc at particular risk for violence throughout their lives,
and many don ’t experience justice after surviving a violent act. Moreover,
gender- based violence reflects larger social issues, such as women having less
power than men and living in a culture of objectification . Experiencing violence
—
can have long-term consequences in many domains including those related to
mental health , as we’ll discuss in Chapter 13. However, it’s possible to counter a
culture of violence with activism. Each time one person speaks against rape cul -
ture, volunteers at a domestic violence shelter, or petitions local representatives
to change policies, progress is made. If enough people start seriously addressing
violence in our culture, coalitions can be built. To begin this process at any level,
it takes only one person to speak out.
Conclusion 533
. I
11
ft
111!
.
II .
Chapter Review
li
SUMMARY
i. Gender-Based Violence Although survivors experience negative

Gender- based violence occurs at both consequences immediately following an assault,
..1
.• individual and structural levels. most ( but not all ) will experience relief within
Violence against girls and women has been a year. Some survivors report experiencing
!! positive post - traumatic growth .
described as a public health crisis.
!'!i .
i
Youth and Violence Interpersonal Violence
Childhood abuse can involve physical, IPV can occur in all types of relationship
psychological, and /or sexual abuse. configurations ( e.g., heterosexual , same - gender )
i
! I and among married or dating couples. Three
. Whereas boys are more likely to be sexually
ii j
main types of IPV are common: couples violence,
i} abused by someone outside of the family, girls intimate terrorism , and violent resistance.
are far more likely to be sexually abused by a
!
family member or someone close to the family. The q'de of abuse consists of a tension - building
stage, a violent episode, and a loving and
Although childhood abuse can have both
contrition phase.
ii short - and long-term negative consequences,
many survivors experience resiliency. Women who arc younger, have a low income,
'
; •j and have more children are at higher risk for
When girls arc objectified, they arc dehumanized,
IPV.
!'
ir and violence against them increases.
•I :
. The most dangerous time for a woman is
- ii
A Rape Culture when she tries to leave an abusive relationship.
v
There is evidence of a rape culture in the Housing instability and homelessness arc
• !: major barriers for women who seek safety for
r United States. Most survivors of sexual assault
and rape are girls and women, and men are die themselves and their children .
ii ! i
primary perpetrators. Similar to IPV, sex - trafficking relationships
ii
i Rape myths perpetuate rape culture by arc based on unequal power dynamics and
inaccurately depicting reality and creating doubt are characterized by secrecy, abuse , financial
ii
and self- blame among survivors. Rape myths control, and fear.
are more strongly endorsed by men as well as Abusers change their tactics with age,
by people who have higher degrees of sexual reducing physical violence and, instead ,
'
aggression and hostile attitudes toward women. controlling finances and increasing verbal and
Sexual assault and rape occur five times psychological abuse.
3
more frequendy among college women than Many incidents of elder abuse are perpetrated
among non -college women. Women in die by caregivers.
military, Indigenous women, and women
!
One technique that can increase healing after
1
with disabilities are also at higher risk for abuse and reduce the cycle of violence is to take
experiencing rape and sexual assault. a restorative justice approach .

War and Violence Challenging traditional masculinity can make
Women and girls account for the majority of a difference, and men arc uniquely qualified to
casualties during war, and many women living confront other men.
in war zones are survivors of rape and sexual Training in when and how to intervene can
assault. reduce violence.
Transnational feminists work to reduce Becoming a critical consumer of media and
militarism and end wars in order to improve engaging in media activism can help to
the lives of girls and women . undermine rape culture.
People can participate in local programs
connected to global initiatives designed to
Both systemic and individual changes can advance the status of girls and women while
reduce gender- based violence. decreasing violence.
if
IJ
:
KEY TERi\ |t
l
hate crime ( p. 492 ) cultural spillover theory ( p. 511)
gender- based violence ( p. 494 ) posttraumatic growth ( p. 515 ) !
physical abuse ( p. 495 ) domestic violence ( p. 515 )
psychological abuse ( p. 496 ) intimate partner violence ( IPV ) ( p. 515 )
childhood sexual abuse ( p. 496 ) stranger harassment ( p. 519 )
resiliency ( p. 498 ) cycle of abuse ( p. 519 )
sexual assault ( p. 500 ) learned hopefulness ( p. 519 )
rape ( p. 500 ) coercive power ( p. 519 )
rape myth ( p. 501 ) sex trafficking ( p. 523 )
victim blaming ( p. 501 ) elder abuse ( p. 525 )
tonic immobility ( p. 503 ) restorative justice ( p. 526 )
compliant sex ( p. 507 ) imperialism ( p. 528 )
token resistance ( p. 507 ) militarism ( p. 528 )
affirmative consent ( p. 508 ) bystander intervention ( p. 531)
belief in a just world ( p. 509 )
i
THINK ABOUT IT ;
1. Do you think hate crime legislation is helpful would communicate important prevention
in deterring gender- based violence ? If not, information to the public.
what type of policies do you think could 3. Think about a few romantic novels and/or ; }
deter and /or eliminate violence ? Can you movies that you’ve seen or a romantic song
recommend a specific policy that could that you know. What messages do they convey
be implemented in your community now ? about control and jealousy? How could you
Explain your response. rewrite them so that violent themes aren’t part
2. Using the research results discussed in this of the script? Do you think they would be as
chapter, design an infographic as part of an popular? Why or why not?
anti - rape campaign in your community that
Chapter Review 535
L.
!
; • i
i
:
r: ;.
. •i 4. Have you ever witnessed behaviors that often about what you can do to stop violence?
in
i .< precede violence against a woman ( c .g., Explain your response .
controlling behavior in a relationship, a friend 5. How much do you know about U .S.
i hooking up while drunk , a peer joking about
!i ; ! involvement in military conflicts? What might
sexual conquests )? If so, did you or anyone you do to learn more to understand , and
i ••
else call out or intervene to stop the behavior? possibly reduce , the level of militarization? In
What would you do if you saw such a behavior what ways does war affect you , even if it seems
now? Has this chapter changed your views distant and far away?
I
ONLINE RESOURCES
Battered Women Support Services — INCITE! — a website featuring a network
. education , advocacy, and support services to of radical feminists of color working to end
•
!•
.
•I assist women who arc in , or have been involved violence: incite -national .org
! in , battering relationships: bwss . org Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network
i! i
I Code Pink — a women- led organization ( RAINN ) — an anti-sexual violence
I aimed at ending U .S . wars and militarization: organization that provides resources and
I
codepink . org support for survivors: rainn .org
ill'
Hollaback! — a website dedicated to Survived and Punished — resources for
creating space to understand harassment, and information about survivors of domestic
engage in public conversations , and develop violence and /or sexual abuse whose
!< strategies to ensure equality in public spaces:
l
survival actions resulted in incarceration:
. 5 ihollaback .org survivedandpunished .org
m-
I !*
i
!
! I
!•!
it
1
ili
i
III
i
i*
1
! '
s
Ili !i
i:
n
:i i
lit
.
:
:
; |i
|
If 536 Chapter 12 Gender- Based Violence
71 *
:
I: !i
IN JULY 2015, Sandra Bland, a young Black woman, was on her way to a new job as
i*
a student ambassador for her alma mater, Prairie View A & M University in Texas,
•
i
when she was pulled over for "failure to signal" (Yan, Sanchez, & Ford, 2015). Bland
was angry and confronted the police officer. When he asked her to put out her
cigarette, she responded, "I am in my car. Why do I have to put out my cigarette?"
(para . 18). The officer then asked her to get out of the car, and when she refused,
he threatened to pull her out. The officer told Bland she was under arrest, and they
started to argue. He screamed at her: "Get out of the car! I will light you up! Get out!
Now!" (para. 25). She refused, and after a struggle, he pulled out a
.
stun gun. Bland then exited the car of her own accord, saying "Wow,
really, for a failure to signal? You're doing all of this for a failure to
signal?" (para. 26). Their struggle continued, and video footage even-
tually showed the officer slam Bland’s head on the ground. She told
him that she had epilepsy. The officer replied, " Good!” ( para. 30).
Bland was brought to jail and interviewed. She disclosed that she
had a history of mental health concerns and a prior suicide attempt.
However, there was no reason to think she'd been having mental
health struggles right before the traffic stop because she was happy
and excited about her new job. However, her experience of being
pulled over, physically attacked, and put in jail was extremely upset-
ting. She told her sister that the officer had hurt her back and that
she was afraid her arm was broken ( Lai, Park, Buchanan, & Andrews .
2015). After been in jail for three days, officials reported that
she'd
Bland was found hanging in her cell. Although an autopsy report
classified her death as a suicide, Bland's family insisted that police
Following the killing of several brutality was the cause (Sanburn, 2015 ). Her family filed a federal
Black women, including Sandra wrongful death lawsuit, which was settled for $1.9 million along with
Bland, the # sayhername an agreement to change the way people are treated in the Waller
movement and hashtag were
developed to bring attention County jail system ( Lee, 2016).
to police brutality and violence This tragedy raised many unanswered questions. To what extent
directed at Black women was the way the police officer handled this situation influenced by
within the United States. This
Bland's race? How could the officer have de-escalated the situation? To
movement strives to reduce
police brutality and anti - Black what extent did Bland's mental health history affect what happened?
violence while also empowering Clearly, the officer’s response to a minor traffic violation was extreme
and improving the quality of
and violent.In 2010, Black women in theUnited States were incarcerated
lives of those disproportionately
targeted by police violence. at almost three times the rate of White women (Mauer, 2013). Given
.
this statistic, Sandra Bland was probably more likely to be stopped for
538 Chapter 13 Mental Health

“failure to signal" than a White .
woman would (Epp & Maynard-Moody 2014). Fur-
.
ther Bland didn't react in a traditionally feminine way. Instead of being apologetic
and compliant, she was angry and showed it. This may have fueled the officer's
rage, contributing to his aggression and his decision to transport her to jail. Once she
was in custody, she was isolated and left to deal with the intensity of the situation
alone. A subsequent state investigation found that guards had failed to do hourly
checks and that many guards at the facility hadn't undergone state-required mental
.
health training ( Liebelson & Wing, 2015). So if Bland was a suicide risk, the officers
didn't perform the minimum mandated requirements to keep her safe.
Punishing a woman, particularly a Black woman, for displaying behaviors that 1
aren't traditionally feminine isn ’t a new phenomenon. Historically, when women
deviated from traditional femininity, they were seen as unruly and mentally unsta -
ble (Ussher, 2013 ). Moreover, Black women ( and other women of color ) who don’t l1
fit White, Western norms of femininity have frequently been viewed as threaten-
.
ing and criminalized (Gross, 2015). In many cases Black women have attempted
to protect themselves from domestic abuse only to be later punished for their
acts of self -defense. In one case, a Black woman named Marissa Alexander spent
three years in jail and two years under house arrest because she had fired what
she identified as a warning shot toward her estranged, abusive husband; the jail
time and house arrest were imposed despite the fact that the shot didn’t harm
Alexander 's husband or anyone else (Hauser, 2017). Such systematic mistreat-
ment of Black women decreases their reliance on asking police for help, which
means less protection from additional violence. This dynamic can create stress
and contribute to the development of many mental health concerns (Gross 2015). .
In contemporary America, women with mental health concerns are often in-
.
carcerated ( Barlett & Hollins 2018). Furthermore, many incarcerated women have
been victims of violence, including physical and sexual abuse, before being arrested
.
and incarcerated ( DeHart, 2008; Green, Miranda Daroowalla, & Siddique, 2005;
.
Simpson, Yahner, & Dugan 2008). For example, one study showed that between
85% and 90% of incarcerated women reported a history of domestic and sexual
.
violence, compared to 22% nationally (Gross 2015). Another study examined var -
ious types of interpersonal violence, such as childhood physical abuse, childhood
sexual abuse, witnessing violence as a child, partner violence, sexual violence as
an adult, and witnessing violence as an adult (Lynch et al., 2017). The researchers
found that 92% of incarcerated women had experienced at least one form of in-
I
terpersonal violence, 35% had experienced five or more types, and the average
number of types of violence experienced by the women surveyed was over three.
539
.
1
;>
j
I
.
Such trauma often leads to mental health problems, and these problems are
v! — .
very common in and often exacerbated by —the prison system ( Lynch et al. 2017;
i
.
Yi, Turney, & Wildeman 2017). In fact, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics has re-
.
ported that 73% of women in state prisons 61% of women in federal prisons, and
j
75% of women in local jails had mental health problems (James & Glaze, 2006).
•
One study of women from nine jails across several states showed that 67% had
i
i
a mental disorder, such as major depression or bipolar disorder, and 83% had a
i
: .
substance use disorder (Green et al. 2016 ), Moreover, suicide in prison isn' t rare.
i Between 2001 and 2014, research shows that 2,826 people committed suicide in
i I
U.S. state prisons (Noonan, 2016). The high rates of mental illness among women
in prison also reflect lack of access to quality mental health treatment.
! How we understand women's distress matters a great deal. When women en-
ter the criminal justice system, they're often seen as "bad"; the stress and trau-
!! mas they've experienced are often ignored. In other situations, women can also
j,
be labeled "sad" or "mad." They can be medicated, shocked, or hospitalized. In
i
fact, there's a long history of women receiving such treatments without consent
. (Burstow, 2006; Chesler, 2005; Geller & Harris, 1984). Ideally, women who experi-
ence violence and mental distress can receive help to alleviate their suffering, but
this doesn’t always happen. And although mental health isn ' t just a concern for
women, the interpretation and treatment of symptoms is a distinctly gendered
phenomenon ( Ussher, 2011).
i
if In this chapter, we'll explore women's mental health. We'll discuss how women
have historically been considered "mad'' when they didn't conform to gender
. i norms or were perceived as troublesome. We'll then look at the modern system
A
:
i of diagnosing mental illness in the United States, and we'll explore diagnoses that
women receive more frequently than men. Finally, we'll discuss how feminist thera-
pists bring an intersectional understanding of the ways in which systems of oppres-
sion (e.g., gender oppression, class oppression) can affect women's mental health.
Women and Madness:

A Historical Perspective
» Women have often been associated with madness ( Chesler, 2005 ). They’ve fre-
t quently been labeled as mad if they don’t conform to traditional standards of
H femininity. Ironically, it’s also been argued diat women are labeled as mad when
!’
i
i 540 Chapter 13 Mental Health
i
.
;
they act in ways that arc too feminine, and stereotypical aspects of femininity
( c.g., passivity, dependence ) have been associated with madness ( Chcslcr, 2005 ).
Moreover, women arc often labeled as mad , sick, or ill when they respond in
ways that actually may make sense within oppressive environments. Knowing
the historical context in which these patterns developed will provide a better
understanding of women’s modern experiences.
The Beginnings
What factors contributed to historical categorizations of women as
mentally ill? 13;
Before modern science and medicine, there were many misattributions about
how the body works and what causes particular illnesses. Madness was no
exception . Some forms of madness were specifically tied to femininity, as they
were believed to be a side effect of women’s reproductive processes. Madness,
particularly among women, has also been attributed to supernatural causes, and
the label “ mad ” was often accompanied by other labels, such as being a witch.
The very first mental problem associated with women was hysteria . It was
described by the ancient Egyptians, who believed it originated from the uterus
wandering through the body ( Tasca , Rapetti , Carta, & Fadda , 2012 ). Symptoms
of hysteria were said to include seizures, fears, and a sense of suffocation . The i;
ancient Greeks saw hysteria as being caused by a “sad ” uterus that wanted to be
linked to a man ( Tasca , ct al ., 2012, p. 110 ). Symptoms included tremors and
anxiety, and treatments included drinking wine and engaging in orgies or having
vigorous sex with a male partner.
In the Middle Ages and into the 17th century, symptoms that had previously
been attributed to the wandering uterus were considered to signal demonic
possession ( Chcslcr, 2005 ). During this time, non -conforming women, as well
as women who experienced psychological symptoms, were labeled as watches.
Many w'ere probably midwives and healers, and some may have had property
that the Church coveted ( Chester, 2005 ). Witches were regarded in opposi-
tion to the “ good wife” because they spoke up against men, exhibited sex-
ual desire, and sought revenge against enemies. One wêll- known example in 3
w'hich non - conforming women w'ere targeted is the witchcraft accusations that
occurred in Newr England during the 1690s, often referred to as the Salem
witch trials.
Many witchcraft confessions w'ere given under duress, but other w'omen vol-
untarily confessed ( Jackson, 1995 ). One woman who had suffered tremendously
at the hands of her husband felt enormous guilt after he died. She decided that
she must have killed him with her evil thoughts, so she confessed to being a
witch . Other w'omen w'ho had negative feelings toward their children attributed
these to the devil and also confessed to witchcraft. The persecution of witches
Women and Madness: A Historical Perspective 541

during this period resulted in the deaths of tens of thousands of girls and women
throughout Europe and North America.
Regulating Madness in the 19th Century

How was mental illness understood in the 19th century, and how were
women with psychological problems treated differently from men?
As science and medicine advanced in the 19 th century, approaches to madness

increasingly involved a focus on medical treatment . Women , in particular, were
viewed as vulnerable to mental illness, and many of the treatments used proba -
bly made their problems worse.
Hysteria and Women's Sexuality During the 19 th century, hysteria was

the most frequendy diagnosed and treated condition in women, particularly
wealthy White women ( Ussher, 2011 ). It involved a wide variety of symptoms
including seizures, fears, coughing, and paralysis. In fact , the diagnosis became
so widespread that being considered hysterical became synonymous with being
a woman . Hysteria was seen as a fundamental part of the female temperament.
One French physician declared that “all women are hysterical and . . . every
woman carries with her the seeds of hysteria ” (Showaltcr, 1993, pp. 286-287 ).
Women, and hysterics, were described as “difficult, narcissisdc, impressionable,
suggestible, egocentric and labile ” (SmidvRosenberg, 1986, p . 9 ). Essentially,
hysteria was seen as an extreme version of what was considered to be traditional
femininity. This view reinforced the connection between
i • being a woman and being “ mad .”
!i Also, diagnoses of hysteria were often tied to women’s
• I your turn sexuality; as mentioned previously, the ancient Greeks
thought sexual activity would cure it ( Tasca, et al., 2012 ).
Although hysteria is no longer an official
Although it’s impossible to diagnose women from hundreds
of years ago, some scholars have noted that the signs of
psychological label, the idea is still
influential. For example, actress Amanda
Bynes and singer Rihanna have both
—
hysteria overlap with signs of sexual frustration including
anxiety, irritability, nervousness, sensations of heaviness in
:: been described as hysterical (“Amanda the stomach, and erotic fantasy ( Maines, 2001; Showalter,
Bynes—Serious Mental Issues." 2012; "Ri- 1997). Because sex was defined as penile penetration, die
• 3
hanna: Meltdown at the Grammys," 2016). clitoris wasn’t well understood, and masturbation was dis-
Have you ever noticed that women who couraged, it wouldn’t be surprising if many women at that
express strong emotions or behave errat- time were sexually frustrated. However, women weren’t
ically are called hysterical, or something
similar? How do you think these labels —
supposed to have sexual desires in fact, openly desiring sex
or masturbating was seen as a sign of hysteria.
influence the way people perceive these
women and women in general?
Nevertheless, the standard treatment for hysteria was
genital massage to orgasm, called paroxysm at the time.

A medical compendium published in 1653 and still in use during the 19th cen-
tury advised : “We think it necessary to ask a midwife to assist so that she can
massage the genitalia with one finger inside, using oil of lilies, musk root, crocus
or [something ] similar. And in this way the afflicted woman can be aroused to
the paroxysm ” ( Maines, 2001, p. 1). This was a popular treatment that many
women sought from their physicians. Eventually, vibrators were invented to alle -
viate the hand cramps of doctors and midwives who were tired of providing
manual treatment ( Maines, 2001 ) . The water douche was also introduced , a
treatment that could be given at a spa; it involved aiming a strong stream of
water from a hose at a woman’s genitals. Some women diagnosed with hysteria
were probably sexually abused ( Makari, 1998 ), so while these treatments may
have been generally popular, certain women may have found genital stimulation
i
reminiscent of sexual abuse. I!
i
Insane Asylums and Rest Cures Although women in the 19 th century
weren’t burned at the stake as witches when they showed signs of “ madness,”
treatments during that period were far from benign . Many women were invol -
untarily placed in insane asylums, where treatments could include beatings,
prolonged periods in restraints, and being submerged in water. These women
were often deemed hysterical because they acted in non -feminine ways, rejected
their role as wives or mothers, and /or were sexually attracted to other women.
Some were involuntarily hospitalized for “ crimes” such as speaking their minds,
becoming romantically involved with other women, dressing extravagandy, or
disagreeing with their families’ religious views ( Geller & Harris, 1984 ).
i
During the late 19 th century,
certain doctors prescribed rest
cures to upper - class White
women to treat symptoms
of hysteria . Authors Virginia
Woolf and Edith Wharton
both experienced rest cures,
during which they were
allowed only limited time to
be out of bed and to engage
in intellectually stimulating
activities such as reading or
writing. These rest cures likely !
;
exacerbated symptoms and
reinforced gender stereotypes
about privileged women.

I
:
i
t
i particularly for White women with financial resources, was because of the rise
A
of medications designed to treat psychological problems. While medication
It
allowed many women who were distressed to obtain needed relief, there was
a danger in overuse. In particular, Valium , a sedative that reduced symptoms
' •
—
of anxiety, was prescribed to millions of women often middle - and upper-
class White women who were unhappy with their roles in life ( Herzbcrg,
2006 ). It’s estimated that 20% of women in the United States during the
1970s had prescriptions for Valium and that 10% used it regularly. Valium ,
or “ mother’s little helper,” was criticized early in the second wave feminist
movement for making women accept their subordinate status rather than
questioning their lot in life. Although concerns about the overuse of Valium
are justified , the feminist concern about the drug was largely influenced by
l| i
}!
:i
—
the fact that it was primarily affecting middle -class White women the group
most connected to second wave feminism ( Herzberg, 2006 ) . For example,
the mental health of poor women of color didn’t receive the same type of
attention.
1'
! i In 1987, the anti -depressant Prozac, the “ happy pill,” was introduced and
quickly replaced Valium as die most frequendy prescribed medication for women
( Blum & Stracuzzi, 2004 ). Although anxiety was the most frequently diagnosed
l. j disorder when Valium was popular, depression became an increasingly common
|
diagnosis with the rise of Prozac ( Horwitz, 2010 ). Doctors were enthusiastic
; I
about Prozac because it had fewer side effects than earlier anti -depressants, and
many women found needed relief through its use. Instead of having a sedat-
i
ing effect, the drug was seen as energizing because women who took it felt
more productive. Instead of being prescribed to women to keep them happy
:
;
wadi their domestic lives, it was prescribed to allow them to be “superwomen ”
S!if and aid them in combining work and family demands. Marketing materi-
:
als described the drug as making women more energetic, assertive, efficient,
—
and ambitious all qualities associated with traditional masculinity ( Blum &
Stracuzzi, 2004 ). Prozac, like Valium , was marketed primarily to middle- and
!
i upper-class White women.
.i Currently, anti -depressants are widely used and have helped many women
1
to alleviate depression and decrease suicidal thoughts. Research indicates that
[i
21.2% of women in their 40s and 50s, and 24.4% of women over age 60, take
anti-depressants ( Pratt, Brody, & Gu, 2017 ). In contrast, only 11.6% and 12.6%
of men in these respective age groups take them. Anti -depressants continue to
i 'j be more frequently used by White women than by Black, Latinx, and Asian
American women ( Alegria et al., 2008 ). For example, between 2011 and 2014,
21.4% of White women were prescribed anti-depressants, but only 4.6% of Asian
women, 6.4% of Latinx women, and 7.9% of Black women received these pre-
: scriptions ( Pratt et al., 2017). Although many people see medication as a critical
therapeutic option that women benefit from, some critics believe that women’s
widespread use of medication as a treatment for mental illness supports the

:
status quo because it doesn’t address the social and political factors, such as
poverty and abuse , that contribute to women’s distress.
Diagnosis and Treatment The 20th century saw the rise of the formal disci-
pline of psychiatry. Its purpose was to diagnose and treat mental disorders using
die medical model. This model assumes that mental health concerns are the
result of physical problems that can be treated through medical intervention.
The first edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
( DSM ) was published in 1952 by the American Psychiatric Association, and
currently the manual is in its fifth edition. The DSM promotes a disease model
of mental illness that focuses on the presence or absence of specific symptoms
enhanced by the use of seemingly objective checklists ( Cosgrove & Wheeler, I
2013 ). These checklists generally ask whether or not an individual is experienc- :
ing a symptom ( e .g., sadness, hopelessness ) but don’t ask about die situations
—
or contexts in which die symptom occurs for example, after being yelled at by
one’s boss or before being hit by one’s spouse.
II
Many people think of these diagnostic categories as real, phys - il
ically identifiable, brain disorders that people either have or don’t
have. However, what is or isn’t considered a mental illness contin -
ues to be a product of cultural context. For example, homosexuality
used to be considered a mental illness, but it was removed from the
DSM in 1973 ( Kawa & Giordano, 2012 ). When mental illness is
seen as a real disease within a person, it gains legitimacy, but social or
environmental causes for the distress are generally minimized.
One concern about the current version of the DSM is that its
authors have deep financial ties to the pharmaceutical industry
( Cosgrove & Wheeler, 2013; Marecek & Gavey, 2013 ). In fact, 69%
of the members of die entire American Psychiatric Association task
force that wrote die DSM -5 had ties to pharmacology, including
receiving research funding from pharmaceutical companies, being
paid to speak for diem , or serving as paid consultants ( Cosgrove
& Krimsky, 2012 ). Another concern is that more people can be
-
classified as having mental illnesses using the DSM 5 than previous *«?
editions. For example, in the past, a diagnosis of major depression The Diagnostic and Statistical
couldn’t be made if a person had recently experienced the loss of a Manual of Mental Disorders
loved one. However, someone coping with grief from this type of { DSM ) pictured here and the
loss can now be diagnosed with major depression and, consequently, International Classification
of Diseases ( ICD) are the two
be prescribed medication to alleviate its symptoms ( Wakefield,
tools clinicians typically use to
2016 ). diagnose mental illness. When
The ability to define what is normal and abnormal is very pow - are medical diagnoses helpful ?
erful because the mental health profession depends on the DSM for
medical legitimacy and authority ( Ali, Caplan, & Fagnant, 2010 ).
When might'they cause more
harm than good?
- -
For example, in order to cover the costs of treatment for a given
,

mental health condition , insurance companies require a diagnostic code. The
i
! DSM is one of only two sources from which these can be drawn; the other is the
International Classification of Diseases ( I C D ) , developed by the World Health
Organization . For many people, the ability to access care is entirely dependent
on having health insurance coverage. In 2008, the Mental Health Parity and
!
Addiction Equity Act expanded mental health care access by requiring insur-
:• 1
ance companies to cover mental health and substance abuse treatments. Then,
in 2014, die Affordable Care Act enabled many more Americans to apply for
mental health insurance coverage. Despite this, insurance companies are more
likely to deny claims for mental health treatments than physical health treat -
ments, and they reimburse mental health claims at lower rates than medical
claims ( National Alliance on Mental Illness, 2015 ). Nevertheless, without diag-
noses, it’s unlikely that insurance companies would be willing to cover any type
of treatment at all.
i: However, feminist clinicians, among others, worry that reliance on the DSM
means that mental health decisions arc generally influenced by the small group
j —
of psychiatrists who developed the DSM mostly wealthy, White, American
men ( Caplan, 1995; Cohen & Jacobs, 2007 ). One concern is that when men
decide on die categories, they may view traits diat have traditionally been asso-
ciated with femininity ( e.g., dependence, passivity, concern about appearance )
as abnormal and as a sign of mental illness. As mentioned earlier, there’s a long
history of associating femininity with madness; the very definition of hysteria
was linked to what was seen as feminine (Showalter, 1993 ) .
In a now classic study, mental health professionals were presented with a
k
i .i
list of adjectives and were asked to either identify if ( 1 ) a healthy adult ( with
gender unspecified ), ( 2 ) a healthy man, or ( 3 ) a healthy woman would be very
likely or not at all likely to have that trait ( Broverman, Broverman , Clarkson,
Hi Rosenkrantz, & Vogel , 1970 ). Adjectives identified as describing a healthy
1
man were generally die same as those identified as describing a healthy adult.
However, a healthy woman was seen as exhibiting different traits. For exam -
ple, a healthy woman , but not a healthy man or a healthy adult , was described
as more likely to be very submissive, not at all independent, and not at all
adventurous. Healthy women were also, in contrast to healthy men /adults,
I
;! identified as having dieir feelings easily hurt, being very emotional , being very
If interested in their appearance, and disliking math and science a great deal. Of
course, this study was done almost 50 years ago, and stereotypes about what’s
considered healthy in women have likely changed since then . Nevertheless, the
study demonstrates that traditional femininity is defined in ways that could
be considered unhealthy. When this view underlies a diagnostic code manual,
the experiences of women who conform to traditional gender roles can be
pathologized.
For example, the diagnosis of dependent personality disorder (DPD) is char-
acterized by traits such as fear of disagreeing with others and difficulty' in making

everyday decisions without reassurance ( American Psychiatric Association,
2013 ). Because social connectedness and passivity are associated with tradi -
tional femininity, a diagnosis like DPD can be seen as pathologizing femininity
( Rivera, 2002 ) . Moreover, there’s no corresponding “ independent personality
disorder ” characterized by traits such as refusing to ask for help even when help
is needed ( traits that arc generally associated with men ).
In addition to pathologizing aspects of femininity, the DSM classifies
“ atypical ” gender preferences as disordered ( Pillard, 2009 ). When individuals
express a strong desire to be treated as a gender different from the one they
were assigned at birth, a clinician may diagnose them with gender dysphoria.
-
When the DSM 5 was being developed , many activists called for the removal
of any diagnoses associated with being transgendcr ( Lev, 2006 ). Odier clini -
cians worried that without a diagnosis, transgender people would have difficulty
securing legal rights and accessing psychotherapy ( Vance et al ., 2010 ). Because li
psychotherapy is required before undergoing gender-affirming surgery, the lack
of a billable diagnosis could also reduce health -care options for transgender
individuals ( Dreschcr, 2015 ). Gender dysphoria was ultimately included in
DSM -5, but it remains controversial.
The Feminist Critique of Mental Illness It’s undeniable that many women
live with distress related to their mental health. However, the fact that symp-
toms are currently labeled as depression rather than hysteria or demonic pos-
session reflects cultural context. Over 60 years ago, the philosopher Michel
Foucault noted that it’s necessary to understand how people interpret and
give significance to their own experiences in order to understand mental illness
( Foucault, 1954/1987 ) . More recently, the psychologist Jane Ussher noted
that “ within medicalized discourse, women’s negative emotions and reasonable
responses to daily living or to family life arc positioned as ‘symptoms’ worthy
of a psychiatric diagnosis” ( Ussher, 2011, p. 100 ). This observation doesn’t
simply reflect being diagnosed by others. People define their own experiences
based on the options available to them within their cultural context. In the
past, many women believed themselves to be possessed by a demon or to be
suffering from hysteria; today, in contrast, many see their suffering as a sign of
mental illness.
Modern psychiatry generally sees disorders as products of biological pro-
cesses or irrational thinking patterns. Therefore, treatments generally focus
on altering biological processes ( through medication ) and/or changing think-
ing patterns ( through talk therapies ). These treatments can be very effective,
and they do represent important ways to relieve distress. However, a feminist
approach to mental illness also seeks a more careful analysis of why a person
is experiencing distress in the first place. Whether the distress is interpreted as
depression, anxiety, an eating disorder, or some other condition, it is often a
reasonable response to unacceptable or challenging life circumstances. Women i
*
T
!i ,i
•»
who are abused, harassed , sexualizcd, living in poverty, or

* i
I! stressed by balancing work and family demands may have

11
try it for yourself
111i ! i
legitimate reasons for their very real distress. However, if
!J die focus of treatment is solely on changing the individual,
: Take a minute to consider your thoughts
i : > dien die broader structural causes of women’s distress can
about the causes of mental illness. In
be obscured . Further, when women themselves don’t see
what way does this inform your under-
standing of how mental illness should be
the broader aspects of their oppression , they may blame
perceived and treated? Now talk to peers themselves for dieir symptoms ( Fischer & Holz, 2010;
i: :
and family members about this. How Klonoff, Landrine, & Campbell, 2000 ). In this way, a
i
ii i do they respond? Do they say different vicious cycle operates: Oppression contributes to mental
ii
: things if you ask them about mental distress, women blame themselves instead of oppressive
illness in general versus women's experi- systems, and the self- blame contributes to more mental
ences with mental illness in particular? distress.
!
!;
!
i
r
i!
|>
1’ Mental Health Diagnose
i . As mentioned earlier, feminist psychologists have been critical of the DSM.
ii
However, given the necessity of diagnosis for insurance coverage, feminist psy-
i.i
.i
! chologists do make use of this system . Also, diagnostic labels enable people
—
to make meaning of their distress the labels give them words to identify the
pain they’re feeling, and for that reason diagnoses can be empowering ( Brown ,
2004, 2006 ). However, rather than solely relying on a DSM checklist, feminist
psychologists advocate for considering multiple forms of evidence and knowl-
edge to understand a person’s distress and dysfunction ( Ballou , 1990; Eriksen &
:•! Kress, 2008 ). In other words, how we think about, and ultimately treat, mental
health issues cannot stop with a diagnostic label. It’s only one piece of a larger
diagnostic picture that would also include the social context and how intersect-
ing aspects of people’s social identities shape their experiences.
I
: Major Depression
What are the gender differences in depression, and what factors contribute
to these differences?
Symptoms of major depression include depressed thinking such as feelings of

sadness or emptiness, diminished pleasure in activities, negative thought patterns
;»
U reflecting worthlessness or guilt, and physical symptoms such as fatigue, weight
j gain or loss, and excessive sleeping or insomnia ( American Psychiatric Associ-
a ation, 2013 ). At any given time, approximately 8.1% of die U.S. population
over age 12 has depression ( Brody, Pratt, & Hughes, 2018 ). However, certain
characteristics are more frequently associated with developing depression, and

one of those is gender. Studies have shown that girls and women
have higher rates of depression than do boys and men across all
ages, ethnic/ racial groups, and nationalities ( Brody et al., 2018;
World Health Organization, 2017 ). Other research has shown that
approximately 19% of women and 12% of men have experienced
depression over their lifetimes ( Kessler, Petukhova, Sampson,
Zaslavsky, & Wittchen, 2012; Silverstcin et al. 2012 ).
There are many theories as to why women are more frequently
diagnosed with depression than men. Overall , girls and women are
more likely to seek treatment for mental health concerns than are
men ( Addis & Mahalik, 2003 ). This may be because men feel a Anyone can experience major
conflict between their socially prescribed gender role to be seen depression at any time, but it is
as tough and their desire for help. Men may also anticipate being considerably more frequently
socially rejected if they seek help, especially if their social group diagnosed in women. There
values self- reliance. As a result, one reason for the different rates of is no clear explanation for
why women have a higher
depression diagnoses is that men may not admit they’re depressed
susceptibility toward depression,
and ask for treatment ( Addis & Mahalik, 2003 ). However, other but social, cognitive, and
!!
studies have shown that Black and Latinx women have higher rates biological factors all contribute.
of depression than White women but are less likely to seek care
( Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2010; Gonzalez et
al ., 2010 ) . Most psychologists agree that differences in depression
rates can’t solely be explained by help -seeking behavior.
There’s also some indication that men are less likely to remember previous 1!
incidents of depression than are women ( Parker & Brotchie, 2010 ). In one study,
participants were asked to discuss past and present experiences with depression i
every five years, and men were more likely to forget previous episodes while
women were more likely to remember them ( Wilhelm & Parker, 1994 ). This
pattern was confirmed in more recent research ( Wells & Horwood, 2004 ).
Another factor that contributes to depression is ability status; women may
disproportionally have physical disorders that involve symptoms of depression
( Feinstcin, Magalhacs, Richard, Audet, & Moore, 2014; Klonoff & Landrine,
1996 ). For example, multiple sclerosis ( MS ) is an autoimmune disease that
slows cognitive and motor abilities, and it’s associated with fatigue and loss
of energy and is disproportionately diagnosed in women ( Whitacre et al.,
1999 ). Approximately 50% of women diagnosed with MS are also diagnosed
with depression (Siegert & Abernethy, 2005 ). This may be because many MS
symptoms ( e.g., fatigue and motor slowdown ) are also symptoms of depression.
Women are also more likely than men to be diagnosed with hypothyroidism,
a disease that happens when the thyroid gland is underactive ( Bauer, Glenn,
Pilhatsch , Pfennig, & Whybrow, 2014 ). Symptoms of hypothyroidism include
low energy, weight gain, and excessive sleeping. These are also symptoms of
depression , and 64% of patients with hypothyroidism in one study also were
diagnosed depression ( Demartini et al., 2014 ). Whether these symptoms are

I
& actually caused by reduced thyroid functioning or by depression itself is unclear.

;
Nevertheless, women who are experiencing symptoms of depression can benefit
from a complete medical evaluation in order to determine whether a physical
i illness such as MS or hypothyroidism may be contributing to their symptoms.
!
'
'!
:
Biological Explanations Some researchers have theorized that women expe-
rience more depression than men because of biological reasons. At certain times
:
in their lives, women may have increased risk of depression due to hormonal fac-
.
: tors; however, a clear link between hormones and depression has remained elu -
sive. For example, although it’s generally assumed that post - partum depression
!i
,5
is caused by hormonal fluctuations, dicrc has been no success in linking specific
;! !
hormones postpartum and symptoms of depression ( Blehar, 2006 ) . Further,
t , while some research suggests an increase in depression during perimenopause
'
( Cohen, Soares, Vitonis, Otto, & Harlow, 2006; Freeman, Sammel, Lin, &
1
i
ijl • Nelson, 2006), odier research has shown that women generally have a sense
! I!
i
of relief and well - being as they reach that life stage ( Avis Sc McKinlay, 1991;
i
Campbell, Denncrstein, Tacey, & Szoeke, 2017 ). Also, while some women may
experience increased depression at certain times ( e.g., prc- menstrually, post- par-
i
-'
M, tum , and at menopause ), diere’s evidence that changes in women ’s roles, how
i; women view themselves, and how odiers respond to them during these times can
. contribute to die experience of mood disturbance ( Nolen - Hoeksema, 2001 ).
.i Some research indicates that die connection between hormones and depres-
sion may be more indirect than initially thought. For example, hormonal factors
i
may influence women to be more biologically sensitive or reactive to negative
stimuli in die environment ( Parker & Brotchic, 2010 ) . Specifically, there’s some
,5 indication that higher testosterone levels may decrease the extent to which the
i
body responds to stress, which may, in turn , decrease the risk of anxiety and
*
depression ( McHenry, Carrier, Hull, & Kabbaj, 2014 ) . However, the data on
diis are unclear. While animal models have generally shown that higher levels ot
testosterone relate to decreased signs of anxiety or depression in male animals,
i
this is less consistendy found in female animals ( McHenry et al., 2014 ). Over-
all, then, although hormonal factors may play an indirect role, psychologists
?
I? generally believe that explanations about gender differences that rely solely on
•i ;
hormones are inadequate ( Girgus & Yang, 2015; Hankin & Abramson, 2001;
Nolen - Hoeksema, 2001; Ussher, 2010 ).
i
l!
; Cognitive Processes Other theories for women’s higher rates of depression

relate to how women think. One explanation is that women are more likely dian
men to obsessively mull over their problems or ruminate. Rumination involves
•B.
"• thinking about what is making one upset and all of the causes and consequences
;j
' of the situation. Although rumination may, in die moment, seem like produc-
tive problem solving, it’s actually more like thinking similar thoughts over and
over without making a plan to address the situation. Research does indicate diat

women tend to ruminate more than men, that rumination
has more negative effects in women than in men , and that
HI
rumination may account for a portion of the gender differ- M i
ences in depression ( Krause ct al., 2018; Nolcn - Hoekscma, L . i*.
2012; Nolcn - Hoeksema 8c Jackson , 2001 ). As we’ve dis-
cussed , girls are more likely than boys to be encouraged to
display and talk about emotions such as sadness, so rumi- r
nation may partially reflect gender socialization ( Chaplin,
Cole , 8c Zahn -Waxier, 2005; Fivush, Brotman, Buckner,
8c Goodman , 2000 ) . Nevertheless, a meta -analysis explor-
ing gender differences in rumination indicated a difference
L
-
of 0.23, which is considered a small effect ( Johnson 8c
Whisman, 2013 ) .
Women may also be predisposed to depression because
they highly value relationships with others and may feel par-
We all withhold our thoughts from those
ticularly distressed when those relationships aren’t going around us from time to time. Women
well . This theory is consistent with Chodorow’s ( 1978 ) are particularly likely to engage in self -
idea that women are more likely than men to develop a .
silencing however, as they are socialized
sense of self within the context of relationships with others to attend to and please others. This
( see Chapter 5 ). This may lead to self- silencing, in which tendency can contribute to developing
women both inhibit self-expression in order to please oth - depression. Regardless of your gender
ers and also sacrifice their own needs in order to maintain identity, how often do you silence
yourself ? What are the emotional costs of
relationships ( Jack 8c Dill, 1992 ). silencing your thoughts and emotions?
Cultural differences can contribute to self-silencing Are there any benefits to doing so?
too . For example, marianismo, a concept that under-
lies the gender socialization of Latinx girls and women,
encourages self-sacrifice and the repression of anger. In one study, researchers
found that women who adhered to marianismo showed consistently higher
levels of depression regardless of age and marital status ( Cespcdes 8c Huey,
2008 ) . In general , self-silencing is a risk factor for depression , and this has
been found among women of diverse ethnic backgrounds ( Grant, Jack,
Fitzpatrick , 8c Ernst, 2011; Gratch, Bassett, 8c Attra, 1995 ) . One study com -
paring Caribbean women who lived in the Caribbean with those who had
immigrated to Canada showed that those who had immigrated were higher I
j
in both self-silencing and depression ( Ali 8c Toner, 2001 ). This finding indi -
cated that they may have felt they couldn’t be their authentic selves in their
new country.
In addition , pressures on Black women to project an aura of strength , to
care for others selflessly, and to deprioritizc their own needs can result in dis-
tress that may not be acknowledged or treated ( Beauboef- Lafontant , 2007 ) .
Reflecting the cultural stereotype of the strong Black woman, one woman who
experienced depression said: “ No one ever knew there was anything wrong i
with me. Not anyone. I kept the facade up; I really did. [ But in the process] I felt !

!
smodiered ” ( p. 44 ). Research suggests diat Black women who more strongly

• : endorse this stereotype have higher levels of anxiety and depression and arc less
2.1 willing to seek treatment (Watson 8c Hunter, 2015 ) .
III Another dieory involves beliefs about the body. As we saw in Chapter 6, body
dissatisfaction is related to depression, and this pattern has been found across
die life span ( Muehlenkamp & Saris- Baglama, 2002; Paxton, Neumark-Sztaincr,
Hannan, 8c Eisenberg, 2006; Peat 8c Muehlenkamp, 2011; Szymanski 8c
Henning, 2007). For example, one study of midlife women showed that those
: who were dissatisfied with dieir bodies were more likely to be depressed, and
1' i diese results were similar for Black and White women ( Jackson et al., 2014 ).
Given these findings, seeing media images of unattainable beauty can contribute
i! to women feeling dissatisfied with and shameful about their own bodies, which
]• can lead to depression.
(! :
Doing Femininity Too Well Many of the previous explanations for depression
M have been criticized for conceptualizing it as a problem with the way women
diink ( Ussher, 2010, 2011). In other words, if women are depressed because
i
they ruminate, silence themselves, feel pressure to be strong, or feel shame about
i
their bodies, then it’s easy to assume diat dieir thinking style should be changed .
>
I
i'
- However, women are socialized to attend to their own emotional states and those
of odiers ( e.g., Chaplin et al., 2005; Fivush et al., 2000 ). Further, they’re taught
•!
•I from a very young age that how they look is an important part of who diey are and
that they should conform to narrow standards of beauty ( Fredrickson 8c Roberts,
1997; Moradi 8c Huang, 2008; Tatangelo, McCabe, Mellor, 8c Mealey, 2016 ).
» ; When women worry about maintaining relationships, put die needs of odiers
before themselves, and focus on their appearance, they arc “doing” femininity.
i! •
. Even though women are encouraged to “do” femininity, there’s a risk in
doing it too well because conforming to traditional gender roles may be asso-
ciated with poor mental health outcomes. Sonic studies have found that tra -
ditionally feminine traits are related to higher levels of depression ( Brazelton,
Green, 8c Gynthcr, 1996; Richmond, Levant, Smalley, 8c Cook , 2015; Tolman,
ill 2002; Tolman, Impett, Tracy, 8c Michael, 2006; Tolman 8c Porche 2000 ).
•
i! The fact that girls start to have higher rates of depression than boys at age 13
I ( Nolen- Hoeksema, 2001 ) has caused some researchers to hypothesize that gen -
der intensification, discussed in Chapter 5, may influence die development of
8 depression ( Priess, Lindberg, 8c Hyde, 2009 ).
Indeed, some specific aspects of the traditional, feminine gender role have
‘.i -
been linked to depression. For example, stay at - home mothers have higher rates
of depression than mothers who work eidier part - time or full - time, and diis is
particularly true for low-income modicrs ( Mendes, Saad , 8c McGeeney, 2012).
Also, being a caregiver for a spouse or parent has been linked with stress and
depression ( Baumgerten et al., 1992; Penning 8c Wu, 2015 ), and as discussed
in Chapter 11, the majority of caregivers arc women. One factor diat may

contribute to the increased distress is that those in caregiver roles don’t attend
to their own needs (Tatangelo, McCabe, Macleod, & You, 2018 ). One wife
caring for a spouse with dementia said, “ It’s a funny thing you don’t think about
your own needs. . . . I don’t concentrate on my needs at all ” ( p. 10 ). In general,
-
research suggests that having overly feminine traits that involve self sacrifice and
lack of self-care is related to increased levels of depression ( Helgeson, 1994;
Hclgeson, Swanson, Ra, Randall, 8c Zhao, 2015 ). In contrast, having a mix of
masculine and feminine traits has been linked to increased levels of well- being
( Vafaei , Ahmed , Freire, Zunzunegui, & Guerra, 2016 ).
Discrimination Women also encounter a great deal of life stress that can contrib -
ute to depression . To start, many women grow up in sexist environments in which
they learn that their needs should be secondary to others’. In one study, women
were interviewed about sexism widiin their families, and a recurring theme was
that they felt devalued as girls and as though their brothers were favored simply
because they were boys ( Atwood , 2001 ). These women also reported that their
parents ignored or dismissed incidents when their brothers became abusive. The
women were often teased about their weight by their parents or brothers, and
they worried a lot about being fat. Many participants described taking on the role
of the good girl, being extra pleasant and compliant in order to please their moth -
ers. The women in this study were all depressed to some degree. They described
a sense of powerlessness and felt diey were entided to less attention than others.
Mental health continues to be impacted as women encounter sexist environ-
ments outside the family. For example, sexual harassment at work has been con-
sistently related to mental health problems such as anxiety and depression, as well
as decreased psychological well - being ( Cantisano, Dominguez, 8c Depolo, 2008;
Gutck & Koss, 1993; Willness, Steel , 8c Lee, 2007). Another study showed that
experiencing everyday sexism such as being objectified, being called a derogatory
term ( e.g., bitch ) , or being told a sexist joke was common for young women
( occurring a few times a week ) and was related to increased depression, anxi -
ety, and anger (Swim , Hyers, Cohen , 8c Ferguson, 2001 ). In yet another study,
chronic sexual harassment in college was found to relate to higher levels of depres-
sion, anxiety, and substance abuse ( McGinley, Wolff, Rospenda, Liu, 8c Richman,
2016 ). In general, chronic experiences of sexism relate to women’s higher rates
of depression and other negative psychological symptoms ( Klonoffet al., 2000 ).
Sexism isn’t the only form of discrimination that can affect women’s mental
health. Depending on other aspects of their social identities, racism, homopho-
bia, and discrimination based on gender identity are among other forms that can
be harmful. Racism can negatively influence mental health for various reasons.
First, it causes members of racial/ethnic minority groups to have fewer edu-
cational and job opportunities and an increased likelihood of living in poverty
( Williams 8c Williams- Morris, 2000 ). Second, the experience of racial discrimi-
nation can be extremely distressing. A study of Latinx women found that those

who encountered racist discrimination were more likely to experience depression
Ji as well as shame about their bodies ( Velez, Campos, 8c Moradi, 2015 ). Another
—
=
r
1
study showed that die experience of racist microaggressions, leading to feel-
: ing like a second -class citizen or feeling invalidated, related to higher levels of
depression in an ethnically diverse group of largely female participants ( Nadal,
Griffin , Wong, Hamit, 8c Rasmus, 2014 ). Third , racist culture can lead racial/
ethnic minority group members to internalize negative evaluations of themselves
( Williams & Williams-Morris, 2000 ) . One study of Black American and Carib-
bean women and men found that internalized racism was related to depression
and other mental health problems ( Mouzon & McLean , 2017 ) . Discrimination
can also affect access to treatment. In one study, psychologists were found to be
less likely to offer therapy appointments when new clients called and were per-
ceived to be Black or from a lower-class background ( Ku gel mass, 2016 ).
The combination of racism and sexism can be especially damaging. For exam -
ple, Black women can be subject to comments that are both sexist and rac-
ist ( e.g., comments about a woman’s “sexy black ass”; Buchanan & Ormcrod,
2002, p. 113). One study showed that Black women who experienced racializcd
sexual harassment had more symptoms of trauma and distress than those who
experienced only gender discrimination , especially if the harassment was from a
White man ( Woods, Buchanan, 6c Settles, 2009 ).
j Discrimination against members of gender and sexual minority groups also
can have a significant negative impact. Several studies have shown that those in
the LGBTQ community are twice as likely to experience depression as those
1 who arc not ( D’Augelli, 2002; Gilman et al., 2001; Meyer, 2003 ) . Stressors
associated with being LGBQ, as well as the perceived stigma that others dis-
approve of one’s sexual orientation , have been linked with depression ( Lewis,
Derlega, Griffin, 8c Krowinski, 2003 ) . Individuals who arc transgender or gen -
der non -conforming also experience high rates of depression . Clinical levels of
depression were found in 44% of transgendcr individuals participating in one
-
I
i
study, and this outcome was strongly related to experiences of discrimination and
stigma ( Bockting, Miner, Swinburne-Romine, Hamilton , 8c Coleman, 2013).
Internalizing negative feelings about one’s sexual orientation has been linked
to depression and suicidal ideation in both lesbians and gay men ( Igartua, Gill ,
8c Montoro, 2009; McLaren , 2016 ). For women who hold both racial and
sexual minority identities, discrimination and internalized negative feelings
about the self can cause distress and decreased well - being. One study of women
who identified as both Latinx and sexual minority group members showed that
experiences of racial and heterosexist discrimination contributed to depression
( Velez, Moradi 8c DeBlacre, 2015 ). Internalizing racism and heterosexism also
contributed to depression and decreased life satisfaction and self-esteem.
Individuals with sexual minority identities are at increased risk for suicide
I too ( Igartua et al ., 2009 ). The riskiest time appears to be immediately after
coming out to one’s family, especially if the family’s reaction isn’t positive.

Bisexual women have been found to be at higher risk for suicidal thoughts
than lesbian women ( Shearer et al., 2016 ). The researchers speculate that this
may occur because even though there has been increasing acceptance of lesbian
women , there is less public acceptance of bisexuality.
An additional challenge for LGBTQ individuals is finding a therapist who is
affirming and not discriminatory ( American Psychological Association, 2012 ). A .•
.
*
particular concern is that die therapist might support conversion therapy. Conver-
sion therapy, or reparative therapy, seeks to change a client’s sexual orientation
from LGBQ to heterosexual ( Haldcman, 2002 ). Research has consistcndy shown
diat conversion therapy has harmful effects, including increased depressive symp-
toms, suicidality, social isolation , and decreased feelings of self-worth ( Flcntjc, Heck,
& Cochran , 2013; Haldeman, 2002; Serovich et al., 2008; Shidlo & Schroeder,
2002 ). As a result, many mental health organizations, including the American
Psychological Association, oppose die practice of conversion therapy. Yet in one
recent survey of family therapists across die country, nearly 1 in 5 of those sur-
veyed thought conversation therapy was ediical ( McGeorgc, Carlson, & Toomey,
2015 ). As of January 2018, 14 states as well as additional counties and districts have
banned the practice for minors ( Mallory, Brown, & Conron, 2018 ). It’s estimated
diat 698,000 LGBQ people have gone dirough conversion dierapy and diat many
more will experience it in those states diat haven’t banned the practice. Figure 13.1
indicates which states protect LGBQ youdi from conversion therapy.
FIGURE 13.1 States that protect LGBQ youth from conversion therapy. Conversion
therapy seeks to change the sexual orientation of those in the LGBQ community. As of
2018, these 14 states and the District of Columbia have banned this type of therapy for
minors. Despite being identified as ineffective and harmful by organizations such as the -t
_
American Psychological Association, conversion therapy is still legal in 36 states.
Note. Adapted from Human Rights Campaign website data, https://www.hrc.org/statc- maps
/convcrsion%20 thcrapy.

I
« fi
.f
!' i i Poverty In 2016, more than 16 million women in the United States ( approx-
imately 1 in 8 ) lived in poverty ( Patrick, 2017 ) . Women are 38% more likely to
be living in poverty than are men . These rates are higher for women of color
and women with disabilities than they are for White women without disabilities.
!
w
<
—
Poverty rates are also higher for single mothers almost 36% of single mothers
live in poverty, and there are 13.2 million children living in poverty ( Patrick,
i
!
2017 ). When including women who are at the brink of poverty, the numbers
more than double (Shriver & Center for American Progress, 2014 ).
i This high level of poverty has a significant effect on women’s mental health.
Some studies have found that rates of depression among poor women are
S
' t
approximately double that of the general population ( Belle 8c Doucet, 2003;
i
!|.; I .
Brown, 2012 ). Other studies identify even higher rates. For example, 40% of
poor, Black, single mothers in one study had symptoms consistent with clini-
it
cal depression ( Coiro, 2001 ). In a study of low-income White mothers, 54%

i
I
reported feeling down, depressed, or hopeless during the previous 12 months
.i ( Goldhagen, Harbin, 8c Forry, 2013 ) . In fact, poverty has been found to
i increase the risk of depression more than any chronic disease ( Brown , 2012 ).
.
Women living in poverty can experience food insecurity, hazardous neighbor-
hoods, over-crowded living situations, and homelessness ( Goodman, Smyth , Borges
8c Singer, 2009; Siefert, Bowman, Heflin, Danziger, 8c Williams, 2000 ). Being a
r. I
:
mother in poverty is particularly stressful. In one study, 69% of poor mothers felt
i
as though raising children was too difficult or too much responsibility ( Goldhagen
et al., 2013). Also, poor women face a great deal of discrimination, especially if they
receive public assistance ( Belle 8c Doucet, 2003). In one study, both White women
and women of color who received public assistance reported hearing comments
from others in the community that they were lazy, slobs, and bad parents; die
women of color reported being called racial epithets as well (Seccombc, James, 8c
V•
Walters, 1998 ). More recent research has shown that single mothers receiving wel-
i
t fare often perceive others as acting in rude or condescending ways toward them,
,i such as talking to them as though they were stupid ( Licgghio 8c Caragata, 2016 ).
Moreover, poor women are unlikely to receive adequate treatment for their
: depression. Fully 40% of welfare recipients in one study met the clinical cutoft
•I
for depression, but only 3% had received any form of treatment ( Coiro, 2001 ).
Barriers to treatment include being uninsured or under-insured , being unable to
miss time from work, having transportation issues, experiencing long wait times
!! •i
for an appointment, having challenges arranging child care, and having inter-
nalized stigma about psychological disorders ( Grote, Zuckoff, Swartz, Bledsoe,
It. 8c Geibel, 2007). Poor women may also have a history of negative interac-
tions with health-care providers and believe that a therapist would likely not
.
understand them or their situation or be able to help them ( Goodman , Pugach,
Skolnik, 8c Smith, 2013). Some women do find that their therapists take a judg-
i
1 ing, rather than a helpful, approach . For example, one woman reported that a
therapist called child protective services because she didn’t have sufficient food
*
It
:
' '
in her pantry ( Goodman et al., 2013 ). Another woman doubted that talk ther-
apy could help: “ Because talking may help, yes, but talking isn’t going to pro-
vide me with food . Talking isn’t going to get me a job” ( p. 188 ).
Violence and Abuse As we saw in Chapter 12, violence is a major problem i

:
for women , and experiencing it is related to higher rates of depression . One
older study suggested that up to 35% of the gender differences in depression
•
rates could be accounted for by gender differences in childhood sexual abuse

( Cuder & Nolcn - Hoekscma , 1991 ) . A more recent meta -analysis showed that
childhood sexual abuse approximately doubled the likelihood that someone
would experience major depression ( Lindert et al., 2014 ). However, childhood
sexual abuse is only one type of victimization. Another meta-analysis indicated
that psychological abuse and neglect were particularly strong risk factors for
depression ( Infurna et al., 2016 ), and physical abuse has also been found to
!l
increase depression risk ( Infurna et al., 2016; Lindert et al., 2014 ).
Violence in childhood is often interrelated and cumu-
lative. Instead of assessing the impact of different forms
of abuse separately, researchers have moved toward mea - your turn
suring how many negative childhood experiences one has
had. These adverse childhood experiences ( ACES ) include
Have you or someone you know ever ex-
physical abuse, sexual abuse, emotional abuse, neglect, perienced depression? If so. what did you
loss of a parent, and witnessing violence. ACES tend (or they) initially think was the reason for
—
to cluster individuals who experience one form often
experience multiple forms ( Chapman et al., 2004 ). Also,
it? Has reading this chapter changed your
thoughts about the causes of depression,
:
tiie more ACES that one experiences, the greater the both in general and for women in partic-
odds that one has depression . ular? How can women achieve positive
Violence experienced in adulthood can also contribute mental health when living in a sexist cul-
to depression . One meta - analysis indicated that women ture ? What can contribute to developing
resilience , even in the face of oppression?
who are depressed are 2.7 times more likely to have
had a violent partner than those who aren’t depressed
( Trevillion, Oram , Feder, & Howard , 2012 ). Another
study showed that women who experienced domestic violence while pregnant
were three times more likely to develop post-partum depression than women
who didn’t experience domestic violence while pregnant ( Howard, Oram,
Galley, Trevillion, & Feder, 2013 ) .
f .
! . !
Anxiety i
What are the gender differences in anxiety disorders, and what factors !
contribute to these differences?
Women have higher rates of almost all anxiety disorders than do men. Women :*
are four times more likely to have agoraphobia , which is anxiety related to

TT
x
> : being outside of the home or in a public place ( Bekker & van Mens-Vcrhulst,
2007 ). They’re three times more likely than men to have generalized anxiety
disorder, which involves chronic debilitating worry about many aspects of life.
Women are two to three times more likely than men to have panic disorder,
which involves panic attacks that appear unpredictably as well as fear about hav-
1
ing such attacks; and they’re twice as likely to have a specific phobia , or fear of
—
a specific object or activity such as spiders or hang gliding.
Reasons for women’s higher rates of anxiety than men’s are similar to
those for their higher rates of depression . For one thing, women may find it
r. more socially acceptable to discuss their anxiety and seek treatment ( Bcckkcr
& van Mens-Vcrhulst, 2007 ). Furthermore, since men are more likely than
r women to use alcohol to self- medicate their anxiety ( Bolton , Cox , Clara, &
i
Sareen, 2006 ), men may be under-diagnosed because the substance use would
ii i
mask their symptoms. Also, the life stress variables described previously —
—
'
i
i' discrimination, violence, and poverty contribute to women’s higher rates of
•i anxiety. Motherhood is also a tremendous source of anxiety. As we saw in Chap-
•!
ter 9, social pressures cause women to be anxious about what could happen to
:
J their children and about what they should be doing to maximize their children’s
chances of success ( Warner, 2006 ).
i: A specific feminist analysis has been made about agoraphobia . This analysis
holds that women’s higher rates of agoraphobia arc unsurprising given that their
social domain has historically been in the home ( Bekker, 1996; Callard, 2003 ).
:!$.
<i Women’s agoraphobia can be seen as relating to their lack of autonomy and
their traditional dependence on men ( Bekker Sc van Mens- Verhulst , 2007 ).
:
Post-traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD)

What factors make healing from trauma difficult, and how is this related
j
I!
to gender?
!. Although it was considered an anxiety disorder in previous editions of the

i
DSM, post-traumatic stress disorder ( PTSD) is included in a separate category
if
of trauma -related disorders in the DSM -5 ( American Psychiatric Association,
:<
i 2013 ). PTSD occurs after directly experiencing or witnessing a shocking or
frightening event. Symptoms include re-experiencing the event through dreams
or flashbacks, avoiding stimuli associated with the trauma, having a general
sense of numbness, and experiencing physiological reactivity such as being easily
starded or having insomnia. Traumas that can induce PTSD include war, sexual
!
; assault, natural disasters, and terrorism . Repeated experiences with microag-
gressions can also lead to the symptoms of traumatic stress ( Bryant- Davis &
.
i Ocampo, 2005; Rcisner et al., 2016; Torres & Taknint, 2015 ). For example,
in one study, experiences of racial microaggression were related to symptoms
:•
i
of trauma among Latinx individuals (Torres 8c Taknint,
2015 ). In another study of transgender adults, everyday
slights and discrimination were associated with PTSD
spotlight o n . .
symptoms, even after statistically accounting for prior
.
trauma experiences ( Reisner et al , 2016 ). Anxiety, Depression,
<:
Not everyone who experiences trauma develops B
PTSD, though . For example, in one study, while most and Social Media Use
participants ( 78.2 % ) had experienced some sort of Social media use can contribute to anxiety r
trauma in their lifetime, only 6.4% of women and 3.6% and depression . In a New York Times
of men had current symptoms of PTSD ( Frissa, Hatch, article, psychologist Leonard Sax asked
Gazard , Fear, 8c Hotopf, 2013 ) . Some researchers note readers to "imagine [ a ] girl sitting in her
that the fact that women develop PTSD at higher rates bedroom, alone. She's scrolling through
than do men may be related to the different types of other girls' Instagram and Snapchat feeds.
trauma that women and men experience ( Tolin 8c Foa, She sees Sonya showing off her new bikini;
Sonya looks awesome. She sees Madison at
2006 ). For example, men are more likely to be exposed
a party, having a blast . She sees Vanessa
to war trauma, and women are more likely to experi -
with her adorable new puppy. And she
ence trauma related to rape and sexual assault. But this
thinks: I ' m just sitting here in my bedroom,
doesn’t account for all the differences. The researchers not doing anything . My life sucks." ( Sax ,
found that, even when women and men experienced 2016, para . 6). This scenario is probably an
the same trauma , women generally had higher PTSD accurate reflection of reality. In one study,
rates than men . Another study supported this finding a female participant noted that " I feel like
when looking specifically at combat trauma ( Kline et al., [Facebook] consumes you . . . you can' t live
2013 ). These researchers noted that the pattern may your normal life because you see everyone
reflect the fact that men have considerably more social else ' s. . . . it makes you think your life is not
support in the military than women do. For example, as fun or as exciting or interesting than
women and men serving in Iraq had similar levels of other peoples' " ( Fox & Moreland, 2015,
p.172) .
exposure to combat , but the men reported feeling more
Fear of missing out ( FOMO) has been
prepared and having a greater sense of cohesiveness with
found to relate to lower life satisfac-
their unit. The researchers also suggested that other faction and less positive mood ( Przybylski, 3
tors, such as sexual harassment and gender discrimina- Murayama , DeHaan , & Gladwell , 2013 ) .
tion , may increase women’s psychological distress in the Social media use also can lead to compar-
military and, consequently, their susceptibility to PTSD. ing one's real life with the curated lives of
The original conceptualization of PTSD involved others, promoting envy and a sense of in -
experiencing one traumatic episode ( Hcrman-Lewis, adequacy (Appel, Gerlach, & Crusius, 2016 ).
1992 ), but researchers and clinicians have, more How do you use social media ? Do you
recently, identified a different set of trauma responses experience fear of missing out or com -
described by survivors who faced ongoing, prolonged pare yourself to others? Do you think this
contributes to experiencing symptoms of
interpersonal violence during childhood and adolescence
depression or anxiety ?
( Courtois 8c Ford , 2009 ) . In diese cases, symptoms of
complex PTSD include an inability to foster stable rela -
tionships, stress- related physical ailments, and difficulty
maintaining boundaries and personal safety ( Pearlman
8c Courtois, 2005 ). Although complex PTSD isn’t in
561
i' j the DSM -5, it’s a diagnosis that appears in the 11th edition of the World Health
sr
i .I Organization’s International Classification of Diseases ( released in 2018 ) and
! has been found to most strongly relate to cumulative interpersonal violence
i! ; experienced in childhood ( Karatzias et al ., 2017; World Health Organization,
2018 ). In the past, many women with complex PTSD have been misdiagnosed
t
and , instead , have received stigmatizing diagnoses ( e.g., borderline personality
—
disorder discussed later in this chapter ) that may not have been helpful in their
treatment ( Courtois 8c Ford , 2009 ).
The effects of trauma can also be transmitted intergen -
erationally. Historical trauma is unresolved grief that affects
an individual or a group in successive generations of those
< who have suffered significant trauma ( Grayshield , Rutherford ,
| I . Salazar, Mihecoby, & Luna, 2015 ). For example, post-
,v
I traumatic slave syndrome describes the idea that the trauma -
\
V? tization of slavery and its legacy ( i.e., racism , discrimination,
* \
I
>
• *
tfv A and marginalization ) continues to manifest in psychological
'
i .
v mf
Y A .V *'
-. • V • 'and behavioral concerns among contemporary Black Ameri -
cans ( Leary, 2005; Sotero, 2006 ). Other research shows that
p\ \
V
\ Native American people who descended from generations of

< i
i
i. - > Vv
it . Uu ‘
‘V Ji
I
those forced into residential schools where abuse and neglect

%
i were rampant continue to suffer from psychological distress

. . >. . s-
•«
v
* i
( Bombay, Matheson, & Anisman , 2014 ) .
Although psychologists’ understanding of how trauma can
*
:
!
i
affect people across generations is still in its infancy, research
<•
suggests that both biological and psychological mechanisms
L '.' 1
contribute to transmitting the effects of trauma intergenera -

ii (
tionally ( Lehrncr & Yehuda, 2018; Meloni , 2017 ). Studies
"*
j
i
on children and grandchildren of Holocaust survivors showed
i a higher likelihood of historical trauma if their mother or
i
grandmother had PTSD than if their father did ( for a review,
see Lehrner & Yehuda , 2018 ) . This finding has led some
!{
researchers to explore the potential influence of trauma on
;! pre - natal development; others believe die difference can be
In this photo. Holocaust survivor Livia
.f i
Ravek is pictured with her grandson, explained by die fact that mothers generally play a larger role
than fathers in child rearing ( Bowers & Yehuda, 2016 ).
i
r.
Daniel Philosoph. She was tattooed
i!
with the number 4559 while a
prisoner in Auschwitz. Her grandson
In contrast, other research shows evidence of post -
traumatic growth^ or positive psychological changes as a
i had the same number tattooed on his
il result of experiencing trauma. For example, contemporary
*; arm more than 60 years later . This
practice has been described as a way Black Americans may have also inherited legacies of strengdi,
}! to make the intergenerational trauma spirituality, perseverance, vitality, dynamism , and resilienq'
»
•
of the Holocaust visible ( Brouwer & ( Hicks, 2015 ). Another study, which focused on Brazilian
Horwitz, 2015 ). Holocaust survivors and their children, showed that die
degree to which survivors developed dieir own stories about

their experience with trauma influenced resiliency in their
children ( Braga, Mello Sc Fiks, 2012). In some cases, chil-
dren revisited places of historical importance to re-create
try it for yourself
a trauma narrative and to enhance a collective bond and a
Many feminists consider the diagnosis of
renewed engagement in political and social action .
complex PTSD to be empowering because
it's a way to acknowledge how a history
of repeated trauma can lead to psycho-
Eating Disorders logical problems. Think about how diag-
noses shape people's lives, in general, as
What eating disorders are identified in the DSM, and well as how this one may, in particular.
how are they related to gendered messages about When should diagnoses be created and
used? When are diagnoses helpful, and
women's bodies?
when do they do more harm than good?
Gender also influences the development of eating disorders. Ask friends and family members the
In one study, Austrian adolescents were screened for eating same questions. Do you get consistent
responses or a range? Do you notice any
disorders, and 30.9% of die women were considered at risk
patterns to what people share?
but only 14.6% of the men were ( Zeiler et al ., 2016 ). As we I*
;i
saw in Chapter 6, dominant cultural messages that promote
a thin ideal create an environment of risk for young women . Internalizing these
messages and believing that one must be thin in order to be beautiful is a main !
risk factor for eating disorders ( Culbert, Racine, & Klump, 2015 ). However, ••
ii
Black women are less likely than White women to internalize the thin ideal,
and research suggests they’re also likely to find larger bodies attractive and are
more likely to be satisfied with their bodies ( Kronenfeld, Reba- Harrelson, Von
Holle, Reyes, Sc Bulik, 2010; Neumark -Sztainer et al., 2002 ). Black women also !
report experiencing fewer pressures to be thin, especially from their peers and i
the media ( Ordaz et al., 2018 ). Overall, research suggests that White women :
engage in dieting behavior more frequently and have higher rates of eating dis-
orders than women of color; however, women of color do engage in binge eat-
ing at rates that approach those of White women (Striegel-Moore et al., 2003; i
Talleyrand, 2012 ).
Not all women who are exposed to the thin ideal develop an eating disorder.
In addition to cultural factors, other variables make some women more suscepti-
ble to internalizing this norm and developing an eating disorder. These include f.
}•
both genetic and environmental risk factors, such as abuse and a history of
being bullied or teased about weight ( Culbert et al., 2015; Neumark-Sztainer,
Falkner, Story, Perry, Sc Hannan, 2002).
The DSM -5 identifies several kinds of eating disorders. Anorexia nervosa
involves restricting one’s intake of food to the point that a significant reduction
in body weight occurs ( American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Fear of gaining
weight and disturbance in how one’s weight is perceived are also part of this
disorder. Less than 1% of the population has anorexia, but it’s three times more
common in women than in men ( Hudson, Hiripi, Pope, & Kessler, 2007).

!
The mortality rate for anorexia is higher than for any other eating disorder. A
meta-analysis indicated that approximately 5.1% of people with anorexia died
per year, and 1 in 5 of those who died had committed suicide (Arcelus, Mitchell,
Wales, & Nielsen, 2011 ). Moreover, researchers have found that women with
'.i anorexia are likely to be shy and socially isolated , and they typically experience
shame about themselves and their bodies (Treasure, Corcfield, Sc Cardi, 2012 ).
They also tend to compare themselves to others, be perfectionistic, and be more
submissive than women without anorexia . Anorexia can be a way of coping with
I
—
shame and a response to feeling socially excluded it can also provide a sense
of control .
Bulimia nervosa is characterized by binge eating episodes in which a person
cats a great deal in a brief period of time and feels out of control while doing so
( American Psychiatric Association , 2013 ). It also involves compensatory behav-
ior such as throwing up, exercising excessively, or using laxatives. Bulimia is
more common in the general population than anorexia and affects 1% to 2%
of women (Smink, van Hoekcn , 3c Hoek, 2012 ) . It has many of the same risk
factors as anorexia, including idealization of the thin ideal , a sense of perfection -
ism , and a generally negative emotional state ( Culbert ct al ., 2015; Stice, 2002 ).
Having parents and peers who model body dissatisfaction and eating pathology
j: is another risk factor for bulimic symptoms (Stice , 2002 ) . Bulimia is also strongly
); related to heavy drinking and depression ( Keski - Rahkoncn et al., 2013).
fi
»• •
'
Women constantly encounter
: magazines such as these,
i
: and they contribute to the
.2 message that girls and
women should strive to be
thinner. Given this context, it
is unsurprising that women RTH OF
)
r*
m ^sis
have such high rates of
' eating disorders. Do you read U
;i
magazines like these ? Do you c
know people who do? Do VAli
. SEXY
22 you think they affect the way
women view their bodies?
*
r'
-
!
How can women navigate our
culture without developing an
eating disorder ?

Binge eating disorder is a diagnosis that was added
-
to the DSM 5. This disorder involves recurrent epi -
sodes of binge eating in which a person feels distressed
spotlight o n . . 0
and disgusted over each episode ( American Psychiatric
Association , 2013 ) . About 2.6% of women and 1.1% Thinspiration
of men arc diagnosed with binge eating disorder over
the course of their lifetimes ( Kessler et al ., 2013 ). The Internet provides people with eating
disorders a way to receive social support ,
However, data from one study looking at a general
but it also contains material that can
sample of people in the community, rather than those
reinforce body concerns, such as images of
seeking treatment for an eating disorder, showed extremely thin women. Some people tag
that men engage in overeating, which is related to these images so they're easy to find, such
binge eating, more than women do (Striegcl - Moore as with the thinspiration tag on Pinterest
et al ., 2009 ). ( Erchull, 2015 ) . To avoid the explicit focus
Because there are no compensatory behaviors in on thinness, others use the fitspiration tag. I
binge eating disorder, people with this disorder tend Girls can encounter these types of
to be higher weight. Given our culture of fat shaming, images, as well as tips for losing weight ,
higher- weight individuals who binge cat may internal - on pro- anorexia, or pro- ana, websites
(Dias, 2013; Harshbarger, Ahlers- Schmidt,
ize a sense of shame about their weight. In one study,
Mayans, Mayans, & Hawkins, 2009; Norris,
internalizing a bias against being higher weight was
Boydell , Pinhas, & Katzman, 2006 ) . Such
related to depression and other poor health outcomes
sites may provide support and a respite
in individuals with binge eating disorder ( Pearl , White,
from shame and isolation for women who
& Grilo, 2014 ) . Moreover, higher- weight people arc live with eating disorders and aren't ready
often teased or bullied by others. In fact, research has to be in recovery ( Dias, 2013; Overbeke,
shown that being teased about one’s weight is related 2008 ). However, the sites can also be trig -
to greater incidences of binge eating ( Hcrbozo, Stevens, gering for women who don' t have eating
& Thurston , 2017; Ncumark-Sztainer et al ., 2002; disorders or are in recovery . In one study,
Vartanian Sc Porter, 2016 ). Teasing causes distress and a over 12% of seventh - through ninth- grade
tendency to compare oneself negatively to others; binge girls had visited these sites, and doing so
eating can be seen as a way to cope with the negative was related to greater body dissatisfac-
tion ( Custers & Van den Bulck, 2009 ) . In
feelings that this causes.
another study, female college students
Although the rates of clinically diagnosable eating
viewing such a site, compared to those
disorders are relatively low, the rates of behaviors related viewing a fashion site, were more likely to
to eating disorders are quite high. Table 13.1 shows perceive themselves as being overweight
data from a study of predominantly White women and and had lower self - esteem (Bardone- Cone
men , ages 18 to 35 , about the percentage of participants & Cass , 2007 ) .
who reported either very often or always engaging in When and where have you encountered
certain behaviors ( Striegel - Moore et al., 2009 ). Body thinspiration and fitspiration images and
checking ( c.g., pinching oneself to see the amount of messages? How can social support be
fat; monitoring to see if one’s fat jiggles or spreads ) and provided to those who struggle with eating
body avoidance ( e.g., wearing baggy clothing; avoiding disorders but aren ' t yet ready to seek
i mirrors ) were quite common , as was losing control over treatment ?
eating. A study of Austrian adolescents from grades 5

through 11 had similar results; 29% of girls and 14% ot
565
i' f *
, j
* TABLE 13.1 Symptoms of Eating Disorders Experienced by
:
i
Women and Men
!
: Symptom Women (%) Men (%)
! Binge eating at least once a week 10.0 8.0
Body avoidance 11.3 4.4
Body checking 22.5 8.9
Fasting 6.3 4.0
Loss of control over eating 29.6 20.0

, I;
Over-eating 18.0 26.0
4«
Using laxatives 3.1 3.0
Vomiting 3.7 1.5

i; *
Note. Data from Striegcl Moorc et al. ( 2009 ).
-
:
i boys felt like they lost control over their eating, 28% of
i
girls and 11% of boys felt as though they were fat when
i
your turn others said they were thin, and 31% of girls and 23% of
boys said that thinking about food dominated their lives
How does our culture’s obsession with
: r ( Zeiler et al., 2016 ).
thinness affect your relationship with
!; ! j Overall, given our cultural idealization of the thin female
your body and food? How might this be
if
different if you had a different gender
body, many women engage in behaviors that are symptom -
identity? How can women avoid develop- atic of eating disorders. A good question for future research
ing an eating disorder in this culture? may not be why some women develop eating disorders but,
rather, how most women resist them .
\
Borderline Personality Disorder

What is borderline personality disorder, and how has it been historically
;
diagnosed in a way that can be considered sexist?
)
Borderline personality disorder (BPD) is defined in the DSM -5 as involving a
!
poor sense of self, including self-criticism and feelings of emptiness, and impair-
ments in interpersonal relationships, including impaired empathy and intimacy
1
(American Psychiatric Association, 2013). A classic symptom of BPD is an inter-
personal pattern of neediness and alternating between extreme idealization and
devaluation. In other words, someone with BPD may absolutely love someone
one day and then, in response to a perceived slight or abandonment, absolutely
hate that person the next day. Other symptoms include anxiousness, separa-
tion anxiety, depression, and impulsivity. Individuals with BPD often engage in
S

:7
impulsive behavior, such as shopping or gambling sprees, and may engage in

self-injurious behavior such as cutting. i •
Traditionally, the understanding of BPD was extremely gendered, and until

recently, indications were that around 75% of people diagnosed were women
(Shaw & Proctor, 2005 ). However, that number was generated from studies
of individuals who sought treatment and received this diagnosis. Recent epide-
miological work investigating rates of BPD among a general sample of people,
as opposed to only those who have sought therapy, has shown that women and
—
men have BPD at equal rates around 6.2% of women and 5.6% of men over
the course of their lives (Sansone & Sansone, 2011 ). Women and men were
found to typically display different symptoms. Women were more likely to have
depression, anxiety, eating disorders, and symptoms of trauma; men were more
likely to have explosive traits such as anger outbursts and to engage in substance
abuse. Given the higher rates of substance abuse among men, those men with
BPD are more likely to receive substance abuse treatment rather than traditional
psychotherapy, which may explain why they might not have been identified in
earlier assessments of prevalence.
The traditional practice of over-diagnosing women with this disorder has been an
example of gender bias in die field. Feminist scholars have argued that BPD diag-
noses were given bodi to women who rejected feminine norms and acted angry as
well as to those who acted in ways consistent with feminine norms but turned their
distress inward in the form of self-injury ( Chesler, 2005; Shaw & Proctor, 2005 ).
—
For diis reason, BPD was conceptualized in pejorative ways it was a diagnosis given
to patients whom therapists found difficult to deal with (Shaw & Proctor, 2005 ).
BPD is also strongly linked to experiences of childhood trauma, including i
emotional and sexual abuse; it’s estimated that 40% to 70% of people with BPD
have experienced child abuse ( Ball & Links, 2009 ). An interpersonal pattern of
idealization and devaluation can make sense in the context of an abuse history in
which the person whom the victim loves the most is also the one who’s being abu-
sive. Given that childhood trauma is an important factor in BPD, a diagnosis of
complex PTSD may be more appropriate for some who are diagnosed with BPD
( Ford & Courtois, 2014 ). This may be an especially useful perspective because
the diagnosis of complex PTSD doesn’t have the same negative connotations
as the diagnosis of BPD. However, other research has suggested that complex
>
PTSD can be distinguished from BPD because participants with BPD were more
concerned with abandonment, were more likely to have unstable relationships,
and were more impulsive ( Cloitre, Garvert, Weiss, Carlson, & Bryant, 2014)
:
The link between child abuse and BPD is complicated. For example, parents
who are impulsive and hostile may genetically pass down impulsive and hos- : s:•
.
tile traits as well as raise their children in an unstable and violent environment
( Bornovalova et al., 2013 ). Furthermore, children who are aggressive or overly • .
anxious may contribute to stress experienced by their parents, w'hich could I

increase the risk that the parents wall mistreat them. Research using twins has

i.
E M P O W E R I N G|J
OR OPPRESSING?
i
Pre-menstrual Dysphoric Disorder

he diagnostic category pre-menstrual dys- and dismissing legitimate emotions that women may feel
T phoric disorder (PMDD) was added to the

DSM -5 to be applied when women have symp-
toms of depression that start before the onset
of their period and end soon after the period is over. In the
previous edition, PMDD was included in an appendix as a
when they have their periods (Ussher . 2011) . For example,
women are often dismissed as just " PMSing" when they’re
appropriately expressing anger , and there’ s concern that
having an official PMDD diagnosis could worsen this
misperception. Indeed, it ’s important to validate emotions
diagnosis requiring further study, and there was consider- that occur pre- menstrually. Research suggests that in
able controversy about moving PMDD into the main part couples where there is inadequate expression of emotions
of the DSM (Zachar 8i Kendler, 2014 ). and inadequate support , PMS symptoms are more severe
On the one hand, many women find a PMDD diagno- ( Ussher, 2011). Women who are overburdened all month
sis helpful in describing and managing their symptoms , long may find they can ' t cope as well as they did before
Approximately 3% to 8% of women meet the criteria for their period, or their period may provide an acceptable
PMDD. and 13% to 18% have some symptoms that cause reason to express their distress. As a result , women may
distress or impairment ( Halbreich, Borenstein, Pearlstein, express anger that they felt all month but otherwise sup-
81 Kahn, 2003 ). Knowledge of PMDD can help women ac- pressed during the premenstrual phase. If a woman re-
cess treatment that they may not otherwise receive. ceives a PMDD diagnosis, others may be more likely to
On the other hand, many feminists see PMDD as a way dismiss negative emotions expressed during her period.
a
;! » of pathologizing women's natural reproductive processes Another concern is that PMDD was added to the DSM-5
because doing so benefited pharmaceutical companies.
Even before PMDD was officially added to the DSM , the drug
company Eli Lilly re-packaged Prozac as Sarafem to be pre-
scribed to women diagnosed with PMDD. This was a profit-
able move, considering that the Prozac patent had expired
and releasing it under a new name for a different diagnosis
j let the company extend the patent. In fact , one of the justi-
fications for including PMDD in the DSM-5 was that a med-
ication had already been developed to treat it (Cosgrove &
Wheeler, 2013). Moreover. 75% of the mood disorders task
force members working on the DSM -5 had ties to the phar-
maceutical industry (Cosgrove 8i Wheeler. 2013). Given this
background, many psychologists are concerned that includ-
When women express negative emotions, they're ing PMDD in the DSM-5 was a move driven by drug compa-
i
often asked if they're having their period or are nies that will cause people to minimize the social realities of
' " PMSing . " This reaction dismisses or minimizes women's distress and focus only on biological explanations.
women ' s real experiences of sadness, frustration, Have you or someone you know ever had real anger or
;
and anger . frustration dismissed as ’’PMSing "? Do you think a PMDD
:
diagnosis is empowering or oppressing?
568
shown that, while there’s a link between child abuse and BPD, some of that link
involves shared genetic traits ( Bornovalova ct al ., 2013 ). Other researchers have
begun to look outside of the family for contributors to BPD. In one study, peer
teasing was related to symptoms of BPD above and beyond the contribution of
family factors ( Stitt, Francis, Field, 3c Carr, 2015 ).
Feminist Therapy
How are feminist therapists similar to and different from traditional
therapists?
Feminist therapists, like all other therapists, seek to relieve their clients’ distress.
In their work they use a variety of research -supported techniques to treat men -
tal illness, including cognitive behavioral approaches. They may also prescribe
medications as appropriate or work in coordination with a psychiatrist who pre-
scribes medications. However, feminist therapists conceptualize their clients’
problems more broadly than traditional therapists do. Instead of viewing mental
illness solely as a disease that manifests within a person , feminist therapists also
view it as a response to the relative powerlcssness experienced by socially mar-
ginalized groups. Therefore, feminist therapists see mental illness in women par-
tially as a response to patriarchy ( Israeli 3c Santor, 2000 ). In emphasizing that
the personal is political, feminist therapists sec a woman’s depression, anxiety, or
other disorders not just as arising from biology or dysfunctional thinking styles,
but also as arising from her situation in a sexist society ( Worell 3c Remer, 1992 ).
Therefore, feminist therapy focuses on more than making women feel better.
Feminist therapists help women see how their problems reflect broader social
issues. Feminist therapists also often work to change aspects of society, such as
reducing violence against women or advocating for an adequate minimum wage
and increased support for women living in poverty ( Kahn , 2000 ).
Let’s imagine, as an example, a Black lesbian experiencing racism, sexism , and
homophobia . She may experience depression and have thoughts such as “ People
hate me and I am worthless” ( Brown, 2006, pp. 20-21 ). A traditional therapist
may diagnose major depression and begin cognitive therapy designed to help
this woman challenge and change her irrational thinking. A feminist therapist
may also use these approaches but would additionally recognize the broader sys-
tems of power and discrimination that influence this woman’s life. The feminist
therapist would be more likely to consider that the woman’s thoughts may not
be a cognitive distortion but may reflect the disempowerment she experiences
as a result of discrimination. The feminist therapist might also work to reduce
discrimination and encourage this client to develop stronger social networks to
also collectively promote change.
Feminist Therapy
:! ; !I
;
' !
P
:
!
Because of this perspective, a primary goal of feminist therapy is to help cli -
:
develop a feminist consciousness ( Brown, 2004 ). In other words, feminist
!'
ents
therapists help clients distinguish internal and external sources of distress so
! they don’t unnecessarily blame themselves for their mental health concerns. As
Hi the clients’ feminist consciousness increases, they may experience relief from
their distress. In one study of primarily White women who participated in
i
feminist consciousness- raising groups, researchers found a decrease in depres-
i
sive symptoms and an increase in self-esteem ( Weitz, 1982 ). Although con -
sciousness- raising groups are no longer as popular as they were in the 1970s,
; i feminist therapists continue to work to alleviate women’s suffering by helping
!
them to realize the links between dieir own experiences and wider social struc-
I tures ( Marecek, 2017 ). Support groups for women still exist , especially for
1
women in abusive relationships ( Tutty, Babins-Wagner, 8c Rothery, 2016 ).
!i :
These groups help women understand the dynamics of their relationships,
it including the influences of gender role socialization. They also help women
build skills to develop and maintain healthy and safe relationships. Research
i
suggests that such groups improve women’s general mental health and self-
i\
!
i esteem ( Tutty et al., 2016 ).
:
r, r
;
1 • 11 • Feminist Therapy = Good Therapy

i:
li!
.
Many techniques associated with feminist therapy are now considered essen -
tial parts of good therapy for everyone and are used by practitioners who may
i ; not identify as feminists ( Brown , 2006 ). For example, feminist therapists see
:
the therapeutic relationship as collaborative and egalitarian ( Rader 8c Gilbert,
i
: 2005; Worell 8c Remer, 1992 ). In this view, the therapist isn’t considered an
all- powerful expert but, rather, acts as a partner in helping the client. Creating
a collaborative therapeutic relationship in which the client feels truly heard and
. understood has been identified as a key component of successful treatment in all
.
types of therapies (Ackerman 8c Hilsenroth, 2003 ).
i Also, feminist therapists may be more likely than non -feminist ones to tell cli -
! j ents about their own experiences, a practice known as self-disclosure ( Mahalik,
Van Ormer, 8c Simi, 2000; Worell 8c Remer, 1992 ). For example, if a client
; struggles to balance work and family responsibilities, a therapist who faces
similar challenges may disclose her own experiences and strategies for coping.
< i Such self-disclosure promotes trust, empathy, and a sense of equality between
:»«
: therapist and client. The American Psychological Association ( APA ) supports
appropriate levels self-disclosure when it can benefit the client but discourages
fl self-disclosure if it would impair the therapist’s competence, effectiveness, or
objectivity ( Behnke, 2015 ). A meta-analysis examining the effects of counselor
\'
i . self-disclosure in therapy showed that self-disclosure was related to positive
*•
i!
I!
outcomes, including more disclosure by the client, positive feelings toward
die therapist, and an increased desire to continue therapy ( Henretty, Currier,
Berman, 8c Levitt, 2014 ).
Another component that has been integrated into feminist therapy that has
also become a part of any good therapy is a focus on multicultural compe-
tence. Being able to recognize how multiple, intersecting aspects of clients’
social identities influence their lives is an important part of understanding
clients and developing good therapeutic relationships. Multicultural thera -
pists are keenly aware of the dangers of stereotypes and assumptions about
universality of experience when working with clients of diverse backgrounds
( Enns, 2012 ) . In 2003, the APA developed guidelines for therapists to be
trained in multicultural competence, and an updated version was approved
in 2017 ( American Psychological Association, 2003, 2017 ). Competence
involves being aware of how therapists’ own cultures influence their world -
view, and understanding how their own social and cultural identities ones
—
often associated with greater power and privilege assist them in navigating
—
the world .
A multiculturally competent therapist would also consider how cultural
socialization informs mental health. For example, it’s useful for all therapists
to understand that a cultural emphasis on saving face and not exposing per-
sonal weakness among some clients with Asian identities may make it difficult
for those individuals to seek treatment and openly talk about their problems
( Au , 2017 ) . Similarly, some women place great value on their roles as wives and
mothers. In one study, a group of South Asian women who were survivors of
IPV reported that disclosing their abuse caused others in their community to
view them as “ mentally weak” and as “inadequate wives and mothers” (Singh 8c
Hays, 2008, p. 98 ). The group leader noted that therapy was improved when
members had time to socialize before group and when the start and stop times
of the group were flexible.
Multicultural competency means applying knowledge about the values of a
particular group on an individualized basis. In other words, while understand -
ing cultural differences is important, every individual from a given culture is
a unique person, so it’s also important not to stereotype. For example, not
all Asian American clients are concerned about saving face. Knowing when to
generalize about a client’s cultural heritage and when to consider that person’s
unique situation has been labeled dynamic sizing (Sue, 1998 ). Clinicians develop
flexibility so they can recognize that a client’s situation may be a complicated
blend of individual and cultural factors.
Psychologists are also beginning to talk about class competency and how to
modify traditional psychotherapy practice when working with people with lower
incomes. This perspective emphasizes the benefits of therapists being aware of
their own beliefs about social class and poverty and being willing to discuss the
Feminist Therapy 571

: : i
>!
role of poverty in tlieir clients’ mental health ( Goodman et al ., 2013 ). Psychol -
ogists may also have to modify how they conduct their practice. For example,
therapists may need to travel to community agencies in order meet clients where
j it’s convenient for diem radier dian convenient for the therapist ( Goodman
ct al., 2013 ). Therapists may also help clients to access resources. The client
discussed earlier who complained diat her previous therapist had reported her
to social services for not having food described a different experience with her
current therapist: “ If I’m low on food , you know, it’s okay, ‘Come on we’ll have
a session in the car headed for the food pantry’ . . . You know, just providing me
with resources that I don’t know of ’ ( p. 189 ) .
Not only are many feminist approaches generally considered good therapy, but
dicy draw from a wade variety of dierapeutic perspectives. For example, feminist
r !i therapists may use cognitive behavioral techniques to help clients change their
it thinking styles ( Brown, 2006 ). Many feminist therapists who work closely wadi
!!!i! patients who’ve experienced trauma use a variety of techniques, including exposure
to memories of die trauma and narrative techniques that
encourage w'omcn to tell their story and re - frame their
experience as one of survival rather than victimization
( Brosi & Rolling, 2010; Marecek, 2017).
Another approach involves integrating the practice
of mindfulness into treatment. Mindfulness, which is
based in Buddhist philosophical thought, involves a
non - judgmental acceptance of one’s sensations and
emotions as well as what has happened in one’s life.
It can be fostered through meditation , attending to
breathing, or activities such as yoga or tai chi . Mind -
fulness is an increasingly popular therapeutic practice
and has been consistently related to therapeutic ben -
efits. A meta -analysis of over 200 studies showed that
mindfulness- based interventions were effective in alle-
viating a wdde variety of problems, including stress,
anxiety, and depression ( Khoury et al ., 2013 ).
Mindfulness can be particularly helpful for w'omen
who have experienced trauma, which often involves a
cycle of attempting to suppress memories of the expe -
Dr . Laura Brown, who contributed the nearby rience but then experiencing unwanted memories and
Spotlight feature, is a renowned feminist
flashbacks. Facilitating a mindful acceptance of what
therapist. She has written or edited more
than 10 books and has produced over 150
happened, in the absence of self- judgment or blame,
additional professional publications. She can help stop this negative cycle and reduce intrusive
identifies the construct of Tikkun Olam , the thoughts, avoidance, and shame ( Boyd , Lanius, &
Hebrew term for “healing the world," as McKinnon, 2018; Follcttc, Palm , & Pearson, 2006 ).
central to her work . When women are distressed due to experiences of
abuse or violence, acceptance of what happened is
Chapter 13 Mental Health

often a path to decreasing self- blame and being able to
move on ( Usshcr, 2011 ). One woman who had been
sexually abused said , “ I’ve accepted diat it’s happened,
spotlight o n . . t-
and I think Fve just got to deal with any sort of effect
it’s having on me now. Which otherwise, I’d just go on Being a Feminist
living . . . an’ letting it take over everything, and it would
ruin my life ” ( p . 187 ) . Therapist
Contributed by Laura Brown, PhD
Feminist Techniques In my culture, we say, "To heal one life is

to heal the world, " and feminist therapy
Even though there’s a great deal of overlap between allows me to heal the world one hour and
feminist therapy and good therapeutic practices in gen - one life at a time.
eral , therapists who self- idcntify as feminist therapists are Feminist therapy has facilitated the
formation of meaningful connections with
more likely to use certain techniques ( Moradi, Fischer,
many of my clients. We' ve written together
Hill , Jome, 8c Blum, 2000 ). These include focusing
about our work, mourned shared losses
on how the personal is political , encouraging clients to together , and come to see one another
take care of themselves instead of prioritizing or only as equal human beings striving toward
focusing on the needs of others, and assisting clients empowerment. When colleagues complain
with increasing their own assertiveness and autonomy about burnout, I don't relate because this
( Moradi ct al ., 2000 ) . Moreover, feminist therapists can model keeps me fully engaged with those
be agents of social change ( Singh 8c Burncs, 2010 ). I work with.
Like other feminist therapists, l under -
Promoting Consciousness Raising Emphasizing that stand my clients' distress and behavior in
the personal is political can be considered part of con- the framework of a larger cultural and po -
litical lens. Problematic behaviors are often
sciousness raising for clients ( Israeli 8c San tor, 2000 ).
attempts to overcome danger , violation, or
For example, feminist therapists can help clients see their
persistent unfairness, which decrease qual-
personal problems as part of larger structural problems,
ity of life. If a diagnosis is required, I arrive
such as the sexist oppression of women. For such clients, at it collaboratively with my client .
this realization can reduce self- blame and increase empa - Feminist therapists also seek to situate
thy and kindness toward die self ( Richmond , Geiger, 8c their offices so they will be welcoming to
Reed , 2013 ). diverse people. This might mean being
This was the case for a White, female law student near a bus line and /or in a neighborhood
who experienced depression, insomnia, and anxiety that where people of many identities will feel
interfered with her academic and social lives ( Richmond safe and not at risk of harassment. With
et al., 2013 ). She described her father as strict, verbally regard to fees, I balance personal financial
security with being available to clients
abusive, and having negative views of women. Her symp-
from a range of incomes. Because feminist
toms started in middle school, where she was teased for
therapy emphasizes egalitarian relation-
developing breasts early. They worsened severely in col- ships, I continually consider how to address
lege when her boyfriend’s roommate raped her. At this the imbalance of power that characterizes
point she experienced guilt and self- blame, thinking it a psychotherapy relationship .
was her fault because she had passed out drunk in the
bed and didn’t stop the rape when she came to.
573
ii'
Hi
?i;
Through therapy, tliis woman began to see how what she considered to be
private, personal problems were due to sexism around her ( Richmond ct al.,
2013). Her childhood was dominated by her father being the powerful decision
i maker and making her feel unimportant. Her teenage years were controlled by
i
feeling shame about her developing body while coping with conflicting media
messages that encouraged her to be sexy without being sexual. She realized that
her guilt about the rape stemmed from her parents voicing rape myths, such as
the ideas that good girls are virgins and that only promiscuous girls get raped.
.
Through therapy, she developed a feminist consciousness and began to see her-
self as a survivor rather than a victim .
Encouraging Self-Care Feminist therapists encourage clients to engage in

self - care. Women who are depressed often sacrifice their own needs in order
to meet the needs of others ( LaFrance, 2010 ) . Many of these women think
that taking time for themselves is selfish rather than an aspect of positive self -
care. Several studies have shown that this is particularly the
case for many women of color, who face pressures of con -
forming to gendered cultural expectations of self-sacrifice
try it for yourself ( Bcaubocf- Lafontant, 2007; Gratch, Bassett, & Attra,
1995; Mendez- Luck & Anthony, 2015 ).
Do you engage in self-care? If so. what For clients like these, making sure that their personal
specifically do you do? If not. why not? needs are met can be an essential part of treatment. For
(i Now ask friends, co-workers, and family
example, many mothers rarely sit down and eat a meal
members what they do that qualifies as
: 1
themselves; instead, they grab leftovers off their children’s
self-care. How do people react to this
question? What themes do you notice
plates or nibble something here and there as they’re making
in their responses? Are there pat-
a meal . For these women, a simple act of self-care can be to
I;'* terns related to age. gender identity, sit down with a plate of food and eat it. Other acts of self-
relationship status, and the like? care include taking time for exercise or reading a book for
Do you think you engage in sufficient pleasure. Of course, engaging in self-care can be easier said
self-care? Why or why not? If not. what than done if a woman is struggling to survive and can’t carve
can you do to increase your self-care? out time for herself in this way. Nevertheless, increasing
»
i What can you do to encourage it among self-care can be a path toward alleviating depression . One
people who are close to you? woman described how exercise was “ my only sanity. That
I was my only one hour to myself’ ( LaFrance, 2010, p. 131 ).
( •
{(
Cultivating Assertiveness and Autonomy Another feminist approach
involves encouraging women to increase their assertiveness and autonomy. For
ii
=; example, self-defense training teaches what to do in the case of a sexual assault
:
or attack. One study showed that women who’d taken this type of training had
increased assertiveness, more self-esteem , and a greater sense of control as well
as decreased anxiety, depression, and avoidance behaviors ( Brecklin & Ullman,
2005 ). Teaching women how to appropriately express anger in an assertive way
can also alleviate their distress.
31
Feminist therapists often
use group therapy as a way
to deepen connections and
raise awareness. Groups may
focus on the importance of
understanding how social and
political contexts affect mental
health. Groups also typically
involve explicit recognition of
the diversity among participants
and attention to power
dynamics within the group.
Dialectical behavioral therapy ( DBT) is a technique developed for individuals

diagnosed with BPD that combines training in social skills, mindfulness, emo-
tion regulation , and assertiveness, known as interpersonal effectiveness ( Linehan,
1993a ) . A meta -analysis demonstrated that DBT is an effective treatment and
reduces suicidal and self- injurious behavior ( Kliem, Kroger, & Kosfelder, 2010 ).
DBT has also been used effectively with individuals who have a variety of dis-
orders, particularly eating disorders ( Leriz, Taylor, Fleming, & Serman, 2014 ).
A goal of the assertiveness training component of DBT is to be able to express
anger in a calm and adaptive way that will be more likely to elicit a positive
response from others. The skills to help clients do this can be summarized by
die acronym DEAR MAN: Describe, Express, Assert, Reinforce, ( be ) Mindful,
Appear confident, and Negotiate ( Linehan, 1993b ). One study showed that cli -
ents who went through DBT were better able to use assertive expressions of
anger rather than allowing angry feelings to overwhelm diem ( Kramer et al.,
2016 ). For example, before treatment, a woman said, “ I am so full of rage . . .
I feel overwhelmed, I was so pissed off when I was at work, I just had to leave and
go do it [self- harming behaviour ]” ( p. 10 ). After therapy, a different woman said,
“ I’m able to stand up for myself now. . . . For example, my boyfriend . . . keeps
track of all my appointments in his own agenda , even the ones that don’t con -
cern him. There I realized: these are my appointments! [imagines talking to the
boyfriend ] ‘don’t write down my appointments in your agenda . . . I’m not ok
with that!!’ That’s what I said to him, I refuse to let things go that way ” ( p. 10 ).
Feminist therapists also encourage their clients to do a sex role analysis. This
involves increasing their awareness of how sex/gender-role stereotypes have
negatively impacted their lives. As part of this work, therapists may encourage
clients to reject traditional norms of femininity. For example, a woman who’s
i
Feminist Therapy 575

V .
• 1
t
constantly stressed about keeping her house clean could be encouraged to be less
! hard on herself and let the dirty dishes sit overnight ( Usshcr, 2011 ). However,
some feminist therapists also encourage clients to value the feminine aspects of
themselves, a perspective more consistent with cultural feminism ( Marecek &
Kravetz, 1998; VVorell & Remer, 1992 ). As an example, a client who has been
told her whole life that she’s overly emotional could be encouraged to sec being
in touch with her emotions as a positive aspect of herself.
Advocating for Social Justice Many feminist therapists, as well as others

such as multicultural and class-competent therapists, are committed to fighting
oppression and inequality and advocating for social justice. Many therapists arc
trained simply to focus on helping individuals. But training in feminist therapy,
multicultural competence, and class competence encourages therapists to look
more broadly at social factors that need to be acknowledged and , ultimately,
changed in order to help clients thrive ( Goodman ct al., 2013; Vera 8c Speight ,
2003 ) . For example, psychologists may be involved in advocating for better
public schools, a living wage, prison reform , and violence prevention programs.
They may be involved in community outreach , self- help support , consulting,
and working to change public policy.
Psychologists and counselors may also find themselves in the role of advocate
i .
*
rather than traditional therapist. For example, if a client is about to face eviction
and is experiencing depression or insomnia , helping her access resources would
be more important than trying to help her re - frame her problems through
cognitive therapy or uncovering the unconscious source of her difficulties.
Therapists may also involve clients in social justice efforts through working in
partnership with community- based organizations ( Goodman et al ., 2013 ). In
these ways, feminist therapists broaden their focus beyond ( but still including )
the individual to advocating for social change to help end oppression and the
distress that accompanies it.
!
:l
Conclusion
i' t - Women with mental health issues have been called mad throughout the ages,
: and some aspects of femininity continue to be associated with madness. How-
ever, the mental health problems that women frequently experience today par-
if tially stem from the oppressive environments in which they live. It’s limiting to
sec these problems as pathologies instead of as reasonable reactions to a bad
situation. Psychological treatment and medication can be helpful , but treat -
ment that doesn’t account for aspects of women’s social environments will have
limited effectiveness. When environments change for the better, women’s lives
can improve.

SUMMARY
Women and Madness: A Historical Perspective relationships between hormones and depression
Women who have violated gendered and a greater tendency to ruminate in women.
expectations or cultural standards have often Socialization and gender roles also
been labeled as “ mad .” contribute to mental illness. For example,
Hysteria was a common diagnosis given to depression is related to self-silencing and
women for centuries. Specific symptoms varied not expressing negative emotions or anger,
across culture and time periods, but it was and although women are encouraged to
generally connected to women’s reproductive “do femininity,” doing it too well has been
functions and /or sexuality. linked to depression.
Treatments for “ madness ” evolved as beliefs Intersecting aspects of social identities can i .
about mental health changed and medical contribute to women’s experiences of distress
knowledge advanced . For example, rest and complicate the way women, especially
cures gave way to institutionalization, which women of color, understand their distress
subsequently gave way to treatment with drugs and engage in help -seeking behaviors. Sexual
such as Valium and Prozac. harassment and discrimination related to
The DSM profoundly influences how mental marginalized aspects of social identities have
illness is understood and treated, but feminists been linked to depression and anxiety.
have criticized the manual for pathologizing Therapists have not always been affirming of
femininity and considering variation in gender sexual minority identities; conversion therapy
identity as abnormal. has now been deemed harmful and is illegal in
Feminist clinicians note that much of the some states.
distress that women experience can be Poverty is a significant life stressor that has • n
considered reasonable reactions to challenging been linked to mental illness, and women are
life circumstances. more likely than men to live in poverty. Poverty
can contribute to barriers to receiving adequate
Mental Health Diagnoses treatment. 1
Women arc diagnosed with depression, anxiety, Experiencing violence and abuse is related to
PTSD, and eating disorders more frequently experiencing depression, PTSD, and BPD, and
than are men. Even when diagnosis rates arc symptoms, such as those of depression , can
low, as with eating disorders, rates of behaviors be considered a reasonable response to these
and symptoms associated with disorders can be experiences.
quite high . BPD was believed to be more common among
Biological and cognitive factors may contribute women, but recent research indicates that rates
to different rates of diagnoses, such as indirect are actually similar for women and men.
Chapter Review 577

Feminist Therapy embraced the need for multicultural and class
Feminist therapists focus on how structural competence as part of their training and practice.
inequalities contribute to women’s difficulties Feminist therapists encourage women to
rather than assuming that there is something engage in self-care, to consider how gender
innately wrong with individual women. roles influence their mental health , and to act
Feminist therapy is characterized by a focus assertively. Many feminist therapists also engage
on egalitarianism within the therapeutic in social justice advocacy work to help alleviate
relationship. Feminist therapists have also oppressive conditions.
KEY TERMS
hysteria ( p. 541 ) panic disorder ( p. 560 )
deinstitutionalization ( p. 545 ) specific phobia ( p. 560 )
medical model ( p. 547) -
post traumatic stress disorder ( PTSD ) ( p. 560 )
dependent personality disorder ( DPD ) ( p. 548 ) complex PTSD ( p. 561 )
gender dysphoria ( p. 549 ) historical trauma ( p. 562 )
major depression ( p. 550 ) anorexia nervosa ( p. 563 )
rumination ( p. 552 ) bulimia nervosa ( p. 564 )
self-silencing ( p. 553) binge eating disorder ( p. 565 )
marianismo ( p. 553 ) borderline personality disorder ( BPD ) ( p. 566 )
conversion therapy ( p. 557 ) prc- menstrual dysphoric disorder ( PMDD ) ( p.568 )
agoraphobia ( p. 559 ) multicultural competence ( p. 571 )
I
generalized anxiety disorder ( p. 560 ) dialectical behavioral therapy ( DBT ) ( p. 575 )
THINK ABOUT IT
1. How has the history of mental illness 3. Go to a bookstore or search the web for self- help
influenced the way distress is labeled guides for dealing with anxiety. What arc the
among different types of women ? In what main suggestions in these sources? Do they offer
ways do diagnostic labels help women ? recommendations on how to develop a feminist
In what ways do they reveal biased consciousness? If not, why might that be?
assumptions? Are there better ways to 4. Go to the Psychology’s Feminist Voices
“name the pain ”? website ( feministvoices.com ) and look up
2. Imagine you’ve been asked to develop a Beverly Greene’s profile. Watch her oral history
I psychoeducation program to address gender
disparities in rates of depression. Based
excerpt on African American Feminist Therapy.
After listening to her talk, think about the ways
on the research described in this chapter, in which feminist therapy differs from common
design a program that helps to raise awareness perceptions of therapy. In what ways can feminist
!i about depression risk factors. therapy uniquely promote social change?
i

ONLINE RESOURCES
American Foundation for Suicide
Prevention — resources to raise awareness and
National Alliance on Mental Illness —
resources from the nation’s largest grassroots
aid those affected by suicide: afsp.org mental health organization dedicated to
—
Dr. Laura Brown a website featuring video
links and writings by internationally known
building better lives for the millions of
Americans affected by mental illness: nami.org
feminist therapist Laura Brown. A feminist
clinical and forensic psychologist in independent
National Institute of Mental Health
—
information about mental health symptoms and
practice in Scatde, Washington , she writes about treatment options: nimh.mih.gov
feminist therapy, cultural competency, and
psychological trauma: drlaurabrown.com
Chapter Review 579

IN 2013, CALLIOPE WONG, a transgender Chinese American woman, applied
to Smith College, a prestigious all-women's school in Massachusetts. However,
because financial aid documents listed her sex as M, she received a rejection
letter explaining that she couldn't attend Smith because applicants must have
.
a F sex assignment at the time of application (The Editorial Board 2015). Wong,
stung by this rejection, wrote about her experiences on a Tumblr blog called tran-
swomen@Smith and launched a nationwide protest. In 2015, Smith
College revised its policy and began to admit transwomen.
Smith is one of many women's colleges that have opened ad-
missions to anyone who identifies as a woman ( "Women's Colleges
with Trans- lnclusive Policies," n.d.). Women's colleges differ as to
whether or not transmen or non-binary individuals can apply or
whether they can remain as students if they transition while en-
rolled ( Padawar , 2014 ). To address the complexity of this issue, sev-
eral schools have encouraged shifts in practices to reflect inclusivity -m
( e.g., replacing the word sisterhood with siblinghood in songs, de-
veloping gender -inclusive housing, asking students to indicate their
pronouns on forms that they complete ).
A
To complicate matters, transmen on campus actually have a lot of I
social capital — they tend to be popular and are desired dating part-
ners. One lesbian woman at Wellesley who expressed frustration
that transmen were competing with her for romantic partners noted:
"The trans men are always getting this extra bit of acknowledgment.
Even though we're in a women ' s college, the fact is men and mascu- MV
linity get more attention and more value in this social dynamic than
; women do" ( Padawar, 2014, para. 49 ). Although this situation may
be viewed positively as reflecting inclusivity, some women on these
campuses object to the fact that masculinity has so much power at Calliope Wong enrolled in the
! honors program at the University
traditionally women's colleges. For example, transmen have had
of Connecticut, majoring in
success in student government elections. Those who are concerned English and as a pre-med
feel that women's colleges should be places only for those who iden- student after she was rejected
by Smith College. A classically
tify as women: they object to diluting ideas of sisterhood to accom-
trained pianist, she also won a
modate transmen (Padawar, 2014). grant to make a recording of
This controversy illustrates the fact that feminists don't always piano music . She hopes to
agree. In many arenas, including feminist circles, decisions about become an endocrinologist and
who is included and excluded can reflect struggles within power hi-
.
notes “I am many things besides
. .
being trans " ( Stiepock 2016
.
erarchies. As we saw in Chapter 2 tensions within feminism arise, para.16).
in part, from the multiple sources of inequality that women face.
581
i
1
Therefore, feminists continually reflect on hidden power dynamics— for example,
i
by asking questions like these: Whose concerns are the most pressing? Who
!
qualifies as a feminist? What goals should we try to achieve? and Which femi-
nist perspective is the most effective in achieving those goals? Considering such
\ questions often exposes power disparities that need careful attention in order
to ensure equity and inclusion. In this chapter, we’ll explore how questions like
these can reveal conflicts and tensions within feminism. We ' ll then discuss ways
. !! in which people can work across these tensions to build coalitions that can ad-
——
dress specific social goals. Finally, we’ll examine how psychologists, in particular,
1
:
are using findings from research to promote change at both individual and struc-
*t
tural levels.
!
! I
8 I
—
i
i
The Future of Feminism:
Challenges and Contro
I
1
In Chapter 1, we highlighted that there are many different kinds of feminism.

Given this, it’s not surprising that there are many issues on which feminists dis-
agree with one another. We’ll start by discussing a few such sources of tension
within die feminist movement.
‘i,
!•
\
Whose Concerns Are the Most Pressing?
The Case of Inclusion
\l
i
•
What are the tensions associated with identifying who is considered a
ii
! woman, and how do they reflect the prioritizing of some people ' s concerns
« over others' concerns?
1
ii Discussions and disagreements about the admission of transwomen or non-
!
binary individuals to women’s colleges reflect the broader controversy about what
it means to be a woman. This isn’t a new phenomenon. In 1851, at die Women’s
Convention in Akron, Ohio, the former slave, abolitionist, and women’s rights
activist Sojurner Truth famously declared, “Ain’t I a woman ? ” She was responding
to the ways in which White womanhood was constructed ( e.g., as passive, fragile )
as compared to Black womanhood ( e.g., as strong, resilient ). Truth argued that
stereotypes of women being weak and passive were inherently inaccurate since
Black women demonstrated strength and resilience. This, she argued, undercut
the idea that women couldn’t lead because they were weak.
582 Chapter 14 Tensions, Action, and Hope for the Future
.....
When Truth made her famous statement, many White women feared that
her comments would divert attention away from the suffrage movement and
toward emancipation ( Crenshaw, 1989 ). They worried that without a singular,
focused goal ( i.e., suffrage ), they would lose political momentum. As a result,
they worked to move the conversation away from slavery and the oppression of
Black people. This limited focus privileged White women and ignored the harsh
realities of slavery, which was the most pressing concern for Truth.
The tension between White feminists and those advocating for racial justice
increased after the passage of the 15 th Amendment allowing Black men to vote
in 1870 ( Fields-White, 2011 ). Some White feminists cast their advocacy for
women’s suffrage in racist terms, implying that (White ) women’s votes would
be needed to counteract the negative influence of Black men’s votes. Black fem -
inists such as Ida Wells explicitly advocated for the end of racial oppression
and the lynching of Black people, but she was often in conflict with White
feminists ( Fields-White, 2011 ). By focusing on voting rights and ignoring the
additional oppression that Black women experienced, White feminists excluded
Black women from the movement.
Second and third wave feminists have continued to struggle with inclusion
and exclusion, as well as whether it makes sense to talk about women as a sin -
gular group at all . In her book Gender Trouble, philosopher and gender theorist
Judith Butler ( 1989 ) argued that a unified category of “ woman ” does not exist.
For example, a wealthy Black lesbian’s experience of sexism is different from that
of a poor White heterosexual woman; a middle-class immigrant Ladnx woman
has very different experiences from those of a White transgender woman with
a disability. Yet , Butler pointed out, women aren’t just simply different from
one another. As we discussed in Chapter 2, our society deems some identities as
inferior and others as superior. This inevitably creates power inequities among
women because some voices and concerns will be more readily heard and taken
more seriously than others.
When feminist activist Betty Friedan (1963) wrote The Feminine Mystique,
she explored the difficulties of a specific group of women: relatively wealthy,
mostly White, cisgender American women. Her observations were extremely
important for many women who shared these social identity characteristics,
and they helped usher in the second wave feminist movement. However, they
excluded the experiences of a great many other women in the United States. For
example, there was no equivalent second wave feminist movement that rallied
resources to end die exploitation of poor, female, domestic workers. Because
these women lacked access to the same level of political power as Friedan,
their concerns didn’t receive mainstream attention ( hooks, 1984 ). Given this
context, when Butler claimed there is no universal concept of “woman,” she
was drawing attention to the way in which that concept has privileged some
women over others and has falsely suggested a universal experience that doesn’t
actually exist.
The Future of Feminism: Challenges and Controversies 583

•. ,
:
!
i
EMPOWERING
dj
^ J OR OPPRESSING?
:
-
i The Vagina Monologues

•
i
T
he play The Vagina Monologues was written both the distressing monologues and the positive ones
and produced by feminist playwright Eve Ensler (Capriccioso, 2006). However, this move was considered
based on her interviews with over 200 women.
1 1
exclusionary, and those who give the rights to perform
t
Many women view the show as a way to celebrate The Vagina Monologues considered revoking them in this
•
i ,
having vaginas and providing a safe space for women to instance. Ultimately, the University of Michigan produc-
talk about sex and sexual violence. Performers and viewers
IM
tion did allow White women to audition and perform.
alike find the experience empowering. For example, a stu- Other criticisms are that the show reduces women to
dent directing the show said, "Being on stage and perform- one body part ( their vaginas ) and assumes that all women
ing is a way to tell a story that may not necessarily be yours, have vaginas and that everyone who has a vagina is a
but it could be very close. It is therapeutic in a unique way" woman ( Hall, 2005). In this way, critics claim, it makes in-
!•
(Donahoe, 2012, paras. 3-4). Proceeds from performances tersex and transgender individuals invisible or abnormal.
are generally donated to organizations that work to prevent In 2014, Mount Holyoke College cancelled a performance
; sexual violence. of The Vagina Monologues because the play offered what
: Critics of the play claim it prioritizes the experiences of the college identified as "an extremely narrow perspec-
! •: privileged White women. Most monologues don't indicate tive on what it means to be a woman" ( Mulhere, 2015,
a race or ethnicity, but a few are marked to be played by para. 5). While some students applauded this decision,
women with specific ethnic accents. In most performances others found it problematic. Eve Enlser responded that
of The Vagina Monologues, however, White women per- the play was never meant to imply that being a woman
form the unmarked monologues, which are generally means having a vagina, but that "over 51% of the popula -
positive in tone, and women of color perform the marked tion has vaginas, clitorises, vulvas, and many to this day
.
ones Most of the monologues written for women of color do not feel comfortable, familiar, free, or endowed with
involve violence or other negative experiences; the only agency over them" (Ensler, 2015, para. 2). However, this
i rape in the show is experienced by a woman of color controversy raises questions about how to define what it
.
(Cooper 2007). According to one critic, this conveys the means to be a woman and how to engage in discussions
message that only privileged White women can enjoy about issues that are important to some women without
’i their vaginas (Cooper, 2007). In 2006, the University of excluding others.
ill Michigan attempted to stage a performance of the show What do you think? Is The Vagina Monologues empow-
casting only women of color so that they would perform ering or oppressing?
584
Issues of inclusion and exclusion continue to be a source
of tension within feminism in the 21st century. For exam - your turn
pie, in Chapter 2 we mentioned how organizers of the 2017
Women’s March in Washington struggled with inclusivity
If all women are different and have
and messaging, and in Chapter 9 we pointed out how pro-
uniquely different concerns, how is it
life feminists were excluded from the march . In fact , conflict
possible to determine what goals the
is an inevitable part of organizing. How to determine which
feminist movement should focus on?
issues to place at the forefront and whose voices to elevate Should one group's concerns take priority
is a necessary conversation feminists will continue to have. over others? If numerous goals are pri-
—
Doing feminism is an active process one that involves con -
tinual reflection and critical thinking.
oritized at the same time, will this cause
fragmentation within the movement?
If so, how can it be avoided?
Who Can Be a Feminist?

The Case of Men
What are the advantages and challenges of including men in the feminist
movement ?
Some feminists find the participation of men in the feminist movement to be

problematic, but others think men can play an important role ( Almassi, 2015 ).
Especially because of their relative positions of power within Western society and
their access to other men in settings where women are excluded, boys and men
may be able to promote change in ways that girls and women cannot. For exam-
ple, in 2013, an English air force base hired a comedian to entertain the troops
who then started telling rape jokes ( Kilmartin, 2017 ). The general in charge of
the base was offended and walked out . Aldiough he did not act in the moment,
he did use the situation as a teachable moment when he sent an email the next day
apologizing to the troops for failing them as a leader. He noted that such jokes
were unacceptable and that he should have shut down die show. This public apol-
ogy promoted an atmosphere where it was clear that sexism was not acceptable.
Given that men arc more likely than women to be in leadership roles, they’re often
in positions to promote positive change within organizations. When men work to
create an environment in which speaking up against sexism is acceptable, women
will be in a better position to self-advocate as well ( Drury & Kaiser, 2014 ).
Furthermore, men are more likely than women to be present when misogy-
nistic talk happens, since it often occurs in all-male environments ( e.g., locker
rooms, fraternities, boardrooms ). Men generally over-estimate the extent to
which other men support such talk. Usually, one or a small number of men insti -
gate sexist talk and other men either laugh along or keep silent; these responses
arc often interpreted as indicating agreement with die ideas being expressed
( Flood , 2011 ). For example, research has shown that perpetrators of sexual
assault over-estimate the extent to which their friends are comfortable with !

sexual aggression ( Dardis, Murphy, Bill, & Gidycz, 2016 ). These
misperceptions contribute to pluralistic ignorance, as discussed
in Chapter 7. Most men , however, are actually uncomfortable
with sexist and sexually aggressive talk, but they’re generally not
comfortable overtly speaking up or calling out the instigator
( Flood, 2011; Kilmartin et al., 2008 ) . Men who do speak up
against sexism have a great deal of power to change die dynam -
ics of all- male environments and to create spaces where sexism
and gender- based violence are not tolerated ( Flood, 2011 ).
Despite die advantages associated with men engaging with
feminism and supporting gender equality, tension remains. For
one thing, members of the public generally view men who advo-
cate for feminism in a more positive light than women who do
( Drury & Kaiser, 2014 ). Also, men who act as allies against sexism
are less likely than feminist women to be seen as self-advocates,
as complainers, as hyper-sensitive , or as “crying prejudice ”
( Drury & Kaiser, 2014; Eliezer & Major, 2012; Rasinski &
Czopp, 2010, p. 9 ). In general , people who aren ’t the targets of
prejudice can be more effective advocates than the targets dicm-
selves. One reason is that people capture the attention of others
when they advocate for groups they don’t belong to ( Gervais
& Hillard, 2014 ). For example, research has shown that White
people who confront racism are less likely to be seen as rude
and are more likely than Black people who confront racism to
be perceived as persuasive ( Rasinski & Czopp, 2010 ) . However,
this very fact can be seen as unfair. It can be frustrating that
•• <
someone with dominant status ( c.g., a White man ) is rewarded
for being an advocate while someone with subordinate status
( e.g., a Latinx woman ) is seen as complaining. This dynamic can exacerbate
power disparities and cause tension, even among like - minded feminists.
. !j
' Men’s potential power in some feminist circles also opens up the possibility
that men will be seen as leaders and even set feminist agendas. However, this
dynamic has the potential to ignore die voices of women and transgender indi -
viduals. As a result, feminist men are encouraged to learn to truly hear voices that
. IF
aren’t representative of their own. Law professor Jonathan Crowe ( 2011 ) has
; I written about men’s role in feminism, and he encourages feminist men to be
humble and to realize that their experiences and understanding of the world are
—
:
'
itl limited something that can be difficult for White, cisgender, middle -class, het-
i erosexual men who are used to seeing the world as reflecting their own experi-
! ences. Crowe encourages men to move beyond feeling guilty or resentful of being
:i blamed and, instead, to commit to doing something to support gender equality.
As discussed in prior chapters, men can listen to women and encourage female
voices in meetings, do more housework and child care, mentor and sponsor

women at work, speak out against sexism or sexist language when with other
men, advocate politically for issues that benefit women and members of other
marginalized groups, and speak out against issues such as domestic violence and
workplace harassment. To emphasize the importance of action, Jonathan Crowe
quoted feminist activist singer Kathleen Hanna: “Feminism isn’t something that
you are, it’s something that you do” ( Crowe, 2018, para. 16 ). He then added:
“ Pro-feminist men should take this to heart. Talk is cheap, but concrete action
is what is really needed ” ( para. 16 ).
Feminist men also experience tensions from dominant society. After all, boys
and men face tremendous pressure to adhere to strict norms about masculinity
( Kilmartin & Smiler, 2015 ) . When they violate these norms, there can be sig-
nificant negative social consequences such as teasing or social exclusion, which
cause many men to reluctantly engage in misogynist behaviors ( Moss- Racusin,
Phelan, & Rudman , 2010 ). In one study, researchers found that women liked
feminist men more than men did, but both groups saw feminist men as less likely
to be masculine and more likely to be gay than non -feminist men ( Rudman,
Mescher, &: Moss- Racusin, 2013 ).
Psychologist Chris Kilmartin ( 2017 ) has stated that men won’t stop being
sexist until such behavior causes them to lose status with other men. A strategy
to address this situation involves challenging stereotypes of what it means to
be a male feminist. For example, in one study, male undergraduates who were
assigned to read a paragraph with a positive portrayal of feminist men were sub-
sequently more supportive of feminism than those who read a paragraph with
a negative portrayal ( Wiley, Srinivasan, Finke, Firnhaber, & Shilinsky, 2013 ).
Wade Davis, a former NFL player and pro-feminist advocate, tries to ask ques-
tions and keep the conversation going with other men. However, he acknowl-
edges that he sometimes receives backlash for speaking out on behalf of women:
“ I think that when we get attacked by other men, that’s the cost that you pay
for being an advocate. As an ally, you’re supposed to take the bullet so that other
women don’t have to. If you’re not willing to pay that cost, then you are not
ready to join the movement ” ( Fessler, 2017, para. 27 ).
Which Feminism Is Most Effective?

The Case of Intergenerational Conflict
How has tension between generations been a challenge to feminism,
and how does this reflect over-arching tensions among those who hold
different feminist perspectives?
As discussed in Chapter 1, tensions within feminism often arise because of con-
tradictions among various perspectives. This is evident in the ways different
generations understand and enact feminism. For example, bell hooks, a Black

•I ,
' i
I f
!i feminist activist in her 60s, has been a vocal critic of Beyonce, a Black singer in
iii
i
ii her 30s ( Coker, 2014 ). In objecting to Beyonce’s use of her body, her compli -
ance with dominant standards of beauty, and her self-sexualization, hooks has
stated that Bcyonci is “colluding in the construction of herself as a slave ”; hooks
=;. i *
also sees a “part” of Beyonce as “a terrorist especially in terms of the impact on
young girls” ( para . 3). Those who regard Beyonce as a contemporary feminist
icon find these criticisms to be insulting and controversial .
In fact, in response to hooks, other feminists have written in defense of Beyonce.
One Black feminist journalist, Roxane Gay ( 2014 ), defended Beyonce, saying she
!
has agency and choice in the images of herself that she portrays. Janet Mock, a
is l transwoman feminist activist, saw the criticism as reflecting a wider problem of
r —
the dismissal of the feminine within feminism especially among Black feminine
—
.
feminists which, she argued , is itself a reflection of patriarchy ( Solis, 2016 ).

r
i
i
i
These disagreements highlight the controversies associated with cultural femi -
I nism that we discussed in Chapter 1. They also reflect the tension within femi-
'i
j
.i
;
nism around self-sexualization, which we discussed in Chapter 7. Many feminists,
especially ( but not limited to ) older ones, view self-sexualization as oppressive;
but other feminists, often ( but not only ) younger ones, view it as an empowered
!
choice and a way of exploring one’s own sexuality ( Lerum & Dworkin, 2009 ).
Generational tensions were also evident during the primaries for the 2016
i .rt U.S. presidential election . Gloria Steinem and Madeline Albright , two promi -
i :
nent White second wave feminists, rebuked young women who were supporting
Bernie Sanders, the primary ( male ) challenger to eventual Democratic nominee
Hillary Clinton. When introducing Clinton at a rally, Madeline Albright, who
1 had served as the first female U.S. secretary of state, noted , in reference to
the fight for women’s rights in general, that “ there’s a special place in hell for
women who don’t help each other!” ( Rappeport , 2016, para . 4 ) . The same
weekend, Gloria Steinem, one of the leaders of second wave feminism, com -
! ) • \:
i
: mented that women were supporting Sanders in order to meet young men .
Steinem said, “When you’re young, you’re thinking: ‘Where are the boys ? The
i!i
!l boys are with Bernie’” ( para. 9 ) . Young feminists were appalled by this state-
ili
• i! ment. One woman wrote on Reddit: “ It’s such a ridiculous thing to say. A fem-
' !
i
'* •
1 inist, basically saying that young women are incapable of having thoughts and
opinions of their own . Unreal ” ( Contrera, 2016, para. 4 ). An online petition
;;
demanded that Steinem apologize, and she later did so, saying she was sorry
’ if her remarks were taken to mean that young women weren’t serious in their
;
•,
- j
politics ( Contrera, 2016 ).
This debate reflects, among other things, the likelihood that Albright and
Steinem viewed Clinton’s gender as a key factor in supporting a candidate, while
younger feminists may have been more focused on Sanders’s broader social jus-
tice agenda. In a larger sense, the debate reflected the women’s different under-
i
: standings of what feminism is and how it should be enacted . However, such
: conflict need not be seen in a negative light. Older and younger feminists alike

4
'
)[
grapple with how best to address die current status of women, and conflicts
within the movement can be a source of strength if people with different per-
spectives can come together in dialogue ( Novak & Richmond , 2016 ).
Building Bridges: A Call

for Allyship
How can people with diverse social identities work together to meet
common goals?
If each person has a complex combination of social identity characteristics that

have been shaped by societal systems of power and oppression , how can fem- ;
inists identify and achieve any shared political goals? The key is to form links !
and have open conversations with people who may not share your experiences.
Decades ago, Audrc Lordc ( 1984 ), a Black lesbian feminist poet, noted that it
would be impossible to form a successful movement by assuming everyone is
alike . Rather, it’s our differences diat enable us to learn and grow from our inter-
actions with one another. One strategy to do this is through coalition building
across social identity groups. Allyship is a lifelong process in which individuals
who are privileged develop relationships with individuals who are marginalized
as a way to address social injustice .
The process of allyship has been discussed as a series of stages ( Edwards,
2007 ). In the first stage, people act as allies in certain situations because of
self- interest. Those in this stage only seek to protect and help members of mar - .
ginalized groups who are close to them. For example, they may speak up on
behalf of a friend or a sister, but they wouldn’t see larger patterns of social
injustice. In the second stage, people can be considered aspiring allies and are
motivated by an altruistic desire to help. Individuals in this stage become aware
of social inequities and may feel guilty about their power and privilege. They see
members of marginalized groups as victims in need of assistance and see them-
selves as being in a position to rescue others. Those in this stage want approval
from and are very sensitive to criticism from members of the groups they are
seeking to help.
The final stage involves becoming an ally for social justice ( Edwards, 2007).
Instead of seeing members of marginalized groups as victims, people in this
stage can see how systems of oppression hurt everyone in different ways.
Aboriginal activist Lilia Watson is noted for articulating this perspective: “ If you
have come here to help me, then you are wasting your time. . . . But if you
have come because your liberation is bound up with mine, then let us work
together ” ( “About,” n.d ., para. 1). Instead of being sensitive to criticism, those
in this stage of allyship welcome criticism as a way to help them uncover the
Building Bridges: A Call for Allyship 589

places where their privilege affects their worldview. Black queer feminist scholar
• I Omi Osun Joni L. Jones notes that becoming an ally requires an ability to spot
all forms of oppressive tendencies, even in oneself ( scooby43215 , 2010 ) . An ally
i in this stage works to dismantle systems of oppression such as sexism , racism ,
,
:i and classism in partnership with members of different social groups . This pro -
cess involves a dedication to relationship building that includes openness, active
listening, self-questioning, and an investment of significant time and energy
( Almassi , 2015; also see Table 14.1 ) .
TABLE 14.1 Tips for Being an Ally
Practices of Effective Allies Example
Acknowledging your Recognizing the areas in which you’re privileged , and using
privilege that privilege to help dismantle the oppressive systems you
benefit from.
];
Giving credit to others Explicidy acknowledging those you draw from , and not taking
credit for the work of others who are marginalized.
!
.!
it Being a good listener Listening to an array of people from marginalized groups to
deepen your understanding of issues.
i ;
i
•» Taking action Realizing that it’s not enough to say you ’re an ally, but that
action is essential.
Avoiding self-labeling Recognizing that you can strive to be an ally but that those who
i are part of marginalized groups have to decide if you arc, and
that being an ally to one group member doesn’t mean all group
members will perceive you in this way.
Continually educating Continuing to search out information to further your under-
yourself standing, and realizing that those who arc part of marginalized
groups are unlikely to take the lead in educating you .
i Making an effort not to be Interacting and engaging with diverse communities.
ij
i
isolated
;
• Playing a supporting role Recognizing that privilege may give you a louder voice, and using
that voice to shift attention away from yourself and toward those
who are not heard.
Engaging with those who If you’re White, talking with other White people about racism;
i; share your identities if you’re able- bodied, calling out examples of ableism ; and so on.
Seeing criticism as an Taking responsibility, apologizing, and changing your behavior
opportunity for growth when you’re called out for not recognizing privilege and/or for
acting in a hurtful way.
Seeking emotional Not expecting members of marginalized groups to support you
support from other allies as you work through your internalized racism , classism, and other
prejudices; recognizing that support should come from other allies.
r
.
Note Ideas adapted from Lawrence ( 2017) and Utt ( 2013).
:
AUyship has benefits that can promote change at both individual and systemic
levels. In one study, Black feminist men described that their female feminist
friends enabled them to practice new ways of ‘‘doing gender” within the context
of their friendship ( White & Gaines, 2006 ). This included finding new ways to
express emotions, developing non -violent strategies to address anger inside and
outside the home, and showing a willingness to accept and respect women’s
leadership. Also, across generations, allies can learn to “ teach the conflicts”
( Dedoff, 1997, p. 91 ). In other words, they can come to understand that there
are conflicting positions within feminism and that it isn’t necessary to agree on
everything in order to work together to support social change.
Feminist Activism: Changing

Women 's Lives
What are some issues that feminist activists have worked on, and what
progress has been made?
Allyship can be beneficial in engagement with activism, and

activism can take place at many levels. At the individual level,
allies can show support and work alongside others by con - try it for yourself
fronting bias when they see it. For example, one study showed
that White female allies successfully confronted racism by cor- Think about the issues you've read
recting friends who used outdated terms such as colored peo - about and discussed this semester.
What do you think are the most pressing
ple, by telling colleagues that their mocking of Asian student
issues for women today? Ask your friends
names was offensive, and by pointing out situations where they
and family members what they think.
experienced privilege due to being White ( Case, 2012 ). Other Do you all agree on what the key issues
research showed that training men to be allies increased the are? Do the responses vary according
likelihood that they would identify and challenge stereotypes to other factors, such as age, sexual
about gender in the workplace ( Wagner, Yates, & Walcott, orientation, social class, or ethnicity of
2012 ). As these studies demonstrate, allies can challenge the the responder?
status quo and promote change by personally taking action.
—
Activism also happens at structural levels most notably, when individuals
work togetiier to advocate for legislative and policy change. The following discus-
sion highlights a few contemporary examples of projects that seek to create social
change on a large scale.
Minimum Wage
In the United States in 2016, over 16 million women were living in poverty
( Patrick, 2017 ) . Advocacy to raise the minimum wage has been undertaken
in response to this problem, and it has gained momentum in recent years with
Feminist Activism: Changing Women's Lives 591
=!
-!
=
3
many cities and states raising their minimum wage ( Jones, 2017 ). The fed -
eral minimum wage of $7.25 an hour hasn’t been raised since 2009, and as of
i January 2018, the District of Columbia and 29 states have raised their minimum
wage above federal guidelines. Raising the minimum wage would, in particular,
positively impact women who make up two thirds of minimum -wage workers
and tipped workers ( Vogtman, 2017 ) .
Some economists originally feared that raising the minimum wage would
make it more difficult for businesses to afford to pay their workers and would
lead to workers being laid off. However, more recent economic data show that
minimum wage increases positively affect over 97% of workers and that any
resulting job losses are negligible in number and largely temporary ( Cooper,
Mishcl, 8c Zipperer, 2018 ) . For example, researchers determined that a sub-
:
stantial minimum wage increase, like the one from $9.47 to $13.00 per hour
in Seattle, Washington , could increase both productivity and income for low-
wage workers and that these positive effects would grow in magnitude over time
( Rinz 8c Voorheis, 2018 ). In fact, the authors calculated that a substantial min -
imum wage increase could have greatly decreased the wages lost by low - wage
earners during the recession of 2008.
It has been suggested that raising the minimum wage to SI 5.00 by 2024
would affect 41.5 million workers, 56% of whom are women ( Cooper, 2017 ).
I This number includes 7.5 million mothers with children. The wage change would
; benefit 43% of Black and 38% of Latinx working women , significantly enhancing
dieir quality of life. In another study, researchers estimated that , if the mini-
mum wage had been $15.00 an hour during the period 2008-2012, between
2,800 and 5,500 deaths could have been avoided in New York City because of a
:
documented link between poverty and poor health ( Tsao et al ., 2016 ) .
Workplace Equality
Activism related to workplace equality focuses on many topics, but three com -
mon issues are the pay gap, paid leave, and affordable child care. Much of the
focus has been on passing legislation at local and national levels to address these
ongoing, and long-standing, concerns.
In 2009, passage of the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act signaled progress toward
closing the pay gap. This legislation permits women to sue their employer after
—
noticing wage discrimination in any paycheck not just the first one, as had pre-
viously been required ( Ledbetter, 2016 ). Although the act was a positive step,
activists argue that it’s insufficient because lawsuits require that the plaintiff
know what her colleagues are earning ( and in one study, researchers found that
almost half of all workers arc either discouraged or forbidden from discussing
their salaries; Hayes 8c Hartmann, 2011 ). This puts the burden on those who
are being discriminated against to prove their case rather than on companies

; r, =
to actually end pay discrimination. Some companies,

however, are taking the initiative and instituting policies
that involve complete transparency in salaries ( Dishman,
spotlight o n . .
2015 ). Companies that have tried these policies report
increased dedication to the company and reduced turn- Access to Menstrual
over because no one feels they were lied to about salary.
Even if the pay gap were to be closed tomorrow, Products
there would still be inequity in the workplace. As we’ve Women living in poverty have difficulty
discussed throughout this book, women disproportion- accessing menstrual products. A one-year
ately take on caretaking responsibilities at home, even supply of tampons costs approximately
when working full- time ( e.g., Bianchi, Sayer, Milkie, Sc $84, isn' t covered by food stamps, and
Robinson , 2012; Fillo, Simpson , Rholes, 8c Kohn, 2015; is taxed in many states ( Larimer, 2016;
Yavorsky, Karnp Dush, 8c Schoppe-Sullivan, 2015 ). For Weiss-Wolf , 2015 ). Moreover, homeless
this reason , paid leave and affordable child care are women don' t have access to adequate fa -
cilities to meet their hygiene needs even if
critical issues worthy of activism .
they do have access to menstrual products
The United States currently has no national legis-
( Weiss- Wolf , 2015 ). Despite federal prisons
lation mandating paid leave, but individual states are mandating access to menstrual products
taking the initiative to provide paid leave for their res- for female prisoners, the situation varies
idents. For example, the Rhode Island state legislature in state prisons, and many incarcerated
passed a law in 2014 offering up to four weeks of paid women continue to lack needed access
time off in order to bond with a newborn, an adopted ( Kitcheyan & Brauer, 2018; Schenwar, 2010;
child , or a foster child or to care for a sick family mem - Simko - Bednarksi, 2017 ).
ber. Workers are paid a percentage of their salary up There has been a call for government
to S 795 a week, and the program is funded by a small subsidies to include menstrual products or
payroll tax . A study of small and medium companies to eliminate the sales tax on them ( Larimer,
in Rhode Island found that the majority of them favored 2016; Valenti, 2014 ). Although medical and
health supplies aren't taxed, in most states
the policies ( Bartel, Rossin -Slater, Rlium, 8c Waldfogel,
menstrual products are. As of 2018, only
2016 ) . Other paid leave laws have been passed in nine states have eliminated these taxes
Washington , D.C., California, New Jersey, New York, ( Sagner, 2018). A more radical proposal
and Washington State ( effective 2020 ). comes from feminist activist Jessica Valenti
In the absence of legislation , some individual com - (2014 ): " Women's feminine hygiene prod -
panies have developed generous leave policies to help ucts should be free for all , all the time"
attract and retain talented women ( Adamczyk, 2015; ( para . 4 ) .
Malacoff, 2017 ). In many cases, however, these policies Are menstrual products taxed in your
allow more leave for mothers (or only allow leave for community? Are free tampons and pads
mothers ) or “ primary caretakers,” under the assumption provided in your student health clinic or
campus bathrooms? Why is toilet paper
that one parent ( generally, die mother ) wall do die bulk of
free in public restrooms but not menstrual
the child care. Gender- neutral leave policies, in contrast,
products? Are groups in your community
make it easier for couples to have truly shared parenting.
working to provide access to menstrual
Some companies (such as Netflix ) are offering paid leave products for poor and homeless women or
to all parents and caregivers, and some (such as Etsy ) women in prisons? If this is an issue you .
have a broader view of parenting that includes surrogacy care about , what can you do to help?
KM
and adoption (see Table 14.2 ). However, while these
593
TABLE 14.2 Paid Leave Policies at Selected Companies
Company Policy
Amazon 4 weeks before a mother gives birth and 10 weeks after giving birth ,
as well as an additional 6 weeks for any parent
American Express 20 weeks for new parents ( both mothers and fathers ) for both
full - and part- time workers; the company also offers $ 35,000 for
adoption, surrogacy, or infertility treatments
Bill and Melinda Gates 52 weeks of leave for parents after the birth of a child
Foundation
Etsy 26 weeks of leave for biological , adoptive, or surrogate parents;

employees can take this leave anytime within the first two years after
i the birth or adoption
Facebook 4 months for any parent
Google 18 weeks for birth mothers, 12 weeks for primary caretakers ( including
adoptive parents ), and 7 weeks for non - primary caretakers
| Microsoft 12 weeks for any parent

i>
f Netflix 1 year of leave for any parent
Spotify 24 weeks of leave for mothers and fathers, in addition to 1 month

that can be used to transition back to work by working from home
1 :
» or part- time
«i
i
Yahoo 16 weeks for birth mothers and 8 weeks for non - birth parents
.
.
Note Information drawn from Adamczyk ( 2015 ) and Malacoff ( 2017 ).
:
arc positive steps, they largely benefit high - wage, corporate

your turn employees. Although low- wage employees within these
companies can benefit from them , employers of most low -
wage workers rarely have such generous leave policies.
If you are working, what kind of benefits
Paid leave implies that parents will return to the work-
does your company provide? What kind
of benefits would you hope to find in a
place, but this depends on access to affordable child care.
future company? How could you find out The possibility for universal child care in the United States
if your employer offers child-care leave? may seem remote; however, the nation actually did have
How much leave does your school offer universal child care at one point. Between 1943 and 1946,
its employees? the Lanham Act provided child care to women who were
asked to work while men were fighting in World War II
( Cohen, 2015 ). Wartime stimulus funds were provided to
local communities, and child -care centers were built and staffed. The quality of
the child care was quite high, and the cost was only 50 cents a day ( around $ 7 in
today’s dollars ). Children who utilized these services had better outcomes years
later on almost every indicator compared to those who did not ( Herbst, 2013) .
For example, when they were adults, they were more likely to be employed,
likely to be earning more money, less likely to be on public assistance, and more
likely to be in good health. Children who lived in states that spent more money
on the Lanham Act did better than children from states that spent less.
Although there is currently no national publicly funded pre-school program
in die United States, many states do have publicly funded programs. Some of
these target low- income children, while others provide access to all children and
are considered “ universal” child -care programs (Sanchez & Nadworny, 2017).
These programs vary in quality and in the percentage of eligible children who
are enrolled . Furthermore, there are huge disparities in funding levels from
location to location . For example, in 2016, Mississippi spent less than $2,000
per child , but Washington, D.C., spent more than $15,000. Of course, more
funding translates into higher-quality programs.
There’s a great deal of evidence that high -quality child care benefits children.
Some research has shown that the benefits are particularly strong for poor chil-
dren , especially when those students are placed in universal pre-school programs
instead of programs specifically for low-income students ( Cascio, 2017). How-
ever, other studies have found benefits for programs that target lower-income
students. A study of over 1 million children in a public pre-school program for
lower-income students in North Carolina showed positive impacts in reading
and math scores, as well as a decreased number of children being placed in
special education programs and held back in their grade ( Dodge, Bai, Ladd, &
Muschkin, 2017 ). There were also benefits for students not enrolled in the pre-
school program. The authors hypothesized positive spillover effects in which
teachers are able to pay more attention to everyone if more students in the class
are well prepared .
Gun Violence
Feminists also work to create communities that are peaceful and secure and
where everyone’s basic needs can be met. Reducing gun violence is one goal
in tlais effort. The group Mothers of the Movement consists of Black women
whose children were killed by police and gun violence ( Morrison, 2016 ). Since
losing their children, these mothers have strived to increase transparency and
accountability for police who kill in the line of duty and to demand better gun
control measures. Also, the grassroots organization Moms Demand Action for
Gun Sense in America was founded by Sharon Watts after the Sandy Hook Ele-
mentary School shooting in Newtown, Connecticut ( “Moms Demand Action,’
5
n.d.). It now has a chapter in every state and has been the center of advo-
cacy to reduce gun violence. Mothers aren’t the only ones taking on this issue,
however. After the shooting of 14 students and 3 staff members at Marjory
Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, March for Our Lives,
Feminist Activism: Changing Women's Lives 595

- I
a student group, organized a walkout of schools and a protest in Washington,

D.C. ( Gomez & Jackson, 2018 ).
Groups that work to reduce gun violence have had some successes. For exam -
ple, Moms Demand Action pressured Starbucks to stop allowing customers to
carry concealed weapons. It also advocated for Face book to stop allowing illegal
gun sales on its platform. In 2016, the group’s #groceriesnotguns campaign
sought to stop Kroger supermarkets from allowing customers to openly carry
: guns in their stores ( “Tell Kroger,” n.d . ).
Leadership in gun policy is also being shaped by female governors ( Turcotte,
2018 ). For example, Kate Brown of Oregon has signed legislation prohibiting
those convicted of domestic violence or stalking from buying a firearm. Also,
Rhode Island governor Gina Raimondo has signed legislation prohibiting those
who have “ red flag” indicators of violence, including making threats of violence
in person or on social media, from buying guns.
;
Reproductive Justice
!
As we saw in Chapter 9, die reproductive justice movement supports the rights
: of women to either have or not have children and to parent the children they
l:
u
<
do have in safe and healthy environments ( Ross 8c Solinger, 2017; Silliman ,
Fried, Ross, 8c Gutierrez, 2004 ). Reproductive justice is inherently linked to
other movements that advocate for social justice and basic human rights, as
Figure 14.1 shows. Basic human rights were first articulated in 1948 in the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights ( United Nations General Assembly,
1948 ). These include civil and political rights such as die rights to vote, assem -
ble, and be treated without discrimination . They also include economic and
social rights, such as the rights to a living wage and access to food , shelter,
education , and safety. Women working in the reproductive justice framework
ii advocate for economic equality, environmental safety, and an end to violence
against all women ( Ross 8c Solinger, 2017; Silliman et al., 2004 ).
There has been substantial grassroots activism in die reproductive justice
movement. For example, the Asian Community for Reproductive Justice worked
with environmental advocate groups to close a toxic waste plant in Oakland, Cal -
ifornia in 2001 (Asian Communities for Reproductive Justice, 2005 ). The group
also advocated to decrease the amount of toxins that workers are exposed to as
nail salon staff. The Mothers Milk Project has worked with Native American
women to reduce environmental toxins that can make their way into breastmilk
(Silliman et al., 2004). Another group, Forward Together, sponsored die Strong
Families movement, which is dedicated to helping families thrive. Members
have worked to document the negative effects of incarceration on families and
have started a collection of art projects focusing on die rights of transwomen of
color. In 2011, Strong Families started die celebration of Mamas Day in order

.
Environmental Queer
Justice Rights
Youth Educational :
Organizing Justice
REPRODUCTIVE
JUSTICE
Immigrant Rights Workers Rights j
\\ Ending Violence
Against Women
FIGURE 14.1 The intersectionality of reproductive justice. The reproductive justice

.
movement advocates for women to be able to freely make decisions about if when, and
with whom to have children. It also focuses on the need to raise children in a safe and
healthy environment. In order to achieve these goals, this movement is closely aligned
with many other social justice movements.
Note. Adapted from Lcrum ( 2010 ).
to represent women who aren’t traditionally depicted in Mother’s Day cards.

On mamasday.org, a person can get a free e-card with beautiful images of diverse
women and their families. This organization has also worked locally in states
such as New Mexico on campaigns that include reducing abortion stigma and
advocating for affordable health care and paid sick days for city workers.
Environmentalism
Ecofeminism is a hybrid movement in which both environmental and feminist
concerns are seen as connected to patriarchy. Regardless of whether they iden -
tify as ecofeminists, feminist activists are often at the forefront of environmental
movements. For example, in 2016, Native American women led a movement to
Feminist Activism: Changing Women’s Lives 597

1
stop the Dakota Access Pipeline from running through North Dakota ( Walker,
2016 ). They were concerned that this pipeline would disturb sacred lands, con -
taminate the Missouri River, and fuel climate change. Protests took place for
months during die summer and fall of 2016, and by October 2016 there were
diousands of protestors and 140 protesters had been arrested ( Yan, 2016 ). The
protests were ultimately unsuccessful, as the pipeline opened in January 2017
under executive order of President Donald Trump, and by June 2017 there had
already been an oil spill ( Visser, 2017 ).
Other environmental activists are working on a variety of projects, including
cleaning waterways to help salmon migrate, helping undocumented immigrants
who have suffered in wildfires in California, and providing support to transgender
individuals who have been impacted by natural disasters ( Lewis, 2018 ). Activists
also work on legislation. In New York, The Climate Community and Protection
Act would move die state toward 100% renewable energy,
and resources would be equitably shared with disadvantaged
try it for yourself communities. In Seattle, Got Green, an environmental advo -
cacy group, successfully passed a law diverting money from
taxes on sugary drinks to programs that reduce food insecurity
Even though many women are at the
( gotgreenAdmin, 2017).
center of activist movements, their roles
often get erased from the narratives.
Environmental activism takes place across the globe. In
• r Find a social activist movement in history India , Suryamani Bhagat is a grassroots environmental activ-
that interests you. and research the roles ist who founded the Jharkhand Save the Forest Movement to
of women in that movement. How hard enable Indigenous people to manage their own forests. The
do you have to work to learn about the techniques of reforestation are influenced by both Indige-
women's roles? Have their roles been nous wisdom and scientific knowledge. Women are consid -
overlooked or minimized in the common ered to be especially important in this work as they are seen
narratives? as healers with particular knowledge of the forest. Through
the work of this organization, forests around 45 villages have
been slowly re-growing ( Global Greengrants Fund , 2015 ).
At the same time, though, some women at the forefront of global environ -
mental activism have experienced harassment. Bhagat, for example, has been
subject to verbal harassments and threats. In Indonesia, a prominent environ -
mental activist named Aleta Baum was forced to flee her home for a year because
; of death threats ( Win, 2014 ).
Joys and Perils of Activism

What are the advantages and disadvantages of engaging in activism, and
why is self -care important?
Activism often starts out of necessity. For example, when a person feels threatened,
activism becomes a way to channel anger into action and transform helplessness
598 .
Chapter 14 Tensions Action, and Hope for the Future
rr
into empowerment. In one study, researchers found that a sam -

ple of mostly White college students with disabilities reported
learning self- advocacy as children because of the constant
need to deal with discrimination and stigma ( Kimball, Moore,
Vaccaro, Troiano, & Newman, 2016 ). These students subse-
quently drew on their early lessons to engage in college-wide
activism about disability rights as well as other issues. Certain
popular political movements, such as the Chicano Movement,
the Arab Spring, and Black Lives Matter, have been energized
by young people affected by systemic racial/ethnic inequalities
( Hope, Keels, & Durkee, 2016 ) . In this context, several studies
have shown that when Latinx and Black college students have
more awareness of political disadvantages and experience inci -
dents of racism, they’re more likely to participate in activism
as a way to adaptively cope and actively resist ( Cronin, Levin,
Branscombe, van Laar, & Tropp, 2012; Hope & Jagers, 2014;
Szymanski, 2012; Szymanski & Lewis, 2015 ).
Activism can help people feel empowered by seeing them -
selves as part of a group, working in solidarity with others, and
promoting change ( Drury, Cocking, Beale, Hanson, & Rapley,
2005 ). In one study of largely White college students, those This poster was designed for the
who engaged in activism had higher levels of well- being, includ - Women' s March on Washington,
ing a greater sense of meaning in life and a sense of hope ( Klar & which took place the day after
Kasser, 2009 ). However, some types of activism have more pos- the U. S. presidential inauguration
itive psychological effects than others. For example, another in 2017. Many people consider
study investigated the mental health of primarily Asian and this march to be a key part of a
resurgence in feminist activism.
White undergraduate women who either did or did not tweet
about their experiences of sexism ( Foster, 2015 ). Those who
tweeted had increased psychological well - being; the researcher
suggested that tweeting may increase well - being because it has the potential to
reach a wide audience. Another benefit is that it may be less likely to result in
retaliation than, say, directly reporting an incident of sexual harassment.
Tweeting about social issues has been criticized as a sign of being less
engaged ( referred to as slacktivism ) than doing in- person activism. However,
activists often use social media as a way of fighting back against sexism experi-
enced both on- and offline, using Tumblr posts, YouTube videos, and personal
blogs to document their own experiences of sexual assault, harassment, or being
slut-shamed ( Rentschler, 2014 ). Social media can also serve to connect activists
with other like - minded individuals. For example, the Me Too movement gained
prominence when the # MeToo hashtag was popularized in 2017. This allowed
women who had experienced sexual assault or harassment to find solidarity with
other women. It also increased awareness of the extremely high frequency of
sexual assault while decreasing the stigma associated with discussing it ( Jayson,
Joys and Perils of Activism 599
i
I
2017 ). However, as we discussed in Chapter 10, some people who had experi-
enced sexual trauma found the constant reminders of trauma to be triggering
rather than empowering ( LaMotte, 2017 ).
The way discrimination is perceived can play a role in whether acting against it
can be beneficial or harmful. In one study, researchers found that predominantly
White undergraduate women who saw gender discrimination as a pervasive and
ongoing problem had increased well - being if they talked with other people about
’
j it or informed the media ( Foster, 2014 ) . However, if they saw the discrimina -
tion as an isolated event, they reported greater well - being if they didn ’t report
—
it probably, the researcher suggested , because reporting was seen as more of a
hassle than not reporting. Activism can also elicit negative responses and retal -
: iation . For example, when a group of faculty complained about the removal of
contraceptives from their health -care plan at Belmont Abbey College, a Catholic
school , dieir names were mentioned in an email about the case sent to all faculty'
from the university president ( Stripling, 2009 ) . This had negative social reper-
cussions for those faculty' members who had complained and was considered
retaliation by the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity' Commission .
When people become highly active in social justice causes, including femi-
nism, they run the risk of developing physical or psychological problems associ -
ated with overwork and disillusionment. In one study, researchers interviewed
social justice activists who had suffered from symptoms of burnout ( Chen &
Gorski, 2015 ). These individuals reported physical and psychological health
problems such as insomnia due to worrying about what needed to be done,
physical health problems linked to exhaustion , and depression and anxiety'
linked to a sense of hopelessness and despair. One activist noted , “ You can start
to think diat what you’re doing makes no difference . . . and you kind of move
into despair” ( p. 376 ).
si The same study found that burnout was related to
infighting among fellow activists ( generally about who was
F .
your turn getting credit for the work being done ), increased sensitivity'
to injustice, and a lack of personal self- care ( Chen & Gorski,
Do you know anyone who's engaged in

2015 ). Participants reported a culture of selflessness in
activism? Do you engage in any activ-
which self - care was perceived as a sign of privilege and peo-
ism yourself? Do you know any activists ple felt guilty' for engaging in it. In a study of Black queer
who have experienced signs of burnout? college -student activists, researchers found that burnout
How have activists you've known tended was related to experiencing multiple sources of discrimina-
to their own self - care? tion, feeling a lack of social support , and not engaging in
self-care ( Vaccaro & Mena, 2011 ).
Ideally, activists can make time and locate resources to get
adequate sleep, eat well, exercise, and find a supportive community to confide
in, whether in person or online ( Khan, 2015 ). Activists can also benefit from
anticipating resistance by being prepared for negative comments and backlash
( whether online or in person ) in order to reduce frustration and disappointment

when such resistance occurs ( Gorski, 2015 ). Research
has shown that activists can benefit from a practice that
incorporates mindfulness, such as meditation or yoga
spotlight o n . .
( Gorski, 2015 ). This practice enables them to stay calm
and focused in stressful situations, to slow down and see Getting Involved
the big picture, and to engage in self-care without feel -
ing guilty for doing so. There are many ways to engage in social
activism at individual, local, national, and
global levels. If you 're interested in doing
so, some examples include
1. Talking to friends and family about what
Psychology and you ' ve learned in this class and engag-
ing in debate if necessary.
Activism 2. Combating everyday sexism by con-

fronting it when you see it and /or by
How do psychologists promote social justice? posting in the everyday sexism project
( everydaysexism .com ).
On April 22 , 2017, more than 1 million people in 600 cit-
3. Getting involved in activism on
ies participated in a march to defend the role of science in
campus — either by joining an existing
society ( marchforscience.com ) . This march was purposely
feminist group on campus or by starting
labeled a celebration, rather than a protest, because of one yourself .
a fear that scientists would be seen as a special interest
4. Taking care of yourself . You can 't help
group rather than as a group of objective professionals others if you don't help yourself .
( Marcus 8c Oransky, 2017 ). In the past, some scientists
5. Conducting research that addresses indi-
had expressed concern that their scholarship and careers
viduals who have been historically margin-
might be called into question if they appeared to have alized within psychology, discussing this
a political agenda ( Bcndcrly, 2015 ). However, scientists research with other people, and sharing
who wish to advocate for public policy may not need to your findings with the general public.
worry about their credibility as much as they might have 6. Voting for government officials who
:?
thought. For example, participants in one experiment support policies that would benefit the
were shown one of six different statements made by a lives of women and members of other f
fictional climate scientist on a Facebook page and were oppressed groups. These can be on the
’ •
asked to rate the extent to which they found him credi - local, state, or national level.
ble and trustworthy ( Kotcher, Myers, Vraga, Stenhouse, 7. Campaigning for those officials to raise
8c Maibach , 2017 ). Some of the statements were policy awareness about policies that would
neutral and simply stated facts; others advocated for a benefit women and members of other
specific policy position . The credibility of this fictional marginalized groups.
climate scientist wasn’t influenced when he advocated for 8. Running for leadership positions on
specific policy positions. The authors concluded that sci - cempus and/or in community or profes-
entists who wish to engage in advocacy could do so with- sional organizations you ' re part of — or
out negatively impacting their credibility with die public. even running for local, state, or national
Today, many scientists do believe that if they want to government positions.
effectively communicate important findings to the pub- 9. Donating time to community organiza -
lic and promote policy change, they have to be more tions that focus on social justice goals.
601
active and engaged in communities ( Hernandez, 2017 ). They have concluded
that science and activism can be complementary. Especially when scientists dis -
cover inequities that directly influence people’s lives, they may feel compelled
to act. For example, it was the scientific knowledge gathered by Virginia Tech
professor Marc Edwards, along with the active persistence of concerned mother
LecAnne Walters, that exposed toxic levels of lead in the public water supply of
Flint, Michigan ( McQuaid , 2016 ). Despite receiving hundreds of complaints
from residents about the poisoned water, it took the power of science combined
with activism to actually capture national attention and begin to hold city offi -
cials accountable.
As part of the scientific community, some psychologists use research to
j
advance social justice goals. In Chapter 1, we discussed the doll studies of Mamie
and Kenneth Clark ( Clark & Clark, 1947 ). Their studies were a key part of the
case Brown v. Board of Education, the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court ruling that
led to the desegregation of public schools in the United States. More recently,
psychological science was central to the public debate over marriage equality.
During the Hollingsworth v. Perry federal court cases on same -sex marriage in
California, psychological research played a critical role in convincing jurors to
-
rule in favor of same sex marriage ( Fingerhut & Peplau, 2013 ) . These examples
show the power of psychological science to promote change .
:
:
Changing Academic and Professional Fields:

!
Increasing Women's Participation in STEM
As we saw in Chapter 2, women are underrepresented in STEM fields ( Ceci
& Williams, 2011 ). Psychologists have identified numerous factors that may
contribute to this and have suggested interventions that may boost women’s
participation. Many organizations are applying this research to help girls and
women in STEM. For example, psychological research suggests that sim -
ply understanding that stereotype threat exists can help to reduce it ( Johns,
Schmader, & Martens, 2005 ), as can doing self-affirmations of one’s strengths
and values before taking a test ( Martens, Johns, Greenberg, & Schimel, 2006 ).
Further, being exposed to female experts in math, science, and engineering has
been shown to increase women’s sense of comfort with and participation in
STEM fields (Stout, Dasgupta, Hunsinger, & McManus, 2011 ). This research
suggests that role models in STEM fields can provide stereotype inoculation—
in other words, they can protect people from negative stereotypes about their
social group by acting as a “social vaccine ” ( Dasgupta, 2011, p. 231). Female
role models can help girls and women see that they can be successful in math
and science even though others may view those fields as masculine domains.
As we saw in Chapter 3, some universities arc working to create environments
that encourage women to participate in STEM. For example, we mentioned

die strides that Harvey Mudd College has made to increase
women’s participation in STEM. In addition, Carnegie
Mellon University has applied the knowledge gained from
your turn
research to foster a welcoming environment for women
What does the composition of students
and to increase female representation in STEM. By 2016,
in STEM majors at your school look like?
48.5% of the school’s computer science majors were women
How does this compare to the demo-
( “ CMU’s Proportion of Undergraduate Women,” 2016 ). graphics of the entire student body?
The school’s philosophy, simply put, is that women need the What do you think are the best ways to
same things as men to succeed . According to Lenore Blum, increase women's participation in STEM
a computer science professor at Carnegie Mellon, “Women fields? Is your school doing anything to
need die same things diat have always been available to address this issue?
—
men mentors, networks and role models, as well as friends
who are also computer science majors” (Spice, 2014, para. 7 ).
In fact, research has shown that when women were working on engineering tasks
in groups, women had more confidence and enjoyed the work more when the
groups had equal numbers of women and men or when women were in the
majority ( Dasgupta, Scircle, & Hunsinger, 2015 ) . They also talked more when
they were in the majority. When women worked in groups where men were in
the majority, first-year female students felt more anxious, and many women were
less endiusiastic about pursuing engineering as a career.
Changing Public Opinion: Consciousness

Raising among Young People
Psychologists are on the front lines in helping young people to develop activist
voices. For example, in 2010, an organization called SPARK (Sexualization
Protest: Action, Resistance, Knowledge ) was founded by Deb Tolman and Lyn
Mikel Brown , two psychologists who have extensively studied the sexualiza -
tion of girls and how girls can act as social change agents. SPARK has initi-
ated a number of actions designed to empower girls and women (see http://
www.sparkmovement.org/spark-actions/ ). One campaign, undertaken in 2012,
aimed to get the teen magazine Seventeen to include non-edited images of real
girls instead of extensively Photoshopped images of models. Seventeen sub-
sequently committed to using some non - models in the magazine ( Krupnick,
2012 ). SPARK also advocated for Google to have more gender parity in the
representation of those it features in “ Google doodles.” The organization’s
success with this campaign led it to partner with Google to add a feature to a
Google Maps app that alerts users if they’re near a place where a woman made
history.
More recendy, after conducting research on transgender youth of color,
psychologist Anneliese Singh co-founded the Georgia Safe Schools Coalition
and Trans Resilience Project. This coalition educates about and advocates for

9 ]
issues affecting LGBTQ students and families. In 2017, the group hosted the
annual GSA Youth Summit to develop activism among students. Participants
i learned how to help Georgia’s schools become safe and affirming environ-
ments for all students, regardless of sexual orientation or gender identity/
expression . Members of the coalition did this by educating LGBTQ students
about their rights, helping them to develop anti - harassment and bullying poli -
cies at their schools, working with students to create and grow LGBTQ affinity
groups, and advocating with students for trans-affirming language and facili -
ties. Students who attended were also provided with resources to help them
- —
advocate for themselves for example, how to explain to teachers and admin -
istrators about the Day of Silence or how to have conversations with parents
about prom dates.
Changing Laws and Norms:

Beatrice Wright 's Legacy
Many scholars acknowledge diat social psychologist Beatrice Wright’s life’s
work was die catalyst for widespread social change for individuals with disabili -
ties ( Dunn & Elliott, 2005 ). V\nien her book Physical Disability: A Psychological
Approach was published in 1960, it was the first theory-driven psychological
i ;
approach toward understanding die experiences of people with disabilities. In
it, she compassionately documented the ways in which social stigma contributed
to the decreased well - being and marginalization of people with disabilities. This
work was influential in the development of federal legislation , including the
Rehabilitation Act of 1973 and the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990
( Dunn & Elliot, 2005 ). Because approximately 40 million Americans have a
disability ( 12.8% of the population; Kraus, Lauer, Coleman , &: Houtenville,
2018 ), these laws greatly improve the quality of life for a substantial portion of
! the population .
ill
I! Wright’s work was also influential in changing the language that psychol -
ogists, and others, use. Wright believed that the way psychologists describe
people, in either devaluing or empowering ways, matters because language ulti -
mately shapes how we think, feel, and act toward others ( Dunn & Elliot, 2005 ).
For example, she encouraged client over patient because client suggests that
people are active collaborators, rather than passive recipients. Partly due to her
work, it’s now also normative to use a “ placing the person first ” approach
for example, saying “ person with a disability” rather than “disabled person ”
—
( Wright, 1991 ).
This has actually led to formal changes within die field of psychology ( Dunn
& Elliot, 2005 ). For example, in 2001, the fifth edition of the APA Publication
Manual clarified that psychologists should use the term disability to describe

characteristics linked to an individual ( c.g., “A person who
is blind has a disability” ) and the term handicap to describe
the consequences of stereotypic beliefs, laws, and the envi-
try it for yourself
ronment ( e.g., “ Wheelchair access to older buildings is
Go to feministvoices.com, and look at
handicapped by the absence of ramps”; American Psycho-
the profile of Dr. Beatrice Wright. Read
logical Association , 2001 ).
the transcript of the oral history she
Today, Wright’s legacy is evident in psychological research gave for this website. How does she talk
on human strengths as well as in sub-disciplines such as about the activist nature and impact
positive psychology ( Dunn & Elliot, 2005 ) . Psychologists of her work? Now explore profiles of
exploring these topics don’t solely focus on individuals’ other women in both the Women Past
perceived deficits. Instead , they also seek to understand a and the Feminist Presence portions of
person’s strengths and sources of well - being and happiness. this site. Who else has integrated (or is
This holistic approach affirms human dignity and reduces integrating) activism with research? In
bias and stigma by ensuring that the focus isn’t dispropor- which ways? Do these individuals make
tionately negative ( Dunn & Elliot, 2005 ). the activist connection explicitly, or is
it implied by the nature and impact of
their work?
Psychologists Reaching Out

Psychologists also disseminate scientific findings. By doing so, they help
legislators develop new laws, assist institutions in implementing socially
beneficial policies and programs, and keep the public attentive to import-
ant social issues . For example, the American Psychological Association’s
Committee on Women in Psychology has spearheaded several task forces that
have produced reports used by journalists, advocacy organizations, parents,
and psychologists to create awareness and ignite change. These full reports,
including The Trafficking of Girls and Women ( 2014 ) and The Sexualization
of Girls ( 2007 ) , can be accessed by the general public on the Committee
website . Psychologists also write for popular websites, such as Huffington
Post, and provide editorials for major newspapers, such as The New York
Times. This allows important psychological findings to reach a widespread
public audience .
The American Psychological Association also sponsors a Congressional
Fellowship Program that facilitates pairing psychologists with a congressper-
son or congressional committee for a one-year staff position . In this role, they
help draft legislation and assist in congressional hearings. Psychologists also
oversee large research projects that inform policies. For example, those who
advocate for high -quality, affordable child care can point to the results of a
large longitudinal study conducted by psychologists at the National Institute
of Child Health and Human Development that followed over 1,000 children
from infancy until the ninth grade. One main finding is that the quality of early
child care makes a difference in children’s development ( NICHD Early Child

Care Research Network, 2002 ). To date, almost 600 research
publications have resulted from this one longitudinal study.
Some psychologists also act in collaboration with corporations
so that psychological research informs their practices. For example,
in Chapter 6 we talked about the Dove Real Beauty campaign.
Nancy Etcoff, a clinical psychologist, was one of die researchers
who worked with Dove to explore women’s views of their bodies
( Etcoff, Orbach, Scott, & D’Agostino, 2004 ). In a similar vein,
Tomi -Ann Roberts, a social psychologist and co -originator of
objecdfication theory, served as a consultant for the U by Kotex
campaign, bringing her expertise as a researcher of objectification
and sexualization as well as her knowledge of personal and cultural
attitudes about menstruation ( Roberts, 2016 ). It wasn ’t always
a comfortable partnership, but she believes that “ the advocacy
work . . . despite its pitfalls, feels true to the feminist promise of
our feminist theory [ objectification theory ]” ( p. 292 ).
Psychologists do activism in less formal ways too. This is often
—
referred to as street activism ( Singh & Burnes, 2010 ) they attend
rallies, participate in community social justice groups, lobby for
Have you ever "run to the
legislation , and provide self- care workshops for other activists.
.
noise " as Michelle Obama
Psychologist Leonore Tiefer summed it up well when she said ,
called for ? What makes you
more, or less, likely to do “ All you need to start a movement is to get a bunch of people
this? How would you explain talking together in a room ” ( Liebert, Lcve, & Hui , 2011, p. 697 ).
to others the importance of When psychologists bring their expertise to those conversations,
“ running to the noise " ?
the results can have a powerful, positive impact.
I
Conclusion: "Run to the Noise"
In her commencement address at Oberlin College in May 2015, Michelle
Obama gave useful advice to college students about how to engage with con -
flict rather than avoid it. “Today, I want to urge you to actively seek out the
most contentious, polarized , gridlocked places you can find . . . because so
often, throughout our history, those have been the places where progress really
—
happens the places where minds are changed, lives transformed , where our
great American story unfolds” ( Cunningham, 2015, para . 2 ) . Obama noted
that students might be tempted to seek out only like - minded individuals, but
she encouraged them to also seek out the opinions of those who differ from
them: “You need to run to, not away from, the noise” ( para. 6 ).
It can be difficult to engage with people who are different from you and/or
who hold beliefs that you disagree with . You may have had difficult discussions
in this class throughout the semester. You may also have discussed some of the

course material with friends and family outside of class and found that they
don’t share your perspectives. This may have been hard, yet these tensions reveal
opportunities for growth and change. As you finish this semester and consider
what you’ve learned and how your beliefs have or have not been challenged, we
encourage you to run to the noise. Talking with others about the issues you’ve
learned about in this class, listening to other perspectives, and struggling with
tensions might inspire you to engage in activism that aligns with your values.
We hope this book has helped you to understand the diversity of feminist
perspectives and the psychology of women and gender. As you can see, this field
encompasses many issues that need addressing. Exacdy how to do that is compli -
cated and not always clear-cut. Innovative theories and methods will help, and we . r-
are excited that you ( yes, you ) might be able to build on the ideas in this book.
; R n a
w
H -
1
SUMMA
The Future of Feminism: Challenges and Feminist Activism: Changing Women's Lives
Controversies Feminists have worked on a variety of
There is no one experience of being a woman. social issues that both directly and indirectly
Feminism continues to struggle with insufficiently connect to gender. These issues include
recognizing the needs of women such as increasing the minimum wage, achieving
transwomen, women of color, and poor women. equality at work, reducing gun violence,
Men can be effective advocates for feminism, but advocating for reproductive justice, and
when they advocate for feminism, they’re often improving the environment.
given more respect and credibility than women.
Joys and Perils of Activism
Conflict among feminist perspectives
—
continues to cause tension for example, in
intergenerational conflict.
Activism is often motivated by oppression.
Activists can experience increased well- being,
but they can also experience retaliation and
Building Bridges: A Call for Allyship
burnout.
Through working as allies, people can come
Psychology and Activism
together across social identity groups to create
positive social change. Psychologists and psychological researchers
have been key in promoting change, both
Becoming an ally is a process with the ultimate within and outside the discipline.
goal of joining with other people to advocate
for social justice.
Chapter Review 607

Psychologists have advocated to increase create greater equality for those who have
women’s participation in STEM, have worked disabilities.
with youth to bring awareness to issues such Psychologists also work to disseminate scientific
as the negative effects of objectification, and findings in a variety of contexts to improve the
have sought to change laws and norms to lives of all people.
KEY TERMS
allyship ( p. 589 ) stereotype inoculation ( p. 602 )
i
THINK ABOUT IT
1. How can you “ run to the noise ” ? What arc the 3. Reflect on this book . What issue do you
opportunities and challenges associated with think did not get enough coverage ? Explore
engaging in debates about feminism and in this issue in an academic search engine, and
exploring some of the tensions discussed in this imagine you could add a section to this
chapter and the book as a whole ? What kinds textbook. What would you sav?
of debates and conversations about these 4. Imagine a friend asks, “What is psycholog)'
topics have you had with friends and family? of women and gender? ” How would
I 2. What do you believe arc the most pressing you respond ? How has this course
social justice concerns? Spend some time changed the way you view psychology
exploring local, national, and global groups and society ?
that address these issues. Are there any 5. What are your thoughts about feminism
legislative priorities? If not, in what other ways and its role in societv? Have your thoughts
is activism addressing these concerns? Look to changed over the course of the semester ?
see if psychological research can contribute to
advancing a specific cause in that domain .
: {!
1
ONLINE RESOURCES
—
Black Lives Matter information about
the Black Lives Matter network and its efforts
Lachrista Greco — Lachrista Greco is creator
of the Guerrilla Feminism digital activist
to establish dignity, justice, and respect: network; her website features links to her
blacklivesmatter.com writing about activism and offers a digital
—
Crunk Feminist Collective a space for
hip - hop-generation feminists of color to discuss
activist library and information about guerilla
feminism: lachristagreco.com
and debate ideas and to provide support in
the struggle to identify shared feminist goals:
National Organization for Women —
highlights the activities of the largest U.S.
crunkfeministcollcctive.com grassroots feminist organization dedicated to
—
Girls Globe a website aimed at connecting
girls and women across die globe in order to
a multi - issue and multi -strategy approach to
women’s rights: now.org
educate and inspire people to take action on
human rights, social justice, and gender equality:
girlsglobe.org

glossary
abstinence- only sex education: Programs teaching androgen-insensitivity syndrome (AIS): A condition
that abstaining until marriage is the only way to in which testosterone is present but cannot con -
avoid pregnancy, STls, and negative psychological .
nect with cell receptors Individuals with AIS have
consequences. XY chromosomes, no female- typical internal organs,
abstinence- plus sex education: Programs promoting and active testes.
abstinence as the most effective way to prevent anorexia nervosa: A disorder that involves self- imposed
pregnancy and disease but also including informa - food restriction resulting in significantly reduced
tion about contraception and strategies for safer sex body weight, fear of gaining weight, and disturbance
practices. in how one’s weight is perceived ,
active constructive responding: A positive pattern of aromantic: A term used to describe a person who expe -
interacting that involves responding enthusiastically riences little to no romantic attraction ,
to a conversational partner and asking follow- up assisted reproductive technologies (ART): Techniques
questions to prolong the conversation and sense of for treating infertility, including intrauterine insem -
excitement . ination , in vitro fertilization , and surrogacy,
affirmative consent: Mutual, explicit, voluntary, active attachment fertility theory: A theory suggesting that
consent that is given before a sexual act. early human survival was enhanced when women and
age concealment: Beauty work undertaken to hide the men worked together to ensure the survival of their
signs of aging and to be able to “ pass'’ as younger offspring.
than one’s chronological age. attachment parenting: A style of parenting by which
ageism: Prejudice related to a person’s actual or per- parents focus on meeting the child’s needs on her or
ceived age. his schedule.
agentic: A characteristic way of being, commonly asso- baby blues: The experience of crying, poor sleep, irrita -
ciated with men , involving assertiveness, dominance, bility, and anxiety after the birth of a baby, • •
competitiveness, and acting to get things done, backlash effects: The social and economic penalties that
agoraphobia: A type of anxiety related to being outside may be experienced when individuals violate gender
of the home or being in a public place , stereotypes.
allyship: A lifelong process in which individuals who are beauty norms: Shared standards for attractiveness,
privileged develop relationships with individuals who whether implicitly or explicidy stated, that are held
are marginalized as a way to address social injustice, by members of a given social group,
ambivalent sexism: A form of sexism that includes the beauty work: Body modifications done to conform to
two related , but complementary, components of hos- social norms of attractiveness,
tility and benevolence. behavioral theories: A group of theories that emphasize
amplification: A technique that women can use in meet - how aspects of the environment influence behavior,
ings to support each other: One woman repeats what belief in a just world: The belief that most people get
another woman said and gives credit to the original what they deserve.
speaker. benevolent sexism: A component of ambivalent sexism
androcentric: Male -centered . that consists of beliefs that girls and women should
G-1
be treated differently than men because they arc spe- cognitive developmental theories: Theories emphasiz-
cial and in need of protection , ing that ( a ) children’s understanding of gender goes
bereavement: Grief associated with losing a relative or a through stages that correspond to the development
close friend through death. of cognitive skills and ( b ) children arc active partic-
binegativity: A social stigma directed at bisexual peo- ipants in their attempt to understand and take on
ple that can come from both heterosexuals and those gender roles.
who identify as lesbian or gay. cognitive distraction: In the context of sex, a shift of
binge eating disorder: A disorder involving recurrent focus from how a woman feels about what she’s
episodes of binge eating in which a person feels dis- experiencing in the sexual encounter to worrying
tressed and disgusted over each episode,
body dissatisfaction: The state of not feeling comfort-
about how her partner perceives her appearance
also known as cognitive distraction during sex; more
—
able or satisfied with one’s physical appearance, broadly, a shift to a secondary focus that interferes
body esteem: The degree to which people view their with one’s ability to focus on the primary task,
bodies positively. experience, or goal.
body image self -consciousness: Body surveillance during colorism: A preference for lighter skin that stems from a
sexual activity due to concerns about how one looks history of racism and greater privilege for those with
to a sexual partner. Also known as body image self- light skin and/or those who are perceived as White,
consciousness during physical intimacy, coming out: A process by which LGBTQ individuals
body shame: An ongoing experience of negative emo - accept, appreciate, and inform themselves and others
tions as a result of judging one’s body as undesirable, about their LGBTQ identity,
body surveillance: Viewing one’s body from an observer’s communal: A characteristic way of being, commonly as-
perspective and evaluating one’s physical appearance, sociated with women , involving warmth, friendliness,
borderline personality disorder ( BPD): A disorder involv- concern for others, and emotional expressiveness.
ing a poor sense of self including self-criticism, feelings comparable worth: The idea that jobs requiring the same
of emptiness, and impairments in interpersonal rela - education and skill and giving similar value should pay
tionships, including impaired empathy and intimacy. the same wage.
borderwork: Activities, such as teasing about cooties or complex PTSD: A set of trauma responses described by
playing catch games, that reinforce the borders between survivors who faced ongoing, prolonged interper -
girls’ spaces and boys’ spaces, sonal violence during childhood and adolescence;
bridge work: Work, often part- time, obtained after re- symptoms include an inability to foster stable rela -
tirement from one job that provides a transition be - tionships, stress- related physical ailments, and diffi -
tween employment and full retirement, culty maintaining boundaries and personal safety,
bulimia nervosa: A disorder characterized by binge eat- compliant sex: Sex that occurs when a person agrees to
ing episodes, in which a person eats a great deal and sexual acts that arc actually unwanted ,
feels out of control while doing so, and compensatory comprehensive sex education: Programs that include
jj behavior, such as throwing up, exercising excessively, communication and interpersonal skills training in
or using laxatives. addition to information about abstinence and con -
bystander intervention: Intervening when one witnesses traception; sex and sexuality are framed as positive
a problematic situation. and healthy components of life ,
castration anxiety: The fear that one’s penis will be cut compulsory heterosexuality: The idea that sexual pref-
off; according to Freud, this occurs in young boys as ercnces are formed through the social ideal of het-
part of the Oedipus complex, erosexuality, ultimately leading girls and women to
casual sex: Sex that occurs outside of the context of a prioritize the sexual desires of men .
committed relationship. congenital adrenal hyperplasia ( CAH ): An inherited con -
childhood sexual abuse: Any sexual activity between an dition that causes the adrenal gland to over- produce
adult and a minor. androgens, which influences fetal genetic develop -
cisgender identity: Gender identification that matches ment and can also affect development later on.
the sex a person was assigned at birth. consensually non - monogamous ( CNM ) relationships:
coercive power: A type of power that leads survivors to Committed romantic relationships among partners
think they will experience negative consequences if who agree that they can have sexual and emotional
they do not comply with their abusers’ demands. commitments with other people.
-
G2 Glossary
conversion therapy: A form of therapy that seeks to part of a social group that is less powerful than the
change a client’s sexual orientation from LGBQ to dominant group.
heterosexual; this type of therapy has been deemed disenfranchised grief: Grief that cannot be expressed
harmful by the APA and is banned in some states, openly because the loss is not recognized or acknowl-
co- rumination: Extensive discussing of problems and edged by those around the bereaved individual,
dwelling on negatives in conversation with another disorders of sex development ( DSD ): The medical term ,
person . replacing intersex, that encompasses a variety of con -
cultivation theory: The idea that greater exposure to the ditions in which chromosomal, gonadal, or anatom -
media makes it more likely that the images seen there ical features arc not sex typical; some clinicians and
will seem realistic and believable , researchers now define DSD as “differences of sex
cultural feminism: A type of feminism that focuses on development ” to address stigma concerns,
the differences between women and men and views doing gender: Performing or enacting behaviors associ -
women’s inequality as related to the lack of value -
ated with a specific gender in day to -day life,
placed on the unique experiences, perspectives, and domestic violence: Any abusive, violent, coercive, force-
qualities of women . ful, or threatening act by one member of a family or
cultural spillover theory: The idea that widespread cul - household toward another.
tural support for violence leads to increased accept - doula: A paid professional whose job is to support a
ability for violence in other aspects of life , mother during childbirth.
custodial role: Full - time, and often permanent, care and elder abuse: A single or repeated act, occurring within
guardianship of a grandchild , the context of a trusting relationship, that causes
cyberbullying: Bullying through electronic communica - harm to a person over the age of 60.
tion such as texts, emails, social media posts, and the elderspeak: A pattern of speaking aimed at older adults
like. characterized by simplified speech, a high pitch, and
cycle of abuse: A cycle within ongoing abusive relation - an exaggerated tone similar to baby- talk.
ships that consists of a tension - building stage, a vio - Electra complex: A version of the Oedipus com -
lent episode, and a loving and contrition phase, plex for girls: Girls love their fathers, resent their
dating scripts: Lessons absorbed from popular culture mothers, and experience penis envy and can only
that describe supposedly “ normal ” behaviors in the resolve these conflicts by accepting the inferior sta -
context of dating. tus of femininity'.
deinstitutionalization: The mass release of people emotion work: Tasks that make others feel loved and
from psychiatric hospitals in the latter half of the cared for.
20 th century related to an increase in the use of psy - emotional social support: Support that enables us to feel
chiatric medications, concern for patients’ rights, and nurtured and/or cared for by others ,
decreased federal funding for inpatient care, empowerment: The capacity' to attain power,
dependent personality disorder ( DPD): A disorder char- -
empty nest syndrome: The experience of depression,
acterized by traits such as fear of disagreeing with loneliness, identity' crisis, or emotional distress after
others and difficulty in making everyday decisions children leave the home.
without reassurance. ethic of care: A moral perspective that considers how
dialectical behavioral therapy ( DBT): A therapeutic tech - a given action wall affect interpersonal relationships
nique developed for individuals diagnosed with bor- and the well- being of others,
derline personality disorder that combines training ethic of justice: A moral perspective based on abstract
in social skills, mindfulness, emotion regulation , and principles of right and wrong,
assertiveness. ethnocentrism: The tendency to judge other groups ac-
differences perspective: The idea that women and men cording to the values of one’s own group,
are more different than similar, expectancy role value theory: A theory suggesting that
differential parental investment theory: A theory sug- people make decisions about the activities they want
gesting diat women are more invested in their offspring to pursue based on both the expectation that doing
than men because of women’s greater contributions the activity wall lead to success and the value they put
to parenting through gestation and breastfeeding, on the activity.
discrimination: A form of prejudice that involves the un - -
face ism: A tendency to have greater facial prominence
fair treatment of an individual on account of being ( i.e., a larger proportion of the image devoted to
ii
the face ) in depictions of men, while body promi - gender labeling: The ability to say whether someone is
nence is more typical in images of women , female or male .
family caregiving: Unpaid assistance provided to an older gender microaggressions: Brief, everyday acts of sexism,
adult or an adult with chronic or disabling conditions, whether intentional or unintentional , that demean
fat talk: Negative body talk, usually in informal conver- and insult a person based on that individual’s gender.
sations, in which people, typically girls and women, gender rigidity: A sense of inflexibility in terms of what
express dissatisfaction with their bodies, especially in girls and boys are supposed to do.
terms of weight or body size/shape, gender roles: The behaviors within a culture that arc
feminism: A movement to end sexism , sexist cxploita - generally considered acceptable or desirable for a per-
tion, and oppression. son based on that individual’s actual or perceived sex.
feminist epistemologies: Ways to critique and produce gender schema theory: A cognitive theory that focuses
methods of creating knowledge that attempt to on how, in developing an understanding of them -
address biases against certain groups of people, in - selves, children integrate their network of assumptions
cluding girls and women. about how people with different genders are supposed
feminist psychology: A perspective within the field of to think, feel, and act ( i .e., their gender schema ),
psycholog)' in which work is explicitly informed by gender segregation: The tendency for children to segre-
feminism, in contrast to more general research and gate on the basis of actual or perceived gender identity.
theory about girls and women; feminist psycholog)' gender socialization: The internalization of the social
is an explicidy political perspective because it aims to expectations and attitudes associated with one’s per-
advance social justice. ceived gender.
: ,
-
5 alpha reductase deficiency: A condition in which in - gender stratification hypothesis: The idea that differ-
dividuals have XY chromosomes but lack sufficient ences found between women and men ( especially on
quantities of the enzyme 5-alpha reductase, so they’re cognitive skills ) relate to the level of gender equality
unable to convert testosterone into dihydrotesterone in a country.
and , therefore, cannot masculinize their external gen - gender transitioning: For transgender individuals, the
italia in utcro. process of publicly demonstrating one’s gender in
gender constancy: The understanding that even if a both appearance and behavior.
change in physical appearance takes place, a girl will gender-based violence: Violence that is motivated by
still be a girl and a boy will still be a boy. anger, hatred , or bias because of a person’s gender,
gender deviance neutralization: The idea that w'hcn -
gender fair language: The use of symmetrical linguistic
people act in a way that’s gender atypical in one forms and inclusive terms ( e.g., they instead of he;
domain , they overcompensatc by acting in a gender- first -year student instead of freshman ) to refer to all
stereotypical way in another domain , people.
gender dysphoria: A disorder diagnosed w'hcn individ - generalized anxiety disorder: A disorder that involves
uals express a strong desire to be treated as a gender chronic debilitating w'orry about many aspects of life ,
MI
different from the one they w'ere assigned at birth , glass ceiling: An invisible barrier that keeps many women
iij
gender essentialism: The idea that men and women from rising to the highest levels of leadership.
are fundamentally different because of deep and un - glass cliff : The tendency for women to be promoted to
changing properties that are generally due to biolog)' leadership positions when a company is in a precari -
or genetics. ous position or at risk for failure.
gender expression: The external manifestation of a per- glass escalator: The tendency for men to be promoted
son’s gender identity, which may or may not conform to leadership positions very rapidly when they work
to the socially defined behaviors and external character- in traditionally female - dominated fields,
istics that are considered to be masculine or feminine. goal congruity perspective: The idea that people want
gender identity: One’s understanding of oneself as gen - to engage in activities that meet their goals ,
dered , based on a fundamental sense of belonging to hate crime: A crime that is motivated by bias.
a sex/gender category regardless of sex assignment heteronormativity: The idea that people fall into two dis-
at birth. tinct, or binary, sex categories ( M or F), that those
gender intensification: The process during puberty in categories have aligning gender roles ( male or female ),
which girls and boys start to more rigidly enact their and that sexual desires arc most naturally linked to the
gender roles. other sex.
G-4 Glossary
heterosexism: A bias that assumes all people arc hetero-
sexual ( at least until proven otherwise ) and that it is
activities in order to ensure optimal brain develop -
ment, and feel ultimately fulfilled in their role,
more desirable to be heterosexual , intermittent labor: In terms of household labor, tasks
heterosexist harassment: A form of harassment that that arc done only occasionally and for which there’s
involves expressing a negative view toward sexual usually some leeway as to when they need to get
minority identities ( gay, lesbian , bisexual ) whether or done.
not the target of the harassment identifies as a mem - internalization: The process of taking on the standards
ber of a sexual minority group, and norms of dominant society as one’s own and
hidden curriculum: The ways in which the school envi - then striving to meet those standards,
ronment indirectly teaches norms, beliefs, and values, internalized biphobia: Sec internalized homophobia.
historical trauma: Unresolved grief that affects an indi - internalized heterosexism: See internalized homonegativity.
vidual or a group in successive generations of those internalized homonegativity: The internalization of neg-
who have suffered significant trauma , ativity about one’s sexual minority identity. See also
hookup: Sexual activity between two people with no internalized biphobia, internalized heterosexism, and
expectation of commitment, although there is dis - internalized homophobia.
agreement as to exactly what activities constitute internalized homophobia: Among some individuals who
hooking up. are uncomfortable with their sexual orientation, in -
horizontal occupational gender segregation: The ten - ternalized feelings of negativity toward being LGBQ.
dency for women and men to cluster in different Also called internalized biphobia. See also internal-
professions. ized heterosexism and internalized homonegativity.
hostile sexism: A component of ambivalent sexism that internalized transphobia: The internalization of nega -
consists of negative and derogatory beliefs about tive messages about transgender people by someone
girls and women. who identifies as transgender,
hostile work environment: A form of harassment that interoceptive awareness: Awareness of one’s internal
occurs when the atmosphere at a workplace is hostile, physiological signals.
intimidating, and /or offensive, intersectionality: The ways in which different types of
hysteria: The first mental illness associated with women oppression ( c.g., racism , classism , homophobia, trans-
and associated with reproduction, sexuality, or tradi- phobia, ableism, sexism ) are interconnected and,
tional femininity at different points in history, therefore, cannot be examined separately; also the
identity- based bullying: Aggression directed toward peo- way multiple social identity variables influence any
ple who are actual or perceived members of a devalued psychological variable being studied,
social group because of that group membership, intersex: A term used to describe a wide variety of con-
imperialism: A practice that extends a country’s power ditions in which chromosomal, gonadal, or anatomi-
through either diplomacy or war, or both , cal features arc not sex typical,
in vitro fertilization ( IVF): A treatment for infertility by intimate partner violence ( IPV): A form of domestic
which egg production is stimulated, several eggs are violence involving violence by one member of an in -
extracted , the egg is fertilized with sperm outside of timate couple against the other,
the body, and one or more embryos are implanted intrauterine insemination ( IUI ): A treatment for infertil-
after fertilization has taken place, ity by which washed and concentrated sperm are in -
infertility: An inability to become pregnant after 12 months jected directly into the uterus at the time of ovulation,
of regular unprotected sexual intercourse, intuitive eating: Eating in response to physiological
informational social support: Support that involves cues of hunger and satiation rather than situational
others giving advice or ideas to help us find strategies or emotional cues; also referred to as mindful eating.
or resources to better cope with life events, Klinefelter syndrome ( KS): A condition in which a per -
instrumental social support: Support that involves others son’s chromosomal type has more than one X chro-
providing us tangible assistance in terms of money, mosome plus one or two Y chromosomes,
goods, or services. launching phase: The period during which children are
intensive parenting: The idea that parents, especially in the process of leaving the parental home,
mothers, are expected to be fully immersed in the par- learned hopefulness: The belief that an abuser can
enting experience, seek expert advice on how to par- change, which can contribute to survivors remaining
ent, engage their children in cognitively stimulating committed to abusive relationships.
Glossary G 5 -
legitimizing myths: Attitudes, values, or beliefs that exist menarche: The first menstrual period .
hierarchies.
to justify social menopause: The permanent end of menstrual periods,
leisure innovation: Engaging in new leisure activities as resulting from decreased hormone production in the
part of retirement. ovaries.
lesbian feminism: A type of radical feminism that focuses mentor: A person with more experience who can help
on sexuality and reproduction as a central place of and guide someone with less experience.
oppression . militarism: The prioritization and justification of mili -
LGBTQ: An acronym that identifies people with diverse tary values within both military and civilian life ,
gender and sexual minority identities; the letters minority stress theory: The idea that having a margin -
refer to lesbian , gay, bisexual, transgender, and alized identity carries additional social stressors that
queer. can worsen mental and physical health outcomes,
liberal feminism: A type of feminism that focuses on the miscarriage: The experience of losing a pregnancy before
similarities between women and men and on using the 20th week of gestation .
government policies to eliminate barriers that keep misgender: To use a pronoun that doesn’t accurately re-
women from achieving their potential. flect a person’s gender identity.
low-control labor: In terms of household labor, tasks misogyny: Hatred of girls and women .
in which the person doing them has little control model minority: The perception that a given minority
over where and when they’re done. See also routine
labor.
group is an ideal example of a minority group for —
example, the perception that Asian American students
major depression: Feelings of sadness or emptiness, arc hard -working, smart, and over-achieving.
diminished pleasure in activities, negative thought modern sexism: Gender bias that is communicated in
patterns reflecting worthlessness or guilt, and phys- subde or indirect ways.
ical symptoms such as fatigue, weight gain or loss, monosexual: A term used to describe a person who is
and excessive sleeping or insomnia. sexually attracted to only one sex /gender,
male gaze: Visual attention to women’s bodies that may morning sickness: The experience of nausea and vom -
come from a heterosexual man or that may repre- iting that many women experience during the first
sent internalization of the idea that women are sexual 12 weeks of pregnancy,
objects to be looked at. mother blaming: The idea that mothers should be held
marianismo: A concept that underlies the gender social - responsible for the actions, health , behavior, and
ization of Latinx girls and women that encourages well- being of their children .
self-sacrifice and the repression of anger, motherhood mandate: The social pressure on women to
masturbation: Stimulation of oneself sexually, usually become mothers.
i
jj
through touching one’s genitals, to result in sexual motherhood wage penalty: The tendenq' for mothers
pleasure. to earn less than non - mothers do.
mate retention behaviors: Controlling behaviors that mujerista: An identity label that prioritizes the lives of
serve to keep a partner away from potential rivals and Latinx women; mujeristas especially act toward the
ensure the partner’s fidelity. decolonization of all people.
maternal gatekeeping: The process of mothers limiting multicultural competence: A therapeutic skill that in -
how involved fathers are allowed to be in caring for volves recognizing how multiple, intersecting aspects
children. of clients’ social identities influence their lives; mul-
maternal wall: Discrimination that mothers experience ticulturally competent therapists arc keenly aware of
in pay and promotion. the dangers of stereotypes and assumptions about
matrix of domination: The idea that all systems of bias universality of experience when working with clients,
(e.g., racism , homophobia, sexism ) stem from the myth of meritocracy: The perception that economic
same systems of social stratification. mobility is easily attainable through hard work ,
medical gaze: A process of dehumanization that occurs name shifting: A strategy by which some individuals
when medical providers treat a person’s body sepa - ( usually women ) use their surname in some situa -
rate from that person’s sense of self. tions ( e.g., professional settings ) and their spouse’s
medical model: A model that assumes mental health name in odier settings ( e.g., familial situations) ,
concerns are the result of physical problems that can networking: A process dirough which people interact
be treated through medical intervention. with those in or connected to their social networks
-
G6 Glossary
in order to make contacts who can help them further physical abuse: Acts of physical force intended to cause
their careers. physical pain.
neurosexism: Reinforcement or justification of gender pinkwashing: The highlighting of a company’s or or -
stereotypes based on the claim that there are biologi - ganization’s concern for breast cancer by promoting
cally based differences between women and men . pink or pink ribbon products,
normative discontent: The idea that the normal state for plasticity: The ability of the brain to change to a certain
women with respect to their bodies is to feel unhappy degree in response to aspects of the environment and
or dissatisfied . learning experiences.
objectification: The viewing of a person as an object to pluralistic ignorance: The mistaken belief that one’s
be looked at rather than as a human being inhabiting own attitudes and behaviors are different from those
a skin . of others.
objectification theory: The theory that women interna - polyamourous ( poly) relationships: Consensual romantic
lize the perspective of an observer as the primary way and/or sexual relationships with multiple partners, with
of viewing their bodies. all partners having knowledge of the nonmonogamous
observational learning: Learning by watching what nature of the relationships.
others do. polygamy: The practice of one husband having many
Oedipus complex: A stage at which , according to Freud, wives.
boys love their mothers and hate their fathers; the positivism: The idea that science is progressive and cu -
conflict is eventually resolved by learning to identify mulative and that it relies on objectivity, neutrality,
with die father. and rationality.
operant conditioning: A process of learning that occurs post-abortion syndrome: A term used by anti- abortion
through associating actions with consequences by advocates to describe a negative psychological reac-
receiving reinforcement ( or rewards ) or punishment, tion to abortion; research has not supported the exis-
oppression: The w'ays in which certain people experi - tence of this syndrome.
ence degradation because of political, economic, or -
post colonial /transnational feminism: A type of femi-
social realities ( e .g., poverty, homelessness, lack of nism that connects women’s inequality to die legacy
access to health care ). of colonization and critiques the belief that women
outercourse: Forms of sexual activity that don’t involve in Western countries are the most liberated in the
penile - vaginal penetration; sometimes considered a world.
means of contraception . post-feminism: The idea that the women’s movement
overt sexism: Unequal treatment of women that is iden - has achieved its goals and, dierefore, feminism is no
tifiable and, therefore, easily documented. longer needed.
panic disorder: A disorder involving panic attacks diat postpartum anxiety: Feelings after the birth of a child
appear unpredictably as well as fear about having that include worry, a sense of dread , obsessive check-
panic attacks. ing, difficulty sleeping, and other physical symptoms
paternalistic chivalry: The idea that women should be such as dizziness, nausea, and headaches.
protected and cherished — at least, as long as they
conform to traditional gender roles,
postpartum depression: Feelings of sadness, anxiety,
exhaustion, guilt and worthlessness, and suicidal ide-
paternity uncertainty: The notion that men can never be ation lasting at least two weeks that can be experi-
100% sure that the offspring they raise are their own. enced after giving birth.
patriarchy: A social system in which men hold positions -
post traumatic growth: A positive psychological change
of authority and pow'er. that can occur following a struggle with highly chal-
penis envy: According to Freud , die envy that young lenging life circumstances.
girls experience when they realize that they do not -
post traumatic stress disorder ( PTSD): A disorder that
have a penis. occurs after direedy experiencing or witnessing a
performative bisexuality: A sexual script in which hete- shocking or frightening event; symptoms include
rosexual women make out and engage in sexual re-experiencing the event through dreams or flash -
activities with other women for the enjoyment of backs, avoiding stimuli associated with the trauma,
men w'ho are watching them , having a general sense of numbness, and physiolog -
perimenopause: The few years before and the 12 months ical reactivity such as being easily starded or having
after a woman’s last menstrual cycle. insomnia .
Glossary G 7 -
I
postmenopause: The period beginning 12 months after relational aggression: Indirect forms of aggression that
a woman has had her last menstrual period ( or has involve damaging others’ existing or potential rela -
had an oophorectomy ) and continuing until the end tionships and /or social status,
of the woman’ s life. relative resources theory: The idea that the person who
postmodern perspective: The idea that knowledge isn’t brings more resources to the relationship gets to use
objective; rather, it is constructed and , therefore, can those resources to avoid doing chores,
change as a function of time place, or culture
, , reproductive justice movement: A feminist movement
prejudice: A negative attitude toward someone because centering around four basic rights: ( a ) to have chil-
of that person’s actual or perceived membership in a dren, ( b ) to not have children , ( c ) to parent one’s chil -
certain social group. dren in a safe, healthy environment, and ( d ) to express
premenstrual dysphoric disorder ( PMDD): A disorder one’s sexual and gender identity free from oppression
that is diagnosed when women have symptoms of and fear.
depression that start before the onset of their period resiliency: The capacity to successfully adapt to trauma
and end soon after the period is over, or stress.
principle of least interest: The idea that the person who restorativejustice: Rehabilitation modeled on Indigenous
i
wants a relationship less has greater power within peacemaking processes involving facilitated meetings
that relationship. between perpetrators and survivors, with the goal of
privilege: The social, economic, and /or political advan - achieving reconciliation and commitment to peace.
j tages that some people enjoy simply because they’re role enhancement theory: The idea that people experi -
part of a certain group, rather than because of any- cncc an increase in energy and well - being when they
thing they did or failed to do. arc engaged in multiple roles ( c . g., worker, mother,
psychoanalytic theories: A group of theories based on sister, friend ) as a result of being so involved and
; the underlying idea that gender development ( and engaged .
personality development in general ) is controlled by role loss hypothesis: The idea that parents, particularly
unconscious forces. mothers, will experience a decrease in well - being
psychological abuse: A type of abuse in which perpetrators when their role as caregiver is no longer needed ,
act in ways that cause fear, shame, isolation, or depri- role strain relief hypothesis: The idea that parents, par-
-j •
i vation; it can involve emotional and /or verbal abuse ,
psychology of women: A subfield of psychology that fo -
ticularly mothers, will have an increase in well - being
after children leave home because of a decrease in daily
cuses on the lives and experiences of girls and women , demands, time constraints, and work-family conflicts,
queer feminism: A type of feminism that claims inequal - routine labor: In terms of household labor, tasks that
ity is related to die ways in which the categories of must be done frequently on a regular schedule. See
\
woman and man have been constructed , studied , and -
also low control labor.
used to organize society. rumination: A tendency to obsessively mull over one’s
!i quid pro quo harassment: A form of harassment that problems and all of the causes and consequences of
occurs when a supervisor requests sexual favors in ex - the situation.
change for workplace benefits, such as a raise or a pro- safe sex: Sex involving birth control , often condoms, in
motion, or to prevent negative events, such as being order to minimize the risk of STIs and pregnancy;
fired or demoted. sometimes referred to as safer sex .
radical feminism: A type of feminism that views women’s sandwich generation: The group of individuals, primar-
unjust treatment as the most fundamental form of ily women , who arc simultaneously caring for their
oppression and that advocates for separatism , children and their aging parents,
rape: Penetration, no matter how slight, of the vagina scapegoating: Blaming a person or a group for things
or anus with any body part or object, or oral pene- that are not their fault.
tration by a sex organ of another person, without the second shift: The phenomenon of women coming home
consent of the victim . from their jobs and doing another round of work in
rape myth: A false belief about how and why rape occurs, the home .
-
reappropriation: The process of a person or group of peo- self fulfilling prophesy: The idea that expectations for
ple from a subordinate group intentionally reclaiming how someone is going to behave influence that per-
a slur that was previously used by a dominant group to son’s behavior so that the expectations are fulfilled ,
oppress or stigmatize them. making the prophesy come true .
-
G8 Glossary
self-objectification: The process of turning the objectify - survival: Men maximized potential oflspring through
ing gaze on oneself in order to evaluate the extent to sexual activity with many women, while women were
which one conforms to societal standards of beauty, selective with sexual partners in order to find stable
self-sexualization: Purposely engaging in behaviors or mates who would contribute resources to promote their
practices that are associated with sexualization ( e.g., children’s survival.
wearing push up- bras, entering wet T-shirt contests ), sexualization: The imposition of sexuality on others, the
self- silencing: Women’s inhibiting of self-expression in consideration of people as sex objects, and/or die
order to please another person, and their sacrificing valuing of people merely for their sexual appeal or
of their own needs in order to maintain relationships, sexual behavior.
self - socialization: Children’s process of looking for clues similarities perspective: The idea that women and men
about how to behave and integrating this informa - arc more similar than different ,
tion into an understanding of how one actually does slut shaming: Criticism of girls and women for their
behave. actual or presumed engagement in sexual behaviors,
sex positivity: The idea that all sexual expression and be - social comparison: Comparison of oneself to others to
havior is healthy as long as it is practiced with explicit assess where one stands in relation to the standards
consent from all parties involved , and norms of dominant society,
sex trafficking: Commercial sex induced by force, fraud , social construction theories: Theories, based on a post-
or coercion. modern perspective, that focus on ( a ) how cultural
sex work: An umbrella term that refers to the exchange beliefs about gender exist to uphold particular so-
of sexual services, performances, or products for cial and economic systems and inequalities, as well as
compensation. ( b ) how to enact gender.
sex/gender binary: The idea that there are only two sexes, social exchange: The idea that economic models of
and that a person must be assigned a sex of either fe - trading goods and services apply to interpersonal
male ( F ) or male ( M ) that will align with a predictable relationships ( e .g., if one member of a couple makes
gender. a lot of money, die other partner may do more
sexism: A bias based on the belief that men are superior housework) .
to women . social identity: A person’s sense of self based on that
sexual agency: A sense of being comfortable with and in individual’s affiliations with different social groups,
control of one’s own sexuality, social learning theories: Theories asserting that learning
sexual assault: A general term that refers to different takes place in a social setting but that children do not
types of sexual abuse, including rape, attempted rape, need to be directly reinforced or punished in order
unwanted sexual touching, and/or sexual harassment , to learn.
sexual assertiveness: The ability to ask for what one social mothers: Women who take on die mother-
wants and to refuse what one doesn’t want within a hood role through social ( rather than biological )
sexual encounter. means, including adopting, fostering, or becoming
sexual configurations theory (SCT): The idea that sexual - a stepmother.
ity is multi - faceted , socially situated, and dynamic and social role theory: The idea that differences between
can be best understood along a variety of dimensions, women and men arise from die different roles they
sexual double standard: A perspective in which women have traditionally held ( e.g., caretaker, provider )
are judged more harshly than men for engaging in rather than from biologically based differences passed
comparable sexual behaviors, down through evolutionary forces. Also known as
sexual orientation: An individual’s predisposition to - social structural theory.
ward sexual and /or romantic attraction for persons social stratification: A social structure by which people
of the same sex/gender ( homosexual ) and /or the are ranked in a hierarchy such that some people and
other sex /gender ( heterosexual ) , groups have more power and status dian others,
sexual scripts: Descriptions of behaviors that constitute social structural theory: See social role theory.
'‘normal” sexual behavior in a given culture, social support: A feeling of being cared for and having
sexual socialization: The process of learning about support and assistance from people around us, in -
sexuality. cluding family, friends, and romantic partners,
sexual strategies theory: A theory suggesting diat women socialist feminism: A type of feminism that links gender
and men developed different mating strategies to ensure oppression with capitalism.
Glossary G- 9
I
specific phobia: Fear of a specific object or activity (e.g., tend -and - befriend coping strategy: An evolutionary the-
spiders, hang gliding ). ory of social support according to which women nur-
-
spectatoring: During sex, an “out of- body” experience ture and protect others in times of stress ( i.c., tend )
in which a woman’s focus shifts to things other than and develop social networks that can help facilitate
the sexual encounter. these patterns ( i.e., befriend ),
sponsor: A person who advocates for another person in tentative speech forms: Patterns of speaking that involve
order to help that individual get a job or a promotion , hedges ( e.g., mostly ) , hesitations ( e.g., nm ) , tag ques-
stereotype: A set of beliefs about the characteristics of a tions ( e.g., right? ) , and intensifies ( e.g., very ).
particular group that are generalized to all members terror management theory: The idea that because
of that group. humans fear death, anything that reminds us that we
stereotype embodiment theory: The idea that people are mortal and wall die needs to be managed in a way
learn age-related stereotypes at a young age, inter- that reduces our anxiety.
nalize them as self-stereotypes, and are subsequently “think manager-think male" bias: The idea that the
influenced by them in thoughts and actions. traits many people associate with leadership arc agen -
stereotype inoculation: The idea that identifying with tic ones that are also associated with masculinity,
: role models who share one or more aspects of social third world feminism: A type of post -colonial feminism
identity can protect people from negative stereotypes that claims feminism should not focus on common -
about their social group within a specific context alities among women but, instead , should address
( e.g., in STEM fields ). issues from multiple perspectives and not assume a
stereotype threat: The idea that when people think their unified position .
social group docs poorly on a certain task ( or think time availability: The idea that the person with the
that others believe this is true ), their anxiety about most available time should do a larger proportion of
confirming that stereotype can actually undermine housework.
their performance. token: A member of a socially marginalized group whose
sticky floor: The tendency for women to remain at the group makes up less than 15% of the workforce in a
bottom of an organizational hierarchy in jobs that workplace setting.
provide limited opportunities for advancement. token resistance: Saying no to sex but really meaning
stigma awareness: For individuals with marginalized tonic immobility: An involuntary “ frozen ” body response
identities, a heightened fear of encountering future that occurs in high -fear situations,
discrimination because of prior experiences with vio- transformational leader: A leader who inspires others,
lence and discrimination. stimulates optimism and excitement about the future
stillbirth: The death of a fetus after the 20th week of of the organization, and focuses on mentorship,
gestation. transgender: A gender identity ( woman , man , or other
stranger harassment: Harassment of women in public gendered identity labels ) and /or a gender expression
places by men who arc strangers, ( feminine, masculine, or other gendered expressive
strategic essentialism: The support of gender essentialist labels ) that doesn’t conform to societal expectations
beliefs as a strategic choice to help advocate for social for the sex a person was assigned at birth ,
causes that uniquely affect large numbers of women , tripartite model of social influence: A model of the key
stratified reproduction: The unequal situation in which factors that influence body image: parents, peers, and
those with more resources based on factors such as the media.
class, race, ethnicity, or migration status have greater Turner's syndrome (TS): A condition in which a person
autonomy and choice with regard to their ability to has only 45 chromosomes and is missing the X sex
have and raise children. chromosome; sometimes referred to as a chromo-
structural inequalities: Specific laws and policies within somal pattern of XO.
organizations, institutions, and governments that give vertical occupational gender segregation: The ten -
men (and members of other privileged groups) more dency for men to hold positions with higher status,
resources and advantages than women (and members authority, and pay than women within any given
of less privileged groups ). field.
surrogacy: A treatment for infertility in which one wo- victim blaming: A type of blame that shifts responsibility
man is contracted to bear a child for another woman. away from the perpetrator and onto the survivor.
!
6-10 Glossary
voluntary childlessness: The choice not to have children , women of color feminism: A type of feminism that
widowhood effect: The elevated risk of mortality follow- secs women’s inequality as deeply linked to White
ing the death of a spouse. supremacy, a form of racism in which White people
womanist: An identity label that stems from the expe- arc considered superior to people of color,
riences of Black women and other women of color; -
work family conflict: A conflict that occurs when work
the term encompasses feminism but differs because interferes with family obligations or family life inter-
it doesn’t prioritize sexism over other forms of op- feres with work.
pression ( e.g., racism ). -
work family enrichment: A two-way process in which
womb envy: According to Karen Homey, men’s envy of what happens at work benefits family life and what
women’s reproductive ability. happens in the family benefits work.
Glossary G-11
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terstock; p. 318: Cooper Neill/Getty Images for The
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C- 2 Credits
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2017,” October 2017, McKinsey 8c Company, www .
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sual Sexual Experiences: Implications for How Women ing Our Movement for Reproductive Health, Repro -
Label Their Experiences with Rape,” Zoe D. Peterson ductive Rights and Reproductive Justice,” 2005, Asian
and Charlene L. Muehlenhard, The Journal of Sex Communities for Reproductive Justice. Reprinted by
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Credits C-3
name index
Page numbers in italics refer to illustrations, tables, and figures.
AARP Public Policy Institute, 470 Adelman, M., 470 Alderson, K. G., 296
Aassve, A., 347 -
Adclson, J. L., 157, 164 165 Alegria, M., 546
.
Abad, C , 204 Adema, W., 439 Alexander, A. M., 249
Abajian , S. M . , 528 Adesman, A., 390 Alexander, M., 301
Abajobir, A. A., 368 Adler, N ., 366 Alexander, M. G., 130, 131
Abakoumkin , G ., 471 Adler, P., 326 Alexander, S., 33
Abbey, A., 510, 513 Adler, P. A., 326 Ali, A., 547, 553
Abbott, R. L., 508 Adolph , K. E., 213 Ali, S., 260
Abel , E., 381 Adriaanse, M . A., 270 Alimahomed , S., 164
Abel, G., 310 Afifi , T. O., 520 Alkire, M. T., 116
Abcle, A. E., 70 Afifi, W. A., 324 Allan, J., 393
Abeling, S., 515 Afro - Europe, 66 Allen , C., 492
Abell , L., 326 Afshar, H., 260 Allen, L., 288
Aberncthy, D., 551 Aguayo- Romero, R. A., 161 Allen, R. E., 486
.
Abma, J C., 295 -
Ahlers Schmidt, C., 565 Allen, S. M., 392
Abner, E. L., 525 Ahlqvist, S., 225 Allen, T. T., 335
Aboud , R., 34 Ahmad, M., 475 Allison, C., 109
About, 589 Ahmad, S., 515 Allison, C. M., 126
Abraham, S., 265 Ahmed, S. F., 171, 173 Allison, J., 323
Abrams, D., 82, 452 Ahmed, T., 555 Allison, P., 410, 411
Abrams, J . A., 72 Ahrens, C. E., 513, 514, 515 Allore, H . G., 484
Abramson , L., 552 Ahumuza , S. E., 365 Allroggen , M., 495
Abu - Ras, W. M ., 492 Aikin , K. J., 76 Almassi, B., 585, 590
Acker, M., 390 Ainley, V., 269 Almeida, D., 225
Ackerman, A. R., 531 Aitken, Z., 439 Almeida, S. S., 269
Ackerman , R., 265 Ajrouch , K. J., 323 Alonso-Villar, O., 409, 411
Ackerman , S., 570 Aldyama, H., 472 Alpass, F., 481
Adam, K., 207 Akiyoshi, M., 352 5-alpha reductase deficiency, 170
Adamel'kova, Z., 365 Alaggia, R., 210 A1 Romaih, W. R., 295
Adamczyk, A., 593, 594 Alarie, M., 183 Als, H., 241
Adams, M ., 347 Albert, M., 134 Alsultany, E., 62
Adams, R., 27 Albertini, M., 362 Alt, N. P., 75
Adams-Curtis, L. E., 264 Alberts, J. K, 325, 351 Altabe, M., 254
Addady, M., 94 Aldana, E., 514 -
Altenburger, L. E., 336, 518 519
Addams, C., 307 Aldao, A., 120, 130 Alvarez, C. V., 161
Addis, M ., 551 Alderson, J., 171, 174 Amanatullah, E. T., 413
N-1
—
Amanda Bynes Serious mental
issues, 542
Andres, E., 92
Andrew, R, 269
Arthur, A., 224
Artilcs, A. J ., 136
Amato, P., 440 Andrews, B., 512 Artis, A. B ., 6
Amato, P. R , 323, 342 Andrews, W., 538 Aruguete, M. S., 248
Ambady, N., 139 Andrews, W. L., 366 Aschbacher, P. R , 137
American Association for the Ang, C. S., 210 Ash, S., 523
Advancement of Science, 142 Anguiano, C., 328 Ashford , L. S., 363
American Association of University Angulo- Olaiz, F., 289 Ashley, J ., 523
Women, 27 Aniakudo, P., 428 Ashley, W., 74
American Civil Liberties Union, Anisman , H., 562 Ashman , O., 452
430 Anne, K., 205 Ashmore, R , 224
American College of Obstetricians Ansara, Y. G., 159 Asian Communities for Reproductive
and Gynecologists, 371 Ansari-Thomas, Z., 364 Justice, 596
American Psychiatric Association, Anstey, R J., 371 Askari , S. F., 345, 351, 392
162, 302, 303, 304, 549, Anthony, R P., 574 Associated Press, 359
550, 560, 563, 564, 565, 566 Antonucci, T. C., 323, 472 Astbury, J., 380
American Psychological Association, Anyon, J., 216 Atkinson , M . P, 350
43, 52, 366, 557, 571, 605 Anzaldua, G., 35 Attanasio, L., 385
American Psychological Association Aosved, A. C., 509 Attra , S. L., 553, 574
Task Force on the Aphramor, L., 255 Attwood , F., 279, 285
Sexualization of Girls, 306, Appel, H., 561 Atwood , N ., 555
312, 499 Appelman , Y. E. A., 462 Au , A., 571
American Society for Aesthetic Apple, R J., 298, 333 Au , J., 251
Plastic Surgery, 261, 262, 457 Applebaum, S., 383 Aubceluck, A., 267
American Society of Plastic Aranda, F., 185 Aubrey, J., 380
Surgeons, 243, 457 Arbona, C., 335 Aubrey, J . S., 207
Amico, C., 497 Arcelus, J., 564 Auchmuty, R., 337, 343
Amnesty International, 505, 511 Archambault, J., 501 Audet, B ., 551
Amnesty International reveals Archer, D., 251 Augustus- Horvath, C. L., 261
alarming impact, 505 Archer, J., 109, 325 Auman, C., 452
Amodio, D., 200 Archer, L., 137 Aune, R R , 247
Amodio, D. M., 222 Archibald, T., 17 Auster, C. J., 211
Amor, D., 167 Arendell, T., 394, 395 Austin , E., 326
Amorosi, C., 141 Arias, D. M., 34 Austin , S. B., 214, 521
-
Ananeh Firempong, O., II., 467 Arias, E., 465, 465 Avalos, L. C., 269
Anapol, D. M., 344 Arias, I., 496 Avellar, S., 415
Andersen, C., 262 Ariel, B., 527 Avcndano, M., 439
Anderson, C. A., 532 Armitage, J. R , 471 Avcrett, P., 296, 471
Anderson, C. R , 226 Armstrong, E. A., 280, 298, Avis, N., 552
Anderson, D., 203 302, 327 Aviv, R , 442
Anderson, H. T., 251 Armstrong, E. M., 280, 327 Awad , G. H., 241
Anderson, R J., 32, 33, 34, 95 Armstrong, M. J., 474 Axelrod , J., 215
Anderson, R L., 516 Armstrong, P. I., 134 Axclson, S. J., 345, 351, 392
Anderson, L. A., 531 Arndt, J., 262 Axt, J. R , 386
Anderson, L. W., 526 Aron, A., 320 Ayers, B., 458-459
Anderson, M., 192 Aron, L., 136 Ayres, M., 34
Anderson, S. M., 313 AronofF, J., 516 Azmitia, M., 63
Anderson, T., 386 Aronson, J., 138 Baams, L., 226
Anderson, T. L., 341 Arora, S., 389 Babcock, J., 165
Andrei, A. G., 322 Arseneau, J. R , 155, 158 Babcock, L., 351, 413
Andreolctti, C., 71, 450 Artavia, D., 409 Babins-Wagner, R., 570
N-2 Name Index

Bachen, C. M., 328 Barnett, O. W., 519 Beauchamp, T., 151
Bachrach , L. L., 545 Barnett, S. M., 135, 142 Bcaujouan, E., 361
Backes, B. L., 510 Barney, A., 467 Bcaulauricr, R. L., 525
Bacon, L., 255 Baron, A., 435 Bcausang, C. C., 264, 266
Badahdah, A. M., 335 Baron, L., 511 Bcazlcy, J. A., 532
Badenes- Ribera, L., 520 Baroncini, M., 184 Beck, J., 509
Badger, K., 501 Barr, R. G., 389 Becker, A. E., 250
Baes, J., 509 Barr, S. M., 157 .
Becker, C. B , 256
Bahadur, N., 373 Barrantes, R. J., 342 Becker, J. C., 77
Bai, Y., 595 Barreto, M., 77 .
Bedard, M , 469, 470
Bailey, J. M., 184 Barrios, M., 251 Bedera, N., 505
Bailey, S. D ., 248 Barron, L., 412 Bcdnar, M., 201
Bakan, D., 70 Barry, E., 223 Becrsma, B., 325
Baker, B., 228 Bartel, A., 593 Bcfort, C., 249
Baker, K., 207, 243 Bartels, J. S., 389 Begany, J. J., 508
Baker, L. V., 290 Barth, E., 414 Begley, C., 387
Baker, M., 338, 343 Bartkiewicz, M. J., 326 Begue, L., 208
Bakker, F. C., 270 Bartky, S. L., 235 Begun, S., 80, 160
Bakr, S. W. A., 260 Bardett, A., 539 .
Behnkc, S , 570
Bala, N., 516 Barton , S. N., 510 Beilock, S. L., 136
Baldwin, A. S., 270 Bartula, A., 526 Bekker, M. H., 560
Baldwin, K., 372 Barwick, A., 248 Belcher, L., 283
Balemba, S., 503 Basile, K. C., 516 Bclgrave, F. Z., 72
Balen , A., 174 Basow, S., 92, 246 Belkin, L., 437
Ball, J., 567 Basow, S. A., 239, 523 Belknap, J., 518
Ballou , M . B., 550 Bassett, M. E., 553, 574 Bell, A., 374
Balsam, K. F., 520 Basson, R., 301, 302, 303, 304 Bell, K. A., 509
Balsis, S., 468 Bastomski, S., 519 Bell, L. M., 205
Balthazart, J., 184 Baston , H., 385 Bell, M., 177
Baldsbcrger, J . A ., 475 Bates, L., 217 Bell, R., 475
Bamberg, M . , 280 Battistella, R A., 167 BeUe, D., 558
Bandura, A., 197 Batde, M., 66 Bellinger, W., 242
Bank, World, 287 Bauer, K., 380 Belluck, P., 388
Bankole, A., 363 Bauer, M., 551 Belmonte, K., 313
Banks, K. H ., 37 Bauerband , L. A., 243 Bcltz, A. M., 157
Bannon, R. S., 500 Baumeister, R. F., 132 Bern, S. L., 200
Banyard, V., 523 Baumgarten, M., 554 Benard, S., 437
Bar, S., 390 Baumlc, A., 415 Bcnderly, B. L., 601
Bardone -Conc, A., 565 Bay-Cheng, L. Y., 33, 37, 288, 313 Benenson, J. F., 321
Bargad, A., 34 Bazzini, D., 248 Benjamin, E. J., 319
Bargerhuff, M. E., 141 Bazzini, D. G., 248, 270 Benner, A., 162
Bar-Halpern, M., 524 Beale, J., 599 Bennett, C., 266
Barker, M., 285, 344 Beall, A. E., 201 Bennett, C. M., 302
Barklow, T. K., 511 Beals, K. R , 342, 471 Bennett, K. M., 530
Barlow, A., 343 Bearak, J., 415 Bennett, R-, 205
Barnard, W. M., 392 Beardsworth, S., 195 Bennett, S., 93
Barnes, H. E., 513 Bearinger, L. H., 286 Bennett, T., 452
Barnes, R. D., 238, 304 Bearman, S. K., 238, 304 Benson , IC E., 162
Barnett, I., 482 Beasley, B., 208 Bent, K. N., 471
Barnett, M. A., 474 Beauboeuf-Lafontant, T., 241, Ben-Tovim, D. I., 243
Barnett, M. D., 506 553, 574 Berdahl, J. L., 428, 430
Name Index N-3

"
Beren, S. E., 255 Bianchi, S. M., 26, 347, 347 348,

} Bockting, YV., 162, 556
Berenbaum, S., 201, 221 351, 593 Bockting, W. O., 164
Bercnbaum , S. A., 157, 170 Biddle, S., 228 Bodi, O., 352
Bercnson, A. B., 246 Biehlc, S. N., 391 Bocckmann , I ., 414
Berg, D. H., 267 Biernat, M., 67, 437 Boergers, J ., 327
Berg, K. K., 522 Biggs, M. A., 367 Boerncr, K., 468
Bergamini, E., 532 Bigler, R., 204, 224 Boesen , M. J ., 222, 226, 326
Berge, J ., 380 Bill, A. C., 586 Bogacrt, A. F., 177
Bcrgc, J. M., 249 Bimbi, D. S., 157, 185 Bogar, C. B., 498
Bergen , M., 134 Birch, L., 228 Bogenschneider, K., 283
Berger, A. R , 391 Bird , S. E., 74 Bogle, K. A., 298, 332
Berger, J., 235, 236 Birkbcck, V., 208 Bohecker, L., 37
Berger, L., 439-440 Birkett, M., 187 Bohn , A., 284
Berger, U., 482 Birnbaum, H . J., 506 Bohncr, G ., 532
Bergeron, S. M., 255 Birnkrant, J. M ., 158 Boisclair, D., 481
Berglas, N. F., 289 Bishop, K. M., 115 Boisnier, A . D., 34
Bergman , M. E., 511 Bittman, M., 350 Boivin , M., 379
Bergsma, L. J., 532 Bjork, R. A., 10 Boles, J., 350
Berkley- Patton , J., 284 Bjorklund , D. F., 114, 474 Bolton , J ., 560
Berkman, L. F., 439 Bjorvatn , B., 388 Boman , I., 520
Berkowitz, A. D., 531 Black, A., 185 Bombak , A., 255
Berlan , E. D., 214 Black, M . C., 501, 502, 505 Bombay, A., 562
Berlatsky, N., 309, 519 Blackburn, A. G ., 514 Bonacci , A. M., 306
Berman , J., 14, 571 Blagg, K., 269 Bondcvik, G . T., 388
Berman, J . R., 303, 304 Blair- Loy, M ., 433, 435 Bongiorno, R., 426
Bermudez, J . M., 333 Blais, M., 326 Bonilla , L., 309
Berna, C., 358 Blake, J. J., 217, 218 Bonilla - Campos, A., 520
Bernard, J., 340 Blakcmore, J., 201, 202, 211, 410 Bonomi, A. E., 336, 518-519
Bernat, D. H., 286 Blanchard, E., 529 Bookwala, J ., 470
Bernhardt, E., 405 Blando, J. A., 470 Booth, A., 323, 472
Bernoldova, J ., 365 Blau , D. M., 483 Boots, D. R , 526
Berridge, C., 485, 486 Blay, Z., 59, 88, 506 Borccka , N ., 35
Berry, C., 89 Blcakley, A., 206, 284, 285, 286 Borenstein , J ., 568
Bersamin , M. M., 296 Bledsoe, S. E., 558 Borges, A., 558
Berscheid, E., 238 Bichar, M., 552 Borgida , E., 238
Bersoff, D. N., 238 Blcidorn , W., 387 Bornovalova , M ., 567, 569
Berta, M., 526 Bligh, M. C., 67 Bornstcin , S., 433
Bertrand, M., 349 Bliss, S. L., 528 Born this way, 156
Bessenoff, G. R., 254 Blix, A. G., 255 Boroughs, M., 245
Betancourt, J. R., 467 Blix, G. G., 255 Bos, H. H., 226
Bctran , A. P., 383 Block, K., 118, 435 Bos, H. M., 226
Bettergarcia, J. N., 153 Bloom, C., 308 Bosak, J ., 97
Bettie, J., 218 Bloom , T., 522 Bosson, J. K., 83, 159
Beumont, P. J., 249 Bloomquist, K., 514 Bostanci , A., 166
Bewino, D. L., 341, 342 Blucmke, M., 77 Bouchard, G., 349, 351, 472,
Beyenc, Y., 371 Blum, L., 546 473, 474
Beyer, D., 430 Blum , R. W., 243 Bouffard , J . A., 518
Bhattacharya, T., 405 Blum , S., 573 Bouffard, L. A., 518
Bhogal, M. S., 508 Bobel, C., 28 Bouic, J., 503
Bianchi, F. T., 161 Bobrowicz, A., 210 Boulton, M. J ., 327
Bianchi, S., 213 Boccia, A., 340, 471 Bounds Littlefield , M., 307
N-4 Name Index

Bourke, E., 167 Brcucr, J., 544 Browne, B., 207
Boushey, H ., 436, 437, 438, 442 Brewer, G., 326 Browne Huntt, M., 78, 79
Boustani, M. M ., 382 Brcwin , C. R., 512 Brownell, K. D., 252, 257
Boutot, E. A., 289 Brewster, K. L., 296 Browning, C. J ., 471
Bowcott, O., 169 Brewster, M. E., 183, 259 Brownmiller, S., 494, 506
Bowers, M. E., 562 Bridges, A., 285 Brownridgc, D. A., 512, 522
Bowc -Thompson, C., 284 Bridges, A. J., 500 Bruch, S., 217
Bowleg, L., 63, 185 Bridges, J., 93, 220 Bruckman, A. S., 519
Bowles, H., 413 Bridges, J . S., 91 Brugiavini, A., 439
Bowman, P., 558 Bricn , M . J ., 472 Bruinsc, H. YV., 173
Boyd , C. J ., 471 Briggs, E. C., 498 Brunson , R, K., 69
Boyd , H., 212 Brill , C. D., 512 Bry, C., 208
Boyd , J . E., 572 Brines, J ., 350 Bryant, C. M., 392
Boyd , R. C., 498 Brinkman, B. G., 326, 532 Bryant, E., 28
Boydell, K., 565 Bristowe, K., 471 Bryant, R. A., 567
Brackc, P., 341 Britton , L. E., 248 Bryant- Davis, T., 530, 560
Bradford , J., 173 Broadbent, J., 380 Bryde, R., 281
Bradford , J . B ., 467, 486 Broaddus, M., 203 Bryk, IC , 157
Bradham , T. S., 513 Brody, D., 521, 546 Brzozowska, Z., 361
Bradley, H., 375 Brody, D. J., 550, 551 Bucchianeri, M. M., 249
Bradley, R., 440 Brodzinsky, D., 378 Buchanan, L., 538
Bradshaw, C., 333, 506 Brooks, A. T., 457 Buchanan, N. T., 429, 556
Brady, J. L., 241 Brooks, K., 185 Buchanan, T. S., 241, 259
Braga , L. L., 563 Brooks, S., 308 Bucholtz, M., 94
Braga Costa , T. M. B ., 269 Brooks- Gunn , J., 227, 264 Buck, M. L., 52
Brainerd , E. G ., 336 Brosi , M. W., 500, 572 Buckner, J ., 553
Brake, B., 125 Brossoie, N ., 525 Budge, S. L., 157, 158, 159, 160,
Braman, A. C., 239 Brotchie, H., 551, 552 161, 164-165, 431
Branch, K. A., 509 Brotman , M., 553 Budig, M., 410, 414, 415
Brandenburg, C. L., 210 Brotto, L. A., 280 Budig, M. J., 414, 415
Brandi , B., 525 Brouwer, D. C., 562 Budnick, J., 325
Branscombe, N. R., 418, 599 Broverman , D. M., 548 Bueno, A., 158
Branstiter, H., 311 Brovcrman, I. K., 548 Bugumba, R., 116
Brant, R., 389 Brown , A., 558 Bui, N. H., 185
Brashicr, E., 339 Brown , A. L., 504 Buist, C. L., 180
Brauer, T., 593 Brown , C., 137 Bukowski, VV. M., 248
Braun, S. S., 224, 226 Brown , D. L., 74 Bulanda, J. R., 468
Braun , V., 92, 246, 305, 306, 505 Brown , E. R., 140 Bulcroft, K., 214
Bravcrman, P., 284 Brown, G., 213 Bulcroft, R., 214
Braync, C., 485 Brown, J. D., 284 Bulik, C. M., 241, 563
Brazclton, E., 554 Brown, K. E., 256 Bumpass, L., 342
Brazil, IC , 469, 470 Brown, L., 550, 569, 570, 572 bumpreveal, 219
Brecklin, L., 574 Brown , L. M., 50, 326 Bumpus, M., 213, 351
Brcgman, H. R., 186, 187 Brown, L. S., 255, 550, 570 Burdorf, A., 484
Breincs, J . G., 311 Brown , M., 238 Burgard, D., 255
Brcm, M. J., 520 Brown , M. J ., 523 Burgess, K. D., 83
Brennan, C. L., 505 Brown, N., 37 Burgoyne, C., 89
Brennan, M., 470 Brown , P. N., 525 Burke, P. J., 159
Brcntano, C., 341, 342 Brown , S. L., 352 Burkholder, G., 185
Brcscoll, V. L., 94, 129, 142 Brown , T. B., 331 Burkley, M., 20S
Breslow, A., 163, 165 Brown, T. N. T., 154, 557 Burmeister, J . M., 23S, 252
Name Index N-5

Burn, I., 477 Calogero, R , 257 Carnlof, C., 462
Burn, S., 223, 224, 225, 226 Calogero, R M., 235, 245, Carothers, A., 123
Burn, S. M., 34 258, 259 Carothers, B. J ., I l l , 112,
Bumes, T. R , 573, 606 Camarata, S., 123 113, 120
Burns, M., 89 Cameron , A., 527 Carpenter, B. D., 468
Burns, R A., 471 Cameron, C. A., 504 Carpenter, L. M., 296
Burri, A., 184 Cameron, D., 94 Carr, A., 332
Burrows, A., 380 Campbell, B., 77 Carr, C., 224, 225
Burrows, J., 393 Campbell, J. C., 521, 522 Carr, D., 238, 327, 468, 471
Burstow, B., 540, 545 Campbell, J. D., 132 Carr, J., 429
Burt, C. H., 502 Campbell, K. E., 552 Carr, M., 503
Burwell, R A., 250 Campbell, R , 513, 514, 523, 550 Carr, M. D., 26
Bushman, B. J., 306, 532 Campbell, W. K., 70 Carr, R , 380
Buss, D. M., 114, 115, 334, 336 Campbell -Jackson, L., 375 Carr, S., 277, 569
Bussey, K., 197 Campos, I. D., 556 Carrier, N., 552
i Buswell, B. N., 132 Campos, R , 239 Carrillo, J . E., 467
Butcher, C., 514 Canary, D. J., 325 Carrington , B ., 216
: Butchko, M. S., 519 Canas, R , 526 Carroll, E. J., 16
h Butler, B. R , 217 Canetto, S. S., 451 Carroll, J ., 218
i
Butler, G., 171 Cantisano, G. T., 555 Carroll, K., 162
Butler, J., 30, 153, 289, 583 Cantor, M. H., 470 Carroll , L., 162
j
Butler, J. C., 311 Capaldi , D. M., 515 Carroll, M. H., 502
Butler, O. E., 97 Caplan , P., 393 Carson , C., 382
Butterfield , J., 345 Caplan, P. J., 547, 548 Carta, M. G., 541
Buttcrworth, P., 371 Capman , J. F., 424 Carter, A., 528
Button, P., 477 Capodilupo, C. M., 79, 241, 255 Carter, J. D., 96
*
Buzdar, A. U., 462 Capogna, K., 97 Carter, N., 423
E Byers, E. S., 279, 285 Cappello, O., 364 Carvalho, A. F., 520
Byles, J., 470 Capriccioso, R , 584 Casad , B. J., 67, 339
Byles, J. E., 481, 484 Caragata, L., 558 Cascio, E. U., 595
5 Bynum, B., 544 Cardell, M., 353 Case, K. A., 65, 68, 591
Byrd-Craven, J., 322 Cardi, V., 564 Casey, E., 531
:
Cabrera, N., 440 Cardoso, E., 136 Cash, T. F., 249, 250, 270
Cacciatore, J., 377 Cards, R A., 238, 252 Cashdan , E., 92
Cadinu, M., 79, 430 Carey, R B., 299, 504, 510 Cashmorc , J ., 498
Cady, C., 269 Carey, M. P., 298, 299, 504, 510 Cass, K., 565
Cahill, A. G., 383 Carli, L., 75, 417, 421, 422 Cassell, J., 210
Cain, D., 514 Carli, L. L., 69, 75 Casteel, C., 512
Cala, C., 515 Carli, L .L., 82 Castro, F. N., 335
Calasanti, T., 455, 485, 486 Carlson, D. L., 440 Castro, Y., 432
Calasanti, T. M., 454, 455 Carlson, E. B., 567 Caswell, T. A., 88
Caldwell, J. E., 521 Carlson, T. S., 557 Catanzarite, L., 429
Calfas, J., 250 Carlsson, M., 414 Cathcrwood , D., 204
Calhoun, L. G., 515 Carlston, D. L., 6 Cathey, C., 257
Caliper Research and Development Carmichael, F., 480 Catinari, S., 168
Department, 421 Carmody, D., 214 Cattarin , J., 249
Callahan, G., 166, 169, 170, 174 Carmody, D. C., 336, 519 Cauce, A. M., 347, 391
Callands, T., 530 Carmon, I., 506 Caughey, A. B., 383
Callard, F., 560 Carmona, R , 175 Causer, C., 212
Callender, A. A., 11 Carnes, M., 498 Cauterucci, C., 94
Callister, M., 454 Carney, M. E., 532 Ceballo, R , 372, 374
N-6 Name Index

Cech , E., 140 Cherney, I. D., 125, 211 Claffcy, S. T., 352
Ceci, S. J., 135, 142, 602 Cheslcr, P, 540, 541, 567 Clara, I., 560
Cecil, K. A., 525 Chesley, N ., 197 Clark, E. KL, 140
Cederlof, M., 167 Cheung, J., 470 Clark, K. B., 39, 602
Cdnat, J. M., 326 Chick, G., 241 Clark, L., 269
Center, B . A ., 347 Child Care Aware of America , Clark, M. D., 502
Center for American Progress, 558 441, 442 Clark, M. P., 39, 602
Center for American Women and Childlessness rises, 361 Clarke, C., 439
Politics, 17 Child marriage database, 497 Clarke, V., 89, 246, 305
Centers, R., 211, 410 Children’s Bureau , 495 Clarke-Stcwart, A., 341, 342
Centers for Disease Control and Child Welfare Information Gate- Clark-Murphy, M., 481
Prevention, 287, 288, 375, way, 377, 378 Clarkson, F. E., 548
381, 385, 390, 462, 494, . Chin , J . L., 424 Claudat, K., 304, 305
515, 551 Chiou, W., 332 Clayton, J. A., 108
Cepress, S. L., 509 Chira, S., 95 Clayton , R. B., 239
Ccruti , C., 161 Chmiclewski , J . F., 51 Clayton, S., 77
Cespedes, Y. M., 553 Chodorow, N., 196, 553 Clay-Warner, J., 502
Chakraborti , N., 492 Choi, P Y. L., 246 Clemans, K., 227
Chalabacv, A . , 452 Choma, B. L., 259, 532 Clinic, Mayo, 117
Chamberlain, L. J., 430 Choma, R., 83 Cloitre, M., 567
Chamberlin , J ., 429 Chrislcr, J ., 389 Clough, A., 522
Champagne, N. M., 267 Chrisler, J. C., 17, 43, 238, 264, Cluse-Tolar, T., 524
Chan , C. S., 227 267, 268, 327, 454, 457, CMU’s proportion of undergraduate
Chan , T. S., 295 458 , 467, 468, 486 women, 603
Chan, Z. C. Y., 295 Christakis, N. A., 319, 471 CNN Political Unit, 529
Chandler, M . A., 364
Chandlcy, R. B., 510
Christel, D. A., 234
Christie, A. M., 60, 61
-
Coates, R , 243
Coats, E. J., 95
Chandra , A., 374 Christogiorgos, S., 168 Cochran , B. N., 557
Chang, L., 254 Christopher, F. S., 334 Cochran, K., 270
Chang, Y. T., 266 Christopoulos, P, 168 Cocking, C., 599
Chaplcau , K. M ., 82 Chronicle of Higher Education, 16 Cockram , J., 522
Chaplin , T. , 213, 553, 554 Chua, C., 110 Cockrill, K., 367
Chaplin, T. M., 120, 130 Chua, T. H. H., 254 Cognard - Black, A., 419
Chapman , D. P , 559 Chun, H., 339 Cohen, D., 336, 519, 548
Chapman, K. R., 457 Chun, J. J., 63 Cohen, D. S., 462
Chapman , R., 89 Chung, D., 336 Cohen, G. L., 62
Charania, G. R., 181 Chung, J. M., 387 Cohen, J., 91, 120
Charpcntier, M., 452 Chung, M., 440 Cohen, J. A., 343
Chattcrjcc, R., 427 Chung, S., 482 Cohen, K. M., 185
Chatterji, P., 17, 439 Chung, Y. B., 409 Cohen, L., 552, 555
Chavous, T. M., 62 Ciao, A. C., 256 Cohen, L. L., 36, 77, 78
Cheldelin, S. I., 413 Cicero, E. C., 200 Cohen, P., 409
Chen, C. W., 600 Cichy, K. E., 68 Cohen, PN, 351
Chen, E. S., 68 Ciciolla, L., 398 Cohen, R., 239, 594
Chen, E. Y., 238 Ciesla, J. A., 248 Cohen - Kettenis, P., 162
Chen , H.-Y., 241 Cillessen, A. H., 327 Cohen - Kettenis, P. T., 156,
Chen, J., 424 Ciment, J., 89 160, 161
Chen, Y., 501 Cini, M., 331 Cohn , A. M., 502
Chenowcth , E., 59 Cities for CEDAW , 533 Cohn , D., 16
Cherkas, L., 184 Civettini, N., 350 Coiro, M., 558
Cherlin, A., 473 Claes, M. E., 323 Coker, A. L., 531
Name Index N-7
E.
Coker, H. C., 588 Cook, S., 508, 554 Coyle, K., 283
Colapinto, J., 175 Cook, S. L., 527 Coyne, S. M., 208
Colcombe, S. J., 452 Cooky, C., 150 Coytc, R C., 480
Cole, E. R., 35, 36, 54, 54, 64 Coolcy- Quille, M., 498 Cozzarelli, C., 71
= Cole, R , 213, 553 Coolidgc, F. L., 526 Craig, A., 213
- Coleman , E., 164, 301, 556
Coleman, J., 265
Cooper, C. M., 584
Cooper, D., 592
Craig, L., 347
Craig, S. L., 210
Coleman, L., 265 Cooper, H., 436 Crandall, C. S., 138-139
Coleman , R., 478, 604 Cooper, M., 436 Crawford , M ., 15, 33, 40, 53,
Coley, R. L., 398 Cooper, S. C., 265 106, 280
. Colker, R., 393, 394 Copeland , G. A., 251 Crcanga , A. A., 385
I Coll, C., 220 Copen , C., 374 Crcatsas, G., 168
:
Collier, K. M., 208 Copen , C. E., 341, 342 Creek, S. J ., 493
Collier-Meek, M., 209 Corbett, C., 414 Creighton , S. M., 173, 174
1 Collins, F. S., 108 Corbett, S., 508 Crenshaw, K., 22, 63, 493, 583
Collins, G., 18 Cordero, E. D., 249 Crenshaw, K. W., 63, 217, 218
Collins, J., Jr., 385 Corfield , F., 564 Crick, N. R., 50, 326
Collins, R H., 64, 72, 239, 493 Corley, D., 417 Crittenden , A., 415
Collins, V. E., 336, 519 Corliss, H. L., 214, 521 Crocker, J., 311
Colman, E., 341 Cormier, J . F., 247 Crockett, C., 525
Coltrane, S., 213, 253, 346, 347, Cormier, $., 471 Croft, A., 118, 435
' 433, 454 Corning, A. F., 249 Croghan, C. F., 470
Comas-Diaz, L., 35 Cornwell, E. Y., 468 Cromer, B. A ., 243, 253
Committee on Psychosocial Aspects Corpus, M. J., 185 Cromer, L. D ., 524
of Child and Family Health, Correll , S., 437 Crompton , R., 353
; 391 Corrion , K., 452 Cronin , C., 386
Committee on Substance Abuse, Corry, M., 383 Cronin , T. J ., 599
381 Cortes, P., 442 Crooks, C.V., 516
Comparing the costs, 378 Cortes- Iniestra, S., 264 Croom , A. M., 90
Condon, K. M., 525 Cortina, L., 511 Crosby, F. J ., 77, 437
Conger, C., 464 Cortina, L. M., 78, 143, 429 Crosby, R. A., 286
Conger, R. D., 474 Corvin , A., 194 Crossland , C. L., 136
Conley, T. D., 251, 280, 344 Cosco, T. D., 485 Crouter, A., 213, 351
Connell, K. M., 243 Cosgrove, L., 547, 568 Crowe, J., 586, 587
Connell, K , 160 Costa, R , Jr., 128, 129 Crowley, M., 110, 132, 430
Connidis, I. A., 472 Costos, D., 265 Crowther, J. H., 74, 248, 269
Connor, S., 375 Cotal, D. R., 411 Crum , R A., 269
Connors, S. K., 464 Cote, A. M., 501 Crusius, J., 561
Conron , K. J., 557 Coulter, R. S., 506, 507 Cuddy, A., 415
Consortium on the Management Coupland, C., 479 Cuddy, A. J. C., 70
of Disorders of Sex Courcy, I., 394 Cukan, A., 66
Development, 200 Courtois, C. A., 561, 562, 567 Cuklanz, L. M., 509
Constantine, N. A., 286, 289 Cousineau, T., 371, 372 Culbert, K., 563, 564
Conte, F. A., 167 Coutts, L. B., 267 Cull, M., 175
Contrera, J., 588 Couture, S., 267 Cullen, F. T., 502
Conway, M., 70, 71 Covert, B., 404, 426 Cullcy, L., 372
Cook, A., 262, 425, 426 Covert, J. J., 253, 454 Cumbcrworth, E., 473
Cook, C. L., 514 Cowling, M., 419 Cummings- Hill, M., 91
Cook, J. M., 322 Cox, B., 560 Cundiff, J. L., 47, 49
Cook, K. J., 523 Cox, R., 259 Cunningham, J., 468
Cook, R. E., 339 Coxell, A. W., 506 Cunningham , K. C., 524
N-8 Name Index

Cunningham , M ., 349 Dastagir, A. E., 404 DeHart, D. D., 539
Cunningham , P. W., 606 D’Augclli, A., 158, 225 de Hccr, B., 511
Curtail, P., 243, 438 D’Augclli, A. R., 222, 556 Delaney, J., 267
Curran, M ., 173 Daugherty, J ., 293 .
Dclcmarrc-van de Waal, H. A , 160
Currie, C., 227 Dauphinee, L. A., 363 DeLeon , B., 227
Currie, D. H ., 338 Davdon , J . K., Sr., 303 Deleon , J., 187
Currier, D. M., 298, 299 Davenport, D., 378 Delgado, M. Y., 320
Currier, J ., 571 Davenport, L. D., 63 Dclgado-Infantc, M. L., 297
Curtin , L., 248 David, H. P, 368 Dcligcoroglou , E., 168
Curtin , L. A., 248 David , R., 385 DcLoach , C., 219
Cury, F., 77 DavidofT, K. C., 308 DcLoach, C. P., 407
Cuskelly, M ., 281 Davidson , A. J., 224, 226 DcLonc, M., 526
Custers, K., 501, 509, 565 Davidson , D., 260 del Rio, C., 409
Cuthbert, A., 530 Davidson , J . K., 297 Dcmakakos, P., 321
Cutler, S., 559 Davidson , M. M., 519 Dcmarcst, J., 203
Czaja, S. J ., 467, 470, 486 Davidson , P M., 470 DcMaria, A. L., 246
Czopp, A. M ., 36, 586 Davidson , S., 157 dc Maria Arana, M., 173
Dabby, F. C., 525 Davies, K., 320 Dcmartini, B., 551
Dadlez, E. M., 366 Davila , J., 183 Dcmboske, K., 162
D’Agostino, H ., 237, 606 Davis, A. Y., 502 Demers, J. M., 502
Dahl, B., 387 Davis, G., 153, 172, 174, 176 Dempsey, K., 343
Dahlblom , K., 502 Davis, J. P, 326 Dcnisscn , J. J., 387
Dahlgren , L., 502 Davis, K. S., 180 Denmark, F., 48
Dahlstedt, J ., 523 Davis, M., 465 Dcnner, J., 227, 283
Daigle, L. E., 502 Davis, VV. N ., 259 Dennerstein, L., 302, 472, 552
Dal berth, B . T., 283 Davison, K., 228 Dennis, B., 507
Dalmia , S., 60 Davy, D., 479 Dconandan, R., 376
Daly, K., 527 Dawson, S., 520 DcPaulo, B. M., 343
Damaskc, S., 432 Day, K. R., 327 Dcpolo, M., 555
Danaccau, M. A ., 473 dbarryl 917, 192 DcPrince, A. P., 496
Danahcr, K., 138-139, 418 Ddamulira , J . B., 365 Dcr, G., 482
Dang, P, 473 Dean , M. L., 153 de Riddcr, D. T., 270
D’Angelo, J . D., 332 Dc Antoni , C., 494 .
Derlega, V , 556
Daniels, E . A., 499 Dear, M. J ., 545 Derlega , V. J., 520
Daniels, K., 293, 341, 342 de Araujo Lopes, F., 335 Dc Roo, C., 370
Dank, M ., 308, 500 Deary, I. J., 123 DeRosc, L. M., 227
Dannison, L. L., 283 Dcaux, K., 70, 75, 224, 238 DeRosier, M. E., 322
Danoff, A., 161 dc Beauvoir, S., 361 Desai, M., 289
Danzigcr, S., 558 Debest, C., 361 Descartes, L., 209
Darden, J., 242 DeBlaere, C., 165, 185, 556 Desilver, D., 439
Dardcnnc, B., 83 de Bruin , A. P., 270 Desmond - Harris, J., 60, 61
Dardis, C. M., 504, 521, 586 DcBruine, L. M., 244 Desormeaux, L., 424
Dare, J . S., 473 De Choudhury, M., 363 dcs Rivieres, C., 394
Darcnsbourg, A., 217 Decker, M ., 503 Desscns, A. B., 170
Dargis, M., 205 Declercq, E., 383, 384 De Sutter, P., 370
Darke, P. A., 252 De Crescenzo, T., 157 DetlofT, M., 591
Darling, C. A., 158, 303 Decrinwater, J ., 448 Deutsch, F. M., 349, 354
Daroowalla, A., 539 Deevey, S., 471 De Vaus, D., 343
d’Arripe - Longueville, F., 452 DcFina, R., 217 de Villiers, T. J., 461
Dasgupta, N., 602, 603 DeGue, S., 513 de Visser, R., 303
Dasgupta, S. D., 518 DeHaan, C., 561 Dcvor, A. H., 157, 200
Name Index N-9

de Vries, A. L., 160 Dockterman , E., 212 Duberley, J ., 480
de Vries, B., 470 Dodd, D. K., 251 Duberman , M., 164
deVries, G. J., 115, 116 .
Dodd, M D., 236 Dubick, J., 269
DeVries, H. M., 473 Dodge, K. A., 595 DuBois, C., 412
Dew, J ., 352, 391 Dodge, L., 371 Ducharmc, J. K., 339
Dewitt, J., 137 Doherty- Poirier, M., 243 Dudley, E., 472
Dey, J. G., 414 Dohnt, H. K., 238 Duesterhaus, M ., 26, 27
D’Harlingue, B., 151 Dokoupil, T., 379 Duffy, A. L., 326
Dhillon, J., 366 Dolcy, R., 475 Dufu, T., 423
Diamond , L. M., 157, 179, 181, Dolizki, M ., 474 Dugan , L., 539
182, 183, 324, 325 Doll, M., 187 Dugar, T. A., 525
Diamond , M., 167, 184 Dominguez , J . M., 555 Duke, A., 515
Dias, A., 498 Domino, M. E., 482 Dumar, A., 371, 372
Dias, K., 565 Donaghue, N., 421 Dumas, T. M ., 326
Diaz, R., 187 Donahoe, K., 584 Dunbar, N., 227
Diaz, R. M., 185 Donnelly, D. A., 523 Duncan , C., 477, 479
Diaz, T., 185 Donnelly, K., 397, 405 Duncan, S., 343
Di Cesare, D. M., 210 Donnerstein , E., 532 Duncombc , D., 380
Dicicco, E. C., 129 Donohoe, M ., 528 Dunkel, T. M., 260
Dick, A., 531 Donovan , C., 336 Dunlop, B. D., 525
Dick, K., 511 Donovan, J., 25, 27 Dunlosky, J ., 11
Dickert-Conlin, S., 472 Donovan , R. A., 74, 503 Dunn , D. S., 604, 605
dickey, 1. m., 161 Dorheim , S. K., 388 Dunn , E. W., 387
Diekema, D. S., 293 Dorr, L. L., 502 Dunn , J . L. , 493
Diekman , A., 204 Dossou , M., 66 Dunn , S. C., 234
Diekman , A. B., 140, 141 Dottolo, A. L., 15 Dupont, I ., 513, 523
Dietz, P., 388 Doucet, J ., 558 Dupre, J., 104
DiGiacomo, M., 470 Dougherty, C., 339, 415 Durante, F., 311
Dilorio, C., 283, 284, 285 Douglas, D. D., 150 Durkee, M. I., 599
Dijkstra, M., 325 Dove, N. L., 305 Durney, S. E., 504, 510
Dill, D., 553 Dovidio, J. F., 142 Dusenbery, M ., 65
Dill, K. E., 208 Dowda, M., 228 Dutt, A., 530
Dillaway, H., 395, 397 Dowdall, G . W., 510 Dutton , D. G ., 520
Dimen , M., 196 Downing, J . B., 347, 348, Duvdcvany, I., 243
Dimond , J. P., 519 377, 378 Dworkin , E. R., 512
Dinella , L., 223, 225 Downing, R. A., 77 Dworkin , S., 380
DiNitto, D. M., 493 Dowse, L., 252 Dworkin , S. L., 150 , 313, 588
Dion, K. E., 238 Dozier, D. M., 253, 454 Dyar, C., 183
Disch, W. B., 71, 450 Draughon, J. E., 522 Dyson , S., 283
Dishion, T. J., 285 Dreary, I. J., 123 Eads, A., 341
Dishman, L., 593 Dreger, A., 173 Eady, A., 183
Dishman, R., 228 Dreschcr, J., 162, 549 Eagly, A., 67, 75, 417, 420,
Dispenza, F., 307 Drcwnowski, A., 239 421, 422
Dittmar, H., 250, 455 Dries, K., 319 Eagly, A. E., 68
Dittus, P. J., 283 Droogsma, R. A., 260 Eagly, A. H., 40, 47, 49, 51, 52,
Dixon, K. J., 521 Drop, S. L., 170 53, 69, 75, 80, 97, 107, 108,
Dixon, T. L., 253, 454 Dror, I., 452 110, 117, 132, 133, 137,
Doan, C. M., 506 Drum , C. E., 512 144, 334, 422
Dobash, R. E., 521 Drummond, J. D., 469 Eamon, M. K., 407
Dobash , R. P., 521 Drury, B. J., 585, 586 Easter, M., 242
Dobinson , C., 183 Drury, J., 599 Eastin , M . S., 509
N-10 Name index

Eastwick, P YV., 332, 334 Ellsworth, P. C., 335 Etaugh, C. E., 91
Eaton, A., 40 Elsas, L. J., 150 EtcofF, N., 237, 237, 606
Eaton, A. A., 299, 331, 333, 342 Elsayegh, N ., 33 EtcofF, N . L., 27
Eaton, N., 202 Else-Qucst, N. M., 30, 109, 120, Ettckal, A. V., 320
Eaton, N. R., 157 124, 138 Ettekal, I., 327
Eberhard - Gran , M ., 388 Emich , K. J., 420 Eva Hcrzigova: Wondcrbra, 312
Eberstadt , M., 500 Emile, M., 452 Evancic, C., 503
Ebert, I., 77 Emmers-Sommer, T. M., 507 Evans, L., 513
Ebneter, D. S., 256 Emmett , M. C., 324 Evans, P. C., 255
Eccles, F. R., 471 Enchautcgui, M. E., 442 Evers, C., 270
Eccles, J . S., 118, 141 Endcndijk , J . J., 157, 197 Ezzcll, M. B., 285
Eden , K. B., 522 .
Encli, I U., 269 Fabes, R., 214, 215
The Editorial Board , 581 Engbcrg, H., 174 Fabian, L. J., 249
Edlund , C. J ., 283 Engeln , R., 261 Fadda, B., 541
Edmundson , A ., 471 -
Engeln Maddox, R., 238, 248, 249 Fagnant, R., 547
Edwards, K. E., 589 England , D., 209 Fagot, B., 199
Edwards, K. M ., 249, 503, 521 England , P, 298, 350, 405, 406, Fahs, B., 277, 301, 303
EEOC, 430 410, 411, 414, 415 Fair, B., 92
Egan, R., 502 English, T., 387 Fairbrother, N., 388, 389
Egan , S. K., 157 .
Englund , M . M , 498 Fairchild , E., 203
Eggermont , S., 499 Enloc, C., 528 Fairchild, K., 33, 37, 75, 519
Egland, K. L., 324 Enns, C. Z., 15, 23, 24, 25, 26, Fairley, C. K., 302
Ehrensaft, D., 158, 196, 201 27, 571 Fairweather-Schmidt, A. K., 371
Ehresman, C., 169 Enslcr, E., 584 Faisal, S., 479
Ehrhardt, K., 424 Enzlin, P, 179, 280 Falcon, S. M., 69
Eibach , R. P , 67 Epp, C., 539 Falcone, M., 161
Eichstedt, J ., 199 , 221 Epstein , B. J., 203 Falconer, J. W., 241
Eidelman , A. I ., 389 Epstein, D., 523, 526 Falduto, J., 110
Eifler, D., 202 Epstein , R., 218 Falk, H ., 223
Eilpcrin , J ., 424 Erchull, M., 396 Falkner, N., 563
Einstein , G. O., 6 Erchull, M. J ., 24, 34, 91, 266, Fallbjork, U., 464
Eiscle, H ., 37, 132 267, 298, 303, 311, 312, Fallon, E. A., 270
Eiscnberg, M., 554 336, 345, 351, 392, 395, Falmagne, R. J., 267
Eisenberg, M. E., 248, 249, 396, 508, 509 Faludi, S., 33, 395, 528
286, 510 Erchull , M .J ., 565 -
Fan, P. L., 351
Eisenbud , L., 214 Erdley, C. A., 320 Farber, M., 405
El Abd, S., 167 Erickson, J. J., 473 Fardouly, J., 254
Elder, A. B ., 161 Erickson , R. J ., 348, 349 Farley, M., 524
Elder, M., 455 Eriksen, K., 550 Farr, S., 388
Elders, M . J ., 175 Ernala, S. K., 363 Farrel, B., 102
Eliczer, D., 36, 586 Ernsberger, P., 239 Farrel, P , 102
Elizabeth, V., 338, 343 Ernst, C. C., 553 Farrell, G., 495
Ellcmers, N ., 77 Eskenazi , B., 371 Farvid , P., 505
Elliott, T. R., 604, 605 Espelage, D. L., 187 Fasoli, F., 311
Ellis, A. B., 109 Espinosa, L., 135 Fassinger, R., 498
Ellis, B. J ., 115 Espinoza, G ., 320 Fassinger, R. E., 155, 158
Ellis, R. R., 475 Esses, V. M., 85 Faulkner, S. L., 284, 324
Ellis, W. E., 326 Estes, C. M., 161 Faulkner, V. N., 136
Ellison , N. B., 332 Esteve, A., 350 Fausto-Sterling, A., 151, 153, 173,
Ellison , P. T., 116 Estrellado, A. F., 526 174, 220
Ellithorpe, M . E., 206 Estupinian, E., 509 Faver, C. A., 522
Name Index N-11

Favreault, M. M., 340 Fiks, J. P., 563 Fitzgerald , S., 285
Fawcett, C., 223 Fileborn, B., 469 Fitzpatrick, A. L., 553
Fay, J. L., 75 Filipas, H. H., 512 Fitzpatrick, M., 204
Fear, N., 561 Filipovic, J., 435 Fitzroy, A., 440
Featherstonc, L., 422 Fillo, J., 26, 348, 593 Fitzsimmons, E., 96
Feddes, A. R., 320 Finch, E., 504 Fivush, R., 553, 554
Feder, D., 395 Fincke, D., 155 Flack, W. J., 510
Feder, E. K., 173 Findlay, B., 204 Flannagan , D., 324
Feder, G., 559 Findler, L., 474 Flaxman, S. M ., 379
Fcdina, L., 510 Findley, R A., 522 Fleishcr, W., 520
Feeding America, 269 Fine, C., 53, 105, 115, 199, Fleming, M., 575
Feeney, H., 514 200, 434 Fleming, M . Z., 179
Fegcrt, J . M., 495 Fine, M., 18, 42, 43, 288 Fleming, S., 412
Fehlner, C. L., 251 Finer, L. B., 363, 364 Flcntjc, A., 557
Fcigenbaum , A., 529 Fingerhut, A. W., 345, 602 Fletcher, J ., 424
Fein , L. A., 161 Fingerman , K. L., 399, 472 Fletcher, L., 86
Fcinberg, M. E., 353 Fingerson, L., 267 Fliegner, M., 181
Feingold , A., 128, 515 Fink, B., 244 Flood , M ., 36, 530, 531, 585, 586
Feinstcin, A., 551 Finke, E., 587 Flood , M. F., 283
Feinstein, B. A., 183 Finkcl, E. J., 332, 333, 334 Florence, C., 513
Feldman, D. C., 478 Finkelhor, D., 285, 327, 495, 496, Flores, A. R., 154
Felfc, C., 398 497, 500, 524 Foa , E., 561
Felmlee, D., 345 Finkle, W. D., 460 Fodor, E., 441
Fclmlee, D. H., 324, 345 Finn, J., 520 Foerch , B. J ., 251
Felson, R. B., 519 Finn, M. A., 525 Fogarty, A. C., 298
Fcltman, C. E., 255 Finn , S. E., 353 Folbre, N ., 350, 406, 410
Fenelon , A., 471 Finnegan, J. R., 462 Foley, L., 523
Fennell, J . L., 292 Firnhaber, J., 587 Foley, L. A., 503
Fcnnema, E., 123 Firth, M. T., 497 Foley, P. F., 480
Feranil, A. B., 116 Fischbach, A., 420 Foli, K. J., 378
Ferber, A. L., 63 Fischer, A., 573 Follcttc, V., 572
Ferguson , C. E., 501 Fischer, A. R., 37, 82, 241, Fonagy, P., 194, 498
Ferguson , C. J., 250 259, 550 Fong, G. T., 284
Ferguson, M., 555 Fishbcin , M., 284, 285 Forbes, C., 138
Ferguson , M. J ., 36 Fisher, B. S., 502, 525 Forbes, G. B., 259, 264
Ferguson , S., 338 Fisher, C., 518 Ford , D., 538
Fergusson , D., 366 Fisher, D. A., 296 Ford , J ., 507
Fernandez, K., 299, 333 Fisher, E., 249 Ford , J. D., 561, 562, 567
Fernandez, M. E., 484 Fisher, H. E., 301 Ford , J. V., 503, 505, 510
Ferraro, K. J., 517 Fisher, J., 384 Forrest, L. M., 15
Ferri, B., 136
Fcrriman, K., 210
Fisher, N. L., 506
Fisher, T. D., 130, 131
-
Forshaw, M., 458 459
Forstc, R., 341
Fessler, L., 587 Fishkin , S. A., 114 Forsyth, J. P., 503
Fcstinger, L., 254 Fishman , J. R., 151 Fortenberry, J . D., 246, 295
Fcttcrolf, J. C., 507 Fiske, S., 415 Foschi, M., 137
Fiedler, K., 77 Fiske, S. T., 69, 70, 71, 80, 81, 81, Foster, C. H., 397
Field, A., 569 82, 84, 238, 478 Foster, D., 367
Field, A. E., 214 Fitz, C. C., 33 Foster, D. G., 367
Fielder, R. L., 298, 299 Fitzgerald, L., 310 Foster, G., 469
Fields-White, M., 583 Fitzgerald, L. F., 501, 511 Foster, L., 486
Fiesler, C., 519 Fitzgerald, M ., 194 Foster, M. D., 532, 599, 600
N-12 Name Index

Foster, R. A., 84 Fried , M. G., 360, 596 Gallagher, J ., 523
Foubert, J. D., 500 Friedan, B., 40, 583 Gallagher, M., 340
Foucault, M., 174, 549 Friedman, C. K., 34 Galley, H., 559
Foust, M., 532 Friedman , E. J ., 159 Gallo, E. G., 498
Fowers, B . J ., 340 Friedman, M. A., 238, 327 Gallup, G. G., 503
Fowler, B., 249 Friedman, S., 361 Galupo, M. P., 155, 180, 323,
Fowler, J . H., 319 Frieze, I. H., 48 324, 325
Fowler, S. K., 514 Frissa, S., 561 Gamble, K., 253
Fox, J., 243, 561 Fritch, A. M., 502 Gambone, L. J., 521
Fox-Cardamonc , L., 412 Frocn , I., 377 Ganahl, D. J ., 253
Fragalc, A. R., 96 Frohwirth, L. F., 363 Gander, K., 462, 463
Francia, C. A., 506 Frombcrg, D. P., 214 Gandy, I., 66
Francis, A., 569 Frosh, S., 224 Gangnon, R. E., 460
Francis, B ., 495 Frost, D. M., 338, 340 Gapinski, K. D., 257
Franco, D., 239 Frost, I., 375 Garber, M., 206
Franco - YVatkins, A. M ., 11 Fuchs, D., 82 Garcia, J., 62, 375
Franiuk, R., 509 Fuglestad , P. T., 270 Garcia, J. A., 311
Frank, O., 526 Fugl - Mcyer, A., 303 Garcia, J . R., 298, 299, 301
Frankc - Ruta , G ., 24 Fugl - Meyer, K. S., 303 Garcia-Lopez, G., 423, 428
Frankham, J ., 283 Fuhrman, R. W., 324 Gard , J . C., 283
Franklin , C. A ., 505 Fujii - Doe, W., 78, 308 Gardinier, L., 501
Franks, A. S., 430 Fulcher, M., 213, 214 Garfield, C. F., 388, 391
Frantz, E., 498 Fuller, J. M., 496 Garfinkcl, P. E., 245
Franzetta , K., 293 Fuller-Thomson, E., 474 Garland, T. S., 509
Franzoi, S. L., 263 Fuller-Tyszkiewicz, M., 380 Garner, D. M., 245
Fraser, C., 520 Fuochi, G ., 347 Garnett, B. R., 248
Frawley, T., 204 Furman, F. K., 454 Garofalo, R~, 187
Frazier, P. A., 512 Furman, W., 249 Garrahy, D. A., 216
Frazier, S. L., 382 Furtado, D., 443 Garrity, S. E., 531
Frea, B., 161 Fuse, T., 503 Garske, J. P., 506
Freeh, A., 432 Fuwa, M., 349, 350, 351 GartreU, N., 290
Fred, V., 390 Gaab, N ., 116 Garvert, D. W., 567
Frederick, A ., 301 Gabbard , G . O., 194 Garwick, A., 283
Frederick, D., 319 Gable, S. L., 322 Garza, A., 29
Frederick, D. A., 259 Gabrielli, J., 532 Garza, M. V., 161
Fredrickson , B . L., 235, 236, 256, Gadalla, T. M., 341 Gate, R., 334
257, 258, 259, 454-455, 554 Gadler, F., 462 Gates, G. J., 154
Frcdriksen - Goldsen, K., 470 Gager, C. T., 348, 350, 353 Gatta, M., 167
Frcdriksen - Goldsen, K. I., 486 Gagne, P., 154, 157, 158 Gatter, K., 333
Freedman , E., 67 Gagnon , J. H., 276 Gaucher, D., 90
Freeman, E., 552 Gaines, J., 452 Gaudet, S., 183
Freeman, N., 197 Gaines, S. J., 591 Gault, B., 135
Freeman, S. M., 493 Gajewski, B., 468 Gaumond , J ., 79
Freirc, A. D. N. F., 555 Galambos, N ., 225 Gaunt, R., 392
Frcnk, S. M., 465 Galdi, S., 430 Gamin, L., 248, 249
Freud , S., 47, 48, 194, 195, 544 Galea , J., 289 Gavev, N ., 547
Frey, V., 439 Galena, E., 469 Ga\in, N. I., 388
Frcyd, J . J., 496 Galgay, C. E., 78 Gay, R., 588
Frias- Navarro, D., 520 Galician , M.- L., 328, 329 Gazard, B., 561
Fricker, J., 390 Galinsky, A. D., 90 Gazzola, S. B., 71, 159
Fried , C., 27 Galinsky, E., 440 Ge, X., 378
Name Index N-13

Gearty, R., 66 Gillespie, R., 360 Goldberg, W. A., 397
Geary, D. C., 139, 322 Gilligan , C., 49, 133 Golden , C., 53
Geaslcr, M. J., 283 Gillis, J. M., 332 Goldenberg, J . L., 262, 263, 267
Geffhcr, M. E., 170 Gilman, C. R , 544 Goldey, K. L., 117
Gehlcrt, S., 464 Gilman , S. E., 250, 556 Goldhagen , S., 558
Geibcl, S., 558 Gilroy, R J., 162 Goldin , C., 89, 414, 415, 475, 476
Geiger, A., 17 Giltay, E. J., 462 Goldring, R., 405
Geiger, E., 573 Gincr-Sorolla, R., 430 Goldscheider, F., 405
Gcirsson, R. T., 383 Ginsburg, K., 395 Goldschmidt, D., 275
Gclatt, J., 442 Giordano, J ., 547 Goldstein , J . R., 337
Gellcr, J ., 540, 543 Giordano, S. H., 462 Goldstein , M ., 515
Genat, A. E., 428 Girardin , C. M., 167 Golombok, S., 394
Gcndron, T., 467 Girgus, J. S., 552 Gomes, A. R., 270
5
Gentile, B., 70, 132 Giscombe, C. L., 385 Gomez, I ., 596
i Gentile, D. A., 208 Givens, J. L., 375 Gonsalves, S. F., 270
George, A. E., 284 Givens, S. B., 74 Gonzaga, G. C., 322
i George, C., 385 Givcrtz, M., 398-399 Gonzalez, H., 551
1 George, D.S., 193 Gjerdingcn , D. K., 347 Gonzalez, J . T., 335
George, J . M., 143 Gladwcll, V., 561 Gonzalez, K. A., 323
Gerard , J. M., 475 Glaser, N ., 96 Gonzalez, T., 218
Gcrassi, L., 308, 309, 310 Glasmeicr, A. K., 408 Gonzalez - Rivera , M., 185
Gerbncr, G., 250 Glass, C., 425, 426, 441 Good , G. E., 37
Gcrding, A., 206 Glass, N., 516, 522 Goodin , S. M., 312
Gergen, K. J., 201 Glaze, L., 540 Gooding, G. E ., 89
Gerlach, A. L., 561 Gleason , J . H., 249 Goodman , D. J ., 65
! Gcrrans, P., 481 Gleason , N., 514 Goodman , E., 214
Gcrshoff, E. T., 495, 496 Gleaves, D. H., 496 Goodman , L., 523, 558
\ Gcrshuny, J., 405 Glenn , C., 523 Goodman , L. A., 523, 526, 558,
Gcrvais, S. J ., 236, 519, 586 Glenn , N ., 332-333 559, 572 , 576
Gettler, L. T., 116 Glenn , T., 551 Goodman , M. S., 464
Gcttman, J . Y., 257 Glick, P., 70, 80, 81, 81, 82, 311, Goodman , S., 553
Getz, J. G., 132 381, 415 Goodwin , A., 380
; Ghavami, N., 72, 73 Global Grcengrants Fund , 598 Goodwin , M . R , 499
Ghazinour, M., 498
Ghoshal, S., 363
—
Glossary of terms transgender,
160
Goodyear, S., 217
Goorcn, L., 170
Giaccardi, S., 311, 530 Godfrey, H., 336 Goorcn , L. J ., 462
Gibbins, K., 283 Godsil, R. D., 66 Gorchoff, S. M., 473
i Gibbons, L., 383 Godwin , J., 310 Gordon , E., 66
! Gibbs, J. L., 332 Goetz, A. T., 114 Gordon , K., 432
Gibson, M., 22 Goff, P. A., 66 Gordon , M. T., 505, 506
Gidycz, C. A., 249, 503, 504, 514, Goffman, E., 236 Gordon , V. V., 283
516, 531, 586 Gohm, C. L., 510 Gorman , E. H., 423
Gijs, L., 179, 280 Goins- Phillips, T., 60 Gorman , J . A., 457
Gil, JL M., 227, 296 Gola, K. A., 340 Gormlcy, K., 521
Gilbert, L. A., 570 Gold, K , 364 Gorncy, C., 278
Gill, K., 556 Gold, R. B., 364 Gorski, P. C., 600, 601
Gill, R., 280, 281, 306, 307, 312 Goldberg, A., 214 Gorzalka, B. B., 161
Gillam, L., 167 Goldberg, A. E., 347, 348, 350, Gosin , M ., 75
Gillen, A., 135 353, 377, 378, 392, 416 gotgrccnAdmin, 598
Gillen, M., 482 Goldberg, H., 497 Gott, M., 469
Gillespie, B. J., 319 Goldberg, N. G., 521 Gough, B., 171
N-14 Name Index

Gould, H ., 367 Greytak, E., 326 Gunderson, E. A., 136
Grabe, S., 30, 241, 250, 255, 261, Grcytak, E. A., 222, 226 -
Guncr, N., 339 340
262, 268, 529, 530 Griffin, J ., 556 Gunnarsson, L., 64
Grabcr, J., 227 Griffin , K. E., 556 Gunnarsson , R., 266
Grace, S., 388 Griffin , M., 454, 455, 456 Guo, J ., 207
Graff, K. A., 312 Griffin - Fcnncll, F. D., 74 Gupta, P., 34
Graham , C. A., 177 Grigorian , K. E., 259 Gupta, S., 341, 350
Graham , E. T., 372 Grilo, C., 565 Gupta, V. K., 427
Graham , M ., 361 Grimes, M., 509 Gurcvitch , J., 470
Graham , M. J ., 142 Grimshaw, D., 415 Gurka, K. K., 512
Graham , W. J ., 385 Grippo, K. R , 454 Gurung, R. A., 320
Graling, K., 288 Grogan - Kaylor, A., 495, 496 Gurung, S., 507
Grail, T. S., 361 Grontvedt, T. V., 334 Gutck, B., 555
Grammer, K., 96, 244 Groscup, J ., 523 Guthrie, J., 472
Granck, L., 15, 38, 40, 51 , 53, 54, Grose, R. G., 268, 530 Gutierrez, E. R., 360, 596
105, 106 , 107, 144 Gross, A. M., 510 Guttmacher Institute, 287, 363
Grant, A., 17, 390, 424, 425 Gross, D., 437 Guzman , M. L., 515
Grant, J . A., 239 Gross, K. N ., 539 Guzzo, K. B., 343
Grant, J . M., 157, 163, 410, 430 Gross, L., 250 Gynther, M., 554
Grant, J. R., 270 Grossman , A., 158, 225 Ha , N. Q., 149, 150
Grant, T. M., 553 Grossman , A. H., 222 Ha, T., 285
Gratch, L. V., 553, 574 Grossman, A. L., 92 Haaf, R., 199
Grauerholz, L., 26, 203 Grossman , S. F., 525, 526 Haaken , J ., 25
Graves, N. A., 311 Grotc, N. K., 558 Haas, L., 440
Gray, E., 267 Groth , A. N., 506 Haas, T., 363
Gray, J ., 102 Grotpeter, J . K., 50 Hacker, M., 371
Gray bill , C. M., 141 Grotto, A. R , 67
- Haddock, G., 85
Grayshield , L., 562 Grov, C., 185 Haferkamp, C. J., 329
Green , A., 419 Grover, L., 287 Hagan, L. K., 213
Green, A. R., 467 Grover, N., 473 Hagan , R., 199
Green, B . L., 539, 540 Groves, M., 396 Hagen, J . D., 473
Green, J., 385, 389 Grower, R, 311 Hahm, H. C., 79
Green , K., 396 Grubaugh, A. L., 515 Haicr, R. J., 116
Green , M., 210 Grube, J. W., 296 Haines, H. L., 75
Green, M. L., 423 Gruber, J . E., 430 Haines, M. E., 259
Green , S., 376 Gruenewald , T. L., 320 Haire, A., 393
Green, V., 204 Grumbach, M. M., 167 Hakim , C., 311
Greenberg, B. S., 253 Grundy, E. M.., 474 Halberstadt, A., 213
Greenberg, J ., 262, 602 Grunspan , D. Z., 141 Halbreich, U ., 568
Greene, B., 185 Grynkiewicz, A. L., 180 Halcomb, E., 369
Greene, K., 554 Gu , Q., 546 Hald , G. M., 308
Greenfield , C., 212 Guardian, The, 376 Haldeman , D. C., 557
Grcenhaus, J., 432 Guerra, R. O., 555 Hale, T. M., 506
Grecnstein, T. N ., 350, 352 Guerrero Vela, M., 383 Halim, M., 199, 200, 221, 222,
Greenwood, D., 82 Guerrier, M., 326 223, 225
Greer, K. M., 85 Guillen, L., 340 Halim, M. L., 20S
Gregor, C., 157 Guise, J . M., 383 Halim, M. L. D., 222
Greil, A., 371, 372, 374 Guiso, L., 124 Halket, M. M., 521
Grcil, A. L., 372 Guittar, N. A., 26 Hall, A., 166
Greulich, F., 225 Gundersen , K. K., 509 Hall, C. C. L, 241, 242
Grcvc, W., 474 Gunderson , C., 269 Hall, D. S., 343
Name Index N-15
L
Hall, E. J., 33 Hanson, S., 440 Hass, N., 426
Hall, E. V., 135 Haq, N., 473 Hassan , G., 379
Hall, I., 216 Harcar, V., 251 Hassounch , D., 516
Hall, J. A., 95, 96, 97 Harcourt, D., 243 Hastings, S. L., 480
Hall, K. Q., 584 Harcourt, W., 30 Hasulube, J., 514
Hall, L. J ., 421 Harden, J., 266 Hatch, S., 561
Hall, M., 386 Hardit, S. K., 250 Hatem, M., 260
Hall, W., 384 Hardy, C., 411 Hattjar, B., 475
Hall, W. S., 76 Hardy, M., 478, 479 Hattori , W. T., 335
Haller, S., 118 Hardy, R., 249 Haugen, E., 388
Halliday, J. L., 167 Hare, K., 66 Hausdorff, J . M., 452
Halliwcll, E., 250, 455 Hare-Mustin, R. T., 41, 47, 108 Hausc, K. S., 325
Hall -McCorquodale, I., 393 Hargreaves, D., 236 Hauscnblas, H. A., 270
Halpern , C. T., 284, 295 Haritaworn , J., 343 Hauser, C., 539
Halpcrn , D. F., 123, 125, 225, 126 Harley, D. A., 486 Havens, B ., 267
Halvorscn, J., 501 Harley, W. F., 102 Hawbaker, K. T., 429
Hambaugh, J., 85, 87 Harlow, B., 552 Hawes, S., 284
Hamburg, P., 250 Harman , E. A., 511 Hawkey, L. C., 321
Hamby, S., 516 Harnois, C. E., 63 Hawkins, A. J ., 392
Hamby, S. L., 495 Harold, C., 412 Hawkins, J ., 565
Hamilton, A., 164, 556 Harper, G. W., 187 Hawkinson , K., 390
Hamilton, B. E., 382 Harrell, E., 502 Hawley, C. E., 136
Hamilton, E. R., 227 Harrington, E. F., 74 Hay, J., 86
Hamilton, L. T., 280, 327 Harris, A., 196 Hay, P. J., 270
Hamilton, M., 203, 204, 345 Harris, G., 284 Hayden, H ., 247
Hamilton, M. C., 84, 85 Harris, J., 125 Hayden, H. A., 255
Hamilton, Z., 521 Harris, K. L., 509 Haydon, A. A., 295
Hamit, S., 556 Harris, L. J., 243 Hayes, A., 298
Hamkins, S., 313 Harris, M., 540, 543 Hayes, E., 77
Hammack, P. L., 338 Harris, M. B., 455, 456 Hayes, J., 592
Hammer, L., 227 Harris, P. B., 486 Hayes, P. A., 62, 62
Hammond, W. P., 37 Harris, S., 313 Hayes, R. D., 302
Hammrich, P. L., 136 Harrison, K., 207, 250, 259 Hayes, R. M ., 508, 509
Hampson, J. G., 175 Harrison, T. W., 84 Hayes, S., 336
Hampson, J. L., 175 Harshbarger, J., 565 Hayman, B., 369
Han, E., 238 Hart, J., 372 Hays, D. G., 164, 571
Han, S., 427 Hartley, C., 382 Hays, S., 394
Hancock, A. B., 95 Hartmann, H., 408, 409, 411, 592 Haytcr, M., 266
Hand , C. J., 501, 509 Hartmann, T., 532 Hayward, C., 227
Handelsman , J., 142 Hartup, W. W., 319 Head , KL , 116
Handy, J., 479 Hartwell, L. P., 336, 395 Head , M., 213, 351
Hanish, L., 214 Harvey, L., 280 Hcaly, C., 310
Hankin, B., 552 Harvey, S., 103 Hcaly, S., 384
Hanley, D., 134 Harvillc, E. W., 382 Heard , K. V., 267
Hannah, M. K., 482 Harway, M., 511, 530 Heath, N. M., 502
Hannan, P., 554, 563 Harwood, S. A., 78, 79 Heaton, T. B., 341
Hannema, S. E., 160 Haskins, J., 374 Hebert, K. S., 525
Hannon, L., 217 Haslam, A. S., 67 Hebert, M., 326
Hannum, J. W., 250 Haslam, N., 499 Hebl, M., 381
Hansen, T., 362 Haslam, S., 425 Hebl, M. R., 143, 257, 455
Hanson, C., 599 Haslam, S. A., 426 Heck, N. C., 557
N-16 Name Index

Heckler, A., 470 Herr, J., 436 Hiripi, E., 16, 563
Hedemann , E., 382 Herr, US., 31 Hirsh - Pasck , K., 125
Heflick, N. A., 263 Herrenkohl, T., 531 Hirvikoski, T., 173
Heflin , C., 558 Herrera, A., 502 Hite, S., 303
Hefner, V., 328, 329 Herrmann , W. L., 460 Hobart, M. A., 514
Hegarty, M., 110 Hersby, M. D., 426 Hobfoll, S. E.., 498
Hegarty, P., 86, 159 Hcrtcl, A. W., 270 Hochschild , A., 26, 347
Hcgewisch , A., 408, 409, 411 Hcrtlcin, K., 362 Hockctt, J. M., 508
Heilman , M ., 424 Herzberg, D., 546 Hocking, P., 470
Heilman , M . E., 82 , 238, 239 Herzog, D. B., 250 Hodari, A., 140
Heim , D., 126 Hess, A., 83 Hoddinott, P., 391
Heinberg, L. J ., 254 Hess, C., 135 Hodc, M., 470
Heine, S. J., 49 Hess, R., 469 Hodge, J., 90
Heino, R. D., 332 Hess, T. M ., 452 Hodge, J. P., 493
Heinze, H. J., 116 Hcssc-Biber, S. N., 241 Hodges, M., 415
Heisler, J . M., 284 Hessini, L., 367\ 368 Hodges, M. J ., 415
Held, L., 389 Hester, M., 336 Hodgson, S., 246, 305
Helgcson , V., 555 Hetsroni, A., 329 Hodgson , Z. G., 246
Hclgeson , V. S., 555 Heuer, C. A., 252 Hodkinson, K., 333
Helminiak, D. A., 311 Hewitt, B., 343 Hodson , R., 430
Helms, J . E., 34 Heydari, N., 110 Hoeijmakers, J. H., 458
Helson, R., 473 Hicklc, K. E., 523 Hock, H., 564
Hemmings, A., 216 Hickman , L. J., 516 Hofferth , S., 440
Hcnckc, R., 452 Hickman, S., 494, 505 Hoffman, B. R., 309
Hendricks, M . L., 163 Hicks, S. R , 562 Hoffman, J. H., 510
Henetz, P., 448 Higa , D ., 187 Hoffman, K. M., 386
Hcnisc, S. B., 155 Higatc, P., 528 Hoffman, M., 372
Henkens, K., 482 Higgins, A ., 109 Hoffner, C., 33
Henley, N. M., 31, 41, 96, 532 Higgins, J. A., 297 Hoffnung, M., 89
Henne, K., 150 Hightower, H. C., 525 Hoge, W., 448 •
Hennessy, M., 284, 285 Hightower, 525 Hogue, C. J., 385
Henning , S. L., 259, 554 Hill, B., 380 Hogue, C. R., 385
Henretty, J ., 571 Hill, C., 414 Hogue, M., 412
Henrich, J., 49 Hill, E. J ., 473 Hokada, E., 202
Henry, P. E., 249 Hill , J., 439-440 Holiday, J. M., 35
Henry, R. G., 468 Hill, J. P., 225 Holland, A. M., 236
Herbcck, D. M ., 473 Hill, M., 573 Holland, E., 499
Hcrbcnick, D., 246, 300, 301 Hill, M. S., 259, 269, 454 Holland, J., 297
Herbozo, S., 565 Hill, P., 167, 377 Hollenshcad , C., 143
Herbst, C. M ., 594 Hill, S., 214 Hollingsworth, L. S., 105
Hcrek, G. M., 185 Hillard, A. L., 143, 586 Hollins, S., 539
Hcresco- Levy, U ., 168 Hilsenroth, M., 570 Holman, A., 299
Herlihy, A., 167 Hilton, J. M., 341 Holmes, J. L., 510
Herlihy, A. S., 167 Himsel, A., 397 Holmes, M. M., 173
Herman, J. L., 154, 163 Hinchliff, S., 469 Holmgren, K. M., 264
Herman , R., 468 Hindmarsh , P. C., 170 Holz, B. K., 550
Herman , R. E., 468 Hines, C., 92 Horn, C., 90
-
Herman Lewis, J., 561 Hines, M., 170, 211 Honey, M., 66
Hernandez, D ., 602 -
Hingley Jones, H., 157 hooks, b., 15, 32, 67, 419, 583
Hcrold, E. S., 280 Hinkelman, L., 325 Hope, C., 246
Heron , M., 461, 461, 465 Hinman , J., 515 Hope, E. C., 599
Name Index N-17

Hopper, K., 380 Hughes, J. L., 339 Hyers, L., 555
Hopwood , R., 180 Hughes, J. R, 550 Hyers, L. L., 36
Horgan , T. G., 96 Hughes, M., 375, 471 Hyland , R , 512
Horn, S., 199, 224 Hughes, M. R., 501 Hymowicz, C., 436
Horner-Johnson , W., 512 Hughes, P., 375, 377 Hynes, H . R , 528
Horncy, K., 195 Hughes, R. B., 522 Iacono, T., 289
Hornsby, J., 90 Hughes, T. L., 185, 304, 342 I don't need feminism , 35
Horowitz, A. D., 296 Huguct, P., 127 Igartua, K., 556
Horsch, A., 375 Hui, A., 606 Illouz, E., 328
Horstmann, N., 420 Hull, E., 552 Imborck, K. L., 391
Hortobagyi, G. N., 462 Hulsc - Killacky, D., 498 Immordino - Yang, M. H., 5
Horwitz, A. V., 546 Hultgren , B. A., 505 Imperato - MeGinley, J ., 125, 169
Horwitz, L. D., 562 Human Rights Campaign , 494 Impctt, E . A., 342, 554
Horwood, L. J., 551 Human Rights First, 523 Induced abortion in the United
Hospital, M. M., 454 Human Rights Watch, 175, 528 States, 365
Hossain, Z., 391 Hummer, T. A., 532 Inftirna, M . R., 496, 559
Hotimsky, A., 370 Humphreys, C., 520 Ingalhalikar, M., 104
Hotopf, M., 561 Humphreys, E., 384 Ingham, C. A., 471
Houk, C. P., 171, 173 Humphreys, T. R , 285, 507 Ingham, R., 283
Houston, J . R., 298 Humphries, T. M., 336 Institute for Women 's Policy
Houtcnville, A., 478, 604 Hunsinger, M., 602, 603 Research, 339, 407, 407\
Houttc, M. V., 127 Hunt, B., 90 408, 409, 412
Hovcll, M., 283 Hunt, J., 187 Insulander, R , 462
Hovick, S. R., 313 Hunt, L. L., 334 Intcrligi, C., 299, 333, 469
Howard, D. C., 6 Hunt, M. E., 505 International Labour Office, 440
Howard , K. A., 164-165, 431 Hunter, B. A., 76 Iritani, B., 251
Howard, L., 559 Hunter, C. D., 74, 554 Irvin , C. R., 506
Howard, L. M., 512 Hunter, J., 185, 186 Is a person who is intersex, 172
Howell, M. L., 84 -
Hunter, M. S., 458 459 Isasi - Diaz , A. M ., 34, 35
Howell, T., 225 Hunter, P. A., 336 Isbell, L. M., 82
Howland, C. A., 332, 335 Hunter, S., 156, 185 Israeli, A., 569, 573
Howling, S. A., 241 Huntington, A., 381 Ito, K. E., 286
Howorth, C., 389 Huntley, A., 429 Ivcgran , A., 223
Hoyt, T., 305 Huntoon, M., 140 Ivey, E., 136
Hsin, A., 398 Hurd Clarke, L., 332, 454, 455, 456 Iwarzon , M., 462
Huang, A. X., 286 Hurlbcrt, D. F., 313 Iyer, A., 77
Huang, J., 185 Hurt, M. M., 37, 255 Jablonski , N., 241
Huang, Y. P., 185, 237, 258, Hussain , R., 363 Jaccard , J., 283
259, 554 Hutchings, M., 216 Jack, D., 553
Hubbard , S., 158, 225 Hutchinson , M. K., 284 Jack, D. C., 553
Hudgins, P. S., 253 Hutchinson, S. L., 487 Jackson, A., 161, 596
Hudson, J. I., 16, 563 Huttenlochcr, J., 110 Jackson, B ., 553
Hudson , N., 372 Hvistendahl, M., 218, 219 Jackson, D., 267, 336, 369, 393
Huebner, D., 185, 187 Hwang, C., 440 Jackson, J., 501
Huet, E., 134 Hyde, J., 227, 554 Jackson, J. B., 468
Huey, S. J., 553 Hyde, J. S., 34, 104, 107, 108, Jackson, K., 554
Huffkkcr, D., 210 109, 110, 120, 122, 123, Jackson, L., 388, 541
Huffman, M., 409 124, 126, 127, 130, 132, Jackson, S. D., 183
Hughes, I., 167 134, 138, 144, 241, 250, Jackson, S. L., 526
Hughes, I. A., 171, 172, 173 255, 257, 258, 261, 300, Jackson, S. M., 143
Hughes, J., 224 301, 391, 436 Jackson , T. E., 267
N-18 Name Index

Jacob, M., 372 Johns, M., 138, 602 Kabbaj, M., 552
Jacobi , T., 95 Johnson, A. G., 65, 67 Kaccrc, L., 159
Jacobs, D . H ., 548 Johnson, A. M., 66 Kachchaf, R , 140
Jacobs, J . C., 480 Johnson , B. T., 7, 450 Kahlc, L. L., 327
Jacobs, J . E., 136 Johnson, C., 311 Kahlor, L., 509
Jacobson, N. C., 471 Johnson, C. A., 429 Kahn , A., 79
Jacobvitz, D., 385 Johnson, D., 553 Kahn, A. S., 298, 333, 501, 506
Jacques-Tiura , A., 513 Johnson, D. R , 89, 91, 323, 377 Kahn , J. A., 295
Jacquet, C., 516 Johnson, J . A., 285 Kahn , K. B., 82
Jaffe, P. G., 516 Johnson, J . T., 129 Kahn, L. S., 568
Jaffee, D., 511 Johnson , M., 442 Kahn , M., 569
JafFee, S., 134 Johnson , M. P, 516, 517, 518, 521 Kahn , R L., 485
Jagcrs, R. J ., 599 Johnson, N., 362 Kaighobadi, F., 114
Jaghori, B., 310 Johnson, R , 435 Kaiser, A., 118
Jahren, A. H., 428 Johnson, S., 380, 381, 512 Kaiser, C. R , 585, 586
James, D., 540, 558 Johnson , S. M., 249 Kallen, R W., 257
James, G ., 343 Johnson , W., 123 Kalman , M. B., 266
James, L., 521 Johnston, A. M., 140 Kalmijn , M., 440, 482
James, S. E., 521 Johnston, I . K., 267 Kaluzny, G., 506
Jamieson, P. E., 532 Johnston, J ., 234 Kamenica, E., 349
Jancke, L., 116 Johnston, J. R , 516 Kamp Dush, C. M., 347, 348, 593
Janevie, M . R , 323 Johnston - Robledo, I., 26, 43, 268, Kane, E., 198, 220
Jang, B. J ., 473 389, 390 Kane, S. B., 187
Jans, L., 407 Jolley, S., 375 Kang, S. K-, 440
Jansen , L., 352 Jomc, L., 573 Kanner, L., 394
Jarcho, J . M., 259 Jones, B . C., 244 Kanner, M., 33
Jarnecke, A. M ., 378 Jones , D . C. , 248 Kanter , R M., 143
Jarrctt Howell, T., 158 Jones, D. E., 353 Kantiebo, ML , 497
Javaid, A., 506 Jones, J ., 293, 592 Kan tor, J., 437
Jaworski , B . K., 305 Jones , L . , 381 , 511 Kanuha , V. K., 518, 520
Jaycox, L. H., 516 Jones, L. M., 327 Kaplan , D. L., 324
Jayson , S., 599 Jones, M. D., 248 Kaplan, K. C., 382
Jcdinak, A., 532 Jones , T . , 241 Kaplan , R M., 340
Jeffers, M., 234 Jones- DcWeever, A., 411 Karasz, A., 283
Jelovac, A., 545 Jong, E., 396 Karatzias, T., 562
Jcmmott, J . B., Ill, 284 Jopp, D. S., 468 Karkazis, K., 151, 153, 170, 171,
Jcmmott, L. S., 284 Jordan, A., 284 172, 173, 174, 175, 180
Jenkins, C. L., 471 Jordan , C. E., 513 Karl, K., 311
Jensen, R , 500 Jordan, T. R , 285 Karmali, Z., 375
Jensen- Urstad , M., 462 Jordan -Young, R. M., 153 Karnani, A., 241
Jerman, P., 286, 289 Joseph, L. J., 308 Karney, B. R , 332
Jcuken, E., 325 Joshi , A ., 334 Karnik, R , 503
Jewett, P. I., 460, 461 Joy, M „ 511 Karp, D. R , 526
Jibotian, K. S., 85 Jozkowski, K. N., 505, 507, 510 Karpowitz, C. F., 92
Joel, D., 109, 116, 117 Juan , M . D ., 63 Karraker, K., 220
JofFe, H., 53, 104 Judd, C. M., 70 Kasardo, A. E., 255
Johannes, C. B., 302 Jung, C. G., 195 Kashubeck, S., 243
Johannesen-Schmidt, M . C., 422 Jung, R E., 116 Kashubeck-West, S., 37
Johanson , R , 383 Jungari, S. B., 497 Kashy, D., 214
John, O. P., 473 Juvoncn, J., 226, 320 Kasser, T., 599
John Horwood , L., 366 Kabat-Farr, D., 78 Katrevich, A. V., 248
Name Index N-19

Kattari, S. K., 160, 521 Kenyon , S. J., 246 Kim, M., 410, 440
Katz, J., 507 Kco- Meier, C. L., 180 Kim, S. K., 468
Katz, L. F., 475, 476 Kcppel, B., 471 Kimball , E. W., 599
Katz, P., 220 Kcrnic, M. A., 514 Kimes, D. D ., 251
Katz, S., 486 Kerns, J., 370 Kimes, L. A., 267
Katzman, D., 565 Kerr, A. E., 241 Kimmel, E., 15, 53
Katz-Schiavone, S., 531 Kerr, M., 6 Kimmel, M., 239
Katz-Wise, S. L., 157, 158, 160, Kerr, S. P., 414 Kimport, K., 367
161, 179, 180, 391, 436 Kershaw, T., 530 King, A. E., 335
Kawa, S., 547 Kcrstettcr, D., 482 King, A . R., 506
Kawamura, K., 243 Kcski - Rahkonen, A., 564 King, C. T., 72
Kawamura, S., 352 Kessler, E., 253 King, D. K., 493
Kay, F. M., 423 Kessler, R., 551, 565 King, E., 381
Kaye, L. K., 126 Kessler, R. C., 16, 563 King, E. B., 143, 257, 455
Kaysen, D., 512 Kessler, S. J., 151, 153, 155, 170, King, J ., 503
Kazama, S., 381 171, 172, 173, 174, 175 King, M ., 268
Kazyak, E., 328 Kestcr, L. M., 295 .
King, M B., 506
Keating, J . P., 84 Ketelaar, T., 115 King, S., 432
Keatlcy, J., 309 Kettl, P., 301 Kingdon , C., 375
Keeling, J., 518 Key, A., 202 Kingery, J . N., 320
Keels, M., 599 Key, A. C., 157 King’s challenge , 499
Keeric, N., 93 Keys, C. B., 324 Kinkartz, S., 527
Kcery, H., 247 Khalid , M., 503 Kinkier, L. A., 378
Kcim, N., 239 Khalifeh, H., 512 Kinsey, A . C., 177
Keith, V. M., 241 Khan , A., 532, 600 Kira, K., 370
Keller, E. F., 42 Kliondkaryan , E., 530 Kirby, D ., 287
Keller, R. M., 78 Khoury, B., 572 Kirchmcycr, C., 435
Kelley, S. J., 474 Khuankaew, O., 37 Kiscly, S., 368
Kelly, A. M., 248 Kiang, L., 137 Kissling, E. A ., 267
Kelly, D. H., 93 Kidd , S. A., 371 Kitcheyan, A., 593
Kelly, G., 440 Kiefer, A. K., 304 Kite, L., 66
Kelly, J . B., 521 Kieffcr, S. C., 251 Kite, M. E., 450
Kelly, K , 366 Kicfncr, A. E., 238 Kitzinger, C., 92 , 144, 181 ,
Kelly, M., 296 Kicren, D. K., 266 182, 306
Kelly, S., 521 Kicsncr, J., 79 Klar, M., 599
Kelly, Y., 381 Kigcr, G ., 397 Klausing, C. D., 508
Keltncr, D., 96 Kilbanc, T., 526 Klcbcr, R., 498
Ken, I., 63 Kilbourne, J., 250 Klein , C., 161
Kenagy, G. P., 163 Killcn, J., 227 Klein , L. C., 320
Kendig, H. L., 471 Killcn , M., 213 Klein , M., 384
Kendler, K., 568 Killcrmann , S., 178 Klcinman , J . C., 385
Kendra, M. S., 187 Killcwald, A., 415 Kleman, J ., 222
Kennair, L. E. O., 334 Kilmartin, C., 37, 585, 586, 587 Klcsse, C., 343
Kennedy, C., 215, 384 Kilpatrick, D. G., 502 Kliem, S., 575
Kennedy, J. E., 320 Kim , D. A., 319 Kline, A ., 561
Kennedy, S., 342 Kim , D. Y., 545 Kling, K. C., 132
Kenney, C. T., 337 Kim , E., 281 Klinkcnbcrg, D., 331
Kenney, N. J., 372 Kim, H., 482 Klitzman, R., 372, 373
Kenny, S., 141 Kim , H. K, 515 Klonoff, E. A., 550, 551 , 555
Kent, L., 17 Kim, J. L., 276, 277, 278, 279, Klump, K., 563
Kenward, B., 223 283, 284 Klusacck, J ., 365
N- 20 Name Index
Knaucr, S., 409 Kraaykamp, G., 352 Kurinczuk, J. J., 389
Knifsend , C., 320 Krakowiak, K. M., 532 Kuring, J. K., 259
Knight, C., 265 Kralik, D., 336 Kurz, E., 251
Knoblc, N. B ., 515 Kramer, M. R , 385 Kushlcv, R , 387
Knobloch -Wester wick, S., 270 Kramer, U., 575 Kuzawa, C. W., 116
Knox, D., 127 Kraus, L., 478, 604 Laakso, E. R, 88
Ko, J., 388 Kraus, M. W., 96 Labban, J. D., 389
Ko, L., 140 Krause, A. R , 312 Labbok, M. H., 390
Koch, P. B., 265 Krause, E. D., 553 Labuski, C., 165
Koch , T., 336 Kravetz, D., 576 Lachance- Grzela, M., 349, 351
Kodjak, A., 286 Krcagcr, D. A., 280, 327 Lack, C., 74
Kocnen, K. C., 521 Krebs, C. P., 510 Lacroix, C., 208
Koenig, A., 420 Kreicker, K , 86 Ladd, G. W., 327
Koenig, A. M ., 68 Kreider, R. M., 89, 472 Ladd, H. F., 595
Koenig, B., 187 Krckula , C., 455 LaDonna Bravebull Allard urges
Kocser, S., 87, 88 Kress, V. E., 550 UN, 449
Koff, E ., 265, 266 Krimsky, S., 547 Lafontainc, M. F., 520
Kohl berg, L., 49 Krizan , Z., 104 LaFrance, M., 96, 257, 574
Kohn , J. L., 26, 348, 593 Kroeger, L., 329 Laggari, V., 168
Kok, J . L., 204 Kroger, C., 575 Lahey, J. N., 477
Koken, J. A., 157 Krogstad, J. M., 408 LaHuis, D., 143
Koken , J . A. et al., 158 Kronenfeld , L. W., 241, 563 Lai, L., 413
Kolb, D., 412, 413 Kronick, R G., 340 Lai, R , 538
Kollar, M. M ., 339 Kroska, A., 349, 396-397 La Jeunesse, M., 172
Kolshus, E., 545 Kroth, A., 77 Lajic, S., 173
Komisaruk, B. R., 301 Krowinski , A., 556 Lake, M., 220
Konik, J ., 115, 429 Krueger, J. I., 132 LakofF, R , 93
Konik, J . A., 335 Krupnick, E., 603 LaLonde, D., 227
Konrad , A., 418 Krymkowski, D. H., 409 Lalor, J., 387
Konrath , S., 251 Kuchibhatla, M., 470 LaMantia, R , 37
Konrath, S. H ., 251 Kuczynski, R , 361 Lamarrc, M., 220
Koo, H. P., 283 Kuebli, J., 213 LaMay, M. L., 123
Koop, P. M., 469 Kugelmass, H., 556 Lamb, H. R , 545
Kopic, K., 206 Kuh, D., 249 Lamb, M., 440
Korchmaros, J. D., 333 Kuhn, A., 199 Lamb, S., 286, 288, 289, 309, 312
Korfinc, L., 266 Kuhn , E. A., 87 Lambdin, J. R , 85
Korge, K., 372 Kuhn , P., 389 Lambert, T. A., 298, 299, 333
Kornadt, A. E., 450, 452 Kuiper, A. J., 161 Lamis, D. A., 474
Kornell, N., 10 Kulick, A., 84 Lamon , S. J., 123
Koropeckyj-Cox, T., 362 Kulikova, Y., 339-340 LaMottc, S., 600
Kortcnhaus, C., 203 Kull, R M., 187 Lancet Maternal Survival Series
Kosciw, J ., 326 Kullgren , G., 502 Steering Group, 385
Kosciw, J. G., 185, 187, 222, 226 Kully, C., 501 Landrine, H., 550, 551
Kosfelder, J ., 575 Kumar, A., 367, 368 Landry, L. J., 259
Kosova, E., 293 Kumar, D., 431 Landry- Meyer, L., 475
Koss, M., 203, 555 Kumar, R , 376 Landsburg, S. E., 303
Koss, M. P., 504, 510 Kuo, D., 498 Lane, J ., 514
Kotchcr, J . E., 601 Kupersmidt, J . B., 322 Lane, T. N., 107
Koyama, E., 523 Kupper, L. L., 512 Laner, M. R , 331
Kozce, H. B., 243 Kurdek, L. A., 345, 347, 353 Laney, E., 386
Kozhimannil, K., 385 Kuriloff, P. J., 34 Lang, F. R , 452
Name Index N-21

Langendcrfer-Magruder, L., 521 Lefcbvre, C., 366 Levy, S. R., 183, 320, 450
Langhout, R. D., 216, 217, 511 Lehavot, K., 511 Levy-Warren , A., 185
Langlois, J . H., 238 Lchrner, A., 562 Lcwin, B., 303
Lanius, R. A., 572 Lei, C., 265 Lewis, B. R , 320
LaPointc, C. A., 511 Lei, X., 91 Lewis, C. W., 217
Laportc, A., 480 Lcibing, E., 194 Lewis, J . A., 78, 79, 599
Lappcgard , T., 405 Leichliter, J. S., 295 Lewis, J . M ., 472
Larcau, A., 395 Leichsenring, F., 194 Lewis, L. L., 70
Larimer, S., 593 Lcidolf, E. M ., 173 Lewis, M., 598
Larose, J . G., 238, 304 Leighton , D., 289 Lewis, R., 556
Larsen , S., 311 Lcinbach , M., 199 Lewis, R. J ., 520
Laschevcr, S., 351 Leitsch , S. A., 525 Lewis, T. K., 160
Lassri, D., 498 Lckwauwa , R., 498 Lexington , J. M., 503
Latncr, J. D., 256 Lcland , J., 468 Li, E., 137
Latu, I. M., 77, 420 LeMairc, K. L., 501 Li, J ., 68
Laucr, E., 478, 604 Lemish, D., 454 Liang, J ., 486
Laucrma, H., 167 L’Engle, K. L., 284 Liao, L. M., 174
Laumann , E. O., 302, 525 Lcnhart, A., 208 Liben, L., 201
Laurent, H. K., 515 Lcnning, E., 180 Liberman, M., 93
Laus, M. F., 269 Lenton, A. R , 324 Liberman, R., 500
Lauzen, M. M., 253, 454 Lcnz, A. S., 575 Lichtenthalcr, R W., 420
Lavcllc, B., 341 Leonard , M. M., 34 Lichter, D. T., 343
Laven , J. S., 458 Leonie, 35 Liddiard , K., 332
LaViolctte, A. B., 519 Leopold , T., 484 Liddon , N. C., 295
Lavoie, F., 326 Lerner, M. J., 509 Licbelson , D., 539
Lawler, D., 387 Lerum , K., 313, 588, 597 Lieber, R., 440
Lawrence, A. A., 180 Lester, J., 203 Lieberman , M., 127, 248, 249, 493
Lawrence, C., 590 Lcszczynski, J. R , 71, 450 Liebcrt, R., 606
Laydcn , M. A., 500 Letherby, G., 372 Liechty, T., 482
Leach, L., 371 Lev, A. I., 155, 157, 159, 160, Licfbrocr, A . , 362
Leaper, C., 34, 93, 95 162, 549 Licgghio, M., 558
Leary, J., 562 Levanon, A., 411 Light, A., 370, 380, 388
Lease, A., 215 Levant, R., 554 Ligicro, D. R , 498
Lease, S. H., 423 Levant, R. F., 38, 71, 202, 530 Lilienfeld , S. O., 78
LeaShomb, A., 248 LeVay, S., 184 Li1ley, T. G ., 508
Leavesley, G., 370, 371 Lcve, M., 606 Lilly, F., 321
Leavy, P., 241 Lcvenson, J. S., 531 Lim , E., 378
LeBeau , L. S., 95 Lever, J., 215, 319 Lima, M. L., 452
Ledbetter, L., 592 Levin, L., 334 Lin , C. J., 343
Lee, H. E., 248 Levin, S., 320, 599 Lin, H., 552
Lee, I., 339 Levine, A., 497 Lin , J., 257, 455
Lee, J., 65, 265 Levine, C., 433 Lindahl, K. M., 186
Lee, J. J., 68 Levine, H., 371 Lindbcrg, S., 227, 554
Lee, K., 555 Levine, M. P., 247, 250 Lindbcrg, S. M., 109, 261
Lee, M., 379, 471 Levine, S. C., 110, 136 Linder, J . R., 208
Lee, R A., 171, 173, 175 Levitas, R., 375 Lindert, J., 559
Lee, W., 538 Levitt, H., 571 Lindgrcn, H ., 377
Lee, Y., 248 Levy, A., 150, 309 Linchan , C., 425
Lecb, K T., 496 Levy, B., 452 Linehan , M., 575
Leedy, M., 227 Levy, B. R., 452, 484 Links, P., 567
Lcerkes, E. M., 389 Levy, G., 199 Linn, M. C., 109, 124, 127
N-22 Name Index

Linneman , T. J ., 94 Lorde, A., 61, 589 Lyncss, R S., 424
Lino, M., 361 Lorenz, R , 509 Lyoncttc, C., 353
Lintsen , A. M. E., 373 Lorct de Mola, C., 498 Lyons, S. T., 410
Linz, D., 308 Lorctto, W., 479, 483 Lytle, A., 183, 320
Linz, D. G., 500 Lo Sasso, A., 435 Lytle, M. C., 480
Lippman , J. R., 311, 329 Loth, K., 380 Lytton , H ., 212
Lips, H. M., 480 Lothian, J. A., 382 Lyubomirsky, S., 387
Lipsitz, G., 63 Lottes, I. L., 34 Lyytinen, N., 498
Lipson, J ., 365, 371 Lourenco, S. F., 110 Maas, A. H. E. M., 462
Lisak, D., 501 Lovcgrccn, L. D., 473 Maas, M. R , 353
Liss, M., 24, 33, 34, 91, 303, 311, Love joy, M., 241 Maass, A., 79, 430
312, 336, 345, 351, 392, Lovclady, C. A., 389 Macarow, A., 172
395, 396, 432 Loveland , J . E., 530 MacArthur, H. J., 129
Litosseliti, L., 92 Love Ramirez, T., 88 Maccoby, E., 215
Litsky, F., 68 Low, J., 320 Macdonald, J. L., 450
Little, A. C., 244 Lowe, M., 506 Mac Dougall, R , 371
Little, N. J ., 508 Lowes, J., 245 Macfarlane, A., 383
Littleton, H., 503 Loya, R. M., 512, 513 MacFarlane, J., 66
Liu , L., 555 Lu , P. S., 75 Machin, S., 124
Live - in caregiver salary, 470 Lubitow, A., 465 Machung, A., 26, 347
Livingston , G., 16, 361 , 439, 471, Lucas -Thompson, R , 397 Macias- Konstantopoulos, W., 524
475 Lucas-Thompson, R G., 397 Macicjewski, P. R , 341
Livingston , J . A., 510 Luchies, L. B., 334 Macina, V., 339
Livingstone, S., 280 Ludwig, F. M., 475 Mack-Canty, C., 397
Livio, S. R , 497 Luedicke, J ., 252 MacKinnon, C., 66
Llewellyn -Jones, D., 265 Luhamann , M., 321 Macleod, A., 554, 555
Llorct, A., 465 Lujan , M. L., 224 Macmillan, R , 519
Lloyd, E. A., 301 Luke, K., 282, 290 MacQuarrie, B., 429
Hull, J., 339-340 Luke, N ., 378 Madell, R , 308
Lo, W., 507 Luna, L. L., 562 Madill, A., 174
Lobcl, M., 381, 385 Lundberg, P. O., 303 Maeda, Y., 125
Lock, M ., 459 Lundy, M., 525, 526 Magalhaes, S., 551
Lodge, A. C., 474 Lunney, G., 220, 221 Mager Stellman, J., 153
LoFaro, N., 75 Lunsford , S. R , 141 Magilvy, J. R , 471
Logan, T. R , 513 Luo, B., 486 Magley, V. J., 78, 519
Loh, J., 526 Lupton, B., 419 Magnoli, G., 83
Lokey, C. N., 513 Lupton, M. J., 267 Magoffin, D., 454
Lombardi, C. M., 398 Luria, Z., 215, 220 Maguire, E. A., 116
Lombardi, E. L., 157, 162, 163 Lurye, L., 221, 225 Maguire, M., 267
London, B., 183 Lusardi, A., 476, 481 Mahalik, J., 551
London, R , 211 Lust, K., 510 Mahalik, J. R , 328, 350, 570
Long, L. M., 506 Lustig, R , 288 Mahmood , U., 464
L ng, P. J., 509
° Luthar, S. S., 398 Mahr, R , 193
Long, S. M., 506 Luthra, R , 516 Maibach, E. W., 601
Lonsway, R A., 501 Luyten, P., 498 Maine, M., 16
Looker, A. C., 465 Ly, U ., 514 Maincs, R R , 542, 543
Loper, A. B., 526 Lynch, A., 493 Majd, R , 187
Lopez, E., 255 Lynch, J. E., 261, 454 Major, B., 36, 366-367, 586
Loprest, P., 136 Lynch, J. M., 345 Makari, G., 543, 544
Lorbcr, J., 68 Lynch, M. E., 225 Makvnen, E., 186
Lord , R A., 471 Lynch, S. M., 502, 539, 540 MalacofF, J., 593, 594
Name Index N-23

Maldonado, M. M., 429 Marques, S., 452 Matte, M., 520
Malhotra, A., 376 Marshall, K. C., 320 Mattern, G., 523
Maliha, K., 455 Marshall, V., 362 Mattheis, A., 137
Malik, N. M., 186 Marske, A. L., 250 Matthes, J ., 207
Mallctt, K. A., 505 Martens, A., 602 Matthews, A. K., 185, 304
Mallett, R., 84 Martic, C., 214 Matthews, M . S., 382
Mallctt, R. K., 36, S4 Martin, C., 199, 200, 214, 215, Mattis, J . S., 69
Malley, J., 143 221, 223, 225 Matusik, S. F., 143
Mallon, G. P., 157 Martin , C. E., 177 Mauer, M., 538
Mallory, C., 429^130, 557 Martin , C. L., 198, 200, 214, 221, Maurer, T. W., 504
Malm, M. C., 377 222, 268 Mausbach, B. T., 470
Malmquist, A., 373 Martin, J ., 184 Maxwell, M., 72
Malouf, D., 157 Martin , J. A., 382 May, N., 60
MaloufF, J. M., 501 Martin , K., 290 Mayans, D., 565
Malterud, K., 387 Martin , K. A., 282, 328 Mayans, L., 565
Manago, A., 311 Martin , S. L., 512 Mayer, R. N., 481
Mandel, H., 440 Martin , S. R., 420 Mayes- Elm a , R., 205
Mandcll, B., 422 Martina, C. M., 321 Mayeux, L., 327
Mangw'cth -Matzck, B., 238, 454 Martinengo, G ., 473 Mayhew, A., 295
Manlovc, J., 293 Martinez, E., 238, 304 Maynard -Moody, S., 539
Manning, J. T., 244 Martinez, G . M., 295 Mayo Clinic Staff, 371
Manning, W. D., 341, 343 Martinez, I. L., 525 Mayo -VVilson, E ., 527
Mannino, C. A., 349, 354 Martinez, R., 389 Mayton, D. M. II , 528, 529
Mannix, J., 267, 393 Martinson , M., 485, 486 Mazel , S., 375
Mannon , S. E., 397 Martirc, L. M., 470 Mazor, D., 243
Mansbach , C. S., 211 Martz, D., 248 Mazur, E., 332
Mansfield, R IC , 265 Martz, D. M., 24S Mazurc, C. M ., 465
Manvcll, J ., 433 Marvan, M. L., 264 Mazuy, M., 361
Manzoli, L., 340, 471 Marx, B. R, 503 Mazzula, S. L., 78
Marcantonio, T. L., 505, 507 Mascret, N ., 77 McAIindcn , A., 527
Marche, S., 353 Mason , B. J., 525 MeAlvey, J., 404
Marcottc, A., 35, 94 Mason , G. E., 506 McArthur, L. N ., 502
Marcus, A., 601 Masscr, B. M., 82 McCabe, J ., 203, 388
Marecek, J ., 40, 47, 108, 353, 547, Massey, S. G., 298 McCabe, M ., 554, 555
570, 576 Masson, J., 544 McCabe, M. P., 243, 289
Margcnthalcr, J., 464 Mast, M . S., 96, 97 McCants, L. E., 183
Mari, S., 311 Mastcn , A. S., 498 McCartcr-Spaulding, D., 28
Marini, M. M., 351 Masters, J., 239 McCarthy, M. M., 109
Marken , D. M., 475 Mastro, D., 206 McCartney, J ., 172
Markham , C., 285 Mastro, D. E., 253, 454 McCarty, Oscola, 448
Markowitz, L. E., 295 Matamoros, M., 324 McCauley, M ., 498
Markowitz, S., 17, 439 Matheson , G., 350 McClcan , E., 420
Marks, G., 124 Matheson , K., 562 McClelland , S., 288
Marks, M., 412 Mathews, B., 269 McClure, K. J ., 252
Marksamer, J., 187 Mathews, J., 411 McConnel , A. R., 255
Markus, H. R., 433 Mathews, M. E., 389 McCormack, K., 360
Marlowe, F. W., 116 Mathias, Z., 243 McCormick, K. T., 129, 144
Marmot, M. G., 319 Mathiason, M. A., 510 McCormick, N . B., 301
Marotta, J. A., 305 Matos, K., 440 McCrcady, L. T., 210
Marquardt, E., 332-333 Matovu, J. K., 365 McCreary, D. R., 250
Marquart, J. W., 514 Matsick, J. L., 343, 344 McCulloch , C., 366
N-24 Name Index

McCulloch, C. E., 367 McMahon, B. T., 68, 136 Mcrlan , A., 448
McCullough, D ., 343 McMahon , J . M., 82 Mcrnissi , F., 260
McCurdy, C., 85 McMahon , S., 531 Merrill, M. A ., 123
McDade, T. W., 116 McManus, B., 298 Merritt, R. D., 84
McDaniel , B. T., 353 McManus, M. A., 602 Mcrriwether, A. M., 298
McDaniel, M. A., 6 McMeekcn, J ., 380 Mcrskin, D., 74
McDonald , K., 269-270 McMullin , J ., 362 Merton , R. K., 136
McDonough , K., 308 McNair, R., 277 Mcrtz, J . E., 124
McDougall , L. J ., 246, 306 McNallic, J ., 509 Mcrz, E., 362
McFarland, VV. P., 423 McNamara, J. R , 503 Mcschcdc, T., 483
McFarlanc, J ., 268 McPhail, B. A., 493 Mcschcr, K., 499, 587
MeGaughey, D., 154 McPherson , B., 204 Mcssinco, M., 253, 454
MeGeeney, K ., 554 McPherson , M., 322, 323, 385 Mcssman, S. J., 325
MeGeorge, C., 393 McPherson , M . C., 525 Messman - Moore, T., 510
McGcorgc, C. R., 557 McPherson , M. E., 266 Mcssman -Moorc, T. L., 504
McGill , A., 395 McQuaid , J ., 602 Messncr, C., 77
McGinley, M., 555 McQueen, G ., 86 Mcssncr, M. A., 150
McGinn , K., 413 McQuillan, J., 371, 372, 374 Metcalfe, K. A., 464
McGinn , M. M ., 339 Mcalcy, A., 554, 555 Metcalfe, S., 167
McGowan, M . L., 372 Meana, M ., 305 Metts, S., 328
Me Guffey, C. S., 215 Mears, A., 234 Metz, A., 140
McGuire, ] . K ., 226 Medina, J ., 507 Meyer, I. H., 163, 338, 521, 556
MeHale, S., 213, 351 Medina, R., 334 Meyer, S., 522
Me Hale , S. M., 157 Mednick, M. T., 41 Meyer, VV., Ill, 161
McHenry, J ., 552 Meckosha , H ., 252 Meyer- Bahlberg, H. L., 283, 284
McHugh, M ., 40, 299, 333 Mehaffcy, S. J ., 270 Meyer- Bahlburg, H. L., 283
McHugh, M. C., 43, 85, 87, Mchl, M. R., 92 Meyers, A., 284
255, 469 Meier, S. C., 165 M i a h, 2 6 0
Mclnroy, L. B., 210 Meinzcr, M., 382 Micale, M., 544, 545
McIntosh, P., 65, 68 Melanson , C., 496 Michael, A., 554
Mejunkin , C., 389 Mello, M. F., 563 Michael, R. S., 217
McKay, A., 285 Mello, N., 521 Michaud, P. C., 481
McKee, M. D., 283 Mellor, D., 554, 555 Mickelson, K. D., 352, 391
McKenna, W., 151 , 155 Mcllot, L. M., 343 Mihecoby, A. L., 562
McKcnncy, D., 475 Melnyk, S. E., 250 Mikula, G., 352
McKibbin, VV. F., 336 Meloni, M., 562 Milanaik, R., 390
McKinlay, S., 552 Melton, H . C., 518 Milburn, M. A., 508
McKinley, N. M ., 247, 257, Meltzer, M., 225 Milhauscn, R. R., 280, 286
258, 261 Meltzer- Brody, S., 388 Milkie, M. A., 26, 347, 351, 593
McKinnon, M. C., 572 Mena, J . A., 600 Miller, A., 136
McKleroy, V. S., 151 Menard , A. D., 313 Miller, C., 221, 412 , 431
McLachlan, R. I., 167 Mcncarini, L., 347, 362 Miller, C. T., 33, 37
McLaren, H. J ., 394 Mcndclberg, T., 92 Miller, D. I., 125, 125
McLaren, L., 249 Mendenhall, R., 78, 79 Miller, D. T., 52, 103
McLaren, S., 556 Mendes, E., 554 Miller, E. N ., 507
McLaughlin - Volpc, T., 224 Mcndez- Luck, C. A., 574 Miller, K. E., 501
McLean, J . S., 556 Mendiondo, M. S., 525 Miller, L. C., 114, 334
McLean, S. A., 239 Menzel, J . E., 249 Miller, L. M., 210
McLcmorc, K. A., 159 Mercer, N . L., 155 Miller, M., 532
McLoughlin, D. M., 545 Mercer, R., 388 Miller, R. B., 468
McLoyd , V. C., 347, 350, 391, 392 Mercurio, A. E., 259 Miller, S. A., 248
Name Index N-25

Miller, S. S., 92 Money, J., 175 Morton, D. L., 136
Milligan , M. S., 281 Mongc- Naranjo, A., 479 Morton, L. C., 109
Milliken , J., 514 Monin, J . K., 484 Mosbachcr, D., 290
Millner, V., 285, 286 Monsivais, R , 239 Mosher, W. D., 341, 342
Milmo, D., 212 Monsour, M., 324 Moss, A., 326
Mimiaga , M. J., 180 Monte, F., 124 Moss, M. S., 471
;
Miner, E. J., 114 Montcmurro, B., 281, 308, 469 Moss, S. Z., 471
I Miner, M., 556 Monterde-i - Bort, H., 520 Moss- Racusin , C. A., 142, 142, 587
Miner, M. H., 164 Montgomery, N., 398-399 Mosthof, M., 60
Minkler, M., 474, 475 Monto, M. A., 524 Mota - Cardoso, R., 498
i Minnottc, K. L., 397 Montoro, R., 556 Mother’s Advocate, 384
Minter, S., 243 Monz, B. U., 302 Mouzon, D. M ., 556
Minter, S. P., 163 Moodie -Mills, A., 187 Moyer, A. M., 378
I Minto, C. L., 173 Moon , N. W., 136 Moyer, C., 140
Mintz, B., 409 Moone, R. P., 470 Moyer, R. S., 84
Mintz, L. B., 243 Moore, A., 296, 599 Moylcs, C., 34
Miranda, J., 539 Moore, A. M., 363 Muehlenhard , C., 494, 505
Mirkin , M. P., 521 Moore, C., 428, 551 Muchlenhard, C. L., 303, 502,
Mishel, L., 592 Moore, D., 336 507, 508 , 508
Misra, J ., 414 Moore, E., 284 Muehlenkamp, J . J ., 269, 554
Mitchell, A., 420, 564 Moore, J ., 498 Muftic', L. R., 518
Mitchell, A. A., 68 Moore, L. J., 68 Mugweni, E., 363
Mitchell, B. A., 473 Moore, N. B., 297 Muhangnzi, F. K., 365
T
Mitchell, C. A., 216, 217 Moore, S. M., 474 Muhlbauer, V., 454
1
Mitchell, E. M., 367, 368 Mooren, T., 498 Muir, S. L., 249
Mitchell, G., 77 Moorman , S. M., 472 Mukherjcc, J . S., 494
Mitchell, H., 372 Moors, A. C., 280, 343, 344 Mulcahy, M., 425
i Mitchell, J ., 195 Moos, R. H., 267 Mulekar, M., 285
Mitchell, K. J., 327, 333, 500, 524 Moradi, B., 183, 185, 237, 258, Mulford , C. F., 525
Mitchell, M. K., 241 259, 260, 554, 556, 573 Mulhere, K., 584
Mitchell, O. S., 476, 481 Moran , P., 512 Muller, M. N., 116
Mitchell, R. C., 180 Moreau , J., 430 Mullings, J . L., 514
Mitra, P., 149 Moreland , J., 561 Mulvey, L., 236
Mizock, L., 160, 179, 180 Morgan, B. L., 225 Mulvihill, M., 471
Mladinic, A., 137 Morgan, E. M., 183, 325 Munhos, A. A. R., 494
Mock, J., 308 Morgan, M., 250 Munhoz, T. N ., 498
I Modica, A., 248 Morgan, R. E., 525 Munro, V. E., 504
Moely, B. E., 86 Morgan, S. R , 473 Muraco, A., 470
:
Mohammed., L., 364 Morinis, J., 382 Murayama , K., 561
Mohanty, C. T., 30, 528 Morosky, E., 33 Murkoff, H., 375
Mohanty, J., 379 Morris, C., 308 Murncn, S., 204
. Mohler-Kuo, M., 510 Morris, K. L., 263 Murnen, S. K., 212, 309, 311,
Mohr, J. J., 165, 183, 187 Morris, W. L., 343 312, 506
Moin , V., 243, 253 Morrison , A., 595 Murnen , S. K.., 530
Mok, T. A., 74 Morrison , M. A., 71, 159, 254 Murphey, D. D., 424
Moleiro, C., 161 Morrison , T. G., 254 Murphy, D. A., 473
Mollcr, A. P., 244 Morry, M. M., 311 Murphy, J. H., 473
Moms Demand Action, 595 Morse, J. M., 266 Murphy, M. J ., 586
Monahan, J. L., 74, 313 Mortal, S. C., 427 Murray, C. D., 243, 471
Mond, J. M., 270 Mortensen, H., 512 Murray, C. E., 522
Mondschein , E. R., 213 Mortcnson, W. B., 332 Murray, J ., 498
N- 26 Name Index
Murray, S. H., 249 Nelson , S., 241 Njie-Carr, V., 522
Murray, T., 37 Nelson, S. K., 387, 394 Noel, M. J ., 344
Murray-Close, D ., 326 Nemeroff, C. J ., 255 Nolan , D., 497
Muschkin , C. G ., 595 Nemmers, T. M., 467 Nolan , M. T., 470
Musher- Eizcnman , D. R., 238 Nepomnyaschy, L., 440 Nolan, S. A., 527
Musil, C. M., 475 Neppl, T. KL, 474 -
Nolcn Hoekscma, S., 270, 552,
Mussap, A. J ., 260 Nercnberg, L., 526 553, 554, 559
Mustanski, B., 186 Ncsdale, D., 326 Noll, S. M., 256, 258, 454-455
Mutran, E. J., 484 Nesi, J., 210 Noonan, M., 540
Mutrie, N., 482 Ncsteruk, O., 481, 482, 483 Noone, J., 481
Myckatyn , T., 464 Nctdc, D., 114 Noor, N. M., 260
Myers, C., 545 Nettles, S. M., 483 Noorani, N., 260
Myers, K., 86 Netzley, S. B., 253 Nordcll, J., 431
Myers, L. M ., 452 Ncufeldt, A. H., 281 Nordenstrom, A., 173
Myers, T. A., 269, 311 Ncumark, D., 477 Nordmeyer, K., 505
Myers, TA., 601 Ncumark-Sztaincr, D., 247, 248, Nordqvist, R , 369
Nachtigall, R. D., 371 249, 380, 554, 563, 565 Norcnzayan, A., 49
Nack, A., 367 Nevill, M., 228 Norris, M., 565
Nadal , K. L., 78, 84, 162, 185, Neville, H. A., 241 Norsworthy, K. L., 37
308, 309, 556 Newburn , M., 383 North , M. S., 478
Nadworny, E., 595 Newcomb, M. E., 186 Norton, E. C., 238
Najman , J . M., 368 Newcombe, N. S., 110, 125 Norton, L., 92
Nakamura , M., 352 Newhill, C., 379 Nosek, M. A., 522
Nanda, J ., 217 Newman , B. M., 599 Nourse, S., 136
Nanda , S., 153, 171, 179 Newman , F. L., 525 Novak, A. N., 589
Narun, J . E., 185 Newman , M. G ., 471 Novy, R L., 270
Nano, M. T., 464 Newport, F., 70, 368 Now, Circulating, 515
Napikoski, L., 29 Newton, J., 390 Nowatzki, J ., 311
Narayan, C., 450 Newton, J. R., 457 Nudd, T., 318
Nardo, A. C., 217 Newton -John , T., 239 Nunnink, S. E., 305
Nasaw, D., 522 New View Campaign, 275 Nussbaum, E., 173
Nash , E., 364 Neysmith, S., 525 Nyline, B. N., 503
National Alliance on Mental Illness, Ng, E. S., 410 Oakley, L. L., 389
548 Ng, K. K., 295 Obedin-Maliver, J., 370
National Science Board , 135 Ng, R., 484 Oberg, K., 303
National Task Force to End Sexual Ng, T. W. H., 478 Obermeyer, C. M., 459
and Domestic Violence Ngo, C. T., 527 O’Brien, L. T., 77
Against Women , 502 NICHD Early Child Care Research Ocampo, C., 560
National Women’s Law Center, 16 Network, 605-606 Ocen, R , 217
Nayak, M., 503 Nicholson, L., 23 Ochman, J. M., 204
Nazari , N., 307 Nickerson , A., 512 O’Connor, B. P., 468
N’Dejuru , R., 497 Nicksa, S. C., 501 O’Connor, C., 33, 53, 104
Neal, A. M., 242 Niedlich, C., 71 O’Dea, C. J., 92
Ncavc, N., 244 Nielsen, B., 376 O’Donnell, E., 375
Ncdercnd, S., 223 Nielsen, L. B., 97 O’Donovan, T., 228
Ncgy, C., 227 Nielsen, S., 564 Oftman, A., 313
Nelson, A., 467 Niemann, Y. F., 335 Ofreneo, M. A. P., 297
Nelson, D., 552 Nierobisz, A., 519 Ogilvie, D., 4S2
Nelson, D. A., 208 Nilsen, A. R , 92 Ogletree, S. M., 338
Nelson, J. A., 34, 119, 397 Nishii, L. H., 480 Oh, E. J., 528
Nelson, K., 78 Nitsch, C., 118 O’Halloran, M. S., 503
Name Index N-27

O’Hara, M., 3S8 O’Sullivan , L. F., 2S 3, 284 Parks, J . A., 376
Ohlcrt, J ., 495 Oswald , A. J., 340 Parlee, M. B., 15
Ohlott, P., 432 Oswald , D. L., 82, 501 Parnell, M. K., 423
Oka , M., 468 Otero, H., 354 Parratt, K. A., 514
Okazawa - Rcy, M., 242 Otto, J. M., 525 Parrott , L., 339
Oksanen, T., 484 Otto, M., 552 Parsons, J . T., 157, 185
Oliver, M. B., 300 Oudejans, R. R. D., 270 Pascalc- Hague, D., 183
Oliver, M. N., 386 Ouko, L., 381 Pascalis, O., 199
Olivetti, C., 414 Our mission , 59 Pasek, L., 390
Olsen , E. O., 516 Ouslcv, L., 249 Pashlcr, H ., 257
Olson , A. M., 470 Overbcck, G., 226 Pasini , G., 439
Olson, K., 202, 222 Ovcrbckc, G., 565 Pasterski , V., 170
Olson, K. M., 519 An overview of abortion laws, 367 Pate, R., 228
Olson , K. R., 157 Ovescy, L., 194, 195 Patel, T., 376
Omar, H . A., 295 Owen , C., 270 Patra, J ., 381
Omar, M., 363 Owens, R. W., 528 Patraw, J. M., 201
Ondcck, M., 384 Ozonoff, A., 79 Patrick, K., 406, 407, 482, 558, 591
O’Neil, A., 223 Pabst, S., 525 Patterson , C., 213
O’Neil, J. M., 224 Padavic, I., 345 Patterson , C. P., 322
: O’Neill, J., 228 Padawar, R., 581 Patterson , G. E., 331
Ong, M., 140 Padcsky, C., 345 Patterson, M., 224
Online dating statistics, 333 Page, M. J., 186 Pattman, R., 224
Online dating-Statistics facts, 333 Page, T. E., 430 Paul , B ., 500
Ontai, L. L., 474 Pahlkc, E., 126 Paul , E. L., 298
Operario, D., 309 Paik, A., 302 Paul , L. A., 514
Oram, S., 559 Paik, I., 437 Pauli, K., 390
Oransky, I., 601 Palatino, B., 467 Paulozzi , L. J ., 496
Orbach, S., 237, 606 Palm , K., 572 Paustian - Undcrdahl , S. C., 422
Orchowski , L. M., 514, 531 Palmeiri, P. A., 511 Pauwels, J ., 389
Ordaz, D. L., 563 Palmer, C. T., 115 Paxton, S., 380, 554
O’Reilly Herrera, A., 63 Palmer, N. A., 187, 222, 226, 326 Paxton , S. I ., 239, 249
Orenstein, P., 16 Palomares, N. A., 93 Payette, H ., 454
Organisation for Economic Co- Pan , D., 545 Paymar, M., 517
;
operation and Development Pan, J., 349, 442 Payne, E., 217, 222
( OECD ), 433, 435 Panzer, K., 432 Pearl , R., 565
Orgocka, A., 283, 296 Papp, L. J., 280, 336, 508, 509 Pearl, R. L., 252
Ormcrod, A. J., 556 Paradis, L., 265 Pcarlman , L. A., 561
Ormrod, R., 495 Pardo, S. T., 165 Pcarlstcin , T., 568
Oroveez, J . J., 159 Parc, E., 395, 397 Pearson , A ., 572
Orth , U ., 484 Parenthood, Planned, 286 Pearson , C., 385
O’Ryan, L. YV., 423 Park, B., 70 Pearson, M. D., 180, 182
Osborn, D., 512 Park, H., 248, 538 Pearson, S., 363
Osborne, J., 137 Park, K., 361 Peat, C. M., 269, 554
Oser, C., 320 Park, N., 377 Peden , J ., 469
Osman, S. L., 507 Parke, R. D., 347 Pedersen , D . E., 349
Osmer, E., 187 Parker, G., 551, 552 Pedersen , W. C., 334
Ossana, S. M., 34 Parker, K., 475 Pegram , S. E., 510
0stbyc, T., 470 Parkhill, M. R., 513 Pegucro, A. A., 327
Osterman, J. K., 382 Parks, A., 503 Pekkinarin, T., 124
Ostrov, J . M., 326 Parks, C., 217 Pclka, S., 373
Ostrowski, S., 498 Parks, C. A., 185 Pclton, S., 362
N-28 Name Index

Peluchette, J . V., 311 Phillips, B. S., 88 Porter, A., 514
Pence, E., 517, 518 Phillips, K. VV., 135 Porter, A. M., 565
Pendcll , G ., 362 Phillips, L., 35 Porter, J ., 309, 370, 371
Penhale, B., 525 Phillips, L. D., 74 Posavac, H. D., 250
Penn, S., 326 Phoenix, A., 224 Posavac, S. S., 250
Pcnnebaker, J . W., 92 Piazza, J. R., 497 Postma, A., 125
Penning, M. J ., 554 Picard , P., 520 Postmcs, T., 67
Pennington , C. R., 126 Pick, C. M ., 249 Potter, E. M., 391
Penn Medicine, 104 Pick, L. H ., 512 Poulin - Dubois, D., 199, 221
Penzias, A., 371 Picket, K., 222 Poulos, R. G., 520
Pcpe , E., 503 Pierce, D., 475 Powell, A., 347
Peplau, L. A., 72, 73, 342, 345, Pierce, J ., 510 Powell, G., 432
471, 602 Pila , D., 333 Powell, L., 323
Pepper, A., 270 Pilhatsch , M., 551 Powell, S., 375
Perales, J ., 485 Pill , R., 391 Power, C., 267, 336
Perkins, G ., 462 Pillard , R., 549 Power, J., 277
Perkovich, B ., 180 Pina, A., 430, 506, 514 Powers, M., 524
Perlmuttcr, D ., 60 Pinhas, L., 565 Powlishta, K., 221
Perrin , E. C., 394 Pinquart, M., 470 Pratt, L., 546
Perrin , N., 522 Pinter, K., 508 Pratt, L. A., 550
Perry, B., 320 Pinto, N., 161 Pratt, M. B., 528
Perry, C., 563 Pinto, S. A., 177 Pratt, N., 528
Perry, D. G ., 157 Pinzaru, F., 322 Prause, J ., 397
Perry, S. VV., 511 Piphcr, M., 132, 226 Prausc, N., 177
Perry - Jenkins, M., 347, 350, Pi rone, G . M., 340 Preacher, K. J., 497
392, 416 Pironcc, G . M., 471 Prentice, D. A., 103
Person, E. S., 194, 195 Pittinskv, T. L., 139 Prentice, R., 460
Per tile, R., 167 Pluhar, E., 283 Presnell, K., 238, 304
Pcrz, J ., 268 Plummer, D. C., 224 Pressman , J., 59
Pcscosolido, B. A., 203 Plummer, D. L., 323 Preston, K. E., 267
Petcr- Hagene , L. C., 129, 512 Plummer, S. B., 522 Previti, D., 342
Peters, D . J ., 528 Poindexter- Cameron , J . M., 34 Prewitt - Frcilino, J. L., 88, 159
Peters, J ., 115 Polak, M., 267 Price, C. A., 481, 482, 483
Petersen , A., 225 Policastro, C., 525 Price, J . H., 285
Petersen, J . L., 130, 300, 301 Politt, K., 206 Price, L., 136, 296
Peterson, C., 513 Pol ivy, J ., 245 Pricier, M., 207
Peterson, H., 361 Pomeroy, VV. B., 177 Priesing, D., 157
Peterson , R. L., 217 Pons-Salvador, G ., 520 Priess, H., 227, 554
Peterson , Z. D., 131 , 309, 502, Ponzi, D., 322 Priess, H. A., 120, 391, 436
507, 508, 508 Poon , L., 85 Prigerson, H. G., 341
Petri , A., 381 Poortman , A. R., 351 Prina, A. M., 4S5
Pcttaway, L. D., 210 Pope, H. G., 16, 563 Prinsen, T. J., 253
Pettigrew, T. F., 320 Pope, K. S., 41 Prinstein, M. J., 210, 327
Pcttinato, M., 375 Pope, M., 72 Probst , D. R-, 506
Petukhova, M., 551 Popkin , B . M., 482 Proctor, G., 567
Pew Research Center, 473 Popp, A. M., 327 Proper, K. I., 484
Pfafflin , F., 156 Popp, D., 33, 280 Provenzano, F., 220
Pfennig, A., 551 Poppen, P. J ., 161 Pruchno, R. A., 475
Pharcs, V., 247 Porche, M. V., 554 Pruden, S., 204
Phelan, J. E., 37, 587 Porges, S. VV., 503 Pryor, D. VV., 501
Phcrwani, S., 422 Porta, C. M., 510 Przeworski, A., 158
Name Index N-29

Przybylski, A., 561 Rampton, M., 19, 22 Rcisner, S. L., 180, 222, 560, 561
Public opinion on abortion, 363 Ramsey, L., 305 Reisz, S., 385
Publishing statistics on children’s Ramsey, L. R., 241, 251, 305, 311 Rcitman , F., 435
books, 203 Rand, M. R., 502 Rcitzcs, D. C., 484
Puente, S., 336, 519 Randall, H., 555 Reizer, A., 329
Pugach, M., 558 Raney, A., 207 Relyca, M., 512, 514
Puhl, R. M., 252 Rankcl, L., 141 Rembcck, G ., 266
Pullen, E., 320 Rapctti, M., 541 Rcmcr, P, 569, 570, 576
Pulsifer, M. B., 525 Raphael, J ., 309, 523, 524 Rcnck, B., 520
Pulvcrmakhcr, F., 375 Rapley, F., 599 Rendall, M. S., 340
-
Punyanunt Carter, N. M., 329 Rappeport, A., 588 Renfrew, M. J ., 389
Purcell, K., 208 Raque - Bogdan, T., 372 Rcnningcr, L. A., 96
Purcell, N., 34 Rasinski , H. M., 36, 586 Rcnnison , C., 502
Purdic-Vaughns, V., 67 Rasmus, M., 556 Rentschler, C. A., 599
Putcha- Bhagavatula, A., 334 Rasmussen , B. H., 464 Rcshid , A. A., 414
Pyszczynski, T., 262, 267 Rasmussen , E. E., 208 Rcsick, P. A., 515
Qian , Z., 343 Rau, T., 495 Rcsnick, H . S., 502
Qualcy, M. L., 493, 494 Raver, J . L., 480 Rcsnick, M . D., 243, 286
Qualter, P., 326 Rawson, K. A., 11 Reyes, C., 187
Queniart, A., 452 Razor, A. G., 264, 266 Reyes, M , L., 241, 563
i
Quigley, M. A., 382, 389 Read , B., 216 Rczaei , A. R., 77
Quinn, D. M., 138, 256, 257, Readdick, C. A., 290 Rczazadch, S. M., 310
454-455 Reardon , D., 366 Rhodes, G., 244
Quinn , P., 199 Reay, D., 224, 225, 226 Rholes, W. S., 26, 348, 593
Qurashi, S., 260 Reba - Harrelson , L., 241, 563 Ricciardelli, L. A., 248
Qureshi, A. W., 126 Reddy, S., 376 Rice, C., 68
Ra, O., 555 Reece, M., 246, 507 Rice, T., 243
1 Rabin, R. C., 464 Reed , C., 573 Rich, A., 319
Rabung, S., 194 Reed, L., 311, 532 Rich, A. C., 277, 311
Racine, S., 563 Reed, O. M., 430 Rich , B. L., 215
Rader, J., 570 Reeder, H. M., 325 Rich, S., 361
Radcstad, I., 377 Reeves, R. V., 26 Richard, J . F., 551
Radford, E., 375, 532 Regan , P. C., 328, 334 Richards, E., 301
Radic, M., 206 Regan , S., 525 Richardson , A., 437, 438
Raffaelli, M., 283 Rcgev-Mcssalcm , S., 298 Richardson , H. B., 377, 378
Register, J . D., 248
J
Raftos, M., 267 Richardson , V. E., 471
Raghavan, C., 530 Regncr, I., 127 Riches, S., 375, 377
Ragins, B. R., 424 Rehan, K. M., 168 Richman , E., 228
Rahhal, T. A., 452 Rehcr, D., 459 Richman , J ., 555
Rahilly, E. P., 201 Rehn, E., 528 Richmond, E., 286
Rahman, Q., 184 Rciber, C., 298 Richmond , J . C., 589
Rakoczy, K., 253 Reichert, J. A., 524 Richmond , K., 71, 162, 202, 266,
Raley, S., 213 Reid, A., 34 530, 554, 573, 574
Ramanathan, L., 60 Reid, E., 436 Richter, J., 498
Ramazanoglu, C., 297 .
Reid, P. T , 26 Richters, J ., 303
Ramirez, A. J., 332 Reid , S. A., 93 Riddell , L., 246
Ramirez, G., 136 Reilly, D., 127 Riddcr, E., 366
Ramirez, I. L., 516 Reilly, M. E., 345 Ridgeway, C. L., 323
Ramfrez- Esparza, D., 264 Rcinhold, S., 343 Ridgway, J . L., 239
Ramircz-Esparza, N., 92 ,
Reis, H. T., I l l , 112, 113 120, 332 Ricdcrcr, B., 352
Ramos, D., 521 Reisen, C. A., 161 Ricrdan , J., 265, 266
N-30 Name Index

Rigcr, S., 40 , 47, 49, 53, 505, 506 Robles, T. F., 339 Rosenthal, L., 381, 521
Higgle, E. D., 183 Robnctt, R.D., 93 Rosenthal, R., 119
Rigglc, E. D. B., 165 Robrock, S. J . W., 484 Roscnwald , M. S., 448
Rihanna: Meltdown at the Rocca, C., 367 Rosette, A. S., 37
Grammys, 542 Roche, S., 208 Rospenda, K., 555
Rikleen , L. S., 476 Rochclcau , C., 248 Ross, C., 202
Riley, B. H., 185 Rodgers, B., 270 Ross, C. C., 245
Riley, C. A., II, 252 Rodgers, C. S., 507 Ross, L., 360, 596
Riley, K., 16 Rodin, J., 238 Ross, L. E., 183
Riley, R. L., 528 Rodriguez, M. S., 33 Rossini, M., 457
Ring, T., 25 Rodriquez, N., 361 Rossin -Slatcr, M., 593
Ringrose, J ., 280 Roc, I. G ., 475 Roth, E. J., 137
Rintala , D . H., 332, 335 Roc, K. M., 475 Roth, M. E., 332
Rinz, K., 592 Rocn , K., 173 Rothbart, M. K., 134
Riordan , M., 369 Rocpcr, R., 236 Rothblum , E. D., 238, 239
Rios, D., 75 Roe -Scpowitz, D. E., 523, 524 Rothermund , K., 450, 452
The rise of childlessness, 361 Rogers, A. A., 285 Rothery, M., 570
Rissel, C., 303 Rogers, J ., 365, 371 Rothman , A. J., 270
Ristikari, T., 68 , 420 Rogers, K., 59 Rothman , E. F., 515, 516
Rivadencyra, R . , 499 Rogers, P., 506 Rothman, M. B., 525
Rivera , D. P., 78 Rogers, S. J ., 323 Rottenstein, A., 259
Rivera, F., 440 Rolle, L., 161 Rouchou, B., 372
Rivera , M., 549 Rolling, E. S., 572 Rounds, J ., 134
Rivctt, M., 521 Rollins, C., 522 Rouse, D. 383
Robbins, C., 388 Romagnoli , A., 395 Roudedge, C., 262
Robbins, C. L., 300 Romcr, D., 532 Rowe, J . W., 485
Robbins, K., 519 Romero, A., 335 Rowe-Murray, H., 384
Roberto, K. A., 525 Romero, G . A., 114 Rowlands, T., 515
Roberts, A. L., 521 Romero, R. E., 72 Rowley, D., 385
Roberts, A. S., 11 Romney, D., 212 Rowley, S. A., 62
Roberts, D., 293, 393 Ronsmans, C., 385 Rowney, C., 505
Roberts, K. J ., 473 Roopnarinc, J . L., 391 Roy, M., 454
Roberts, M., 510 Root, M. R , 243 -
Roy, R , 321
Roberts, R. A., 18, 43 Rooth, D - O., 414 Roy, R. E., 33, 37
Roberts, T. A., 257, 554 Rosabianca , A., 79 Royce, T., 319
Roberts, T.- A., 262 , 267, 268, Rosario, M., 185, 186 Rozee, P. D., 504
454-455, 606 Rosay, A. B., 525 Rubery, J., 415
Roberts, T-A., 235, 236, 256, 258 Roscoe, B., 499 Rubin , B. A., 95
Robertson, E ., 388 Rose, A. J ., 322 Rubin, J ., 220
Robins, R. W., 484 Rose, C. A., 326 Rubin, J . D., 343, 344
Robinson , B., 162 Rose, H., 115, 214 Rubin, L. R., 255
Robinson, C. L., 242 Rose, J. G., 267 Rubin, S., 369
Robinson, D., 307 Rose, S., 40, 331, 335 Rubinow, D. R., 388, 473
Robinson, F. P., 6 Rose, S. M., 299, 331, 333, 454 Ruble, D., 198, 199, 200, 221,
Robinson , J ., 347, 351 Rosen, L. N., 511 222, 223, 225
Robinson, J . P., 26, 347, 405, 593 Rosen, R. C., 301, 302 Ruble, D. N., 208, 221, 222, 264
Robinson, K., 388 Rosenberg, M., 158 Ruby, T. F., 260
Robinson, L., 515, 519, 521 Rosenheck, R. A., 341 Ruddick, S., 395
Robinson, M. D., 129 Rosenkrantz, P. S., 548 Ruderman, M., 432
Robinson, T., 242, 454 Rosenthal, D. A., 474 Rudman, L. A., 33, 37, 75, 499,
Robinson, T. L., 34 Rosenthal, E., 24 507, 519, 587
Name Index N-31

Ruffing, K., 407 Salk, R. H., 248, 249 Scaramella, L. V., 474
Ruggiero, K. M., 77 Salmon , N., 320 Scarlette - Callis, A., 177
Ruhm, C., 593 Salomon, K., 83 Schaefer, D. R., 320
Rumens, N., 423 Saltes, N., 332 Schaefer, Z., 514
Rumrill, P. D., 68 Salvatore, J ., 79 Schagen , S. E., 160
Runk, K., 227 Salzillo, L., 364 Schap, T., 361
RuPaul, 30 Sammcl, M., 552 Scharrer, E., 500
Rupersburg, N., 362 Sammons, D., 304 Schaub, M., 205
Rupp, L. J., 298 Sampson , N., 551 Scheffer Lindgren, M ., 520
Rusbult, C. E., 342 Sanburn , J ., 538 Schcib, J . E., 369
Russell, B. L., 82, 501 Sanchez, C., 595 Schcich , H., 116
Russell, K. J., 501, 509 Sanchez, D., 227 Schcin , V., 420
Russell, R. L., 475 Sanchez, D. T., 88, 304, 507 Schcltcma, K., 162
Russell, S. T., 187, 226 Sanchez, J., 185, 187 Schenwar, M., 593
Russell, T. D., 506 Sanchez, J. P., 161 Scherg, H ., 372
Russo, J ., 13 Sanchez, N. F., 161 Schcrmer, F., 247
Russo, N. F., 48, 255, 361, 368 Sanchez, R., 538 Schcrr, K. C., 430
Russo, P. A., 302 Sanchcz- Hucles, J., 253 Scherrcr, K. S., 179
Rutherford, A., 15, 38, 40, 51, 53, Sandberg, S., 17, 419, 424, 425 Scheublc, L. K„ 89, 91, 377
54, 105, 106, 107, 144, 389 Sandberg-Thoma , S. E., 473 Schick, V., 183, 246
Rutherford , ]. J., 562 Sandcrcock, T., 277 Schick, V. R., 37
Ryalls, B. O., 125 Sanders, S., 246 Schiffrin, H. H ., 351, 398, 432
Ryan, C., 185, 187 Sanders, S. A., 507 Schiller, C. E., 388
Ryan, C. L., 201 Sandfort, T., 226 Schilt, K., 431
Ryan , J., 162 Sandfort, T. G., 226 Schimcl, J ., 602
Ryan , M., 33, 425 Sansone, L. A., 567 Schlehofcr, M. M ., 67
Ryan , M. IC, 67, 426 Sansone, R. A., 567 Schmader, T., 118, 138, 435, 602
Ryan , S., 293 Santor, D., 569, 573 Schmeckle, M., 345
Rynearson, K., 6 Sapienza, P., 124 Schmidt, R J ., 473
Saad, L., 436, 554 Sarda, E., 208 Schmidt, S., 338
Sabina, CL , 285 Sarecn , J., 520, 560 Schmitt, D. R , 114, 334
Sachs- Ericsson , N. J., 497 Sargent, J. D., 532 Schmitt, M . T., 418
Sadava, S. W., 250 Saris, R., 26 Schmitz, S., 118
Sadker, D., 93 Saris-Baglama, R. N ., 554 Schncbly, S., 377
Sadker, M., 93 Sasson, S., 514 Schncer, J . A., 435
Saffin, L. A., 163 Satcher, D., 175 Schneider, A., 413
Sagebin Bordini, G., 280 Saucier, D. A., 92, 508 Schneider, A. K., 413
Sager, C. L., 254 Saucier, D. M., 169 Schneider, M. E., 507
Sagner, E., 593 Saunders, K. J ., 37 Schneider, T. R., 143
Saha, K-, 363 Sausa, L. A., 309 Schocndorf, K. C., 385
Sakala, C., 383 Savani, K., 433 Schopc, R. D., 453
Sakaiuk, J. K., 280 Saville, B. K., 333, 506 Schoppe -Sullivan , S. J ., 347,
Salander, P., 464 Savin -Williams, R. C., 183, 185 348, 593
Salazar, M., 515 Sawyer, K., 424 Schrimshaw, E. W., 185, 186
Salazar, M. M., 339 Sax, L., 126, 561 Schrocdcr, M., 557
Salazar, S. B., 562 Saxena, J., 94 Schubert, C. C., 470
Saleem , R., 494 Saxton, ML, 365, 366, 522 Schug, J., 75
Salerno, J . M., 129 Saycr, L., 350 Schultz, J ., 150
Sales, L., 498 Sayer, L. C., 26, 347, 351, 593 Schultz, R., 313
Salgado, C. J ., 161 Scaglionc, N. M., 505 Schulz, R., 470, 471
Saliba, M., 459 Seales Rostosky, S., 183 Schut, H., 471
N-32 Name Index

Schutz, H . K., 249 Scyler, M., 514 Shim, S. Y., 440
Schwab, N., 24 Shackcl, R., 498 Shimizu, C. P., 307
Schwahn, L., 338 Shackelford , T. K., 114, 115, 334, Shin, Y., 63
Schwartz, C., 350 336 Shiphcrd, J. C., 74
Schwarz, N., 251 Shadyab, A. H., 458 Shipp, T. D., 218
Schwccrs, D., 95 Shaffer, D., 228 Shippcc, S. K., 303
Schwcingruber, H ., 210 Shahar, G ., 498 Shippy, R. A., 470
Schweitzer, L., 410 Shahtahmasebi, S., 295 Shiu , C., 470
Schweizer, G., 338 Shankar, A., 321 Shlomo, S. B., 474
Scirclc, M. M., 603 Shapiro, D. L., 309 Shomakcr, L. B., 249
scooby43215, 590 Shapiro, G ., 361, 362 Shors, T. J., 110
Scott , A. O., 205 Shapiro, J., 329 Shorn, J . W., 515
Scott, J ., 237, 606 Shapiro, J. R., 138 Showaltcr, E., 542, 548
Scout, 173 Sharkin, B. S., 341, 342 Showers, C. J., 132
Scout, N., 163 Sharma, A., 239 Shriver, M., 558
Sczesny, S., 67, 87, 88, 96, 97, 420 Sharma, E., 363 Shroff, H., 247, 250
Scabrook, R. C., 311, 329, 530 Sharp, E. A., 333 Shrout, P., 222
Scales, R., 429 Sharp, M. J., 132 Shrout, P. E., 222
Seaman , C., 308 Sharpe, S., 297 Shuchter, S. R., 471
Sears, B., 429-430 Shaw, C., 567 Shutters, C. M., 391
Sears, M., 396 Shaw, J ., 514 Shutts, K., 223
Sears, VV., 396 Shawc, J., 381 Sidanius, J., 320
Seavcy, C., 220, 221 Shearer, A., 557 Siddiquc, J., 539
Seccombe, K., 558 Sheets, R. L., 183 Sidorowicz, L., 220, 221
Sechzcr, J . A., 48 Sheffield, K., 268 Sicczkowski, C., 149
Sedgh, G., 363, 366 Sheffler, J . L., 497 Siefert, K., 558
Secfelt, J . L., 509 Sheldon, P, 248 Sicfkcn, J . M., 281, 469
Seeley, J . L., 280, 327 Shelton, J. N., 62, 79 Siegel, H. N., 267
Seflf, L. R., 525 Shcn , H., 142 Siegel, J. A., 526
Sell, T., 513, 514 Shepardson , R. L., 504, 510 Siegel, R., 438
Segal , C., 172 Shepherd , M., 83 Siegcrt, R., 551
Segar, M., 270 Shcr, L., 318 Sieving, R., 283
Scgreti , A., 302 Sherd , L. VV., 519 Signorielli, N., 206, 250
Scgrin, C., 398-399
Sell, N. M ., 505
Sheridan, J., 498
Sherif, C. VV., 40
-
Silberstein, L. R , 238
Silk, J . S., 398
Sellers, R. M ., 62 Sheriff, M., 472, 473 Sillars, A., 299
Semyonov, M., 440 Sherman, L. VV., 527 Silliman, J., 360, 596
Sen, M., 199, 221 Sherman , P. W., 379 Silva, C., 423
Scngupta, R., 207 Sherman , R. A., 279 Silver, A., 205
Scnn, C. Y., 255 Sherman, S. G., 514 Silveri, S. D., 427
Sense, Common, 205, 210 Shetterly, M. L., 143 Silverschanz, P., 84
The Sentencing Project, 526 Shew, M. L., 295 Silverstein, B., 551
Scrano, J ., 160 Shi, J., 526 Simes, M. R., 267
Serbin, L., 199, 221 Shidlo, A., 557 Simi, N. L., 570
Scrman, N., 575 Shield , S., 161 Simko-Bednarski, E., 593
Scrovich , J. M., 557 Shields, S. A., 40, 62, 105, 109, Simmons, R., 162, 326
Scrra, K. E., 457 120, 129, 144 Simmons, T., 475
Sesko, A. K., 67 Shifren, J. L., 302 Simon, A. F., 527
Settles, I. H., 63, 143, 429, 556 Shih, M., 139 Simon , S., 77
Scvclius, J., 370 Shilinsky, A., 587 Simon, T. R., 496
Sexual intercourse, 278 Shim, M., 89 Simon, VV., 276
Name Index N-33

Simoni, J. M., 511 Smith, J. A., 323 South, S. C., 378
Simpkins, S. D., 320 Smith , J. B., 512 Southworth, C., 520
Simpson , C. G., 326 Smith, J. K., 311 Souza, J. P., 383
Simpson , H., 475 Smith, J. L., 140, 168 Spangaro, J . M., 520
Simpson, J. A., 26, 348, 498, 593 Smith, J. Z., 350, 378, 392 Sparks, G. G ., 251
Simpson, J. L., 150 Smith, K. R., 481 Specter, S. E., 239
Simpson , K. N., 513 Smith, L., 375, 558 Spector, T., 184
Simpson, S. S., 539 Smith, M., 217, 222 Spedale, S., 479
Sinacorc, A. L., 310 Smith, M. A., 62 Sped man , C. R , 481
Sinclair, H. C., 324 Smith, M. J., 525 Speight, S., 576
Sinclair, L., 90 Smith, P., 519 Spclman, E., 63
Singer, R., 558 Smith, R., 419 Spencer, S. J ., 138
Singh, A. A., 151, 164, 165, 187, Smith, R. A., 512 Spcrb, T. M., 280
210, 571, 573, 606 Smith, S. G., 500, 501 Spice, N., 603
Singh, S., 363 Smith, S. J., 508 Spicer, L., 296
Singletary, S., 381 Smith , S. L., 378, 502 Spiegelman , M., 405
Sinno, S., 213 Smith, V. C., 381 Spiggle, T., 438
Sirleaf, E. J., 528 Smith-Lovin, L., 322, 323 Spilsbury, K., 521
Sivan , E., 474 Smith-Lovis, L., 323 Spira, M., 526
Sjoberg, L., 503, 528 Smith -Rosenberg, C., 542 Spitzberg, B. H., 324
Skelton, C., 216 Smock, P., 415 Spivak, G. C., 108
Skiba, R J., 217 Smock, R J., 341 Spohn , C., 526
Skolnik, A., 162, 558 Smolak, L., 238, 240, 247, 304, Spoor, J. R., 418
Skoog, T., 227 309, 311, 312 Sprague, B. L., 460
Skopek, J., 484 Smyth, K., 558 Sprankle, E., 514
Skoutcris, H., 380 Snapp, S., 298 Sprccher, S., 280, 284 , 328, 332,
Slade, M., 91 Snell, A. F., 34 334, 345
Slatcher, R. B., 92, 339 Snitow, A., 395 Spring, L., 467
Slater, A., 199, 239, 261 Snow, D. L., 521 Springer, K. W., 153, 498
Slaughter, A. M., 396 Snow, P., 167 Spruijt - Metz, D., 270
Slaughter, A.-M., 419, 434, 438 Snyder, A. R., 473 Srikanth , V. K., 465
Slauson - Blevins, IC, 372, 374 Snyder, K., 419 Srinivas, A., 295
Slevec, J., 454 Soares, C., 552 Srinivasan , R., 587
Slevin , K. F., 454, 455 Sobel, V., 169 St. John, H. K., 301
SUgar, K. B., 506 Sobotka, T., 361 St. Pierre, E. S., 468
SUjper, F. M., 170 Sodersten, P., 115 Stack, L., 500
Sloan, D. M., 503 Sojo, V. E., 428 Staebell, S. E., 345, 351, 392
Smalley, B., 554 Sokoloff, N. J., 513, 523 Staff, J ., 280, 327
Smart, C., 343 Soler-Baillo, J. M., 503 Stahl , S. T., 471
Smiler, A. P., 37, 506, 587 Solinger, R., 596 Stahly, G. B., 521
Smink, F., 564 Solis, J., 227 Stake, J., 37
Smirnova, M. H., 455 Solis, M., 588 Stake, J. E., 132
Smith, A., 208, 303, 511 Solivan, A. E., 382 Staley, O., 135
Smith, B., 319 Solnit, R., 93 Standing, T. S., 475
Smith, C., 285 Solomon, S., 262 Standing Rock Sioux historian , 449
Smith, C. A., 43, 52, 115, 335 Somers, C. L., 249 Standlcy, C. T., 208
Smith, D., 151 Sommer, B., 458 Stangor, C., 36, 84
Smith, D. C., 460 Sorensen, S., 470 Stanik, C. E., 335, 392
Smith, D. L., 407 Sosinsky, L., 468 Stanley, I. H., 497
Smith, D. S., 226 Sotero, M., 562 Stanley, J. L., 320
Smith, J., 214, 390 Soto-Marquez, J. G., 507 Stanley, N., 285
N-34 Name Index

Stansfield , R., 526 Stice, E., 238, 254, 304, 564 Stubbs, M . L., 265, 266
Stappcnbeck, C., 512 Sticger, S., 238 Su , R., 134
Stark, E., 518 Stiepock, L., 581 Suarez, E., 89
Starkweather, S., 505 Stiff, L. V., 136 Suarez, Z. E., 492
Starr, J. M ., 123 Stiles, A ., 544 Subramanian , R., 16
Starzynski, L. L., 506, 512, 514 Stirling, E., 250 Sue, D . W., 78, 79, 83, 84
Stattin, H ., 227 Stitt, N., 569 Sue, S., 79, 571
Staudingcr, U. M ., 253 Stockdalc, G. D., 450 Sugden , J., 376
Stearns, S. C., 238, 482 Stockl, H., 525 Sullivan , A. L., 136
Steel, C. M., 500 Stockman, F., 60 Sullivan, A. R., 471
Steel , J . H ., 511, 530 Stoddard , S., 407 Sullivan , B., 524
Steel , P., 555 Stoct, G ., 139 Sullivan , L., 483
Steele, C. M., 138 Stoll, L. C., 508 Sullivan, N., 30
Steele, S. J ., 173 Stone, A. L., 164 Sullivan , O., 350, 405
Steer, A., 304 Stone, N ., 283 Sullivan , P., 380
Steffens, M. C., 71, 77 Stone, P., 349, 433 Sullivan, T. P., 521
Steiger, J ., 117 Stone, R. T., 323 Summers, L., 120
Steiger, K., 395 Stoner, M ., 171 .
Sun, C , 285, 500
Stein, P., 364 Stoner, S. A., 503 Sun, Y., 464
Steinberg, A. R., 247 Stoolmillcr, M., 532 Sutfin, E., 213
Steinberg, J ., 366 Stopeck, M . H., 239 Sutton, R., 381
Steinberg, L., 398 Storer, H . L., 531 Suzuki, B. H., 137
Steinberg, M ., 140 Stormshak, E. A., 285 Swami, V., 238, 260
Steinmetz, K., 502 Story, M., 248, 563 Swan, S. C., 521
Stenhouse, N ., 601 Stotzcr, R. L., 163 Swann, J ., 92
Stephan , B. C., 485 Stout, J. G., 602 Swanson, J., 555
.
Stephan , Y , 452 Strachman, A ., 322 Swanson , K., 375
Stephen , E., 374 Stracuzzi , N., 546 Swarr, A. L., 150
Stephens, C., 481 Strand, E. B., 522 Swartz, H., 558
Stephens, D. R , 74 Strang, E., 131 Swavola, E., 16
Stephens, N ., 433 Strang, H., 527 Sweet, E., 324
Stephens, N . M., 433 Strang, V., 380 Swendsen, J., 465
Stepler, R., 439 Strang, V. R., 469, 470 Swenson, I., 267
Stcptoc, A., 321 Straus, M. A., 511, 516 Swift, H ., 452
Stcrmcr, S. P., 208 Strelan , P., 236, 270 Swam, J., 555
Stem, A. M., 293 Strieker, L. J., 138 Swim, J. KL, 36, 76, 77, 78, 84
Stern, M ., 37 Strickhouser, J. E., 107 Swinburne- Romine, R., 556
Stern , S. R., 253, 454 Striegel -Moore, R., 565, 566 Swinburne Romine, R E., 164
-
Stcts, J. E., 159 Striegel-Moore, R. H., 238, 239, Sw'offord, R., 270
Stevens, D., 209 240, 255, 563 Syed, J., 64
Stevens, D. P., 397 Stripling, J., 600 Syed , M ., 63
Stevens, N. L., 319, 321 Stritzkc, W. G., 504 Symoens, S., 341
Stevens, S. D., 565 Strnadova, I., 365 .
Symons, C S., 7
Stevenson , B., 341 Stroebe, M., 471 Szalai, J ., 434
Stevenson , E., 513 Stroebe, M. S., 471 Szepsenwol, O., 498
Steward , J., 512 Stroebe, W., 471 Szkrybalo, J., 200
Stewart, A., 75 Stroessner, S. J., 84 .
Szmigin , I , 480
Stewart, A. J., 15, 143 Strousc, J. S., 499 Szoeke, C. E., 552
Stewart, A. L., 531 Strowitzki, T., 372 Szymanski, D. M., 255, 259, 520,
Stewart, D. E., 388 Stryker, S., 154 554, 599
Stewart, T. L., 88 Stubbs, J., 527 Tacey, M,, 552
Name Index N-35

Tach, L. M., 341 Taylor, R , 522 Thompson , M. S., 241
Tagler, M. J ., 71 Taylor, R., 575 Thompson , R., 498
Tagliabuc, J ., 223 Taylor, S. E., 320, 321, 322 Thompson, T., 206
Tai, T., 352 Taylor, V., 34, 298 Thompson , T. L., 137
Tajfel, H., 62 Teastcr, R B., 486, 525 Thompson , T. R., 336
Takahashi, K., 472 Tcbbc, E. N., 431 Thomson , K. N., 318
Takcuchi, D., 347, 391 TeBockhorst, S. R , 503 Thomson , R., 297
TakifF, H. A., 88 Tedeschi, R. G., 515 Thorne, B., 215
Taknint, J. T., 560 Teeman, T., 74 Thornhill, R., 115, 244
Talbot, M., 492, 493, 494 Teeter, S. R., 104, 107 Thorpe, G ., 123
Tale, S., 405 Teh, Y. K., 162 Thurston , I . B ., 565
Talcporos, G., 243 Tcitelman, A. M., 266 Thurston , R. C., 469
Talks, TEDx, 331 Tejada -Vera , B ., 465 Tiedens, L. Z., 96
Talleyrand , R. M., 563 Tell Kroger we want Tiemann , K. A., 335
Talusan , M., 244 #groccriesnotguns, 596 Tiggemann , M., 238, 245, 246,
Tam, S., 525 Tempest, S., 479 256, 258, 259, 261, 269,
Tamar-Mattis, A., 173 Tennessee, A. M., 513 270, 304, 305, 454
Tambs, K., 387 ten Vcldcn , F. S., 325 Tilcsik, A., 410
Tamis- LeMonda, C., 222, 440 Tco, T., 15 Till , D. R , 92
Tamis-LeMonda, C. S., 208, Tcppcr, M. S., 301 Tilleman, K., 370
213, 222 Terman, L. M., 123 Tilley, N., 495
Tamkins, M. M., 82 Tcrnicr-Thames, N. K., 514 Tillman , K. H ., 296
Tanaka, K , 362 Testa, M., 504, 510 Timpano, M., 161
Tanaka, S., 439 Testa, R. J ., 163 Tincani, M., 289
Tandcrup, M., 376 Tctlock, R E., 77 Tinsley, C. H ., 413, 414
Tanenbaum , C., 135 Tewksbury, R., 154 Tiran , D., 379
Taniguchi, E., 247, 248 Thabane, L., 469 Tjadcn, R , 521
Taniguchi, N., 333 Thackeray, A. D., 290 Tjaden , R G., 512
Tannen, D., 92, 420 Thai, J. L., 159 Tobias, A., 34
TantlefF, S., 245 Thclcn, M. H., 247 Todd , R. L., 136
TantlefF- Dunn, S., 238, 254, 304 Thiele, D. M., 474 Toerien , M., 246
Tanzer, D., 82 Thill, K. R , 208 Toft, D. J., 168
Taraban , R., 6 Thoenncs, N., 512, 521 Tokar, D. M., 241, 259
Tarampi, M. R., 110, 111 Thomas, A. J., 72 Tolaymat, L. D., 260
Tariq, M., 64 Thomas, E. B., 527 Tolentino, J., 59
Tartaro, J ., 304 Thomas, G., 143 Tolin , D ., 561
Tasca, C., 541, 542, 544 Thomas, G. D., 183 Tolman, D. L., 279, 288, 309,
Task Force on Ethics and Law, 374 Thomas, H. N., 469 313, 554
Tatangelo, G., 554, 555 Thomas, W., 201 Tolman , R. M., 117
Tate, C. C., 153, 180, 182 Thompson, A. E., 279 Toma, C. L., 332
Taubman - Ben -Ari, O., 474 Thompson, D. J ., 460 Tomkinson, J ., 384
Tavener, M., 481, 482 Thompson, D., Jr., 462, 463 Toner, B. B., 553
Tavris, C., 82 Thompson, E. J., 530 Toomey, R. B., 226, 557
Taylor, A., 310 Thompson, E. M., 183, 325 Tope , D., 203, 430
Taylor, B., 52 Thompson, H. B., 105, 107 Topp, S. S., 172
Taylor, D., 260 Thompson, J., 523, 545 Torabi, M. R., 286
Taylor, D. J., 470 Thompson , J . K., 235, 245, 247, Torres, J ., 290
Taylor, D. M., 77 249, 250, 254, 258, 259, Torres, L., 560
Taylor, H. B., 522 269-270 Toscland ,R., 525
Taylor, J., 234 Thompson, M., 510 Tost, L. R , 37
Taylor, L. D., 250 Thompson, M. J., 236 Toth, E., 267
N-36 Name Index

Touyz, S. W., 249 Tutty, L., 570 U.S. Department of Labor, 405,
Towers, J., 495 Tuve, M . V., 335 406, 407
Townsend , M . S., 239 Tversky, D ., 210 U .S. Department of Labor, Bureau
Townsend , S. M., 512 Twenge, J . M., 37, 70, 89, 256, of Labor Statistics, 487
Tracy, A. J., 554
Tracy, S. J., 325, 351
279, 454-455 .
U.S Food and Drug Administration ,
Tyler, T. R., 68 275
Trades Union Congress, 427 Tylka, T. L., 243, 259, 261, 269 Uskul, A. K., 267
Tran , U . S., 238 Tyson , A., 528 Usshcr, J ., 539, 540, 542 , 545,
Traore, A., 532 Uffalussy, J., 373 549, 552, 554, 568,
Trautner, H ., 221, 222 Uhlmann , E. L., 129 573, 576
Travers, J ., 289 Uitterlindcn, A. G., 458 Usshcr, J. M., 262, 268
Trawaltcr, S., 386 Ullman, S., 574 Utt, J., 590
Treas, J ., 352 Ullman , S. E., 501, 503, 504, 506, Utz , R. L., 459
Treasure, J ., 564 512, 514 Vaccaro, A., 599, 600
Treger, S., 280 Ulloa, E., 515 Vafaci, A., 555
-
Trentham Dietz, A., 460 Ulsh, H., 389 Vagi, K. J., 516
Trethewey, A., 325 , 351 Umansky, L., 395 Vagianos, A., 14
Trevillion , K., 559 Umberson , D ., 468, 474 Vaillancourt, T., 239
Tricklebank, G., 246, 305 Underwood, M. K., 325 Valenti, J., 593
Trinh , S. L., 532 Ungar, M ., 498 Valentine, J . D., 512
Troiano, P. F., 599 Unger, R. K., 41, 48, 53, 105, 106 Valenzuela, A., 37
Trombello, J . M ., 339 UNICEF, 17, 494, 495, 497, 523 van Anders, S. M ., 106, 116, 117,
Tropp, L. R., 66, 320 , 599 United Nations, 175, 527, 532 153, 154, 178, 180
Trost, S., 228 United Nations, Department of Van Ausdalc, D., 523
Trotter, E. C., 296 Economic and Social Affairs, Van Bavcl , J., 350
Trusscll, J ., 293, 297 Population Division, 337 Van Bcinum, A., 376
Trzesniewski, K. H ., 484 United Nations General Assembly, van Beusekom, G., 226
Tsakiris, M ., 269 596 . .
Vance, S R., Jr , 549
Tsao, T. Y., 592 United Nations Statistics Division, Vandello, J. A., 336, 509
Tsao, Y., 203 494 van den Berg, P., 247
-
Tsay Vogel, M ., 532
Tseloni, A ., 495
United States Bone and Joint van den Bogaard, L., 482
Vandcnbosch , L., 499
Initiative, 465
T’Sjocn , G ., 179, 280, 370 United States Bureau of Labor Van den Bulck, J., 501, 565
Tsui, A., 497 Statistics, 347, 348 Van Den burg, A., 312
Tucker, J . S., 92 United States Census Bureau, 337 van dcr Heide, I., 4S4
Tucker, S., 520 United States Department of Van der Lippe, T., 351
Tufekei, Z., 431 Education, 327 Vandermorris, A. K., 521
Tukachinsky, R., 206 United States Senate, 406 van der Sluis, W. B., 161
Turban, D. B., 427 Untitled Productions, 192 Van de Velde, S., 341
Turchik, J . A., 506, 511, 521 Upadhyay, U. D., 367 van de Vijver, F. J., 129
Turcottc, M., 596 Updegraff, J. A., 320 Vandewater, E. A., 227
Turk , J., 167 Urbanski , L. L., 41 Vandiver, P., 23
Turner, H ., 495 Urken, R. K., 89 van Engen, M. L., 422
Turner, J . C., 62 U.S. Census Bureau, 429 van Hemert, D. A., 129
Turner, M., 375 U .S. Department of Defense, van Hoeken , D., 564
Turner, R. N., 320 511, 528 Van Houdenhove, E., 179, 280
Turner- Bowker, D., 204 U.S. Department of Health and Van Houtven, C. H., 480
Turney, K., 540 Human Services, 463, 465 van Laar, C., 320, 599
Turrens, J ., 285 U.S. Department of Justice, 500, 501 Van Laar, J., 60
Turrisi, R., 505 U.S. Department of Justice, Civil Van Laningham, J. L., 377
Tursc, N., 528 Rights Division, 514 van Mens-Vcrhulst, J., 560
Name Index N-37

Van Niekerk, A., 374 Vitas, J., 302 Walker, T., 598
Van Ormcr, E. A., 570 Vitonis, A., 552 Walker, T. Y., 295
van Rijn , R. M., 484 -
Vivolo Kantor, A. M ., 516 Wall, G ., 395
Wall, M., 248, 380
van Schcppingcn, M. A., 387 Vo, K., 481, 484
van Sluijs, E., 482 Vogel, D., 220 Wallace, B., 318
Van Tilburg, T. G., 319, 321 Vogel, S. R., 548 Wallace, M., 72
Van Vliet, G., 167 Vogtman , J., 592 Wallace, M. E., 382
Vanwescnbceck, I., 524 Vohs, K. D., 132 Wallen , A. S., 82
van Wormer, K., 527 Voigt, J., 268 Wallen , K., 301
Van Zyl, L., 374 Volling, B. L., 117 Wallentin , M., 115
Vartanian , L. R., 70, 71, 254, 565 Volpato, C., 311 Waller, W., 345
Varto, H., 246 Von Hollc, A., 241, 563 Wallington , T., 388
Vasilyeva, M., 110 von Kancl, R., 470 Walls, E. N ., 80
Vass, A., 168 von Sydow, K., 380 Walls, N. E., 187, 521
Vaswani, A., 494 Voorheis, J ., 592 Walsh, I., 439, 440, 498
Vatamanescu, E.- M., 322 Voracck, M., 238 Walsh , J . L., 299
Vazire, S., 92 Vos, A. A., 173 Walsh , K., 504
Vazquez, C. I., 227, 296 Voss, P., 450 Walsh, K. E., 303, 304
Vedantam , S., 431 Voycr, D., 125, 127, 135, 138, Walstcr, E., 238
Vega, T., 374 224, 227, 410 Walters, K., 558
Vcldhuis, C. B., 342 Voycr, S. D., 127, 135, 138, 224, Walters, K. L., 511
Vcldoralc- Griffin, A., 158 227, 285, 410 Walton , N. L., 336 , 518-519
Velez, B. L., 556 Vraga, E. A., 601 Wang, M. T., 137, 141
Ventrone, N. A., 331 Vrangalova, Z., 300 Wang, S., 298
Vera, E., 576 Vries, B. D., 470 Wang, T., 375
Verbakcl, E., 352 Waaland Krcutzer, L., 336 Wang, W., 16
Verbrugge, L. M., 322 Wachs, F., 380 Warburton , W., 532
Vergara, A., 509 Wada, M., 332 Ward , D., 228
Vermeij, W. P., 458 Wade, C., 82 Ward , D. B ., 331
Vernberg, E. M., 327 Wade, T. D., 256 Ward , J . V., 242
Vernon, P., 358 Wade, T. J., 96 Ward , L. M., 250, 283, 284, 311,
Vcrres, R., 372 Wagner, H., 37 329, 499, 530, 532
Verschoor, A., 370 Wagner, K. C., 591 Ward , R. M., 504, 510
Vespa, J., 472 Wagner, L., 198 Ward , W. C., 138
Vetere, L., 532 Wahlsten, D., 115 Wardlc, J ., 321
VickerstafF, S., 483 Waite, L. J., 339, 340, 468, 525 Wareham , J ., 526
Victims of Trafficking and Violence Waiters, E. D., 296 Wareham, N. J ., 482
Protection Act, 523 Wakefield , J. C., 547 Wares, S., 390
Victora, C. G., 389, 390 Walby, S., 495 Warne, G., 173
Vigfusdottir, T. H., 248 Walcott, Q., 591 Warner, C. B., 475
Viggiano, C., 520 Waldfogcl, J., 439-440, 440, 593 Warner, J., 395, 396, 417, 560
Vilakazi, T., 193 Waldron, H., 340 Warren , C., 284
Villari, P., 340, 471 Wales, J., 564 Warren , C. S., 304, 305
Vina, J., 465 Walker, A., 34, 486 Wasco, S. M., 513, 514
Vingcrhoets, A. J., 129 Walker, J. L., 283 Wasscrman , B. D., 88
Vinkcrs, C. D., 270 Walker, K., 321, 323 Waters, E., 16
Violence Policy Center, 494 Walker, L. E., 519, 520 Watkins, B. X., 283
Vissandjec, B., 497 Walker, L. S., 422 Watson , B., 380
Visser, J. A., 458 Walker, M. K., 243 Watson , L. A., 167
Visscr, N., 598 Walker, S., 296, 526 Watson , L. B., 307
Vitaliano, P. P., 470 Walker, S. J., 507 Watson, L. S., 164
N-38 Name Index

Watson , N., 86 Westcn , D., 194 Wildcman, C., 540
Watson , N . N., 74, 554 Westerhof, G. J., 321 Wildman , S. M., 68
Watson , R. J ., 298 Westervclt, A., 434 Wiles, J. L., 486
Watt, B., 475 Westkott, M., 47 Wiley, S., 587
Waxman, B. F., 365 Wexlcr, B., 487 Wilfley, D. E., 255
Way, K., 509 Weyman, N., 171 Wilhelm, K., 551
Weathcrall, A., 472, 473 Whalley, L. J., 123 Wilke, J., 368
Weaver, D. A., 472 Wheeler, E., 547, 568 Wilkes, L., 369
Weaver, J. R., 159 Whelan, T. A., 474 Wilkinson , A. V., 71
Weaver, M., 30 Whipple, B., 301 Wilkinson , R. G., 319
Webber, L., 324 Whisman, M., 553 Wilkinson , S., 182, 246
Weber, T., 352 Whiston , S. C., 531 Wilksch, S. M., 256
Wcchsler, H., 510 Whitacre, C. C., 551 Will, J. L., 526
Weden , M. M., 340 Whitam, F. L., 184 Wilier, L., 220
Weeks, J ., 27 Whitby, P. S., 289 Williams, A. M., 138
Weeks, L., 275 White, A. M., 591 Williams, B. R., 471
Wcger, H., Jr., 324 White, B . M., 513 Williams, C. C., 109
Wegner, R., 510 White, C., 448 Williams, C. L., 419, 420
Wehbi , S., 37 White, D. R., 248 Williams, D., 558
Wchrcr, J ., 389 White, K. B., 264 Williams, D. R., 555, 556
Wei, J. Y., 452 White, L., 372 Williams, J., 424, 433, 436, 437,
Wcibust, K. S., 33, 37 White, L. R., 265, 267 438, 442
Weichscl , R., 26 White, M., 565 Williams, J. C., 135, 137, 138,
Weiner, R., 545 White, S., 249 139, 143, 437
Weinraub, M., 199 Whitehead, S., 228 Williams, J. F., 381
Weiss, B., 567 The White House, 528 Williams, J. M., 227
Weiss, D., 452 White Hughto, J ., 180 Williams, K., 468
Weiss, K. G., 502, 506 White-Johnson, R. L., 74 Williams, K. N., 468
Weiss, R., 430 Whitcmorc -Schanzenbach, D., 269 Williams, K. R., 526
Weisstein , N., 40 Whitfield , D. L., 521 Williams, M. E., 14
Weiss- Wolf, J ., 593 Whitley, B. E., 450 Williams, N., 423
Wcist, M. D., 513 Whitley, D. M., 474 Williams, R. L., 528
Wcistra, S., 378 Whitman, J. S., 471 Williams, T. M., 268
Wcitz, I., 532 Whitmar, L., 206 Williams, W. M., 135, 142, 602
Wcitz, R., 281, 570 Whittier, N., 34 Williams-Morris, R., 555, 556
Weitzer, R., 308, 310 Whitty, M. T., 332 Williamson, C., 524
Wcitzman, L., 202 whoncedsfeminism, 35 Williamson, I., 380
Weller, C., 440 Why brow, P. C., 551 Williamson, S., 270
Wells, B. E., 279 Wickstrom, A., 171 Willie, T. C., 530
Wells, J. E., 551 Wiederman, M. W., 304, 305 Willingham , M., 386
Wells, V., 66 Wiemers, E. E., 26 Willis, L. E., 270
Welsh, S., 429, 519 Wiener- Bronner, D., 406 Willison , K., 470
Wenzel, A., 388 Wierckx, K., 462 Willness, C. R., 555
Wcrdcr, J ., 228 Wiersma-Mosley, J. D., 510 Willoughby, B. J ., 302
Wcrtheim, E., 380 Wiesemann, C., 150 Wilson, A. L., 17
Wcrthcim, E. H., 239, 249 Wilchins, J., 430 Wilson, B. J., 328, 329
Wcschlcr, T., 369 Wilchins, R. A., 157 Wilson, C. M., 340
Wescley, A. J., 88 Wilcox, S., 471 Wilson, D., 227
Wesp, L. M., 200 Wilcox, W. B., 352, 391 Wilson, E. C., 158
West, C., 75, 202 -
Wilcox Constantine, J., 268 Wilson, E. K., 2S3, 284
West, L. M., 74 Wild, K., 486 Wilson, H., 381
Name Index N-39

Wilson, J . C., 502 Women’s Media Center, 210 Wustenberg, T., 116
Wilson, K., 468 Wong, A., 65 Wyrobck, A. J ., 371
Wilson, L., 347, 391 Wong, E. C., 530 Xavier, J ., 161
Wilson, L. C., 501 Wong, J . S., 503 Xavier, J. M., 162
Wilson, M. L., 242 Wong, M. L., 295 Xu , J ., 70, 465
Wilson , R., 460 Wong, W., 211 Yacgcr, T., 93
Wilson , R. A., 527 Wong, W. I., 170 Yahner, J. L., 539
Wilson, S. M., 511 Wong, Y., 162, 556 Yahr, J ., 199
Wilson, V., 123 Wood , F. M., 243 Yakushko, O., 37, 429
Wimcr, C., 473 Wood , J. M., 265 Yalom, I. D., 328
Win, T. L., 598 Wood , K. R., 85 Yamamiya , Y., 250, 256
Winblad , B., 467 Wood, R. E., 428 Yamawaki, N., 82
Winfrey Harris, T., 72 Wood, W., 80, 108, 117, 334 Yan, H., 538, 598
Wing, N., 539 Woodburn , D., 206 Yang, K., 552
Winslett, A., 510 Woodcock, R., 123 Yaniv, O., 393
Winstead, B. A., 520 Woodford , M. R., 84 Yap, M., 418
Winston, K., 475 Woodhams, C., 419 Yaqoob, S., 260
Winter, M., 359 Woodhouse, C., 173 Yarber, W. L., 286
Winter, S., 162 Woodruff, T., 420 Yarchi , M., 206
Winterich, J. A., 455, 456, 457, 460 Woods, D. J ., 227, 527 Yarnal, C., 241, 482
Wischmann , T., 372 Woods, K. C., 429, 556 Yates, D., 591
Wise, T., 68 Woody, I., 480, 486 Yavorsky, J. E., 347, 348, 593
Wisneski, H., 187 Woody, S. R., 388 Yazzie, R., 526
Wisnieski, D., 283, 284 Wookey, M. L., 311 Ybarra , M. L., 333
Witchel, A., 184 Worell, J ., 569, 570, 576 Ye, J., 383
Withycombe, J. L., 150 World Economic Forum, 417 Yce, B ., 440
Witkow, M. R., 137 World Health Organization , Yehuda, R., 562
Wittchen , H., 551 385, 496, 497, 515, Yco, R. A., 116
Witten, T. M., 486 551, 562 Yi, Y., 135, 540
Woehr, D. J., 422 Worrell, T. R., 253 Yodanis, C. L., 505
Woerner, J., 510 Wosick, K. R., 499 Yoder, J ., 428
Woertman , L., 270 Wosick - Correa, K. R., 308 Yoder, J . B., 137
Wojciszke, B., 70 Wosnitzer, R., 500 Yoder, J. D., 34, 143, 241, 259
Wolak, J., 285, 500, 524 Woszidlo, A., 398-399 Yogman, M., 391
Wolch, J. R., 545 Woulfc, J., 523 Yohanna, D., 545
Wolf, M. E., 514 Wright, B. A., 604 Yoon , I., 471
Wolf, N., 261 Wright, C., 506 Yoon , S., 125
Wolfers, J., 341 Wright, C. F., 166 Yost, M. R., 51, 183
Wolff, J., 555 Wright, S., 86, 397 You , E., 554, 555
Wolff, N., 526 Wright, S. C., 77, 320 YouBeauty.com Team, 238
Woliram, C., 436 Wright, S. L., 451 Young, H. M ., 470
Wolitzky-Taylor, K. B., 502 writers, staff, 318 Young, K., 203
Wolman, C., 243, 253 Writing Group for the Women’s Younger, A., 212
Women and Hollywood , 406 Health Initiative Investiga- Youssef, C. R , 153
Women’s colleges with tors, 461, 462 Yragui, N., 25
trans-inclusivc policies, 581 . Wu, C., 407 Yule, M., 280
Women’s Health Initiative Steering Wu , J., 462 Zachar, R , 568
Committee, 461 Wu, R , 332 Zahn-Waxler, C., 213, 553
Women’s Institute for a Secure Wu , S. C., 266 Zaleski, K. L., 509
Retirement ( WISER), Wu , Y., 410 Zalk, S., 220
481, 482 Wu , Z., 554 Zamboni, B. D., 158
N-40 Name Index

Zamir, O., 498 Zcrubavel, N., 504, 510 Zion, J. W., 526
Zand , D., 331 Zhang, J., 383, 470 Zipperer, B., 592
Zanna , M. P., 85 Zhang, S., 332 Zisook, S., 471
Zarit, S., 525 Zhao, Y., 555 Zivin, K., 471
Zarkov, D., 528 Zhou , Y., 64 Zogmaister, C., 311
Zarling, A., 526 Zick, C. D., 481 Zones, J. S., 240
Zaslavsky, A., 551 Zickuhr, K., 208 Zormcier, M. M., 324
Zavodny, M., 429 Ziegler, A., 280, 343, 344 Zosuls, K , 199, 221
Zea, M. C., 161 Zicl , H. K., 460 Zosuls, K. M., 222
Zeeh , E., 471 Ziering, A., 511 Zuckcr, A. N., 33, 34, 36, 37
Zeiler, K., 171, 373 Ziliak, J., 269 Zuckerman , M., 251
Zeilcr, M., 563, 566 Zimet, G . D., 295 Zuckoff, A., 558
Zeisler, A., 14 Zimman, L., 85, 160 Zulch, M., 165
Zelin , A. I ., 298, 299 Zimmcr- Gcmbcck , M. J., 326 Zunzunegui, M. V., 555
Zell , E., 104, 107, 119, 122 Zimmerman, D. H., 75, 202 Zurbriggen , E. L., 305, 499,
Zcman , K., 361 Zingales, L., 124 511, 529
Zempi, I., 492 Zink, T., 525 Zusman, M., 127
Zerbinos, E., 206 Zinzow, H . M., 502, 510 Zwi, A. B., 520
Name Index N-41

subject index
Note: Material in illustrations, figures, or tables is indicated by italic page numbers. Footnotes are indicated by n
after the page number.
adolescence relational aggression, 50,
body image concerns in early - 325-328, 326
ableism , 320, 478 maturing girls, 227-228 testosterone and, 117
abordon decreased sports participation by aging successfully, 485-487
back- alley abortions, 364 girls, 227-228 agoraphobia, 559-560
defined, 363 gender development, 225 228- agreeableness, 128-129
late- term abortions, 365 gender intensification in girls, AIS ( androgen -insensitivity
mental health outcomes, 225, 227, 228, 554 syndrome ), 169, 174,
366-368, 367 harassment of gender 180
reasons for, 364, 365 non -conforming Aladdin ( movie ), 207, 209
restrictions on , 364-365, 366 adolescents, 226 Albright, Madeline, 588
Rocv. Wade, 21, 364 media literacy programs and , alcohol consumption during
social and political aspects, 255-256 pregnancy, 381
363-365 parenting of adolescents, Alexander, Marissa, 539
U.S. abordon rates, 365 398-399 Allard, LaDonna Brave Bull, 448,
abstinence as contraceptive method, peer victimization , 226 448-449
293, 294, 294 tomboys, 225-226, 228 Allen, Woody, 253
abstinence - only sex education, adoption , 377-379 allyship
285-286, 287, 289 affirmative consent, 508 defined , 589
abstinence- plus sex education, 287 Affordable Care Act (ACA), 24, 548 -
pro feminist men as allies, 36,
abstinence script, 296 age concealment, 455, 456 585-587
Abu -Salha, Razan Mohammad , -
age discrimination, 476 480, 477 and social change, 589-591
492, 492, 493, 494 Age Discrimination and Employment -
stages of, 589 590
Abu -Salha, Yusor, 492, 492 Act (ADEA), 476, 479 tips for being an ally, 590
academic achievement, gender ageism , 85, 173, 450, 467, 478, 5 - alpha reductase, 169, 170
and, 127 479 5 - alpha reductase deficiency, 170
Accord Alliance, 175 agentic or masculine traits, 70, 71 -
Alzheimer’s disease, 461, 466 467
acquaintance rape, 502 aggression “ ambiguous” genitalia, 171-176
active aging, 486 and control over women, 114 see also intersex
active constructive responding, gender similarities and differences, ambiguous loss, 158
321-322 109, 114, 131 ambivalent sexism, 80-84
,
Act Like a Lady Think Like a Man indirect aggression, 109, 131, 325 Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI ),
( Harvey), 103 -
microaggressions, 77 79, 84, 80-81, 81
ADDRESSING model, 62, 62-63 162, 468, 556, 560 American Indian suffrage, 20
S-1
American Psychiatric Association , sexual scripts and, 280 beauty norms
162, 547 women with disabilities and , 281 able- bodied perspective, 243
-
see also Diagnostic and Statis Asexual Visibility and Education body hair and , 239, 246, 262,
tical Manual of Mental Network (AVEN ), 177 305
Disorders ( DSM ) Asian Americans as cisgcndcr norms, 243-244
American Psychological Association Asian women in STEM, 137, colorism , 241
(APA ) 138, 139 consequences for conforming,
abortion and mental health, 366 attributes associated with, 73 239-240, 486
Committee on Women in china doll stereotype of Asian consequences for not conforming,
Psychology, 605 women , 74 238-240
Congressional Fellowship facial features as beauty concern , defined , 240
Program , 605 242-243 facial features, 242-243
courses, textbooks and journals mathematical ability, gender and , facial symmetry and , 244
developed , 41-42 109-110 hair texture, 239, 241, 242
Ethical Standards on sexual as model minority, 137 importance of beauty standards
misconduct, 41 sexual socialization , 283 to women, 238
first female president, 38 skin color as beauty concern , 241 internalization , 254-255
opposition to conversion stereotypes, 74, 137, 139 and invisibility in the media ,
therapy, 557, 557 women in STEM, 137 251-253
publication manual, 43, 52, Asian Community for Reproductive media’s influence, 250-253
604-605 Justice, 596 parents’ influence, 247-248
Society for the Psychology of assertiveness, 128 peers’ influence, 248-249
Women formed , 41 assisted reproductive technologies racializcd standards of beauty,
Storming of Council, 41 ( ARTs ), 372-374 239, 240-243, 242
therapy guidelines, 570, 571 Association for Women in skin color and beauty, 241
Americans with Disabilities Act, 21 Psychology (AWP), 41 thinness and, 244, 244-245, 245
amplification , 424 Athletics South Africa, 151 transgendcr individuals and ,
Anderson, Kristin, 32 attachment fertility theory, 243-244
androcentric, defined, 25, 198 114-115 tripartite model of social
androgen -insensitivity syndrome attachment parenting, 28, 396 influence, 247, 249
(AIS ), 169, 174, 180 autism and mother blaming, 394 women fired for being too
androgens, 168-170 Axe product line, 234 beautiful, 239-240
Angelou, Maya, 480 youth, 253
angry Black woman stereotype, 74, beauty products
78, 79, 138, 214 amount spent on , 27
anorexia nervosa, 563-564, 565 baby blues, 388 anti -aging products and
Ansari, Aziz, 33-34, 509 Baby X studies, 220-221 procedures, 455, 455, 457
anti-aging products and procedures, bacldash effects, 33, 75, 94, 138, 587 Black females and hair- care
455, 455, 457 Bandura, Albert, 197 products, 66, 242
antidepressants, 546-547 Barakat, Deah, 492, 492 Beauty Sick ( Engeln ), 261
anxiety disorders, 559-560 Barbie dolls, 245 beauty work, 455, 455-458
approaching this class, 3-11 Barra, Mary, 426 Bechdel, Alison , 206
aromantic individuals, 179, 343 Barres, Ben (formerly Barbara ), 421 Bechdel test, 206
Arquette, Patricia, 35 barrier methods of contraception , Becker, Anne, 250
asexual, defined, 776, 177 292, 293, 294 behavioral theories, 196-198
asexual orientation ( ascxuality) basal body temperature, 369 belief in a just world , 509
advanced age and, 469 battered women’s syndrome, 520 belly touching during pregnancy,
defined, 179 Baum, Alcta, 598 380-381
prevalence, 280 Beauty and the Beast ( movie ), 207, Belmont Abbey College, 600
romance and , 179 209, 519 Bend It Like Beckham ( movie ),
vs. sexual dysfunction, 302 ,
Beauty Myth The (Wolf ), 261 228, 228
Subject Index
benevolent sexism Black Panther ( movie ), 251 hijab wearing and, 260
ambivalent sexism and , 80, BlackSingles, 333 internalization and , 254
80-84, 81 Black women and men as a normative discontent, 238
and breastfeeding, 381 angry Black woman stereotype, older women , 454-455
dating scripts, 333 74, 78, 79, 138, 214 parents and, 247
in language, 86 attributes associated with, 73 peers and, 248-249
and sex/gender differences, Black feminists’ concern about during pregnancy, 380
106-107 racist stereotypes, 36 selfics and , 239
treatment of pregnant women , Black sex workers, 308, 309 sexual dysfunction and, 304-306
381 Black transgender people, in women with disabilities,
video games and , 208 163, 164 243, 253
see also sexism Black women in STEM, 135, see also women’s bodies
bereavement, 470-472 136-137, 138, 143 body esteem , 247
Berna, Casey, 358 body satisfaction of Black women , body hair and beauty norms, 239,
Bernal , Martha , 39 241, 254-255 246, 262, 305
Beyond, 240, 588 books about Black girls, 192, body image concerns
Bhagat, Suryamani , 598 192, 203 body image self-consciousness,
bias hair-care products and , 66, 242 304-305
direct bias against women in harassment at work, 428-429 in early - maturing girls, 227-228
past, 17 invisibility of, 67 Facebook and, 239, 254
explicit bias, 76 Jezebel stereotype of Black in pregnancy, 379-380
identifying sex/gender bias in women, 74, 78, 307 Twitter and, 239
research, 47-55 “ natural” hair and dreadlocks, body language, 95-97
implicit bias, 76-77 66, 193, 239, 242 body monitoring, 454
subtle workplace bias, 17 preferred traits in romantic see also body surveillance
see also research bias partners, 335 body shame
Big Five personality traits, 128-129 and racialized standards of beauty, body surveillance and , 258, 304
binegativity, 183 239, 240-243, 242 defined , 258
binge eating disorder, 565-566 school disciplinary codes and , self-objectification and, 258,
binomial pairs, 86 217-218 258, 259, 261
biological determinism, 38-39 sexual socialization , 284 skin color and, 241
biological explanations for gender skin color as beauty concern, 241 body surveillance
differences, 115-117, 118 stereotypes in media, 75, 307 body image self-consciousness
biological sex, social construct of, 151 strong Black woman (SBW ) stere- during sex, 304-305
biopsychosocial model, 107 otype, 72, 74, 553-554 body shame and, 258, 304
Birdwan ( movie ), 206 womanism and Black feminists, defined, 257
biromantics, 179 34-35 Instagram use and , 255
birth control, 292, 292-294, 294 see also specific topics self-objectification and, 255-256,
birth mothers and adoption, 378-379 Blade Runner ( movies ), 509 257-258, 258, 259
bisexual women Bland , Sandra , 538-539 books
bisexuality, defined , 176 Blum , Lenore, 603 about Black girls, 192, 192, 203
coming out, 185 body anxiety, 44-46, 50 gender socialization and, 202-205
development of a sexual minority body cues, awareness of, 268-269 gender stereotypes in, 203-205
identity, 181, 183 body dissatisfaction overrepresentation of boys and
intimate partner violence and , among ethnic/ racial minority men, 202-203
521 women , 259 people of color in, 203
self-objectification, 259 among homeless women, 241 people with disabilities in, 203
in the U.S. Congress, 17
Blackish (TV show ), 454
defined, 238 -
boomerang kids, 473 474
depression and , 554 borderline personality disorder
Black Lives Matter, 29 eating disorders and, 563-564 ( BPD ), 562, 566-567,
# blacklivesmatter hashtag, 29,
29 exercise and, 270 569, 575
Subject Index S-3
fit
borderwork, 215 Cameron, Debbie, 94 child abuse
Boseman, Chadwick, 251 Campos, Paul, 239 and borderline personality
Botox injections, 262, 455, 457 cancer disorder, 567, 569
“Boys Act and Girls Appear,” 212 -
breast cancer, 462 463, 465, childhood sex trafficking, 500,
-
bra burning feminist stereotype, 464, 465, 481 523-524
22, 33 deaths from, 467, 463 childhood sexual abuse,
lung cancer, 462-463, 463 496 97, 559
brain anatomy and function
brain size, 105 types diagnosed , 463
^
child pornography, 500
plasticity, 116, 118 capitalism , 25-26 and depression , 559
sex/gender similarities and differ-
ences, 104, 115-116, 117
caregiver stress model of elder
abuse, 525-526 resiliency, 498-499
-
effects of abuse, 497 499
stress and neuron density, 110 carcgiving types of abuse, 495-497

Brave ( movie ), 208, 209 family caregiving, 469-470 violence against children, 495-500
breast cancer, 462-463, 465, 464, fathers’ role in child care, 440, childbirth, 382-386
465, 481 441 child care
Breast Cancer Awareness, 465 in retirement, 481 activism for affordable child care,
breastfeeding, 389-391, 390 stress associated with, 470, 479, 593, 594-595
breast reconstruction surgery, 464 554-555 benefits of high - quality child care,
bridge work, 481 women’s responsibility for, 68, 595, 605-606
brogrammers, 431 452, 433-436, 469-470, cost of, 441-443
Brosnihan, Diana Golden , 67-68 593 fathers’ role, 440, 441
Browder, Laura, 359, 393 care work and women’s job government Rinding for, 442, 595
Brown, Chris, 515, 516, 522 advancement, 415 Child Care Development Block
Brown, Kate, 596 care work, devalued and underpaid Grants ( CCDBG ), 442
Brown, Laura, 572, 573 status, 395, 406, 410 childhood sex trafficking, 500,
Brown, Lyn Mikel, 326, 603 Carnegie Mellon University, 603 523-524
Brownmillcr, Susan , 494 Carter, Jimmy, 545 childhood sexual abuse, 496 497,-
Brown v. Board of Education, cartoons, sexist messages in , 559
39-40, 602 205-206 child marriage, 17, 496, 497, 498
Buck, Carrie, 293 castration anxiety, 195 children , cost of raising, 361
Buck v. Bell, 293 casual sex, 298 China’s one -child poliq', 219
Buffy the Vampire Slayer (TV show), causes of death for U.S. women , Chodorow, Nancy, 196, 220
509 461, 461 chromosomes
bulimia nervosa, 564 CEOs ( chief executive officers ) autosomes, 166
Bumble, 333 activist shareholders and , Klinefelter syndrome and , 167
Burke, Tarana, 425, 429 426-427 nondisjunction, 166
Burns, Ursula, 417
burqa, 260
-
glass cliff, 425 427
other barriers faced by female
sex chromosomes and
genetics, 166
Buder, Judith, 583 CEOs, 426-427 sex chromosomes and genitalia
Buder, Octavia, 97 small number of women CEOs, development, 153
Byncs, Amanda, 542 406, 417 Turner’s syndrome and, 167
bystander intervention, 531 stay-at-home partners of, Cimini, Maria Dolores, 136
435-436 Cinderella , 209
cervical mucus, 293, 369, 369 cisgender identity, 30, 154
-
cesarean section ( C scction ), Civil Rights Act of 1964, 20, 76
CAH ( congenital adrenal -
382 383 Clark, Kenneth, 39, 40, 47, 602
hyperplasia ), 169-170,
171, 173, 174
Changing Face of Feminist Psychology
(video), 42
Clark, Mamie Phipps, 59, 39 40,
47, 602
-
Calendar Girls ( movie ), 448 Chase, Cheryl, 175 Climate Community and Protection
California Civil Service, 410 “check your privilege,” 60, 68, 69 Act, New York, 598
Calkins, Mar)' Whiton, 38 Chcrisse ( Black paralegal ), 358-359 -
Clinton, Hillary, 420 421, 588
S-4 Subject Index

clitoral complex, 290, 297 complex PTSD, 561-562, 563, 567 cyberabusc , 519-520
clitoral crura , 297, 291-292 see also post - traumatic stress cyberbullying, 327
; clitoral glans, 290-291, 297 disorder cycle of abuse , 577, 519, 526, 527
clitoral hood , 290, 297 compliant sex , 507-508
clitoral shaft, 290-291, 297 comprehensive sex education , 287,
I
clitoris, 290, 297 288, 289
clitoroplasty, 173 compulsory heterosexuality, Dakota Access Pipeline, 449, 598
coercive power, 519 25, 277-278 , 279, DatingforDisablcd , 333
cognitive developmental theories, 311, 328 dating scripts, 330, 330-333
198-201 condoms, 285, 292-293, 294 see also sexual scripts
cognitive distraction , 304-305 conferred dominance, 67-68 Davis, Wade, 587
cognitive therapy, 569, 572, 576 congenital adrenal hyperplasia Day without Immigrants, 21
cohabitation , 342-343 ( CAH ) , 169-170, 171, DEAR MAN skill, 575
collagen , 459 173, 174 deadi, most common causes for U .S.
college graduation rates, 15-16 conscientiousness, 128 women , 461, 461
Collins, Patricia Hill , 239 consciousness raising, 32, 570, de Beauvoir, Simone, 361
colorism, 241 573-574, 575, 603-604 DeCaprio, Leonardo, 94
Combahee River Collective, 21 , 29 consensually non - monogamous Declaration of the Rights of Indige -
Combahee River Raid ( 1863 ) , 29 ( CNM ) relationships, nous Peoples, 449
coming out 343-344 Degrassi (TV show ), 277
defined , 183 contraception, 292, 292-294, 294 deinstitutionalization , 545
digitally coming out on online convenience samples, 44, 49 Delusions of Gender ( Fine ), 199
media , 210
internalized negative feelings
Convention on the Elimination
of All Forms of Discrim -
-
dementia, 466 467, 468, 486
demonic possession, 541, 549
about , 186 ination against Women denial of discrimination, 77
among racial and ethnic groups, ( CEDAW ), 532-533 denial of personal discrimination, 77
185-186 conversion therapy, 557, 557 dental dams, 294
reactions of parents, 186-187 Cooperative Children’s Book dependent personality disorder
risks associated with , 185 Center, 203 ( DPD ), 548-549
committed relationships Cooper, Brittany, 61 dependent variables, 46
cohabitation , 342-343 -
corporal punishment, 495 496 Depp, Johnny, 94
consensually non - monogamous corpus luteum , 265 depression , see major depression
relationships, 343-344 correlational design , 46 dexamethasone ( DEX ), 173
media portrayal of, 335, 337 correlation does not imply Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
polyamorous ( or poly ) causation , 46 Mental Disorders ( D S M )
relationships, 343, 344 co - rumination, 322 borderline personality disorder
polygamy, 343 cosmetic surgery, 243, 261, 262, ( BPD ), 566
power dynamics in , 344-346 305-306, 457 eating disorders, 563, 565
see also marriage; romance and Cosmopolitan ( magazine ), 253 feminist critique of, 548, 550
romantic relationships cost of raising a child , 361 gender dysphoria, 162, 549
common couples violence (situa - “cougar,” 281 health insurance coverage based
tional couple violence ), Couric, Katie, 308, 426 on, 548, 549, 550
516-517 Cox, Laverne, 308 overview, 547-549, 550
Common Sense Media, 205, 210 Crowe, Jonathan, 586-587 posttraumatic stress disorder
communal or feminine traits, Cruz, Sophie, 59 ( PTSD ), 560
70-71, 421 Cullors, Patrisse, 29, 29 pre - menstrual dysphoric disorder
community mental health services, cultivation theory, 250 ( PMDD ), 568
545 cultural feminism, 27, 28, 37, 108, ties to pharmaceutical industry,
comparable worth, 411 133, 395, 576
complete androgen - insensitivity 547
cultural spillover theory, 511 types of sexual dysfunction
syndrome ( CAIS ), 169 custodial role, 475 among women, 162
Subject Index S-5

dialectical behavioral therapy ( DBT ), within feminism , 35-36 doing gender, 75, 95, 201-202, 591
575-576 friendship as defense against domestic violence, 515-517
Diamond , Lisa, 181 discrimination, 320 see also intimate partner violence
Dias, Marlcy, 192, i 92, 203 intersection factors with age dosage - dependent effects, 215
Diemart, Machclle, 404 discrimination, 477-480 double bind
differences between genders, see against overweight individuals, beauty' norms and , 240
similarities and differences 238, 239 salary negotiations and ,
between genders in STEM fields, 141-143, 142 412-414, 413
differences perspective, 108-109 against transgendcr individuals, women and sexual scripts, 280
differential parental investment 160, 163-164, 165, 326, in women’s communication, 94
theory, 114 429-430, 431 for women seeking leadership
digital editing, 250, 253 see also gender discrimination roles, 420-422, 421
dihydrotestosterone, 169, 170 at work Douglass, Frederick, 19
disabilities, women and men with disenfranchised grief, 471 doula , 384
- abortion and, 365-366 Disney movies, sexist messages in, Dove Campaign for Real Beauty',
and beauty' norms, 243 207-208, 209 233, 233-234, 236-237,
body dissatisfaction in women , Disney princesses, 8, 25, 208, 209, 238 , 250 , 262, 606
243, 253
5 in books, 203
209, 277
disorders of sex development
Down syndrome, 166
drapetomania, 544
conferred dominance and, 67-68 ( DSD ), 172-173, 174 Dryden , Ashe , 431
and dating scripts, 331-332 Divergent book series, 205 DSD ( disorders of sex development ),
disability' vs. handicap, 604-605 division of labor 172-173, 174
fertility' and pregnancy, 370-371 achieving equity in household Dumezwcni , Noma, 205
identity' changes in motherhood , labor, 353-354 Dunham , Lena, 35
387 consequences of inequity, 352-353 Dykes to Watch Out For ( comic
invisibility in the media, 251, egalitarian beliefs about gender strip ) , 206
252-253 and , 351-352 dynamic sizing, 571
major depression and , 551-552 emotion work, 348-349 dysparcunia , or painful intercourse,
microaggressions and, 78 gender deviance neutralization , 303, 304
number of Americans with 350
disabilities, 604 gratitude and , 35i, 352
older workers, 477-478 intermittent labor, 346-347
pay gap, 407-408 low-control labor, 346, 347, 350 Eastman , Crystal , 20
“placing the person first ” men’s participation after Easy- Bakc Ovens, 211
approach, 604
preferred traits in romantic
-
retirement, 483 484 eating disorders
mental load , 348 anorexia nervosa, 563-564, 565
partners, 335 ratio of women’s and men’s binge eating disorder, 565-566
\ rape risk, 512 housework time, 347, bulimia nervosa, 564
self-advocacy, 599 347-348, 351 cultural messages about thin
sex education and, 289 reduced work hours for women ideal, 563, 5(54, 565
sexual scripts and, 281, 365 after children, 349 increased prevalence of, 16
stereotypes and, 71, 75 relative resources theory, 349 pro-anorexia websites, 565
stigma and marginalization , routine labor, 346, 348, 350 symptoms experienced by women
604, 605 second shift, 26, 347, 435 and men , 555, 566
discrimination theories about inequity, teasing and , 249
-
age discrimination, 476 480, 477 348-352 thinspiration and fitspiration
defined, 76 time availability and , 349 images online, 565
denial of discrimination , 77 women’s responsibility' for Eaton, Asia , 331
denial of personal care, 68, 432, 433-436, ecofcminism, 597-598
discrimination, 77 -
469 470, 593 Edwards, Marc, 602
and depression , 555-557 -
divorce, 340 342, 341 effect size ( // statistic ), 120, 121
S-6 Subject Index

eharmony, 333 menopause and, 458, 459, 465 fat shaming, 238, 327
Eisenhauer, Karen, 207 risks, 161, 460-461, 462 fat talk, 248-249, 257
cider abuse, 524-526 role in menstrual cycle , 265 Fauldi, Susan , 33
elder-care, 435 transwomen supplementation , 462 Fazlalizadeh , Tatyana , 97
clderspeak, 468 for Turner’s syndrome, 168 fear of missing out ( FOMO ), 561
Electra complex, 195 Etcoff, Nancy, 606 Featherstonc, Liz, 422
electroconvulsive therapy ( ECT ), 545 ethic of care, 133 Federer, Roger, 97
Ellen (TV show ), 233 ethic of justice , 133 female genital mutilation ( FGM ),
EMCP ( engineering, math, ethnocentrism , 29 497, 498
computer science, and eugenics movement, 293 female heads of governments, 17
physics ), 134-143 #everydaysexism, 78-79 female orgasmic disorder, 303
see also STEM ( science, Everyday Sexism Project , 78-79 feminine aesthetics, revival of, 22
technolog)', engineering, evolutionary explanations for gender feminine behavior
and mathematics ) fields
emotional abuse , 496
—
differences, 114 115
exercise , motivations for, 269-270
communal or feminine traits,
70-71, 421
emotional intelligence, 422 expectancy role value theory, 118, cultural feminism and , 27, 28,
emotional social support, 321 135 576
emotions, gender similarities and experimental group, 46 depression and doing femininity
differences, 129-130 experiments, 46 too well , 554-555
emotion work, 348-349 explicit bias, 76 disapproval of deviation from
employment outside the home, extraversion , 128 traditional norms, 92,
15-16 539, 540-541
empowerment see also gender socialization
advertising and, 14, 233, 312 Feminine Forever ( Wilson ), 460
consumer- based approach to, Faccbook Feminine Mystique, The ( Friedan ),
17-18 activity of girls and boys, 210 40, 583
defined , 17, 18 body image concerns and , 239, feminism
empowertising, 14, 233 254 cultural feminism, 27, 28, 31,
empty nests, 472-474 “ Like a Girl ” campaign and , 14 108, 133, 395, 576
empty- nest syndrome , 473 on men interrupting women , 95 defined , 15
endometriosis, 458 non - binary pronouns options, feminist mothering, 395-397,
endometrium, 265 85 396
Engeln, Renee, 261 paid leave policy, 594 feminist perspectives, 23-32
Ensler, Eve, 584 Women’s March and , 59-60 first wave, 19, 22-23, 38
environmental activism, 598 face - ism , 251, 251 fourth wave, 22
epidural anesthesia, 382, 384 Fahs, Breanne, 246 intergenerational conflict within
cpisiotomy, 382, 383, 384 Fair & Lovely, 234 feminism, 587-589
Equal Pay Act , 410 faked orgasms, 303 issues of inclusion and exclusion,
Equal Rights Amendment ( ERA ) fallopian tubes, 265 581-585
benevolent sexist opposition to,
82-83
-
family caregiving, 469 470
Family Life ( magazine ), 253
lesbian feminism, 25
liberal feminism, 23-24, 31, 396
Congressional passage, 21 Family Medical Leave Act ( FMLA ), misconceptions and negative
liberal feminism and, 23-24 439 stereotypes about, 22,
originally introduced in fathers’ role in child care, 440, 441 32-33, 35
Congress, 20 fatness and overweight post - colonial /transnational
ratification status, 21, 24 discrimination against overweight feminism, 30-31, 31, 529
estrogen
individuals, 238, 239 queer feminism, 29-30, 31
bone health and, 465 health and , 255 radical feminism, 25, 31
decrease after giving birth, 388 poverty and, 238-239 second wave, 19, 22, 196, 395,
in hormone replacement therapy,
stigmatization in the media, 546, 583, 588
460-461, 462
251-252 socialist feminism, 25-27, 31
Subject Index S-7

feminism (continued ) feminists sex role analysis, 575-576
in STEM, 141-143 beauty norms and , 255 work to change society, 569
tensions within feminism, 60, common goal, 15, 15 see also mental health
-
581 589 feminist identification, advantages feministvoiccs.com website, 42
third wave, 22, 583 of, 37-38 fertility
timeline in the United States, feminist identification, current assisted reproductive technologies
20-21 issues and , 35-36 ( ARTs ), 372-374
wave metaphor, criticism of, 23 misconceptions and negative infertility, 371-374
women of color feminism, 27, stereotypes about, 22, 23, menstrual cycle and , 293,
29, 31 32-33, 35 368-369
Feminism & Psychology ( journal ), 42 pro-feminist men ( feminist ovulation and , 369
feminist activism men ), 36, 585-587, 586 see also pregnancy
burnout among activists, 600 self- identified feminists, 33-34 fertility awareness methods of
and changes in field of psychology, transnational feminists, 30-31, contraception , 293
38, 41 31, 529 fetal alcohol syndrome, 381
consciousness raising as, 32, feminist theory, power of, 32 fibrinogen, 319
603-604 feminist therapy fibroids, 374
ecofeminism, 597-598 advocating for social justice, 576 15th Amendment ( 1870 ), 583
in the first wave, 19 agoraphobia, 560 50 Shades of Grey ( movie ), 519
getting involved in social analysis of structural causes Fiji, effects of television in , 250
activism, 601 -
of distress, 549 550, file drawer problem , 115, 119, 122
joys and perils, 598-601 569-570, 573-574 Fine, Cordelia , 199
by older women, 487, 487 class competency, 571-572 Fine, Michelle, 288
for paid leave, 591-592 cognitive behavioral techniques, “ first time, the,” 295-297
by pro-feminist men, 36, 569, 572 Fittest Woman on Earth ( 2014 ),
585-587 collaborative therapeutic 149
by psychologists, 569, 601-602, relationship, 570, 573 5-alpha reductase, 169, 170
605-606 consciousness raising, 570, 5-alpha reductase deficiency, 170
to raise minimum wage, 573-574, 575 Flibanserin ( Addyi ), 275, 275-276,
591-592 critique of DSMy 548, 550 278, 280, 302
to reduce gun violence, DEAR MAN skill, 575 Flint, Michigan, water supply, 602
595-596 development of feminist follicles, 265
scientists and activism, 601-602 consciousness, 570, 574 follicle-stimulating hormone
for social change at structural dialectical behavioral therapy ( FSH ), 265
levels, 591-598, 594-595 ( DBT ), 575-576 food insecurity, 268-269
on social media, 599 dynamic sizing, 571 forced sterilization , 293
street activism , 606 encouraging self-care, 574 Fortune ( magazine ), 94
-
for workplace equality, 592 595 feminist critique of mental 40 Days and 40 Nights ( movie ), 506
see also social justice advocacy; illness, 549-550 Forward Together, 596
Women’s March on focus on the personal as political, Foucault, Michel, 549
Washington 569, 573, 575 Fought, Carmen, 207
feminist consciousness, 41, 570, 574 as good therapy, 570-573 France, incentives for childbearing, 28
feminist epistemologies, 42 group therapy, 570, 571, 575 Franzoi, Stephen , 263
feminist psycholog}', 12-57 increasing assertiveness and Fredrickson, Barbara, 236
defined, 15 autonomy, 574 Freud, Sigmund
-
early 20th century, 39 40 medication prescribed , 569 on castration anxiety, 195
late 20th century and
21st century, 42
-
mindfulness techniques, 572 573 on hysteria, 544
multicultural competence, 571 on the Oedipus complex, 195
-
mid 20th century, 40 42 - overview, 569-570, 573 partial responsibility for women’s
19th century, 38 -
self disclosure by therapists, oppression , 40
overview, 15-18 -
570 571 on penis envy, 47-48, 195, 544
S-8 Subject Index

m
psychoanalytic theory of gender community responsibility
418, 421, 427
—
labyrinth metaphor, 417 418,
development, 194-195
seduction theory, 544
superiority of malcness, 194-195
for safe environment,
530-531
defined , 494
—
against mothers, 437 439
representation by corporate role,
Friedan, Betty, 40, 583 and depression, 559 gender, and race, 416
Friedman, Stewart, 361 as hate crime, 493 sticky floor, 418
friendship healing after abuse , 526-527 “ think crisis-think female ”
academic achievement and , 320 media literacy and, 531-532 stereotype, 426
attraction and flirting behaviors objectification and , 499-500 “ think manager-think male ”
in , 324-325
cross-identity friendships,
rates of crime and violence,
494-495
—
bias, 420 422, 426
workplace discrimination in
322-323 restorative justice and , 526-527 STEM fields, 142-143
as defense against discrimination, stopping a culture of violence, see also discrimination; harass-
320 529-532 ment; occupational gender
friendship networks, benefits of, stranger harassment, 519 segregation; work
319-320 violence against children, gender dysphoria, 162, 380, 549
relational aggression in , 495-500 gender essentialism
325-328, 326 violence against older women , assumptions of, 103-104
social identity and , 322-325, 323 524-526 defined, 27, 103
social support and , 320-322 war and violence, 527-529 pervasiveness of, 103-107
friendship networks, benefits of,
319-320
see also intimate partner violence;
rape 106-107
—
sexist beliefs justified by, 104 105,
Frozen ( movie ), 208, 209 Genderbread Person , 178, 178 strategic essentialism, 108
gender bundle, 153, 154, 178 see also similarities and differences
gender-confirming surgery, 160 between genders
gender constanq', 200-201, gender expression, 30, 154, 157 , 178
Garza, Alicia, 29, 29 223-224 gender-fair language, 87-88
gaslighting, 520 gender development gender identity
gatekeepers of sex, women as, 277, adolescence, 225-228 “ambiguous” genitalia and,
279, 292 behavioral theories, 196-198 171-176
“gay gene,” search for, 184 cognitive developmental awareness of transgender identity,
Gay, Roxane, 588 theories, 198-201 157-158
GaySinglcsOnline, 333 in infants, 220-221 cisgender identity, 30, 154
gender middle childhood, 223-225 complications in gender
defined, 43 prenatal period , 218-220 assignment, 166-176
distinguishing between sex and pre-school years, 221-223 defined, 154
gender, 43, 105-106 psychoanalytic theories, development of lesbian identity,
hetcronormative assumptions 194-196 181-182
about, 152, 152-154 social construction theories, development of sexual minority *
intcrsectionality of sex and 201-202 identity, 181-183, 187
gender, 106 social learning theories, development of transgender
rcimagining gender, 530, 531 197-198 identity, 156-159
social construct of, 106, 151 see also gender socialization Genderbread Person and, 178
gender-affirming surgery, 160, 304 gender deviance neutralization, 350 gender identities under the
see also sex reassignment surgery gender discrimination at work transgender umbrella,
- -
gender based violence, 491 536 double bind for women seeking 154 , 155
aftermath of sexual assault,
-
512 515 421
-
leadership roles, 420 422, non - monosexual identity,
182-183
bystander intervention and , 531 glass ceiling, 417, 418, 425, 427 pronouns and, 85, 158-159 , 182
challenges of leaving abusive re - glass cliff, 425-427 gender intensification, 225, 227,
lationships, 521-523, 522 -
glass escalator, 418 420 228, 554
Subject Index S-9

gender labeling, 199 defined , 158 Grindr, 333
gender microaggressions, 78 fertility and, 369-370 “Guidelines for Avoiding Sexism in
gender performances, 30 medical concerns, 159-161 Psychological Research,” 48
gender- reveal parties, 219, 219 medical transition, defined , 159 gun violence, 595-596
gender rigidity, 222 sex reassignment surgery (SRS ),
gender roles, stereotypes and , 20, 160-161, 162, 163
70-71 sexual shift stress and , 180
gender schema theory, 200 social transition , 158 Halloween costumes, 212, 309, 309
gender segregation and gender transitioning obstacles, 161-162 Hanna, Kathleen , 587
socialization , 214-215, sec also transgendcr harassment
410, 414, 416 Gender Trouble ( Butler ), 583 of gender non -conforming ado-
see also occupational gender gender verification testing, 149-150 lescents, 226
segregation general intelligence, gender hctcroscxist harassment, 429
gender similarities and differences. and , 123 hostile work environment, 427
see similarities and differ- generalizability of research, 49
ences between genders
gender socialization, 191-231
behavioral theories, 196-198
generalized anxiety disorder, 560
General Motors, 426
genital cosmetic surgery, 305-306
-
in hypermasculine environments,
430 131
Me Too movement, 42£, 429, 599
books and , 202-205

compulsory heterosexuality, 277
defined, 193
genitalia, major components of
women’s, 290-292, 291
gcnitoplasty, 173
targets of, 428-430
-
quid pro quo harassment, 427
in STEM fields, 427 128
in the workplace, 427-431

gender segregation and, 214-215, Georgia Safe Schools Coalition , sec also sexual harassment
410, 414, 416 603-604 Hare-Mustin , Rachel, 41
parents and messages about gestational surrogacy, 374 harmonious aging, 486
gender, 212-214 Gillard, Julia, 421 Harris, Kate Lockwood , 509
peer interactions, 214-215 Gilligan, Carol, 49, 133 Harry Potter and the Cursed Child
resistance against, 192-193 Gilman , Charlotte Perkins, 544 ( play ), 205
romance and , 328 Ginsburg, Ruth Bader, 23-24, 95, Harry Potter books, 205
in schools, 215-218 95, 475 Harvey Mudd College, 135, 603
social construction theories, Girls (TV show ), 35, 277-278 Harvey, Steve , 103
201-202 giving research away, 53 hate crimes, 18, 243, 492-493
social learning theories, 197-198 glass ceiling, 417, 418, 425, 427 having it all, 434, 443
sources in media -
glass cliff, 425 427 Health at Every Size ( HAES ) ,
books, 202-205 -
glass escalator, 418 420 255, 269
Disney princesses, 209 Glee (TV show ), 277 health - care system and older women ,
movies, 207-208, 209 GnRH agonist, 160 467-468
social media, 208, 210, 210 goal congruity perspective, heart disease, 467, 462
television, 205-207, 208 139-141 #hcforshc campaign , 16
video games, 208 Golden Globe Awards, 253 Hegarty, Peter, 36
toys and messages about gender, GoldicBlox, 212 helicopter parenting, 398-399
192, 211-212 gonads, 168 helping behaviors, gender similari -
see also gender development; Good Morning America (TV show ), ties and differences, 110,
sexual socialization 233 132-133, 133
gender stratification hypothesis, 124 Google, 96, 134, 324, 426, 594, Henley, Nancy, 41, 96
gender transitioning 603 hermaphrodite, 172, 201
ambiguous loss and, 158 Gorbachev, Mikhail, 94 Herzigova , Eva , 312
cost for transitioning, 161-162 Gordon -Levitt, Joseph, 37 heternormativity, 30
counselors and medical commu - Got Green , 598 hctcronormativc assumptions about
nity, 162 Graham, Stedman, 318 sex and gender, 752,
cross-sex hormones, 149, 159, grandmothering, 474, 474-475 152-154
160-161, 180 Gray, John, 102 hctcroromantics, 179
S-10 Subject Index

human papillomavirus ( HPV ), 295 genders distinguished , 199
heterosexism, 177 gender stereotypes learned , 199
heterosexist harassment, 429 Human Rights Watch , 175
human sex differences, 119 infertility, 371-374
Hicks, Craig, 492, 493, 494 —
informational social support, 320 o 21
hidden curriculum, 216-217, 218 see also similarities and differences
between genders insane asylums, 543
Midden Figures (Shettcrly ), 143
hijab, 30, 260, 492 human trafficking, 219, 309, 310, Instagram, 210, 239, 254, 255,
hijras ( India ), 201 500, 523-524 267, 561
Mis Needs, Her Needs ( Harley ), Hunger Games book series, 205 instrumental social support, 321
102-103 Hupprich, Alicia , 364, 365 intelligence, gender similarities and
historically Black college or univer- Hyde, Janet , 108, 122 differences, 123
sities ( HBCUs ), 510 hypoactive sexual desire disorder, intensive parenting, 348, 394-395
historical trauma , 562, 562-563 302 In terACT, 175
MitcbSwitcb.com, 89 hypothesis, defined , 44 interests, gender similarities and
HIV, 288, 473 hypothyroidism and depression , differences, 134
Hollingsworth v. Perry, 602 551-552 intergcnerational conflict within
Holocaust survivors, 562, 562-563 hysterectomy, 458 feminism, 587-589
homoromantics, 179 hysteria intermittent labor, 346-347
honeymoon stage of cycle of in ancient cultures, 541 internalization
abuse, 519 association with women, 541, body dissatisfaction and , 254
hooks, bell, 15, 587-588 542, 548 defined , 254
hookup and hooking up, 298-300, decreased diagnosis in internalized stereotypes, 112,
*
302, 331, 332-333, 510 20 th century, 544-545, 118, 134, 139, 140,
horizontal occupational gender seg - 549 182-183, 452
regation , 408^112, 414
hormonal contraceptives, 292,
Freudian view, 544
in the nineteenth century, of sexual scripts, 301
—
resisting internalization, 254 256
293, 294 542-543 internalized biphobia, 186

hormones symptoms, 541, 542 internalized heterosexism , 186
5-alpha reductase and , 169, 170 treatment, 541, 542-543 internalized homonegativity, 186
androgens, 168-170 and women’s sexuality, 542-543 internalized homophobia, 186
cross-sex hormones, 149, 159, sec also mental health internalized stereotypes, 112,
160-161, 180 118, 134, 139, 140,
and depression, 552 182-183, 452
dihydrotestosteronc, 169, 170 internalized transphobia, 163
and gender assignment and I Am Cait ( TV show ), 158 International Classification of
identity, 168-170 identity- based bullying, 326-327 Diseases ( ICD ) , 548, 562
GnRH agonist, 160 imperialism , 528 International Olympic Committee
prenatal hormones and sexual ’
( IOC ), 149, 150
Implicit Association Test ( IAT ),
orientation, 184 76-77 international surrogacy, 376, 376
progesterone, 265, 388 implicit bias, 76-77 interoceptive awareness, 269
progestin, 460
In a Different Voice ( Gilligan ), 133 interrupting, 95
sex differentiation and ,
incapacitated rape, 504-505, 510 intersectionalitv
-
116 117, 168
sec also estrogen; testosterone
hormone therapy ( HT, hormone
incarcerated women, 16, 539-540
inclusion and exclusion within
feminism, 581-585
—
age discrimination, 477 480
Combahee River Collective
Statement, 29
replacement therapy ), independent variables, 46 defined , 22, 172
-
460 462
Homey, Karen, 47, 195-196 indirect aggression , 109, 131, 325 occupational gender segregation,
hostile sexism, 80-82, 81 , 83-84, induced labor, 382 409-410, 416, 416-417
infant mortality rates, 385 questions to encourage in
106~107 333, 430 infants
HPV vaccine, 295’
Hmr research, 54, 54
Hughes, Michael, 162 gender development, 220-221 of reproductive justice movement,
gender labeling, 199-200 596 , 597
Subject Index S-11

intersectionality ( continued ) of older women, 454, 456, labyrinth metaphor, 417-418, 475,
-
self objectification and, 259, 261 457, 475 421, 427
of sex and gender, 106 of privilege, 68-69 Lady Gaga, 184
social identity and , 63-64 in vitro fertilization ( IVF ), 358, Lakoff, Robin , 93
intersex 372-374, 373, 378, 393 Lamazc International, 384
activism, 765, 175 IQ ( intelligence quotient ) tests, 123 language
dating dilemmas, 180-181 IPs Complicated ( movie ), 454 animal = male bias, 85
defined , 150 body language, 95-97
gender identity in intersex cisgender bias, 85
children, 200 degrading language and sexual
Klinefelter syndrome and , 167 JDatc, 333 slang, 91-92
medical management and surgery, jealousy in relationships, 336, double bind that women face, 94
765, 173-176 518-519 elderspcak , 468
Olympic athletes, 150 Jenncr, Caidyn, 158 gender- fair language, 87-88
Turner’s syndrome and , 167 Jeopardy (TV show ), 94 gender- neutral pronouns, 85, S6
sec also “ambiguous” genitalia Jezebel stereotype of Black women, interrupting, 95
Intersex Society of North America , 74, 78, 307 linguistic biases, 86-88
175 Jharkhand Save the Forest marked and unmarked language,
intimate partner violence ( IPV ) Movement, India, 598 86-87, 57, 88
battered women’s syndrome, 520 Johnson, Marsha, 164 men come first, 52 , 86-88
challenges of leaving abusive re - Jones, Feminista, 519 non - verbal communication,
lationships, 521-523, 522 Jones, Omi Osun Joni L., 590 95-97
changing opinions about, Jonsson, Chloie, 149 people = male bias, 84-85, 86
515-516 Jorgensen , Christine, 20 reappropriation of words, 90
coercive power, 519 Jung, Carl , 195 as source of power, 84-97
common couples violence, Just Not Sorry, 94 talking styles, 92-95
516-517 tentative speech forms, 93-94
q'berabuse, 519-520 theory of communicator status,
q'de of abuse, 577, 519, 526, 527 92-93
defined , 515 Kagan , Elena, 95, 95 uptalk ( upspeak ), 94
gaslighting, 520 Karkazis, Katrina , 151 Intiguage: a ferninist git idc
honeymoon stage, 519 Kaur, Rupi, 267 ( Cameron ), 94
intimate terrorism, 516-517, Keaton, Diane, 253 Language and Women’s Place
518-520 Killermann , Sam, 178 ( Lakoff ), 93
learned hopefulness and, 519 Kilmartin, Chris, 587 Lanham Act, 594-595
power and control wheel, 577 King, Deborah, 493 Latin Girl ( magazine ), 253
princess effect, 518 King, Gayle, 318, 318, 319 Latinx women and men
types of, 515-520 King, Martin Luther, Jr., 498 attributes associated with, 73
violent resistance, 518, 520 Kinsey, Alfred , 177 defined , 35 n , 88
who is involved, 520-521 Kinsey Scale, 177 family rejection of LGBQ
intimate terrorism (coercive Klinefelter, Harry Fitch, 167 individuals, 185
controlling violence ), Klinefelter syndrome ( KS ), 167 gender socialization in adolescent
516-517, 518-520 Knot, The (website ), 338 girls, 227
intrauterine devices ( IUDs ), 292, Kohlberg, Lawrence, 49 Latinx sex workers, 308
293, 294 Latinx women in STEM, 135,
intrauterine insemination ( IUI ), 136-137, 138, 143
358, 372 marianismo, 553
intuitive eating, 269 labia majora, 290, 297 preferred traits in romantic
invisibility labia minora, 290, 297 partners, 335
and beauty norms, in media , labioplasty or labiaplasty, 305-306 sexual socialization, 283, 284
251-253 labor, division of. see division stereotypes about Latinx women,
of non-prototypical people, 67 of labor 75, 78, 138
S-12 Subject Index

stereotypes in media , 75 “ Like a Girl ” advertising campaign , management script, 296
see also specific topics 13, 13-14 mansplaining, 93
launching phase, 473 Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Restoration manspreading, 96, 96
Laura Brown , 572, 573
leadership, association with
Act, 21, 592
Linkcdln, 423
-
March for Our Lives, 595 596
March for Science, 601
masculinity, 48, 68, liposuction , 262, 457 marianismo, 553
420-422 Little Mermaid , The ( movie ), 207, Marjory Stoncman Douglas High
Lean In ( Sandberg ), 419 209 School shooting, 595
learned hopefulness, 519 Lorde, Audre, 61, 589 marked language, 86-87, 87, 88
legitimizing myths, 68 Love and Basketball ( movie ), 226 marriage
LEGO Friends, 212 low -control labor, 346, 347, 350 benefits of, 339-340
leisure innovation , 482 lumpectomy, 464 child marriage, 17, 496, 497,
lesbian feminism, 25, 29 Luna, Zocy, 156, 756, 157 498
lesbians lung cancer, 462-463, 463 cohabitation as precursor,
coming out by lesbians of color, luteinizing hormone ( LH ), 265 342-343
185-186 -
cultural expectations, 337 338
dating scripts, 331 Disney Princesses and , 25, 209
development of lesbian identity, harmful myths about, 339
181-182 madness, see mental health same-sex marriage, legal right to,
disenfranchised grief, 471 Madonna , 278 21, 185, 337-338, 338
division of labor in relationships, Madonna / w'hore complex, 82 social support from, 339
350, 352-353 major depression statistics in United States, 337
divorce in lesbian couples, 342 biological explanations, 552 and wadding industrial complex,
fertility, 369 body dissatisfaction, 554 338
“ hot lesbian" stereotype, 307 child abuse and , 559 Martin , Trayvon, 29
intensive parenting, 348 cognitive processes and , masculinity and feminism, 37-38
intimate partner abuse, 518, 552-554 Masheter, Carol, 448
520, 523 discrimination and, 555-557 masochism , 195
motherhood wage ^
bonus, doing femininity too well, mastectomy, 463, 464
415-416 554-555 masturbation, 130, 300-301, 303,
older lesbians, perceptions of, gender and sexual minority 469, 542, 544
451, 451, 453, 454 groups, 556-557 Matacin, Mala, 246
outcomes for children of, 394 marianismo and , 553 mate retention behaviors, 336
power dynamics in relationships, physical illness or disability, maternal gatekeeping, 392
345 551-552 maternal wall, 437
ROPA ( reception of oocytes post - partum depression , maternitv leave, 17, 24, 398,
from partners ), 373, 373 387-389, 552, 559 -
439 441, 593-594, 594
self -objectification, 259 and poverty, 558-559 mathematical ability, gender and,
sperm donor use, 369 racial discrimination and, 109-110, 123-124
stereotypes and , 71 555-556 matrix of domination , 64
surnames after marriage, 89 rates of diagnosis, 551 Mayer, Marissa , 426
in the U .S. Congress, 17 rumination, 552-553 McCartney, Jamie, 172
Levushkina, Alla Illyinichna , 448 self-silencing, 553, 553 McCarty, Oseola, 448
Levy, Bccca , 452 sexism and , 555 Me Devitt, Jack, 492
Lewis, Jennifer, 454 sexual harassment and, 555, 556 media and press
LGBTQ, defined , 16, 50, 157n, social media and, 561 beauty norms and , 250-253
163 symptoms, 550 books and gender socialization,
sec also specific topics violence and abuse and, 559 202-205
liberal feminism , 23-24, 37, 396 male gaze, 235-236, 260 compulsory heterosexuality, 277
Lie, The ( video ), 192-193 male privilege, 83 gender- based violence and,
life expectancies for U .S. women Mallory, Tamika, 60 531-532
and men, 466 Mamas Day, 596-597 and gender differences, 104, 112
Subject Index S-13

media and press (continued ) knowledge about, 265-266 Michigan Womyn’s Music
jealousy portrayed in, 336 mcnarchc, 265-266 Festival, 25
movies and gender socialization, menstrual cycle, 264-265, microaggressions, 77-79, 84, 162,
207-208, 209 368-369 468, 556, 560
objectification in, 250-251, secrecy surrounding, 266-267, middle childhood , 200 , 223-225
306-307, 499 268 militarism , 528-529, 529
portrayals of romance, 328-329, mental health, 537-579 mindfi.il eating, 269
329, 335 abortion and , 366 mindfulness, 572-573
rape myths in media, 509 anxiety disorders, 559-560 minimum wage, 591-592
reporting of research findings, community mental health minority stress theory, 163
43, 50, 53 services, 545 Mirren , Helen, 448
sexual risk- taking and, 284 deinstitutionalization, 545 miscarriage, 375, 379
sexual scripts in , 276, 279, -
diagnosis, 547 549, 550-569 misgender, 159
284, 296 drapetomania, 544 misogyny, 83
sexual socialization and , electroconvulsive therapy Miss America pageant, 22
284-285 ( ECT), 545 MissNowMrs.com, 89
as Usexual super peer,” 284 feminist critique of mental Miss Saigon ( musical ), 74
social media and gender sociali- illness, 549-550 Mock, Janet, 588
zation, 208, 210, 210 feminist therapy, 550, 569-576 model minority, 137
as source of gender socialization, historical categorizations of Modern Misogyny ( Anderson ) , 32
202-210 women as mentally ill, modern sexism , 76-77
stereotypes of Black and Latinx 541-542 modern sexism and , 76-77
people, 75, 307 incarceration of women with momprencurs, 27
television and gender socializa - mental health problems, Moms Demand Action for Gun Sense
tion, 205-207, 208 539-540 in America , 595, 596
women of color under- insane asylums, 543 monoscxual, 183
represented in, 253 institutionalization, 293, 543, 545 “ monstrous feminine,” 262-263
-
media litcraq' programs, 255 256 madness associated with women , moral development , stages of, 49
medical gaze, 174, 174 540-550 morality, gender similarities and
medical model, 547 madness in the 20 th and 21st differences, 133-134
Men Against Violence Against centuries, 544-550 morning sickness, 379
Women, 531 madness in the 19 th century, Morrison , Toni , 241
menarchc, 265-266 542-544 mother blaming, 392-394, 399
Men Are from Mars, Women Arc from medical model, 547 motherhood mandate, 361-362, 372
Venus ( G ray ), 102 , 102 medications used , 545-547 motherhood wage penalty,
Men Are Like Waffles, Women Are rest cures, 543, 544 414-416
Like Spaghetti ( Farrcl and self-disclosure by therapists, mothering and motherhood
Farrel ), 102 570-571 attachment parenting, 28, 396
menopause, 458-461, 465, 469 see also feminist therapy; specific breastfeeding, 389-391, 390
men’s studies, 36 diagnoses as children grow up, 398-399
Men Stopping Violence, 531 Mental Health Parity and Addiction as complicated issue, 358,
Menstrual Distress Questionnaire, Equity Act, 548 358-359
267 Mental Health Systems Act, 545 discrimination against mothers
Menstrual Joy Questionnaire mental load , 348 at work, 437-439
( MJQ), 267 mental rotation, 124-125, 125 -
empty nests, 472 474
menstrual products, access to, 593 mentor, defined, 423 feminist mothering, 395-397, 396
menstruation
attitudes toward , 264, 266-268
mentoring, 140-141, 142, 422,
423-424
-
grandmothering, 474, 474 475
helicopter parenting, 398-399
“ become a woman,” 361 meta-analysis, defined , 119 identity changes, 386, 386-387
defined, 263 meta-synthesis, defined , 119 increased gender inequality,
and fertility, 368-369 Me Too movement, 428, 429, 599 391-392
S-14 Subject Index

intensive parenting, 348, scx/gcnder identity determina - -
observational learning, 197 198,
394-395 tion, 171, 201 198, 213
mother blaming, 392-394, 399 stereotypes of Native American observation as research method, 44
post - partum depression , women , 74 occupational gender segregation
387-389, 552, 559 see also specific topics -
causes of, 410 411
working mothers, acceptance of, # naturalisprofcssional campaign , 66 decreasing horizontal occupa -
397-398 nature/nurture debate, 184 tional gender segregation ,
Mothers Milk Project, 596 networking, 422-423 -
411 412
Mothers of the Movement, 595 neurosexism , 105, 107 defined, 408
motor skills, 107-108 ncuroticism , 128-129 horizontal occupational gender
movies and gender socialization, Nina ( movie ), 66 segregation , 408-412,
207-208, 209 19 th Amendment ( 1920 ), 19, 20 414
MTV Video Music Awards ( 2003 ), Nixon , Cynthia , 184 intersection with race, 409, 416 ,
278 No Child Left Behind Act, 109 -
416 417
mujeristas, 34-35 nondisjunction , 166 intersection with sexual orienta -
Mulan ( movie ) , 207-208, 209 non - labelers, 33-34, 37 tion , 409-410
multicultural competence , 571 non - monoscxual identity, 182-183 vertical occupational gender seg-
multicultural movement, 42 non - verbal cues of engagement and regation, 408, 416, 416
multigencrational homes, 475 disengagement, 96 see also gender discrimination at
multiple jeopardy, 493 Norbit ( movie ), 252 work; pay gap
multiple sclerosis ( MS ) and normative discontent, 238 O’Connor, Sandra Day, 95
depression , 551 , 552 normativity of patriarchy, 25 Oedipus complex, 195
myth of meritocracy, 26 normativity ofWhiteness, 66 OkCupid , 85, 333
myth of the impartial researcher, Northside Center for Child -
older women , 447 490
47, 53 Development, 39, 39 “age- appropriate ” dress, 456
myth of transformation , 239 # notallmcn , 83 age concealment, 455, 456
Nyong’o, Lupita, 251 age discrimination, 476-480, 477
age when “old ” begins,
o
-
449 450, 455
Nagra , Parmindcr, 228 aging bodies, 453-468
names Obama , Barack, 424 anti-aging products and
children given husband’s Obama , Michelle, 36, 72, 606, 606 procedures, 455, 455, 457
surname, 91 objectification appearance and body ideals,
husband’s last name used by in adult entertainment industry, 453-458
married women , 89, 91 499-500 -
beauty work, 455, 455 458
men’s and women’s, in published appearance as primary source of -
bereavement, 470 472
research, 41 information about w'omen , body dissatisfaction, 454-455
sexism in names, nicknames, and 235, 235 caregiving, 469
formal titles, 88-89, 91 causes, 261-263 dating after partner’s death, 471
name shifting, 91 gender- based violence and, eating disorders, 454
naming and shaming, 93 499-500 empty nests, 472-474
nannies, 442-443 male gaze or objectifying gaze, facial hair growth, 456-457, 459
narcissism , 195
*
235-236, 237 260 grandmothering, 474, 474 475 -

National Domestic Violence in the media, 250-251, and the health -care system,
Hotline, 522 306-307, 499 467-468
Native Americans objectification theory, 236, 429 how’ older adults perceive
environmental activism, 597-598 overview, 235-237 -
themselves, 451 453
Native American w'omcn and by sexual partners, 305 how' others perceive older
rape, 511 see also self-objectification; -
adults, 450 451
Native American women in sexualization invisibility of, 454, 456, 457, 475
STEM, 135, 136-137 objectification theory, 236 physical health, 461-467
Subject Index S-15

older women (continued ) gender socialization and, perimenopausc, 458, 461
-
remarriage, 471 472 212-214 “ personal is political,” 18
-
retirement, 480 485 reactions to coming out, personality traits, gender similarities
romantic and sexual relationships, 186-187 and differences, 128-129
468-472 response to tomboyism , 198 phalloplasty, 173-174
sexuality, 469 sexual socialization , 282-283, Philosoph , Daniel , 562
-
stereotypes of, 449 453, 479,
484, 486, 487, 487
290 physical abuse, defined , 495
“ the talk,” 282, 282 Physical Disability: A Psychological
vaginal dryness and thinning, of transgender pre-school Approach ( Wright ), 604
458, 459-460, 461, 469 children, 222-223 Pierson , Julia, 426
violence against older women , Parrott, Les and Leslie, 339 pink tax, 26, 26-27
524-526 partial androgen -insensitivity pinkwashing, 465
volunteering, 482, 487 syndrome ( PAIS ), 169 Pintcrest, 210
at work, 475-485 paternalistic chivalry, 81 Piphcr, Mary, 226
online dating, 332-333 paternal leave, 440 pituitary gland, 265
oophorectomy, 458 paternity uncertainty, 114 “ placing the person first ” approach ,
OpEd Project, 93 patriarchy, 25 604
open adoption, 378-379 Paul, Alice, 20 plastic and cosmetic surgery, 243,
openness to new experiences, 128 pay gap 261, 262, 305-306, 457
open relationships, 343 activism for workplace equality, plasticity, 116, 118
operant conditioning, 197 592-593 PlcntyofFish, 333
operationalization of variables, 44, 50 care work as underpaid , 395, pluralistic ignorance , 299, 586
oppression, defined, 15 406, 410 Pocahontas ( movie ), 207-208
opting out, 437 comparable worth , 411 polyamorous ( or poly ) relationships,
Organisation for Economic Co- disabilities and , 407-408 343, 344
operation and Develop - horizontal occupational gender polygamy, 343
ment ( OECD ), 433, 435 -
segregation , 408 412, pornography, 130 , 285, 308,
orgasm, 278, 279, 290, 292, 414 499-500
301-302, 303 motherhood wage penalty, positivism , 42, 47
Oscars ( Academy Awards ), 151, 206 414-416 post-abortion syndrome, 366
osteoarthritis ( OA ), 466 occupational gender segregation post- adoption depression , 378
-
osteoporosis, 465 466 defined, 408 post-colonial/transnational feminism ,
outercourse, 293 overview, 16, 407-408 30-31, 529
ovaries, development and function , poverty during retirement and , post -feminism , 32-33, 61
168 482 postmenopause, 458
ova (singular, ovum ), 265 race and , 407, 407 postmodern perspective, 201
overt sexism, 76 salary negotiations and the postpartum anxiety, 388-389
ovulation, 265
413
-
double bind, 412 414, post -partum depression, 387-389,
552, 559
vertical occupational gender posttraumatic growth , 515,
segregation , 408, 416, 562-563
panic disorder, 560 416 posttraumatic stress disorder
“paper bag test,” 241 see also work ( PTSD ), 512, 520, 523,
Paralympic Games, Winter, 1988,
67-68
peer review, 45, 47, 119
peer victimization, 226
-
560 563
see also complex PTSD
-
parental leave, 17, 24, 398, 439 441, penis envy, 47, 195, 544 poverty rates, 406, 482, 558, 591
593-594, 594 pensions, 472, 481, 482 power, 58-100
parents Perez, Carmen, 60 female sexuality as a source of,
attachment parenting, 28
differential parental investment
performative bisexuality, 277-278,
278, 307
-
311 312, 336
language as source of, 84-97
theory, 114 performative lesbianism, 307 microaggressions and, 79
S-16 Subject Index

m
power dynamics in relationships, power hierarchies, 64-68 random assignment, 46
344-346 privileged groups as the norm, rape
power dynamics in research , 53 65-66, 84, 86-87 acquaintance rape, 502
power hierarchies, 64-68 unearned entitlements, 65-66 as adaptive trait, 115
stereotypes and , 70-75, 71 sec also power aftermath of sexual assault,
see also specific topics probability, or Rvalue, 45 512-515
power and control wheel , 517 pro-choice, defined , 363 college women , 510
pregnancy Proctor & Gamble, 13, 14 consent and , 507-508, 509
alcohol and , 381 pro - feminist men, 36, 585-587, 586 costs of rape, 513
belly touching during, 380-381 progesterone, 265, 388 defined, 500
body image and , 379-380 progestin , 460 incapacitated rape, 504-505, 510
childbirth , 382-386 Project Implicit website, 77 as invisible war, 511
discrimination against pregnant pro - life , defined , 363-364 Jezebel stereotype and , 74
women , 438 pronouns Native American women , 511
maternal mortality rates, 385 and gender identity, 158-159 , 182 rape culture, 500-515
transgender individuals, 369-370, gender - neutral pronouns, 85, reporting sexual assault,
370, 380 86, 223 501-502, 512, 514
treatment of pregnant women , generic be, 52 reports by sex workers, 514
380-382 in language used to present self-defense programs for women,
women with disabilities, research , 52 503-504, 504
370-371 Prosser, Inez Beverly, 39 of sexual minority women and
see also fertility Prozac ( the “ happy pill” ), 546
*
men , 506-507
Pregnanq' Discrimination Act of PsychINFO, 119 unacknowledged rape, 501
1978, 21, 76, 438 psychoanalytic theories, 194-196 underreporting, 501-502
prejudice, 76 psychological abuse, 496 victim blaming, 501, 506, 509
-
pre menstrual dysphoric disorder psycholog)' of women wanting sex and consenting to
( PMDD ), 568 defined , 15 sex, 507-508, 508
pre - menstrual syndrome ( PMS ), emergence in 1960s, 40 women in the military, 511
267-268 sampling bias in research , 49-50 women with disabilities, 512
prenatal period and gender Society for the Psychology of Rape, Abuse & Incest National
development, 218-220 Women formed , 41 Network, 522
pre -school years sec also specific topics rape kits, 512
gender development, 221-223 Psychology of Women Quarterly rape myths
gender- neutral preschool, 223 ( journal ), 42, 45, 50, 52 committed by stranger or scar)'
gender police, 227, 221-222 pubertal blockers, 160 “other,” 502-503, 505
gender rigidity, 222 public adoption , 377, 378 consent is clear-cut and readily
rigid gender schemas, 200, 221 publication of research findings, 45 understood, 507-508,
PRESCRIPTIONS about romance, public regard , sense of, 224 508, 509
328, 329 defined, 501
Princess and the Frog, TIJC ( movie ), endorsement of rape myths,
o
208, 209 508-509
princess effect, 518 qualitative methods, 51-52 force is normal aspect of male
principle of least interest, 345 quantitative methods, 45, 51-52 sexuality, 506
private adoption through agencies, -
queer feminism, 29 30, 31 incapacitated rape is not rape,
-
377 378 quid pro quo harassment, 427 504-505
privilege in media, 509
characteristics of dominant and -
myth of the Black rapist, 502 503
subordinate groups, 65 only heterosexual women are
conferred dominance, 67-68 radical feminism, 25, 31 -
raped, 506 507
defined, 64 Raging Grannies, 487, 487 survivors fight off attackers,
invisibility' of, 68-69 Raimondo, Gina, 596 503-504
Subject Index S-17

rape myths (continued ) research methods, 43-46, Rich , Adrienne , 277, 319
token resistance, 507-508 119-122 Ridcrwood retirement community,
traditional rape script, 502 selection effects, 126 Silver Spring, MD, 448
victims arc partially to blame, sexism in early scientific rights of women in 19th century, 19
505-506 research, 105 right to vote ( 19th Amendment ),
women lie about rape, 501-502 variability ( statistics ), 120 19, 20
rape threat, 505 women not included before Rihanna , 515, 516, 519, 522, 542
raunch culture, revival of, 22 1960s, 40 Riley, 192, 223
Ravek, Livia , 562 research bias Rivera, Sylvia, 164
Reagan, Ronald, 94 choice of research participants Roberts, Tomi-Ann, 236, 429, 606
rcappropriation, 90 and , 48-50 Rocpcr, Richard, 236
Rccbok CrossFit Games, 149 data analysis and , 51-52 Roc v. Wade, 21, 364
rcimagining gender, 530, 531 file drawer problem , 115, 119, role enhancement theory, 432
Reiss, Fraidy, 496 122 role loss hypothesis, 473
relational aggression , 50, 325-328, identifying sex /gender bias in role strain relief hypothesis, 473
326 research, 47-55 romance and romantic relationships
relative resources theory, 349
reproductive justice movement,
-
identity of researcher and , 47 48
in language used to present
aromantic individuals, 179
asexuality and , 179
359-360, 399, 596-597, research , 52 beliefs about, 328-330
597 measurement ( operationalization ) biromantics, 179
reproductive tourism, 376 of variables, 50 dating scripts, 330, 330-333
research minimizing bias in feminist as distinct from sex, 179
balanced number of female and research, 53-55 heteroromantics, 179
male subjects, 108 myth of the impartial researcher, homoromantics, 179
correlational design , 46, 257 47, 53 jealousy in relationships, 336,
effect size ( // statistic ), 120, 121 power dynamics in research, 53 518-519
experiments, 46, 256-257 publication of research findings portrayal in the media , 328-329,
generalizability of findings, 49 and , 52-53 329, 335
giving research away, 53 questions to encourage intersec- preferred traits in partners,
identifying sex/gender bias in , tionality, 54, 54 333-335
47-55 research questions contribution PRESCRIPTIONS about, 328 ,
lack of value- neutral or objective to, 48 329
research, 15, 40-41 sampling bias, 49-50 sec also committed relationships
methods for sex/gender in self-objectification research , Roof, Dylann , 503
similarities and 259 ROPA ( reception of oocytes from
differences, 119-122 resiliency, 72, 74, 164-165, partners ), 373, 373
peer review and, 45 498-499 Rose, Suzanna, 331, 335
popular press reporting of, 43, resilient aging, 486 Roughgarden, Joan ( formerly
50, 53 rest cures, 543, 544 Jonathan ), 421
power dynamics in research, 53 restorative justice, 526-527 routine labor, 346, 348, 350
predominance of White male retirement Rowling, J. K., 205
-
researchers, 47 48 -
affording retirement, 481 482 Rubens, Peter Paul , 244, 245
preference for finding differences, bridge work and, 481 rumination , 552-553
45, 48, 51, 105-106 health and longevity, 484-485 RuPaul, 30
publication of research findings,
45
-
joys and challenges of, 482 484, Rylestonc Women’s Institute
483 ( England ) , 448
qualitative methods, 51-52 of older women, overview,
quantitative methods, 45, 51-52 480-481
questions to encourage intcrscc- volunteering during, 482, 487
tionality, 54, 54 Reviving Ophelia ( Piphcr ), 132, sadhin ( India ), 179
random assignment and, 46 226-227 safe sex, 285
S-18 Subject Index

Saldana, Zoe , 66, 66 self- identified feminists, 33-34 sex education
Salem witch trials, 541 sclfics, 35, 162, 163, 210, 239 abstinence - only sex education,
same -sex marriage, legal right to, self-objectification 285-286, 287, 289
21 , 185, 337-338, 338 body shame and , 258, 258, 259, abstinence - plus sex education,
sampling bias, 49-50 261 287
Sandberg, Sheryl , 17, 419 body surveillance and , 255-256, comparing outcomes, 287-289
Sanders, Bcrnie, 420-421, 588 257-258, 258, 258, 259 comprehensive sex education,
sandwich generation , 435 breastfeeding and, 390 287, 288, 289
Sandy Hook Elementary School changes with age, 263 criticism of school- based
shooting, 595 consequences of, 256-261 programs, 288-289
Sarsour, Linda , 60 defined , 236 media as information source,
Saturday Night Live ( TV show ), experimental exploration of, 284-285
506 256-257 by parents, 282-283
Sax, Leonard , 126, 561 fat talk and , 257 peers as information source, 284
#sayhcrname movement , 538 hijab wearing and , 260 school - based sex education ,
scapegoating, 69 interoceptive awareness and , 285-289
Schilt, Kristine, 421 269 teen birth rates and , 287
Scholastic Aptitude Test ( SAT ), intcrsectionality and , 259, 261 sex/gender binary, 148-190
124 older women and , 454 “ambiguous” genitalia and,
schools process of, 258-259 171-176
academic achievement and self-objectifiers, defined , 237 biological sex, social construct
gender, 127 see also objectification of, 151
disciplinary codes, 217-218 self-sexualization, 309, 309, complications in gender
dress codes, 216 , 216-217 311-312 , 457, 588 assignment, 166-176
gender socialization in , 215-218 self-silencing, 553, 553 defined , 151
hidden curriculum, 216-217, self-socialization, 199 gender, social construct of,
218 self-stereotyping, 75 106, 151
LGBTQ support groups, 186, Semenya, Caster, 149, 150-151, heteronormative assumptions,
187 169 152, 152-154
school - based sex education, Seneca Falls Convention ( 1848 ), sec also gender identity; trans-
-
285 289 19, 20 gender individuals
-
single sex education, 126 SeniorPeopleMect, 333 sexism, 76-84
STEM education , 134-135, Seventeen ( magazine ) , 603 ambivalent sexism, 80-84
136-137, 141-142 sex biological determinism and,
transgender students, 156 , 158, -
defined, 43, 278 279 38-39
217, 222 , 226 distinguishing between sex and defined , 70
unearned entitlements in sports, gender, 43, 105-106 denial of discrimination , 77
65 first sexual experiences ( first in - and depression, 555
second shift, 26, 347, 435 tercourse ), 295-297, 296 in early scientific research , 105
seduction theory, 544 heteronormative assumptions feminists’ opposition to, 15, 34,
selection effects, 126 ,
about, 152 152-154, 35-36
selective incivility, 78 -
277 278 hostile sexism, 80-82, 81, S3-84,
self- defense programs for women, interscctionality of sex and 106-107, 333
-
503 504, 504
self-disclosure, 570-571
gender, 106 husband’s last name used by
learning about, 281-289 married women, 89, 91
-
self esteem decrease during perceptions of others’ behavior, microaggressions and, 77-79, 84
adolescence, 14 -
298 299, 299 modern sexism, 76-77
-
self esteem, gender similarities and talking about, 289-292 in names, nicknames, and formal
differences, 132 see also sexual scripts; sexual titles, 88-89, 91
-
self esteem, overly high, 132 socialization negative consequences of, 77,
self-fulfilling prophesy, 136 sex differentiation, defined, 168 -82 84
Subject Index S-19

sexism ( continued ) quid pro quo harassment, 427 prioritizing men , 278-279, 307
as oppression , 34 racialized sexual harassment, 556 urgency script, 296
in STEM fields, 427 28
overt sexism, 76
paternalistic chivalry, 81
^
stranger harassment, 519
virginity loss, 296-297
for the young, beautiful , and
-
in psychology, 40 41 street harassment, 519 able - bodied, 281
see also benevolent sexism -
targets of, 428 430 sec also dating scripts
sex positivity, 287 -
in the workplace, 427 431 sexual shift stress, 180
sex reassignment surgery (SRS ), 20, see also harassment sexual socialization
160-161, 162, 163 sexualization defined , 282
sex role analysis, 575-576 in advertising, 234, 306-307, media and , 284-285
Sex Roles ( journal ), 42, 45, 52, 331 307 parents and , 282-283, 290
sex trafficking, 219, 309, 310, 500, defined , 306 peers and , 284
523-524 of Disney princesses, 209 “ the talk,” 282, 282
sexual agency, 312-313 of female superheroes, 207 sec also gender socialization
sexual arousal disorder, 303, 304 sclf-scxualization , 309, 309, sexual strategies theory ( SST ), 114,
sexual assault, 500 311-312, 457, 588 333-334
Sexual Assault Evidence Kit through sex work, 308-309, 310 sex work, 308-309, 310
(SAEK ), 512 transgender women in media, Shcrif, Carolyn Wood , 40
sexual assertiveness, 313 307-308 She’s All That ( movie ), 226
sexual communication, 313 in video games, 208 Sheypuk, Danielle , 331-332
sexual configurations theory (SCT ), women of color in television and Shields, Stephanie, 105, 120
178 media , 253, 307 Shook , Teresa , 59-60
sexual double standard (SDS), sec also objectification Shupc, Jamie, 182
279-280, 327 Sexualization of Girls, The, 605 Shupc, Sandy, 182
sexual dysfunction sexually transmitted infections (STIs), similarities and differences between
body concerns or body dissatis- 284-285, 287-288 genders, 101-147
faction and, 304-306 sexual orientation academic achievement , 127
desire discrepancy between beyond homosexual /hetcroscxual age and , 109
-
partners, 302 303 binary, 176, 176-177, 182 aggression , 109, 114 , 131
dyspareunia, or painful inter- biological basis sought, 184 big picture of, 122
course, 303, 304 defined, 176
diversity of, 176, 176-187
-
biological determinism, 38 39
female orgasmic disorder, 303
Flibanscrin and, 275, 275-276, effect of gender-affirming medi -
-
biological explanations, 115 117,
115-118
278, 280, 302 cal treatments, 180 biopsychosocial model , 107
hypoactive sexual desire gender diversity and , 179-181 categorical vs. dimensional differ-
disorder, 302 prenatal hormones and , 184 ences, 111-112, 113
low sex drive as a disorder, 275, theories of diversity, 177-179 context effects, 110-111
280, 302 transgender sexual orientation costs of over-emphasizing
overall rates of, 302 identity labels, 179-180 difference, 108
sexual arousal disorder, 303, 304 sexual scripts cultural feminism perspective
Viagra and, 275 abstinence script, 296 on , 27, 108
sexual fluidity, 179, 180, 181, 184 assumptions, 276-281 differences perspective, 108-109
sexual harassment defined , 276 emotions, 129-130
and depression, 555, 556 heterosexuality, 277-278, 279, evolutionary explanations,
of gender non -conforming 280, 281 114-115
adolescents, 226 internalization of, 301 expectancy role value theory, 118
hetcrosexist harassment, 429 management script, 296 explanations for differences,
hostile work environment, 427 in the media, 276, 279, 284, 296 113-118
in hypcrmasculinc environments, men always want it and initiate file drawer problem , 115,
430-431 it, but women must ward 119, 122
Me Too movement, 428, 429, 599 it off, 277, 279-280 general intelligence, 123
S-20 Subject Index

helping behaviors, 110, social exchange, 349 recite ( or retrieve ), 8-9
132-133, 133 social identity review, 9-10
history of, 105-107 ADDRESSING model , 62, steps ( table ), 6
interests, 134 62-63 survey ( or scan ), 6-7
liberal feminism perspective on , 24 defined , 61-62 things to keep in mind , 10-11
mathematical ability, 109-110, friendship and , 322-325, 323 Standing Rock, ND, 449
123-124 influence on experience of being Stanford - Binet test, 123
methods used to study, 119-122 a woman , 22, 62 Starbucks, 359, 437
morality, 133-134 intersectionality and , 63-64 statistical significance, 45
motor skills, 107-108 links among social characteristics, Steinem , Gloria , 434, 588
personality traits, 128-129 63-64 STEM (science, technology,
questions about differences, socialist feminism , 25-27, 31 engineering, and
109-112 , 113 social justice advocacy mathematics ) fields
race or ethnic background and , divorce rates and , 341 activism by scientists, 601-602
109-110 by feminist research, 53 discrimination in , 141-143, 142
research preference for finding in feminist therapy, 576 goal congruity perspective,
differences, 45, 48, 51, militarism and , 528 139-141
105-106 in sex education , 289 initiatives to increase women’s
self - esteem , 132 by women of color feminists, 29 participation in, 135,
sexism justified by sex /gender see also feminist activism 602-603
differences, 106-107 social learning theories, 197-198 lower expectations for women,
sexuality, 130-131, 131 social media 136-137
-
similarities perspective , 107 108 and depression or anxiety, 561 sexual harassment, 427-428
social role theory, 117-1 IS feminist activism on , 599 stereotype inoculation and, 602
socioeconomic status and , 110 and gender socialization , 208, stereotypes in, 137-139, 227
spatial skills, 110-111, 111, 210 , 210 women underrepresented in,
124-125, 125, 127 social mothers, 372, 374 127, 134-135, 410, 602
in STEM/ EMCP, 134-143 social role theory, 117-118 workplace discrimination in,
taxonomic analysis, 111-112, Social Security benefits, 340, 472, 142-143
120 481, 482 stereotype embodiment theory,
verbal ability, 127 social stratification , 63, 64, 69, 74 452, 484, 487
sec also gender cssentialism social structural theory, 117 stereotype inoculation, 602
similarities perspective, 107-108 social support, 164, 186, 320-322, stereotypes
Simone, Nina, 66, 66 339 about feminism , 22, 32-33, 35
Singh, Anneliesc, 603 Sotomayor, Sonia , 95, 95, 480 angry Black woman stereotype,
*
single-sex education, 126 -

spanking, 495 496 74, 78, 79, 138, 214
slacktivism, 599 SPARK (Scxualization Protest: Asian Americans, 74, 137, 139
Slaughter, Anne- Marie, 434, 438 Action, Resistance, backlash effects and , 75
SlimFast, 234 Knowledge ) movement, behavior shaped by, 75
slut shaming, 280, 313, 327 313, 603 in children’s and young adult
SlutWalks, 90, 90, 313 spatial skills, gender and , 110-111, books, 203-205
Smart, Carol, 343 111, 124-125, 125, 127 china doll stereotype of Asian
“smart sex,” 284 Spears, Britney, 278 women , 74
smile requests, 96-97 specific phobias, 560 cognitive similarities and
Smith College, 581 spectatoring, 305 differences, 123
smoking, health risks, 463 sponsors, 423 in commercials, 207
Smurfette principle, 206 SQ3R method (Survey, Question, defined , 70, 76
Snow White, 209 Read, Recite, Review ) emotions and gender, 129
social comparison, 254 about, 6 gender stereotypes, overview,
social construction theories, question, 7 70-71
201-202 read, 7-8 “ hot lesbian ” stereotype, 307
Subject Index S-21

stereotypes ( continued ) structural inequalities, 24 “ think manager-think male ” bias,
inferiority of women , 104-105 structural violence, 494, 498 420-422, 426
internalized stereotypes, 112, subordination, 65, 70 thinspiration and fitspiration images
118, 134, 139, 140, -
successful aging, 485 487 online, 565
182-183, 452 Summers, Larry, 120 third world feminism, 31
Jezebel stereotype of Black Super Bowl, 13 Thompson -Woolley, Helen , 38,
women , 74, 78, 307 superheroes and gender stereotypes, 107-108
microaggressions and , 78 204, 207, 208 Three Graces, TIJC ( Rubens painting ),
of Native American women , 74 surrogaq', 374, 376, 376 244
-
of older women, 449 453, 484, surveys as research method, 44 Tiefcr, Leonore, 606
486, 487, 487 Susan G. Komen Foundation , 463 time availability, 349
of older workers, 479 swinging, 343 Tinder, 332, 333
personality trait similarities and sworn virgins ( Balkans ), 179 Title IX of the Education Amend -
differences, 128-129 symmetry and beauty norms, 244 ments of 1972, 21, 479
power and , 71 Title VII of the Civil Rights Act
race/ethnicity and gender asso- ( 1964 ), 20
ciation with, 72-75, 73 token resistance, 507
racialized sexist stereotypes, tai chi, 572 tokens, 142
71-75, 138 talking styles, 92-95 Tolman , Deb, 603
reinforcement of social Target, 192, 211 tomboys, 198, 223-226, 228
stratification by, 74 tattoos, 463, 464, 562 Tomcti, Opal , 29, 29
resistance to change, 75 taxonomic analysis, 111-112, 120 tonic immobility, 503
self-esteem in women, 132 teacher strikes, 404, 404, 406 Touch of Gray hair dye, 455
sclf-stcrcotyping, 75 teen birth rates, 287, 288 toys and messages about gender,
in STEM, 137-139 television and gender socialization , 192, 277, 211-212
strong Black woman (SBW ) 205-207, 208 traditional rape script, 502
stereotype, 72, 74, tend -and - befriend coping traditional surrogacy, 374
553-554 strategy, 321 Trafficking of Girls and Women,
in television shows, 206-207 tendcr- mindedncss, 128 TIJC, 605
stereotype threat, 137-139, 452, 602 tentative speech forms, 93-94 Transamerica ( movie ), 307
sterilization, 293, 294 terror management theory, transformational leaders, 422
Stem, Howard, 94 261-262 transgender individuals
sticky floor, 418 testes, development and function, awareness of transgender identity,
stigma awareness, 163 168 157-158
stillbirth, 375, 377 testosterone bathroom access, 162, 163, 217
Stonewall Inn , New York, 21, 164 and behavior, 116-117 conventional beauty norms and ,
Stop Telling Women to Smile and decreased risk of depression 243-244
( Fazlalizadeh ), 97 and anxiety, 552 defined, 30, 154
Storming of Council, 41 heart disease and , 462 development of transgender
stranger harassment, 519 and male reproductive organs, identity, 156-159
strategic cssentialism , 108 167, 169, 170 discrimination against, 160,
stratified reproduction , 360, 374, in older women, 459 163-164, 165, 326,
379, 386, 390
Streep, Meryl, 454
transmen supplementation , 370, -
429 430, 431
462 economics of passing, 243-244
street activism , 606 theory, defined , 44 everyday living, 163-164
street harassment, 519 theory of communicator status, fertility and pregnancy, 369-370,
“stride of pride,” 313
strong Black woman (SBW) stereo-
-
92 93 370, 380
Think Before You Pink campaign, gender dysphoria, 162, 380, 549
type, 72, 74, 553-554 465 gender identities under the
Strong Families movement, “think crisis-think female ” transgender umbrella ,
596-597 stereotype, 426 154-155, 755
S-22 Subject Index
iff n T i
gender identity in transgender Truth, Sojurner, 20, 582-583 U.S. National Institutes of Health
children, 156, 158, 201, Tubman , Harriet, 29 ( NIH ), 108
202 , 222 -
Turner’s syndrome ( TS ), 167 168, Usshcr, Jane, 549
U.S. Supreme Court justices,
= gender rigidity in transgender
children , 222
264
Twilight book and movie series, female, 95, 95
human trafficking, 309, 310 205, 336, 519
intimate partner violence Twitter
and , 521 # blacklivesmattcr, 29, 29
legal issues, 163 body image concerns and , 239 vaginal rejuvenation or vaginoplasty,
LGBTQ community and , #everydaysexism , 78-79 305
163-164, 165 girls and women on , 93, 210, Vagina Monologues, The ( Ensler ), 584
medical concerns, 159-161 599 Valenti, Jessica, 593
menstruation and , 264 Girls Who Code classes, 135 Valium ( “ mother’s little helper” ),
misgendering of, 159 # heforshe campaign , 16 546
murder and hate crimes against , “ Like a Girl” campaign and , 14 van Anders, Sari, 178
16, 243, 494 Michael Hughes and Vanity Fair ( magazine ), 519
number identifying as in United #wejustneedtopee, 162 variability (statistics ), 120
States, 154 # naturalisprofessional variables, defined, 44
passing or recognition , 159-160 campaign, 66 verbal ability, gender similarities
perceived as mentally ill, 430 #notallmen and #yesallwomen, 83 and differences, 127
pronouns and new names, #sayhername movement, 538 verbal abuse, 496
158-159 tweeting about social issues, 599 Vernon, Polly, 358
resiliency of, 164-165 #yesallwomen , 83 vertical occupational gender segre-
schools and transgender students, #YouOkSis, 519 gation , 408, 416, 416
156, 158, 217, 222, 226 vestibular bulbs, 291, 292
sexual displeasure link to body Viagra, 275
shame, 304 victim blaming, 501, 506, 509
sexualization in media, 307-308 ultrasound , 221 Victims of Trafficking and Violence
sexual orientation identity labels, Unchained At Last, 496 Protection Act, 523
179-180 Unger, Rlioda, 48, 105-106 video games and gender
sex work and transgender Unilever, 234 socialization , 208
women, 308-309 United States v. Windsor, 21 View, The (TV show ), 233
stereotypes and transgender Universal Declaration of Human violence against women , see
women, 71 Rights, 596 gender- based violence;
stigma awareness, 163, 180 unmarked language, 86-87, 87, 88 intimate partner
tomboyism in transgender UPS, 438 violence; rape
children, 225 uptalk ( upspeak ), 94 Violence Against Women Act,
violence against , 160, 243, 326 urgency script, 296 21, 516
see also gender transitioning U .S. Congress, women in , 17 violent resistance, 518, 520
Transgcncration ( documentary ), 164 U .S. Department of Justice, 430 virginity, losing, 295-297
transitioning, sec gender transitioning U .S. Equal Employment vocal fry, 94
transnational feminists, 30-31, Opportunity Commission Vogel, Lisa, 25
31, 529 ( EEOC ), 430 voluntary childlessness, 360-363
Transparent ( web TV scries ), 165 using this book, 3-11 vulvas, 290, 291, 306, 306
transracial adoption, 379 Empowering or Oppressing ?
Trans Resilience Project , 603-604 boxes, 8
transsexual, 160 Spotlight On boxes, 5
see also transgender SQ3R method, 6-10 Walker, Karen, 323-324
tripartite model of social influence, Try It for Yourself boxes , 5 “walk of shame,” 313
247, 249 unique aspects, 4-5 Waller, Willard, 345
Trump, Donald, 286, 421, 598 Your Turn boxes, 5 Walmart, 422, 437
Subject Index S-23

Walters, LecAnne, 602 menstruation, 263 268- unpaid work at work, 424-425
wanting sex and consenting to sex, see also beauty norms; body women’s participation in the
507-508, 508 dissatisfaction; objectifica- labor force, 405-406, 406
war and violence, 527-529 tion; self -objectification working mothers, acceptance of,
Ward, L. Monique, 499 Women’s Institute for Secure 397-398
Washburn, Margaret Floy, 38 Retirement ( WISER), 481 see also gender discrimination at
Watson, Emma, 16 Women’s Intercultural Network work; pay gap
Watson, Lilia, 589 (WIN ), 533 work-family balance
Watts, Sharon, 595 Women’s March on Washington child care, cost of, 441-443
Wedding Crashers ( movie ), 506 criticism and concerns about, discrimination against mothers,
Weinstein, Harvey, 429 59, 60-61, 77 437-439
Weisstein, Naomi, 40-41, 42 discussions about privilege cldcr-carc, 435
#wejustneedtopec, 162 during planning, 60, 68 expectation for long hours at
Wells, Ida, 583 Equal Rights Amendment work, 436-437
Westervelt, Amy, 434 and, 21 having it all , 434, 443
Wharton, Edith, 543 evolution and principles of, inflexible work environments,
White Ribbon Campaign, 531 59-60, 64 -
436 437
White supremacy, 27 exclusion of anti-abortion opting out, 437
whitewashing (anglicizing ), 66 group, 364 parental leave, 17, 24, 398 ,
Who Needs Feminism Tumblr feminist mothers, 396 439-441, 593-594, 594
campaign, 35 pink “pussy” hats, 60, 90 women’s responsibility for
Why Gender Matters (Sax ), 126 poster for, 599 care, 68, 432, 433-436,
widowhood effect, 471 Sophie Cruz, 59, 59 469-470
Williams, Serena, 97 strategic essentialism, 108 work-family conflict, 432
Williams, Wendy, 308 Women’s Media Center, 532 work-family enrichment, 432
Willis, Bruce, 94 Women & Therapy ( journal ), 42 work-life balance, 431-433
Wilson, Robert, 460 Wong, Calliope, 581, 581 World Conference against Racism ,
Winfrey Harris, Tamara, 72 Woolf, Virginia, 543 Durban, South Africa, 69
Winfrey, Oprah, 318, 318-319 work, 403-446 World Health Organization, 383, 385
Winnie the Pooh, 202 activism for workplace equality, Wright, Beatrice, 604-605
witches and witchcraft, 541-542 592-595
Wolf, Naomi, 261 breastfeeding and , 390-391,
woman, difficulty in defining, 43, 440
582-585 glass cliff, 425-427 Yahoo, 426, 594
womanism, 34-35 harassment in the workplace, Yakushko, Oksana , 37
womanist, 34 427-431 Yalom , Irvin, 328
womb envy, 196 inequality in the workforce, 406 Yaqoob, Salma, 260
Women Against Feminism Tumblr mentoring, 140-141, 142, 422, “Yellow Wallpaper, The ” ( Gilman ),
blog, 35 423-424 544
Women in Media and News, 532 motherhood wage penalty, #ycsalhvomcn , 83
women of color feminism , 27, 29 , 31 414-416 yoga , 572
women’s bodies, 232-273 older women at work, 475 485 - You , Malala, 529
adjectives women select to de- parental leave, 17, 24, 398, #YouOkSis, 519
scribe appearance, 237 439-441, 593-594, 594
-
aging bodies, 453 468 salary negotiations and the double
awareness of body cues, 268-269 -
bind, 412 414, 413
female reproductive system , 264 sponsors, 423 Zurbriggen , Eileen , 529
S-24 Subject Index

For a new generation of students
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Psychology

MIRIAM LISS • KATE RICHMOND

We used a feminist, collaborative process which

Copyright © 2019 by W.W. Norton & Company, Inc.

Editor: Ken Barton

ISBN 978 -0-393-66713-4 (pbk.)

and to the students-past, present, and future — who inspired

Introduction for Students: Using This Who Is a Feminist? 33

Sexual Scripts 276 The Culture of Romance 328

Kate Richmond, an associate professor of psycholog)' and the director

Milldy J. Erchull, a professor of psychological science at the University

Christine Abraham Elizabeth Katriel

We also recognize that this book wouldn’t be as strong as it is without the

Unique Aspects of This Course

4 Introduction Using This Book and Approaching This Class

Look through the chapter, focusing on headings, subheadings, and bold

The SQ3R Method

8 Introduction Using This Book and Approaching

The SQ3R Method 9

Things to Keep in Mind

10 Introduction Using This Book and Approaching This Class

The " Like a Girl " advertising

14 Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women

Psychology of women is a subficld of psychology that focuses on the lives and

A Feminist Psychology for Modern Girls and Women 15

16 Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women

A Feminist Psychology for Modern Girls and Women 17

In order to understand the present, it’s important to understand the past.

The First Wave

The Second Wave

Feminism: Riding the Waves 19

Feminism emotional pain.

in the U. S. Constitution gives women the right to vote.

The Third Wave

22 Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of

Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women

Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women

Women of Color Feminism

Post- colonial/Transnational Feminism

30 Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women

TABLE 1.1 eminist Perspectives

Feminist Theory Description Sample Survey Item

I'm Not a Feminist , But . . .

In her book Modern Misogyny, psychologist Kristin Anderson ( 2015 ) explains

r 38 Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women

Early 20th Century

Feminism Comes to Psychology 39

Although many women were working to undermine sexism in psychology, it

40 Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women

Feminism Comes to Psychology 41

Late 20th Century into the 21st Century

As feminist psychologists were developing organizations, academic programs,

42 Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women

The field of psychology relies on a scientific approach, and becoming familiar

Understanding Research Methods 43

44 Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women

Understanding Research Methods 45

Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women

Who Is the Researcher?

Identifying Sex/Gender Bias in Research 47

What Is the Research Question?

Who Are the Research Participants?

48 Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women

Identifying Sex/Gender Bias in Research 49