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)}80%{background-image:url(data:image/png;base64,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Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Psychology of Women
Psychology of Women
M I N D Y J. E R C H U L L
Psychology
of Women
and Gender
Psychology
of Women
and Gender
Miriam Liss
UNIVERSITY OF MARY WASHINGTON
Kate Richmond
MUHLENBERG COLLEGE
Mindy J. Erchull -
UNIVERSITY OF MARY WASHINGTON
•TT
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W W. NORTON & COMPANY II11P
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NEW YORK LONDON
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hers — thank you for raising us
the type of women who would write this book
CHAPTER 3
HI Similarities and
Differences
CHAPTER 7
Sexuality and
Sexualization
CHAPTER 6
CHAPTER 4 Women's
Beyond the Sex / Bodies
Gender Binary
CHAPTER 12
Gender -Based Violence
Tensions, Action,
and Hope for
the Future
CHAPTER 13
CHAPTER 11
Mental Health
Older Women
Preface xix I'm Not a Feminist, B u t . . . 32
ix
Methods Used to Study Sex /Gender
CHAPTER 2 Similarities and Differences 119
The Big Picture 122
POWER AND PRIVILEGE 58
Cognitive Variables 122
Not Just a Woman 61
General Intelligence 123
Social Identity 62
Mathematical Ability 123
Power Hierarchies 64
Spatial Skills 124
The Invisibility of Privilege 68
EMPOWERING OR OPPRESSING ?
Stereotypes, Power, and Subordination 70 Single- Sex Education 126
Racialized Sexist Stereotypes 71 Verbal Ability 127
How Stereotypes Shape Behavior 75 Academic Achievement 127
Sexism 76 Personality, Beliefs, and Behavior 128
Modern Sexism and Subde Discrimination 76 Personality Traits 128
Microaggressions 77 Emotions 129
Ambivalent Sexism: Hostility and Benevolence 80 Sexuality 130
Language as a Source of Power 84 Aggression 131
People = Male Bias 84 Self- Esteem 132
Men Come First 86 Helping and Morality 132
What’s in a Name? 88 Interests 134
EMPOWERING OR OPPRESSING ? The Case of STEM /EMCP 134
Reclaiming Words 90 Lowered Expectations 136
Degrading Language 91 Stereotypes 137
Talking Styles 92 Goal Congruity 139
Body Language 95 Discrimination 141
Conclusion 97 Conclusion 144
Chapter Review 98 Chapter Review 145
CHAPTER 3 CHAPTER 4
SIMILARITIES AND DIFFERENCES 101 BEYOND THE SEX /GENDER
The Pervasiveness of Gender BINARY 148
Essentiaiism 103 Challenging Heteronormative Assumptions
A Short History 105 about Sex and Gender 152
Perspectives on Similarities and
Transgender. An Umbrella Term 154
Differences 107
Transgender Identity Development 156
Four Questions about Differences 109
Medical Concerns 159
Four Explanations for Differences 113
x Contents
Transitioning Obstacles 161 Middle Childhood 223
Everyday Living 163 Adolescence 225
Resiliency 164 Conclusion 228
Complicating Gender Assignment 166 Chapter Review 229
Genetics 166
Hormones 168
Challenges of “ Ambiguous ” Genitalia 171 CHAPTER 6
Sexual Diversity 176 WOMEN 'S BODIES 232
Theories of Sexual Diversity 177
Women's Bodies: From the Outside
Gender Diversity and Sexual Orientation 179
Looking In 235
Development of a Sex ual Minority Identity 181
Coming Out 183 Beauty Matters 237
ING OR OPPRESSING ? Beauty Norms 240
The Search for a "Gay Gene" 184 Beautiful = Racialized 240
Conclusion 187 Beautiful = Able - Bodied 243
Chapter Review 188 Beautiful = Cisgender 243
Beautiful = Symmetrical 244
Beautiful = Thin 244
Beautiful = Hairless 246
CHAPTER 5
GENDER SOCIALIZATION 191 How We Learn about Beauty Norms 247
Parents 247
Theories of Gender Development 193 Peers 248
Psychoanalytic Theories 194 The Media 250
Behavioral and Social Learning Theories 196
The Role of Internalization 254
Cognitive Developmental Theories 198
Resisting Internalization 254
Social Construction Theories 201
Consequences of Self-Objectification 256
Sources of Gender Socialization 202
The Process of Self-Objectification 258
The Media 202
Intersectionality and Self- Objectification 259
EMPOWERING OR OPPRESSING ?
EMPOWERING OR OPPRESSING ?
The Modern Disney Princess 209
Wearing a Hijab 260
Toys 211
Parents 212 Why Does Objectification Occur? 261
Peers 214 Women's Bodies: From the
Schools 215 Inside Out 263
Stages of Gender Development 218 Menstruation 263
It’s a . . . BABY 218 Awareness of Body Cues 268
The Pre -school Years 221 Motivation to Exercise 269
Contents xi
Conclusion 270
Chapter Review 271
[i CHAPTER 8
RELATIONSHIPS 317
Friendship 319
CHAPTER 7 Social Support 320
SEXUALITY AND Identity and Friendships 322
SEXUALIZATION 274 Enemies and Frenemies 325
xii Contents
Fertility 368 Workplace Harassment 427
Infertility 371 Balancing Work and Family 431
Miscarriage and Stillbirth 375
A Question of Choice ? 432
EMPOWERING OR OPPRESSING ? Women’s Responsibility for Care 433
Reproductive Tourism 376
EMPOWERING OR OPPRESSING?
Adoption 377
Having It All 434
Pregnancy 379
Inflexible Work Environments 436
Childbirth 382
Discrimination against Mothers 437
Being a Mother 386 Parental Leave 439
Identity Changes 386 Child Care 441
Post - partum Depression and Anxiety 387 Conclusion 443
Breastfeeding 389
Chapter Review 444
Increased Gender Inequality 391
Mother Blaming 392
Intensive Parenting 394
Feminist Mothering 395 CHAPTER 11
To Work or Not to Work ? 397 OLDER WOMEN 447
Mothering as Children Grow Up 398
Stereotypes of Older Women 449
Conclusion 399 How Others Perceive Older Adults 450
Chapter Review 400 How Older Adults Perceive Themselves 451
The Aging Body 453
Appearance 453
CHAPTER 10 Menopause 458
WORK 403 Physical Health 461
EMPOWERING OR OPPRESSING ?
A Stalled Revolution? 405
Breast Reconstruction Surgery 464
The Pay Gap 407 The Health -Care System 467
Occupational Gender Segregation 408
Changing Relationships 468
Salary Negotiation and the Double Bind 412
Romantic and Sexual Partners 468
The Motherhood Wage Penalty 414
Children and Grandchildren 472
Gender Discrimination at Work 416
Older Women at Work 475
The Glass Ceiling and the Sticky Floor 417
Age Discrimination 476
The Glass Escalator 418
Retirement 480
Why Men Are Seen as Leaders: The Double
Bind Revisited 420 Aging "Successfully"? 485
Networking and Mentoring 422
Conclusion 487
Unpaid Work at Work 424
Chapter Review 488
The Glass Cliff 425
Contents xiii
The Beginnings 541
CHAPTER 12 Regulating Madness in the 19 th Century 542
Madness in the 20th Century and Beyond 544
GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE 491
Mental Health Diagnoses 550
Gender-Based Violence 494
Major Depression 550
Youth and Violence 495 Anxiety 559
Types of Abuse 495 Post - traumatic Stress Disorder ( PTSD ) 560
Negative Outcomes and Resiliency 497 Eating Disorders 563
From Objectification to Violence 499 Borderline Personality Disorder 566
A Rape Culture 500 EMPOWERING OR OPPRESSING ?
Rape Myths 501 Pre- menstrua Dysphoric Disorder 568
The Reality of Rape 510 Feminist Therapy 569
Aftermath of Sexual Assault 512 Feminist Therapy = Good Therapy 570
EMPOWERING OR OPPRESSING ? Feminist Techniques 573
Reporting Sexual Assault 514
Conclusion 576
Interpersonal Violence 515 Chapter Review 577
Types of Intimate Partner Violence 516
Who’s Involved in IPV? 520
Challenges of Leaving Abusive Relationships 521
Sex Trafficking 523
CHAPTER 14
Violence against Older Women 524 TENSIONS, ACTION, AND HOPE
Healing after Abuse 526 FOR THE FUTURE 580
War and Violence 527 The Future of Feminism: Challenges and
Controversies 582
Stopping a Culture of Violence 529
Whose Concerns Are the Most Pressing?
Reimagining Gender 530 The Case of Inclusion 582
See Something, Say Something 530
EMPOWERING OR OPPRESSING ?
Becoming Media Literate 531
The Vagina Monologues 584
Thinking Globally, Acting Locally 532
Who Can Be a Feminist ? The Case
Conclusion 533 of Men 585
Chapter Review 534 Which Feminism Is Most Effective ? The Case
of Intergencrational Conflict 587
Building Bridges: A Call for Allyship 589
CHAPTER 13 Feminist Activism: Changing Women's
MENTAL HEALTH 537 Lives 591
Minimum Wage 591
Women and Madness: A Historical
Perspective 540 Workplace Equality 592
Gun Violence 595
xiv Contents
i
Reproductive Justice 596 Glossary G-1
Environmentalism 597
References R-1
Joys and Perils of Activism 598
Credits C-1
Psychology and Activism 601
Changing Academic and Professional Name Index N-1
Fields: Increasing Women’s Participation Subject Index S-1
in STEM 602
Changing Public Opinion: Consciousness
Raising among Young People 603
Changing Laws and Norms: Beatrice Wright’s
Legacy 604
Psychologists Reaching Out 605
Conclusion: “Run to the Noise” 606
Chapter Review 607
Contents xv
author bios
Miriam Liss, a professor of psychological science at the University of Mary
Washington, is a clinical psychologist who has been recognized for both her
teaching and her research. She received the State Council for Higher Education
for Virginia (SCHEV ) Outstanding Faculty Award in 2015. She has published
widely in an extensive range of fields within the psychology of women, including
feminist identity, die objectification and sexualization of women, the division
of labor, and motherhood . She is co-author of Balancing the Big Stuff: Finding
Happiness in Work , Family, and Life.
xvii
preface
Some years ago, our affiliation with one another began with pairs of professional
connections. Our relationships developed through conversations about over-
lapping research and teaching interests, and feminist process was often part of
our conversations. We recognized that it wasn’t always easy to live our feminist
ideals in today’s fast- paced , goal-directed world, yet we continued to strive for a
more relational and equitable process for ourselves and for our students. Those
conversations, over time, led to friendships. It was from this place of friendship
that we thought hard and deep about the challenges facing the fields we love
psychology and women’s and gender studies.
—
In particular, we found ourselves recounting conversations with both stu-
dents and colleagues about a need for a contemporary psychology of women and
gender textbook. As instructors, we knew our classes were exciting and transfor-
mative, yet the available books didn’t match the experience in our classes. We
were frustrated with the slow pace of revision in a field that is quickly evolving
and that centers on current topics and timely social justice issues. Material we
felt critical to teach wasn’t in the books available to us, so we had to supplement
with many outside readings. Our students were frustrated because they felt
the books were covering topics related to the experiences of their parents and
—
grandparents rather than their own experiences their feminisms weren’t part
of the books. They also expressed frustration with the predominant focus on the
experience of straight, White, cisgender, able- bodied, economically privileged
women. None of us planned to be textbook authors, but the three of us realized
that together we could create something bigger than any one of us could do on
our own. We believed that our friendships with one another and our feminist
process could result in an up-to-date book that would fill a gap in the field.
We started our process with several distinctive goals. One important shift in this
field has been a move toward intersectionality in both research and theory, and it
was important to us that our book reflect an intersectional perspective. This was
not an easy task, since so much of the field is built on theory and research that takes
a singular, less dynamic approach. Much of the published data disproportionately
come from White, cisgender, heterosexual, able- bodied, well-educated, financially
privileged researchers and participants. The truth is that our field has been largely
shaped by die experiences of privileged women, so a goal of ours was to help students
understand how systems of power influence die type of science diat gets created
on the basis of such data. We explicidy drew attention to diesc inequities and asked
students to grapple wadi the challenges of applying an intersectional approach when
conducting research , interpreting others’ research , and participating in activism. The
field still has work to do in diis domain , and we hope our book motivates students to
think in more intersectional and inclusive ways. We sought to present die important
contributions of feminist research while also providing guidance to allow' students
—
to interrogate die hidden, biased assumptions in diat research and in all types of
research, for diat matter. We wanted students to continually revisit intcrsectionality
and to learn diat gender never operates in isolation, so w'e integrated questions and
activities to help students identify die limitations of a one -dimensional approach to
studying the psychology of women and gender. In some ways, diis meant diat gender
was not at the center of ever)' topic discussed , since we assumed diat social identities
mutually shape one another. We also worked to integrate the experiences of margin -
alized women through every section. When there were gaps in the research, we drew'
attention to them.
It was also very important to us that our book be interdisciplinary but
grounded in science and feminist theory. We’ve integrated into the text recent
research findings from economics, political science, demography, medicine,
sociolog)', and anthropology while still highlighting psychological science as die
core of this field . Moreover, it was important to us that we not make a lot of
assumptions about student experience and /or knowledge. We found that many
other texts assumed students had a background in women’s and gender studies,
psychological research , or both . However, the nature of the field of psycholog)'
of w'omen and gender means that classes are often interdisciplinary and cross-
listed . Students come to these courses with varied backgrounds, which can cause
experiences of confusion in the first weeks. Given this, in the first few' chapters,
w'c explain the scientific method , die diversity' of feminism , die need to compli-
cate the way w'e think about sex and gender, and the importance of considering
power and privilege. We also didn’t assume that students would enter the class
w'ith similar levels of knowledge about women’s sexual and reproductive health,
so we integrated some foundational coverage into relevant chapters.
We also sought to write a textbook that would reflect both the latest research
and the current issues directly affecting the lives of girls and women today.
Because of this, our book covers a variety of topics that receive limited or no
coverage in other textbooks in this field . These include ( but arc not limited to ):
a comprehensive coverage of objectification theory and sclf-sexualization
c extensive coverage of the experience of transgender and non - binary
individuals, including psychological, economic, and legal challenges
» the Me Too movement
xx Preface
•
v
a the pressures of intensive parenting
ndie glass cliff and glass escalator
c female friendships
n the experiences and challenges of women with disabilities
the psychological consequences of miscarriage and stillbirth
c current controversies about sexual consent
D the role of men as allies in the feminist movement .
Unique Features
Another important aspect was to ensure that students understand how it’s
possible to approach many key topics in several different ways. Research is often
contradictory, or findings differ according to which aspects of social identity
are considered . Depending on the perspective one takes, something might
seem either beneficial or problematic. This reflects the nature of feminism and
—
science everyone doesn’t agree.
While these underlying tensions are integrated throughout the text, we also
highlight one example in each chapter in an Empowering or Oppressing? fea -
ture. For example , in one chapter we explore sex work and question whether it
can be empowering for women or if it’s oppressing. In another, we ask students
to consider the research about single -sex education and whether these types of
educational settings are empowering or oppressing for girls and women. There’s
no single answer in these features; these are complex, multi-faceted topics with
data that aren’t clear cut, so the issues are actively debated. The features can
serve as critical thinking exercises for students, but they could also be used to
prompt in - class discussion, inspire journal entries or reaction papers, or serve as
topics for formal debate. Our goal was for students to understand that there’s
not a single “ truth ” being presented in this book. Rather, we sought to high -
light the research that’s been done, the research that’s needed, and the many
open questions that are still ripe for exploration.
We also placed priority on incorporating features to encourage critical think-
ing, so that students can practice how to effectively evaluate, research, and
develop strategies for addressing complicated problems. We begin each chapter
with one or more real -world examples of events or individuals connected to the
material covered in that chapter, and we integrate more contemporary examples
throughout the text. Sometimes these examples are worked into the body of the
chapters, but at other times they’re highlighted in Spotlight On features. For
example, we shine a spotlight on topics such as the Me Too movement, cyber -
bullying, and pinkwashing. We also have Your Turn and Try It for Yourself
features in every chapter. In these, students are asked to further reflect on an
Preface xxi
issue raised in the chapter. They’re also often asked to talk to others or engage
in an activity as part of exploring the given topic. Further questions appear at
the end of each chapter in a Think About It section . Like the Empowering
or Oppressing? features, these features can also serve as prompts for discus-
sion, journaling, reflection papers, and the like. Each chapter ends with a list of
online resources that students can visit to learn more about topics covered in the
chapter and to spark further exploration .
We recognize that classes in the psychology of women and gender take many
forms, vary in size, and are taught at the 200, 300, and 400 level. Given this
diversity, we sought to use a readable style that would be approachable for a wide
array of students and varying class formats. For students in more traditional, lec-
ture- based classes with assessment done using tests, we integrated preliminary
SQ3R prompts in the form of questions at the start of sections within the chap-
ters. At the start of the book, we included an Introduction that seeks to help
students understand this study method and the features found throughout the
book. Each chapter contains bolded key terms that draw additional attention to
key ideas and theories, and stand -alone definitions of each key term are included
in a glossary. Each chapter also ends with bulleted chapter summaries to help
students assess their degree of understanding.
This book has truly been a labor of love for us. We set out to create the text
we wanted to teach with and our students wanted to read . It became so much
more. It led us to learn about both the history of the field and contemporary
areas of focus. It helped us reflect on our own teaching and why we made the
choices we did. It also strengthened our relationships with one another an
important feminist process that is never lost on us.
—
Instructor Support
As teachers, we know how important support materials can be when choosing
—
a text particularly when it involves leaving a familiar text to adopt a new one.
Therefore, we want to highlight the ancillary materials available for this text.
Depending on the nature of your class and teaching style, different resources are
likely of interest to you. In fact, the package of available resources offers some-
thing for everyone. For example, teachers of large lecture courses may be par-
ticularly interested in the test bank, lecture slides, and in -class activities. Those
who teach writing-intensive, discussion- based courses may also be interested in
the in-class activities as well as the discussion topics. Teachers of asynchronous
online courses may be interested in discussion topics and lecture and art slides.
a A test bank offers over 1,000 multiple-choice and short -answer
questions.
xxii Preface
a There are PowerPoint slides that can be used for or adapted for use
in lectures. These provide an overview of die major sections of each
chapter and incorporate key art and figures from the text. They also
include active learning elements; some of these are drawn from those
included in the text, and others are from the supplementary activities
and discussion topics that are also available for instructors.
Easily downloadable resources include lecture slides, sample syllabi,
discussion topics, and in-class activities. Some of these resources are
pulled from those embedded throughout the chapters. Others were
authored specifically for this guide. Some of these activities integrate
material from the Psychology’s Feminist Voices website ( https://www
.feministvoices.com / ). The sample syllabi offer examples for larger
lecture - based classes, smaller discussion - based classes, and online
courses; all the examples include a schedule and sample assignments
that work with the structure of this text.
Separate art slides arc also available. These include all images and
tables from the text so you can integrate them into your own course
materials as desired .
Given concerns about cost and accessibility, many students and instruc-
tors prefer digital texts. Therefore, this book can also be accessed as an
ebook. The ebook provides students access to the entire book and allows
them to search, highlight, bookmark, and take notes while reading.
Acknowledgements
In publication, we often talk about a “first author” who holds primary respon-
sibility for the project and the product it generates. Someone’s name had to
—
come first, but there is no first author for this book it has been a true collab-
oration . We each brought training and research expertise from different areas
to this project. Our book is strong, in large part, because of our collaboration.
Chapters are not a product of one author’s work with small edits suggested
by the other co-authors. Rather, we each wrote material for every chapter and
provided guidance, feedback, and editing at all stages. This enabled us to bring
our unique expertise and to add depth to our coverage. As a result, the writing
and editing process may have taken longer than would have been the case with
“primary” authors of distinct sections, but we believe our book couldn’t have
existed without this fully integrated collaboration on all aspects of the project,
and none of us could have accomplished this without the others.
This book would also not exist without the support of the talented and dedi-
cated staff at Norton. We’d like to thank our editor, Ken Barton, for his belief in
this book from the time he first read our book proposal. His excitement about
Preface xxiii
the project was a large part of why we decided to publish with Norton , and his
enthusiasm hasn’t waned through the sometimes challenging process of arriving
at a final book. We’d also like to thank his editorial assistants, Eve Sanoussi and
Katie Pak, for helping us track the myriad moving pieces involved in all phases
of this project; as well as Victoria Reuter, for her vision for and management of
the instructor support materials. We also need to acknowledge the many other
people at Norton who have worked to bring this book and its support materials
to fruition. This project wouldn’t have been possible without the contributions
of Katilin Coats, Linda Feldman, Marian Johnson, Eric Pier- Hocking, Donna
Ranicri, Stephanie Romeo, Megan Schindcl, Ashley Sherwood , Lissi Sigillo,
Allison Nicole Smith, Scott Sugarman, Patricia Wong, Alex Trivilino, Rubina
Yeh , and Kim Yi. Last, but certainly not least, we want to offer sincere and deep
gratitude to our developmental editor, Alice Vigliani . Alice worked tirelessly to
help us solidify our collective voice while making the text as strong as possible.
She helped us work to achieve our vision and became our cheerleader when
we felt overwhelmed . She made it clear that she believed in this book, and that
helped us reignite our passion when exhaustion took over in the final phases of
the marathon that drafting this book has been.
This book would also not exist without the support and encouragement of
many other people. When we began thinking about writing a textbook, Joan
Chrisler was the first person we reached out to. She encouraged us to take on this
project, helped us understand what was involved in proposing a book to pub-
lishers, and provided feedback about our initial book proposal. Her support and
feminist mentorship have been invaluable. Similarly, the encouragement provided
by Chris Kilmartin and Ronald Levant helped us feel more confident in taking on
a project of this magnitude while balancing heavy teaching loads. In particular,
Chris’s own experience as a textbook author helped us understand important
concerns around securing permissions, art budgets, and indexing. Isis Settles is
yet another person who provided support and encouragement throughout die
waiting of this book. Her excitement about the text fed our own , and her will -
ingness to provide feedback, both formal and informal , helped us arrive at a more
inclusive final product. We’d also like to thank Janine Chi, Mel Ferrara, Abbie
Goldberg, Bill Keller, Lizbcth Kim, Heather MacArthur, A. Lanediea Mathew's-
Schultz, Kaidin McCormick - Huhn, Brian Mello, Kennedi Michniewicz, Jefferson
Pooley, Jeff Rudski, Mark Sciutto, Stephanie Shields, Stephanie Sinno, Susan
Stryker, Anne Tamar- Mattis, Leonorc Tiefer, Sari van Anders, and Connie Wolfe
for sharing their expertise with us. Thank you also to Laura Brown and Alicia
Hupprich for providing their personal accounts for inclusion in the book.
—
We must also acknowledge the support of our schools the University of
Mary Washington and Muhlenberg College. We each, at various points during
the writing of this book, received support in the form of funding and course
releases through grant, fellowship, and sabbatical programs. Our schools’ belief
in our ability to succeed with a project of this magnitude meant a great deal.
xxiv Preface
We arc also endlessly thankful for the understanding and support vve received
from our departmental colleagues. Sometimes this took the form of leaving us
alone when we shut our doors to write, at other times it involved sharing their
expertise with us, and at still other times it involved reminding us about how far
we had come and how close the finish line was. We also benefited from the assis-
tance of many student research assistants throughout die course of this project,
and would like to thank each of them for their contributions:
Preface xxv
Breanne Fahs, Arizona State University
Cordelia Fine, University of Melbourne
Pamela Flint, University of North Texas
Linda Gallahan, Portland State University
Linda Hoke-Sinex, Indiana State University
Carol R. Huckaby, Albertus Magnus College
Daphna Joel, Tel-Aviv University
Benjamin Karney, UCLA
Jennifer Katz, SUNT Geneseo
Sabra Katz-Wise, Harvard University
Nicole Knickmeyer, Austin Peay State University
Shenan Kroupa, Purdue University, Indianapolis
Elizabeth Kudadjie-Gyamfi, Long Island University
Emily Leskinen, Carthage College
Phoebe Lin, Framingham State University
Kathi Miner, Texas A&M University
Katharine Oh, Cleveland State University
Carmen Poulin, University of New Brunswick
Laura Ramsey, Bridgewater State University
Desdamona Rios, University of Houston, Clear Lake
Lisa Rubin, The New School
Wanda Ruffin, Hood College
Alex Rutherford, York University
Nazish Salahuddin, University of Maryland
Rakhshanda Saleem, University of Massachusetts, Boston
Isis Settles, University of Michigan
Andrew Smiler, Wake Forest College
Christine Smith, University of Wisconsin, Green Bay
Jonathan Weaver, Michigan State University
Grace White, University of Central Florida
Catina Williams, Southwestern Illinois College
Barbara Winstead, Old Dominion University
Finally, while professional support is important, it is often the personal sup-
port that makes it possible for us to take on and succeed with challenging tasks.
Such is the case for this book.
xxvi Preface
Miriam Liss:
[email protected]
I would like to start by thanking Mindy and Kate, my co-authors. Working with
them has been such a joy, and I am so honored that they included me in their
process. I would also like to thank my mother, Barbara Liss, who raised me as a
single mother and provided inspiration about what it meant to be a strong fem-
inist woman throughout my life until her death two years ago. Jeffrey Hutterer
was like a father to me and also provided encouragement and fascinating psy-
chological discussions throughout my childhood. I would also like to thank
—
my early feminist mentors particularly my undergraduate mentor and role
model, Jill Morawski. Thanks also to my graduate mentors, Deborah Fein and
—
Marianne Barton , who never failed to believe in and encourage me even when
my areas of interest diverged from theirs. I also want to acknowledge and thank
Mary Crawford, who reignited my passion for feminist research and profoundly
influenced the course of my graduate career.
I send much love and thanks to my husband, Julian Kilmartin. He has sup-
ported me, encouraged me, and cooked me delicious dinners. I cannot count
the number of times he has taken on the brunt of the parenting so that I could
— —
work on this book often, late into the night. To my sister-in-law Deirdre
Kilmartin thank you for your encouragement, reviews of early chapter drafts,
great discussions about feminism, and unwavering support throughout this
—
entire process. Finally, to my children, Daniel and Emily I love you both so
much, and I look forward to years of engaging conversations about the issues in
this book as you grow and mature.
Kate Richmond:
[email protected]
Thank you to my psychology of women teachers, Kathy Harring, Patrice
DiQuinzio, and Lenore Walker, who introduced me to this field and nurtured
my love for feminist psychology. Thank you also to Ronald Levant, who has
been the most prevailing influence on my career and development as a feminist
scholar, and to Alan Tjeltveit, who nurtured my intellectual skills early in my
academic career. Thank you to Laura Edelman for believing in and supporting
my career at Muhlenberg College. To Mindy and Miriam, I have grown so
much through our friendship and collaboration. I love how our personalities,
intellect, and creative tendencies mesh so well. Thank you to the members of the
SCI-Graterford Think Tank for advancing my knowledge on progressive ped -
agogies. I’d also like to thank Brenda Larimer for her administrative support,
Sherri Young for organizing writing boot camps, and Jen Jarson and Jessica
Denke for sharing their expertise in library science. Thank you to Feine Coffee
for keeping me caffeinated and providing the perfect venue to write.
Preface xxvii
To my colleague and friend Linda Bips, who started this book journey with
me but did not see it finish , your legacy and wisdom live on through this work.
Thank you to my sisters, Amy Tufano, Becky Duffy, and Julie Richmond , whom
I lean on every day and whose friendship shows me the real power of sisterhood .
Thank you to my dad, Dan Richmond , who taught me how to be a commu -
nity leader and fostered my passion for social justice. Thank you to my mom,
Maryjanc Richmond , who spent countless hours at our kitchen table teaching
me how to write and instilling in me a love of learning. Mom , you are my great -
est role model . Thank you also to my daughter, Jessica Jara, who teaches me to
live in the moment and to confront every challenge, even the ones mentioned
in this book, with resiliency and fierceness. And , finally, to my husband , Steve
—
Jara you are the foundation for which all of this is possible. Your unwavering
love gives me courage and confidence . In every way, I am grateful for you .
Green Eggs and Ham .
Mindy Erchull:
[email protected]
I want to offer a personal thanks to Joan Chrisler. You ’ve been my advisor and
mentor since before classes began during my first year of college . You introduced
me to the field of psycholog)' of women , and this book is possible because of all
you taught me about the field , about writing, and about collaboration . I ’d also
like to thank my graduate mentor, Leona Aiken , for helping me forge my own
path toward teaching when others sought to guide me in a different direction ,
and Nancy Russo for furthering my feminist and multicultural training. Thanks
also to Sheila Heffcrnon for teaching me to have confidence in my abilities, that
the risks were worth it, and that hard work and dedication make a difference.
I also want to thank both Kate and Miriam. We have created a collaboration that
is truly more than the sum of its parts. You are true friends, and I look forward
to collaborating with both of you for many years to come .
Of course, none of this would have been possible without the tremendous
support I’ve received diroughout my life from my mother, Wilma Erchull. You
made tremendous sacrifices so that I could have a top- notch education , and your
support and encouragement allowed me to hilly benefit from those opportuni -
ties. You also allowed me to become engaged in social justice work at a young
—
age after all, how many parents would sign a permission slip so their 15 -year-old
daughter could go march on Washington ? Thank you for having faith in me and
for respecting my need to speak up and speak out. My partner, Dave Marciniak,
has also been a key source of support and encouragement throughout this pro-
cess. You made it possible for me to take writing retreats and spend weekends
revising drafts and evenings reading page proofs. Your life had to change so that
I could take on this project. Thank you for making sure I had clean clothes to
—
wear and food to eat I truly don’t know where I’d be without you.
xxviii Preface
i
v t^ -h: •
-
r » •*
hen we decided to write this textbook, we were excited! From our
years of studying and teaching Psycholog)' of Women and Gender,
we know that it’s not a typical class. Some students tell us that the
content is transformative. It uncovers many social realities that often are not
discussed, like body shame and menstruation, and can provide direction about
ways to address everyday challenges such as confronting sexism and racism.
As you’ll see throughout the semester, the field of psycholog)' of women is
evolving quickly, and no matter what your gender identity is, there are many
opportunities for you to add to and challenge existing ways of thinking. There’s
an urgent need to address die psychological concerns of girls and women as well
as a need for sophisticated ideas and people committed to pursuing research to
promote well- being. This course will provide you with tools to identify, under-
stand , and address those needs, even when faced with conflict and tension .
n
It's helpful to think about your goals for this course before you begin it. There’s
potential for you to broaden your current perspectives if you stay open to intro-
spection , reflection , and critical thinking. A helpful tip is to use die mantra “seek
to understand ." Although it can be difficult to do, over time we’ve learned that
suspending initial judgment first can leave room for intellectual growth and curi-
osity. You might try asking yourself questions like these: “What’s interesting about
this topic ?" “What are some features about it that I want to know more about? ”
and “ Under what conditions, and for whom, might this topic be most relevant ? ”
It will help to check in with your emotions too. When you begin reading, writ-
ing, and discussing the material, you might ask: “Am I feeling excited, guilty, or
angry? Do I feel attacked or threatened ?" Being aware of your emotions lets you
delve deeper into your thinking about a topic. After all, emotions communicate
—
important information they let you know when you’ve hit a nerve that may need
some attention. When emotions are high, it’s helpful to stop and reflect on them
—
a bit more for example: “What thoughts lead me to feel this strongly? ” and /or
“What are my assumptions and belief systems, and how docs this material conflict
with them ?" During this process, it will help to be kind and compassionate toward
yourself because this type of learning can be emotionally draining. You can free-
write about the topic or, if you feel ready, talk to close friends or classmates. Doing
this allows you to work through your thoughts and reactions to die material with
a supportive person . Educational researchers believe that learning occurs when
students feel emotionally connected to the material ( Immordino-Yang, 2016 ), so
—
emotions are an important step in learning especially in a course like this one.
Once you’re immersed in this class, you may be motivated to apply the infor-
mation you’re learning to your own life. In each chapter, you’ll find two types
of boxes that will help you do just that: Your Turn and Try It for Yourself In
the Your Turn boxes, we ask you to reflect on content and connect it to your
own experiences and perspectives. In the Try It for Yourself boxes, in addition
to asking you to reflect, we ask you to do an activity related to the topic. This
will help you reflect critically on die course material while giving you practice
in applying the research and theory from the book to your personal experience.
You may also want to share this information with others or take a stand on a
particular issue. Although we’ll address this topic in Chapter 14, we hope you’ll
use the theories and research in this book to spark conversations with friends and
family members throughout the semester. Any of the material in the chapters
may spark these conversations, but the Spotlight On boxes included throughout
the book may be particularly likely to inspire diem. In diese features, we delve
a bit more deeply into one topic or event than we’re typically able to do in the
main chapter text. However, as we’ve mentioned, die material in this course can
be controversial, so we advise the “ plant a seed ” approach. In other words, it’s
a good strategy to first introduce a new theory or research study and then give
the person some time to think about it before getting into a full discussion . You
may find that you’ll need to revisit the topic again as a way to fully understand
different ( and often conflicting ) perspectives.
Unique Aspects of This Course 5
L
TABLE 1 The SQ 3 R Study Method
Step Description
^
I 1Ze
snap
Quesh°n Read , Recite , Review ( see Table 1; Artis,
(
2008 - T- n
S
>
p
^ °’ Research shows that this method helps students better
,
inS
under^ ra rCtain k for a longer period ( Carlston , 2011;
^
McDaniel, Howard, & Einstein, 2009). It may seem take a lot of time and to
Cn mcth0h , but before long it will feel automatic .
In the long
° ^ U Start t0 USC
In run, it can save you time (and stress) .
Survey
reading
'0nC<^ before , it s helpful to review certain material before you begin
Seem counter ntuitive , but it does help to survey or scan in
*
order to per * *g Plcturc view. One way to start is by looking at headings. Within
,
each chanter
P , eadings in larger type indicate thc start of distinct main sections,
6 Introduction Using This Book and Approaching This Class
I
and headings in smaller type indicate sub-sections. In addition to using these
headings in the body of each chapter, we’ve listed the main headings in outline
format at the start of the chapter. This is handy for making an initial survey
before you flip through the chapter to look at the headings in the context of
images, boxes, and other material. Each chapter also includes bold key terms.
Some of these may be new to you, so looking at them during your survey can
help you become familiar with them . Once you understand the organization,
you can make informed choices about how to break the chapter into manage-
able chunks to work through in more detail.
Question
As you survey each chapter, it’s a good idea to write down your own ques-
tions for each section or sub -section . For example, when you see the head -
ing The SQ3R Method in this introduction, you might ask: “What’s the SQ3R
method ? What do those letters stand for? How can I use this method ? ” To get
you started , we provide overarching questions for major sections of each chap-
ter underneath the headings to serve as a starting point for thinking about that
chunk of material . In order to maximize your learning, we recommend that
you develop your own sub-questions that will help you explore, and eventually
review, the material in greater detail.
Initially, your questions can be fact - based ones for which you’ll find answers
in the text. A next step will be to ask how what you’re learning connects with
your own life and the lives of die people you know. As we discussed earlier,
you’ll more readily remember information when you connect ideas to things
that are personally meaningful for and relevant to you (Symons & Johnson,
1997). For example, when reading about how women are perceived as leaders,
you might try asking yourself why men are more frequently associated with
leadership than women . In addition to this fact - based question, you might also
ask yourself whether you’ve ever been particularly judgmental about a woman
in a leadership role. It may even help to start with some questions that relate to
—
your own experiences for example, “Why do many of my female friends focus
on the way they look? ” or “ How do my professional goals connect with my
gender? ” This type of questioning is good for identifying topics that might be
emotionally charged. It also keeps you actively engaged and helps you begin to
apply the course material to your own life.
Read
This is probably the portion of the SQ3R method you’re most familiar with, but
the trick is to stay involved as you read. It will help to keep in mind the questions
you jotted down in the Q step and try to answer them. If you come up with new
—
questions as you read, we suggest adding them to the list and trying to answer
those as well. Also, it’s important to read everything even figure captions
The SQ 3R Method 7
and boxes, because they provide key details. Equally important is taking notes
as you read . Some of your notes will probably be in the form of answers to your
questions, but others may be specific facts or terms that strike you as important
or that you’ll want to review later. Notes are most effective if you put things in
your own words rather than just transcribing what we’ve written.
As you read, you’ll find that we continue to ask questions to get you to
think deeply about the material . For example, in the middle of a section , we
may ask about your own experiences with a topic. Also, many of the boxes end
with questions. These are all designed to get you thinking about the material
at a deeper level . Sometimes the questions reflect a point of tension within die
—
field a place where researchers and /or theorists don’t all agree . Most ot these
questions don’t have a single correct answer. For example, in each chapter we
—
ask you to consider whether something such as single -sex education , partici -
—
pating in sex work, or modern Disney princesses is empowering or oppressing
for girls and women . Scholars have different opinions on these issues, and we
present arguments from multiple perspectives. Our goal for these Empowering
or Oppressing boxes is not for you to choose a definitive answer but, rather, to
—
reflect on what you believe and why in other words, to focus on forming your
own opinion and being able to justify it with sound data .
As you’ll soon learn , psychologists study gender in various ways. Therefore,
we hope you’ll flex your intellectual muscles and think critically about the con -
tent you read in this book. This will involve considering the purpose of particu -
lar points, their relevance to the field, and any limitations or biases. In what ways
might you expand or refine an idea or topic ? Is there enough evidence for a par-
ticular idea, or is additional research needed ? Can you connect ideas from one
topic area to another topic area ? Is there enough information to evaluate claims
that you see in the text ? Thinking critically will help you produce new ideas and
—
design original strategies to address complex questions not only those that
come up in this book and course, but also those that arise elsewhere in your life.
Recite
The second R stands for “ recite,” but it can also stand for “ retrieve,” because
it’s about testing your knowledge. You might think this is something you only
—
do after you’ve finished reading maybe even just in the lead - up to a test. While
it’s a good idea to do it at these times, it’s also helpful to try to retrieve informa-
tion from your memory as you read. Let’s say you asked yourself the question
“What docs SQ3R stand for? ” and, in reading this section, were able to answer
it: survey, question, read, recite, review. Once you have that answer, you could
take a minute to ask the question again and then tell yourself the answer but —
without looking at the book or your notes. If you’re alone, you might recite the
question and answer out loud. If you’re not, doing it in your head will work
just as well. Then it’s important to write down the answer in your own words.
Review
—
The final step in the SQ3R method is to review each time you reach the end of a
section , as well as the end of a chapter. As you look over your questions and your
answers, if anything is unclear, this is a good time to go back and flesh that out,
add information to your notes, and so on . If you feel there’s a key topic covered
that isn’t reflected in your questions and answers, adding in a new question will
help you to cover the material more comprehensively. Much of the reviewing step
will be based on your ow'n notes, but you can also use die questions embedded
throughout each chapter. There’s also a bulleted summary of key ideas at the end
of each chapter, organized by main section headings. Although die bullet points
are useful for organizing your studying, they can’t serve as your only source for
review because they aren’t comprehensive. Nevertheless, if we’ve highlighted a
key idea and it doesn’t show' up in your notes or get much attention in them, this
indicates an area of the chapter that you w'ould benefit from reviewing.
Conclusion
This book covers content that affects everyone, regardless of gender identifica-
tion . Our goal is not to have you agree with any particular idea or perspective.
Rather, we want you to use research and critical thinking to find your unique
voice. This material came alive for us when we first studied it , and we wish the
same for you. After the semester is over and final grades are turned in, it’s not
uncommon for students to continue to think about the ideas raised in this class.
The issues we discuss will continue to be important in your life as you graduate,
plan or continue a career, develop relationships, possibly have children, and
grow old . We sec this course as only the beginning of a lifetime of thinking
—
about issues facing women and girls and , ultimately, all of society.
Conclusion 11
EVERY YEAR, the Super Bowl draws one of the largest audiences of any event
in the world. A little over half of the 100 million people who watch actually
prefer the commercials to the football game ( Russo, 2015). In many ways, the
Super Bowl ads in 2015 should have been considered a victory for girls and
women. Commercials that typically would showcase motherhood actually fea -
tured fathers doing housework and taking care of children. Female comedians
were hilarious in ads that normally would spotlight men. One Proctor & Gamble
commercial — which didn 't even mention the Always menstrual products it was
selling — focused on girls and sports. Female and male adults and a young boy
were asked to run, throw, and fight " like a girl." In response, each person en-
acted a similar bouncy motion. The message was clear: to them, running like
a girl was weak— almost silly. However, when pre-adolescent girls were asked
the same question, they responded differently because they were simply being
asked to run, throw, and fight as they normally would. They ran hard and fast,
and they threw a ball with their full bodies. The screen then displayed this state-
ment: "A girl's confidence plummets during puberty." The commercial ended
with a woman explaining that young girls shouldn't listen when they're put
down for doing something "like a girl." The last screenshot directed viewers to
"rewrite the rules."
( VUvKif* tht
13
Almost immediately, social media exploded. Women posted the Always com-
mercial on Facebook, and the #likeagirl hashtag began trending on Twitter,
surging YouTube viewership to over 80 million worldwide ( Vagianos, 2015).
.
Salon.com declared it “ positively feminist" ( Williams 2015, para.1), and Huffington
Post congratulated Proctor & Gamble for being “groundbreaking " and " inspiring"
(Berman, 2015, para. 1). Certainly, the messaging appeared to be positive, but
was the ad truly a victory for girls and women?
This commercial brought up many complicated issues that aren' t easy to re-
solve. On a positive note, it acknowledged that unfair societal beliefs and ex -
pectations probably contribute to decreased self - esteem among girls during
adolescence. However, the message about how viewers could address this was
too simplistic. According to the commercial, girls should ignore sexist messages
and "rewrite the rules" to maintain their self - esteem. But what does it mean to
"rewrite the rules," and who has the power to do this? Further, why should the
burden of societal change fall on the shoulders of pre -adolescent girls?
The commercial didn’t offer realistic solutions. Although viewers might have
.
felt good at the end of it the message didn't help them take steps toward so -
cial change. The phenomenon in advertising that generates a strong emotional
—
response one that feels empowering — but that doesn't offer solutions has been
called empowertising (Zeisler, 2014). In this case, although the ad took a positive
step to address adolescent female athletes ( and the biased expectations they
face), it probably didn't create widespread change. For example, it didn't call for
changing policies on sex segregation in sports. It also didn't question why female
professional athletes are paid less than their male counterparts. But the ad did
succeed in raising an issue —and it's one that forms one of the bases of this text-
book about the psychology of women and gender: In society today, how can girls
and women deal with many unequitable social realities that might contribute to
their low confidence and decreased psychological well-being?
This chapter will introduce you to the field of psychology of women and to
feminism. We begin by identifying several contemporary issues related to girls
and women, and then we explore the history of feminism and several types of
feminism. Next, we focus on what it means to consider oneself a feminist and
the psychological and social implications of identifying as a feminist. Then, we
explain how feminism has influenced the field of psychology. Finally, we describe
the research process and give you tools for evaluating research and identifying
how a scientific study can have a hidden bias against girls and women.
_
38% of U .S. women worked outside the home ( Chronicle of Higher Education,
2015; Cohn, Livingston, & Wang, 2014 ). Compare the statistics from 2010,
when 36% of U .S. women graduated from college and 59% worked outside
the home ( Chronicle of Higher Education, 2015; Cohn ct al., 2014 ) . There is
even progress in men’s involvement. In 2014, during an address to the United
Nations, British actress and UN Women’s Goodwill Ambassador Emma Watson
kick-started the popular # heforshe campaign in which she asked men to join the
fight for gender equity and to recognize that gender stereotypes are harmful
for men as well as for women. The campaign’s popularity clearly indicated that
some boys and men are also ready to re-definc masculinity in order to create
societal change.
We might look at this progress, wipe our brows, and think, wPhew . . . thank
goodness discrimination against women is over. The world is finally changing,
and girls and women have all they need in order to live productive and happy
lives.” Well . . . not so fast. While some things have changed for the better,
there’s still a long way to go. If we aren’t careful, this “ half-changed world ”
might cause us to unquestioningly accept some gains without examining whom
these gains benefit and if they actually provide equity ( Orenstein, 2000, p . 11 ).
It could also keep us from recognizing some of the harmful, at times even
life- threatening, situations that certain girls and women still face . Consider these
statistics:
a In the United States, women are the fastest -growing group who are
incarcerated (Swavola, Riley, & Subramanian, 2016 ). They are dis-
proportionately women of color and/or poor, and they are typically
survivors of violence. Nearly 80% of women who are incarcerated are
mothers, and most are single mothers (Swavola et al ., 2016 ).
a The prevalence of eating disorders has been increasing since 1950
( Hudson, Hiripi, Pope, & Kessler, 2007 ). In a survey of Esquire
magazine readers, over half of female respondents age 18 to 25 said
they would prefer to be “ run over by a truck” than to be fat, and
two thirds of these women said they would rather be described as
mean or stupid than fat ( Carroll , 1994, p. 58; Maine, 2000 ).
a Transgender women of color are the victims of 61% of all lesbian,
gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer ( LGBTQ) murders in the
United States (Waters, 2017). They are highly vulnerable to hate
crimes and more likely than other victims to experience police
violence, discrimination, threats, and intimidation .
° In the United States, women are paid 80% of what men arc paid
( National Women’s Law Center, 2017). This pay gap occurs in almost
every occupation, increases with age, and is worse for women of color.
Single mothers, women of color, and elderly women living alone arc
especially vulnerable to poverty.
1851
of Key Sojurner Truth gives her
famous "Ain’t I a Woman"
speech in which she critiques
v*
s
\
• •
Events for
the idea that opposition
to women's suffrage was
grounded in a desire to protect
women by highlighting that no one was trying
to protect her — a Black woman — from physical or
1920
Ratification of 19th Amendment to the
United
1923
The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA ), originally drafted
by Alice Paul and Crystal Eastman, is first introduced
in Congress.
1925
American Indian suffrage, which grants citizenship to
all Native Americans born in the United States, is
passed by an act of Congress.
1952
Christine Jorgensen is the first American whose sex
reassignment surgery becomes public.
1964
Title VII of the Civil Rights Act is enacted, prohibiting
employment discrimination on the basis of race, color,
religion, national origin, or sex.
1969 1978
Transgender and gender non - conforming people are The Pregnancy Discrimination Act bans employment
some of the first to resist arrest at the Stonewall Inn in discrimination against pregnant women.
New York, an event credited with igniting the modern
LGBTQ rights movement. 1990
r~ - The Americans with Disabilities Act prohibits
discrimination against individuals with disabilities in
all areas of public life.
1994
The Violence against Women Act funds services for
victims of rape and domestic violence.
2006
Thousands of Latinx immigrants and others boycott
work, school, and shopping as part of the Day without
Immigrants to highlight the contributions immigrants
1972 make to the economy.
Title IX is enacted, prohibiting sex discrimination in all
aspects of education programs that receive federal
support .
1972
The ERA is passed by both houses of Congress, after
being re -introduced in 1971, and is submitted to the
states for ratification. It has not yet been ratified by
38 states as required to amend the Constitution.
1973
The U.S. Supreme Court decision in Roe v. Wade declares
it legal for a woman to terminate an early pregnancy. 2009
aH& fc.
The Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Restoration Act allows
employees, usually women, to file pay discrimination
.
..
complaints within 180 days of their last paycheck.
2013
Restriction of same - sex marriage is deemed
lv '
unconstitutional by the Supreme Court decision in
*
* United States v. Windsor.
5E
2017
The Women’s March on Washington, the largest
single - day protest in U.S. history, is held. It has
1974 sparked some renewed interest in the ERA with .
The Combahee River Collective, a Black feminist Nevada becoming the 36th state to ratify it.
lesbian organization that emphasizes the need to
understand interlocking aspects of oppression,
holds its first meeting.
Historians believe the second wave gained momentum following protests at
the
Miss America pageant in 1968 and 1969 ( Rampton , 2015 ). A group
called the
Redstockings staged a counter- pageant while marching around a “ freedom trash
can ” filled with items that they saw as symbols of female oppression ( Gibson,
2011, p. 3). These included high heels, makeup, and bras. The stereotype of
the bra- burning feminist comes from this event, although it’s a myth that the
protesters set the trash can on fire ( Gibson, 2011 ). The protesters were partic
-
ularly frustrated by die ways in which they felt women were being confined by
unrealistic standards of beauty.
The F-Word
What are seven major feminist perspectives, and what is the key focus
within each perspective?
What does it mean to be feminist ? This question has been with us for over a
century. In 1913, journalist Rebecca West captured some of the ambivalence
associated with feminism when she said, “ I, myself, have never been able to
find out what feminism is: I only know that people call me a feminist when-
ever I express sentiments that differentiate me from a doormat ” ( Vandiver,
2010 , p. 1).
A common misperception is that feminists are all the same. In fact, femi-
nists think in many different ways, and sometimes these thoughts even conflict
with those of other feminists ( Enns, 2004 ). For example, some feminists believe
that, in order to achieve gender equality, women and men should be treated in
exactly the same way; others argue that women and men should be valued for
their differences. As we introduce you to many prominent feminist perspectives,
we’ll also introduce key terms that we’ll use throughout the book.
Liberal Feminism
Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg has been quoted as saying:
If I could choose an amendment to add to the Constitution, it would be the
Equal Rights Amendment. I think we have achieved that through legislation, but
The F-Word 23
that can be repealed , it can be altered . So, I would like my granddaughters, when
—
—
they pick up the Constitution, to see the notion that women and men arc
persons of equal stature I’d like to see that as a basic principle of our society.
(Schwab, 2014, p. 1 )
This quote exemplifies liberal feminism, a form of feminism that focuses
on the similarities between women and men and on using government pol -
icies to eliminate barriers that keep women from achieving their potential .
The Equal Rights Amendment ( ERA ), which would have guaranteed that civil
rights may not be denied on the basis of a person ’s sex , has not been ratified in
the United States. Furthermore, despite some renewed recent interest, it has
not received significant attention since 1982 , when the deadline for states to
ratify it expired .
Contemporary liberal feminists have moved away from championing the
ERA and are more interested in changing laws and policies that give men ( and
members of other privileged groups ) more resources and advantages than
women ( and members of less privileged groups ). Such structural inequalities
exist within organizations, institutions, and governments. For example, as men -
tioned previously, employers in the United States are not required to offer paid
maternity leave . Because women who give birth will, at a minimum , leave the
workforce for childbirth and recovery, liberal feminists argue that this policy
disproportionately harms women through lost wages and possible opportuni -
ties for promotion . The outcome is vastly different for women who receive
financial support following the birth of a child , as in countries such as Norway
and Sweden . Additionally, within the United States, prior to the Affordable
Care Act ( ACA ), only 62% of plans in the private market covered maternity
care, another core policy concern of liberal feminists ( Frankie- Ruta, 2013;
Rosenthal, 2013 ).
Another component of liberal feminism is a focus on equal education and
the belief that, at their core, women and men are more similar than differ-
ent. According to liberal feminists, when girls and women have access to
equal educational opportunities, they will develop and behave similarly to
men ( Enns, 2004 ). Contemporary liberal feminists are especially interested
in making sure that girls and women have access to resources that help them
compete in the global economy. Psychologists who hold a liberal feminist
perspective tend to believe that even when research finds differences between
women and men, they’re generally the result of girls’ and boys’ different expe-
riences rather than innate biological differences. This is a topic we’ll explore
in Chapter 3.
In the United States, most people hold liberal feminist attitudes even if they
don’t identify as feminists ( Liss & Erchull, 2010 ). For example, most U.S. stu -
dents agree that women and men should have equal rights and opportunities, a
central tenet of liberal feminists.
25
which power is constructed through work and production ( Enns, 2004 ). In
the United States, there is a perception that economic mobility is easily attain -
able through hard work. This view is called the myth of meritocracy because it
suggests that merit is primarily responsible for accumulating wealth. However,
contemporary research shows a widening gap between the upper- middle class
and everyone else that appears to be more about inherited wealth than merit
( Reeves, 2017 ). In one study, researchers found that since 1980, U .S. workers
who are not upper- middle class are less likely than before to move up the social
ladder ( Carr & Wiemers, 2016 ). It appears that those at the top are more effec-
tive at passing down their status and wealth to their children, and this tendency
reduces social mobility for everyone else ( Reeves, 2017 ) .
According to socialist feminists, merit alone is not responsible for accumulat-
ing wealth . Other factors, such as class, gender, and race, not only influence the
accumulation of wealth but also affect the perceived value of what a person does.
For example, socialist feminists have claimed
that in capitalist societies men are primarily
defined as workers and women are primarily
defined as caregivers ( Bianchi, Sayer, Milkie,
& Robinson, 2012; Fillo, Simpson , Rholcs, &
Kohn, 2015 ). Such an arrangement means that
women provide free labor by taking on the vast
majority of domestic and caretaking responsi -
bilities. Socialist feminists are particularly con -
cerned with the second shift, a term that refers
to the free labor performed at home in addition
to paid labor in the workforce ( Hochschild,
1989 ). According to socialist feminists, chang-
ing the way work is organized by encouraging
men’s increased involvement in child rearing
would promote greater equality ( Reid, 1993;
Saris & Johnston - Robledo, 2000 ).
Socialist feminists are also concerned about
how living as a girl or a woman is more expensive
than it is for boys and men. The term pink tax
refers to the additional cost of a product because
it is marketed to women. It’s estimated that, on
average, girls and women spend $1,400 more
each year than men when buying the same prod-
On average , girls and women spend $1, 400 more ucts ( Duestcrhaus, Graucrholz, Weichsel, &
each year than men when buying the same products Guittar, 2011). Products such as razors, tooth-
because the women' s" version usually costs more. brushes, and even pens cost more if they appear
This pricing practice is referred to as the pink tax . feminine. This practice is outlawed in California,
New York City, and Miami- Dade County in
Cultural Feminism
Cultural feminism is a perspective that focuses on the differences between women
and men and views women’s inequality as related to a lack of value placed on
the unique experiences, perspectives, and qualities of women ( Donovan, 2006 ).
Underlying cultural feminism is a belief in gender essentialism, the idea that
women and men are fundamentally different because of deep and unchanging
properties that arc generally due to biology or genetics. For example, cultural
feminists view girls and women as having certain innate characteristics, such as
intuition and emotionality, that are complementary to the characteristics of boys
and men , such as competitiveness and being analytical . As a result, unlike the
liberal feminist focus on similarity, cultural feminists focus on difference. How-
ever, even while valuing difference, they also value equity. They would like to
sec women use their feminine characteristics to advance gender equity, and they
argue for a societal shift: in which traditionally feminine characteristics, such as
being caring and nurturing, carry more value.
A contemporary example of cultural feminism is the rise of mompreneurs.
In 2014, women-owned businesses increased by 45%, compared to just a
9% increase among all businesses ( Weeks, 2015 ). Many of these businesses focus
on traditionally feminine skills, such as cooking and crafting. According to cul-
tural feminists, these businesses promote the valuing of women’s unique capa -
bilities and are successful because women are disproportionately more talented
in these areas than men .
The F-Word 27
-
EMPOWERING
OR OPPRESSING?
Cultural Feminism
here is a debate over whether taking a cultural
T
require empathy, care, and compassion. They' re espe-
feminist perspective is truly empowering for cially critical of the ways in which female empowerment
women. In other words, does the valuing of has been linked to success in traditionally masculine
traditionally feminine activities promote equity domains. They prefer to see women achieve power
between women and men? Before we discuss the debate, from success in traditionally female domains. In other
take a moment to explore your own beliefs. What do you words, they aren ' t interested in seeing women become
think about activities that are traditionally associated with more masculine. Instead, they argue that female em-
women (e.g., domestic work, child care)? Do you think our powerment occurs when women honor their feminine
society values these activities? Why or why not? side. For example , some proponents claim that women
Those who argue that cultural feminism is positive are powerful when they birth and breastfeed their chil-
clamn that girls and women are superior in areas that dren ( McCarter- Spaulding , 2008 ) . In fact , attachment
parenting — a practice that includes co-sleeping, baby-
wearing. and breastfeeding on demand — has been re-
ferred to as " cultural feminist theory in practice " ( Bobel .
2008 . p. 116 ).
However, others argue that cultural feminism cannot
promote equity because it encourages women to main-
tain traditional and restrictive roles. According to these
opponents, it ' s unreasonable to expect all women to
have talents in traditionally feminine domains. Further,
work associated with femininity is often less " valuable ” .
carrying no monetary gain. For example, within the
United States, childbirth and breastfeeding are not paid
forms of labor. In France, in contrast, women are given
incentives to have children and to breastfeed them
( Bryant, 2008). For example, women are offered tax
breaks, child and healthcare benefits, paid leave, sub-
Whervyou see pictures likelhis one, do^you tend 1 sidized daycare, housekeeping services, and even cash
|to think that the women in them are feminists? payments.
Why or why not ? Cultural feminists seek to What are your thoughts on this debate? Do you think
Ireclaim and enhance the value of traditionally a cultural feminist perspective is empowering or oppress-
feminine activities and roles, so it ' s quite possible! ing? Why or why not? Can you see both sides of the argu-
ithat women such as the one pictured here could ment? Would certain aspects of society need to change
identify as feminists. in order to promote a cultural feminist perspective? What
are they, and whom would they benefit most?
minority women. For example, previous types hadn’t con -
sidered the diversity among women and, instead , reflected
—
ethnocentrism the tendency to judge other groups
according to the values of one’s own group. Some White
women went so far as to compare their experiences of
oppression with those of ethnic minority individuals in the
United States, a claim that minimized the social realities of
women of color. The resulting tension sparked anger and
frustration among women of color, motivating them to
separate from White feminists and develop different goals
for achieving equality.
One influential group of Black feminist lesbian activ-
ists, the Combahce River Collective, took up the task of
defining a feminism that prioritized the lives of women
Three queer Black women — Alicia
of color. Named after the Combahee River Raid of 1863, Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal
which was led by Harriet Tubman and resulted in the Tometi — organized around the hashtag
freeing of hundreds of slaves, the Collective articulated a # blacklivesmatter, spurring a national
need to address all racial, gender, sexual , and class oppres- movement against the systematic
sions ( Napikoski, 2017 ). In 1982, the group issued the oppression of Black people and those
Combahee River Collective Statement , which is credited who are part of other marginalized
communities .
as recognizing the often -overlooked contributions of
women of color, including Harriet Tubman, and ushering
in a focus on intcrsectionality.
Women of color feminism is more likely to address concerns that have been
—
of lesser focus for other types of feminisms such as affirmative action, access to
affordable housing, and prison reform . In fact, contemporary women of color
feminists continue to advocate for social justice initiatives that do not only ben -
efit girls and women . For example, in response to the murder of Black teen-
—
ager Trayvon Martin, three queer Black women Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors,
—
and Opal Tometi created the hashtag # blacklivesmatter ( Garza, 2014 ), which
spurred a national movement. Garza described it as “a call to action for Black
people and a response to the anti- Black racism that permeates our society”
( Garza, 2014, para. 1 ). In talking about the origin, she affirmed die move-
ment’s commitment to “ the lives of Black queer and trans folks, disabled folks,
Black- undocumented folks, folks with records, women and all Black lives along
the gender spectrum ” ( Garza, 2014, para . 11 ). Black Lives Matter advances a
broad and integrated expression of activism.
Queer Feminism
Queer feminism claims that inequality is related to the ways in which the
categories of woman and man have been constructed, studied, and used to
The F-Word 29
organize society. The focus of queer feminists is not to ensure that women are
equal to men, but to question what is considered female and male in the first
place. Queer feminism critiques the concept of heternormativity, the idea that
people fall into a binary ( something made up of only two parts ) of two dis-
—
tinct sex categories either F or M; that those categories have aligning gender
roles ( female or male ); and that sexual desires are most naturally linked to the
other sex. Queer feminists argue that sex, gender, and sexual orientation are not
always aligned in a predictable way ( Sullivan , 2003 ). For example, some people
have a cisgender identity, meaning that their gender identification matches the
sex they were assigned at birth , but other people may identify as transgender,
reflecting a gender identity ( woman , man , or other gendered identity labels )
and/or a gender expression ( feminine, masculine, or other gendered expres-
sive labels ) that doesn’t conform to societal expectations for the sex they were
assigned at birth.
Queer feminism is particularly interested in gender performances how —
people express gender through their actions ( Butler, 1990 ). For example, the
clothes we put on every day, the hairstyles we favor, and the way we sit all
communicate gender. Actor and television host RuPaul distills queer theory in
the following quote: “We’re born naked, and the rest is drag ” ( RuPaul, 1995,
p. 11). Queer feminists believe that, over time, gendered behaviors become so
much a part of daily life that they seem to be core parts of who we are, but in
fact, they’re simply behaviors that have the potential to change .
Liberal feminism Focuses on gaining equal rights and prioritizes The government is responsible for making
changing laws and promoting education. sure that all women receive an equal chance at
education and employment.
Radical feminism Focuses on transforming women’s thinking Pornography exploits female sexuality and
since women are conditioned to prioritize men degrades all women.
and to deem heterosexuality as a social ideal.
Socialist feminism Highlights the ways in which money and Making women economically dependent on
capitalism arc interconnected with gender men is capitalism’s subtle way of encouraging
inequities. heterosexual relationships.
Cultural feminism Perceives gender inequity as being related to Traditional notions of romantic love should be
a lack of appreciation for women’s unique replaced with ideas based on feminine values of
feminine qualities. kindness and concern for all people.
Women of color Connects gender inequity to other structures Racism and sexism make double the oppression
feminism of oppression, especially, but not limited to, of women in the work environment.
racism .
Queer feminism Calls for the elimination of binary gender Traditional definitions of feminism that
categories since they are at the core of gender solely focus on achieving equity between
inequality. women and men contribute to oppression
because they exclude people with non-binary
gender identities.
Post-colonial / Connects women’s inequity to the continued It is important to build coalitions, rather than
transnational feminism legacy of colonialism. assuming one unified voice of sisterhood.
Note. Sample survey items for queer feminism and post-colonial/transnational feminism were written by the authors. The other items arc
all drawn from the Feminist Perspective Scale ( Henley ct al., 1998 ).
The F-Word 31
The Power of Feminist Theory
Each of these perspectives has made lasting contributions to feminism, and they
seek to provide a framework for understanding gender inequities. In this effort,
theory aims to provide an explanation for why women experience inequities.
! Understanding theory is critical for consciousness raising, a form of activism
that tries to promote awareness through knowledge. Many women experience
discrimination or find themselves in situations that make them uncomfortable,
but they often lack the language to talk about how they feel
or to understand that their experiences are part of a larger
problem . As a result , they may unnecessarily blame them -
your turn selves. Understanding feminist perspectives and the fact that
personal struggles often represent larger sociopolitical prob-
What does the word feminism mean to lems can give women a sense that they aren’t alone . It can
you? Would you call yourself a feminist? also help to explain the basis for certain inequalities. In this
Why or why not? Are women the only way, theory can have multiple benefits ( hooks, 1994 ).
ones who can be feminists? Why or why Understanding feminist perspectives can also help people
not? Ask your friends, your relatives,
identify the best ways to make changes for the better. Fem -
and your professors whether they call
inist theory provides the tools to discuss society’s problems
themselves feminists and what they think
of feminism. Is there a particular school
and ways to deal with them . This can lead to social change
of feminist thought that appeals to you? that is truly empowering for everyone. However, many peo-
Is there a particular school of feminist ple don’t understand the diversity of feminist thought, they
thought that appeals to others in your reject feminism entirely, or they think there’s no longer any
Vfe? If so. explain why. need for it. This is largely because they don’t understand
what feminism is.
i
—
feminism is problematic and this leads to tremendous confusion about what
it means to be a feminist ( Anderson, Kanncr, 8c Elsaycgh , 2009 ). Susan Faludi
( 1992 ) coined the term backlash to explain how negative stereotypes gener-
ally develop when women begin to make social gains. From Fauldi’s perspec-
tive, negative stereotypes prevent women from organizing as an activist group
because they are less likely to sclf- idcntify as feminists when they’re aware of
such stereotypes.
There are no shortages of negative stereotypes about feminists. They’ve been
called bra - burners and man - haters; they’ve been described as hairy, selfish, unat -
tractive, angry, tense, and egotistical ( Alexander 8c Ryan, 1997; Hall 8c Rodri -
guez, 2003; Liss, Hoffncr, 8c Crawford, 2000; Rudman 8c Fairchild , 2007 ).
Surprisingly, even when women believe in some aspects of feminism , they assume
that the typical feminist is more radical than they are ( Liss ct al., 2000 ). This hap-
pens because negative beliefs influence a woman’s decision to identify as a feminist
( Alexander 8c Ryan, 1997 ). In one research study, for example, women who read
a paragraph expressing negative stereotypes about feminists were twice as likely
not to identify as feminist as compared to women who read a paragraph expressing
positive stereotypes ( Roy, Wcibust, 8c Miller, 2007 ).
Who Is a Feminist?
What are the similarities and differences among self - identified feminists,
non - labelers, womanists, and pro- feminists?
The backlash against feminists has an effect. Although many girls and women
believe in feminist ideals, it is less common for girls and women to identify as
feminists ( Liss, O’Connor, Morosky, 8c Crawford, 2001 ). In a survey of female
college students, 75% endorsed some beliefs consistent with feminism , but only
11% actually labeled themselves as feminists ( Liss, Crawford, 8c Popp, 2004 ).
In a more recent study, researchers found that 28% of female college students
identified as feminists ( Fitz, Zucker, 8c Bay-Cheng, 2012 ). Many took the
“ I’m not a feminist, b u t . . .” stance. This isn’t surprising because self-identified
feminists have to willingly take on a stigmatized identity. A woman who has
some pro-feminist attitudes but who doesn’t identify as a feminist is often called
a non - labeler.
There are so many non-labelers that comedians have started to poke fun at
the concept. Although comedian Aziz Ansari is not the perfect representative
— —
of feminism a topic we’ll return to in Chapter 12 he has offered what is per-
haps the perfect analogy: “If you believe diat men and women have equal rights,
if someone asks if you’re a feminist, you have to say yes because that is how
words work. You can’t be like, ‘Oh yeah I’m a doctor that primarily does diseases
Who Is a Feminist? 33
of the skin.’ Oh, so you’re a dermatologist ? ‘Oh no, that’s way too aggressive of
a word! No no, not at all not at all ”’ ( Gupta , 2014, para. 4 ).
The important distinguishing factor between women who self- label as femi-
nists and those who arc non -labelers is that feminists are aware that gender ineq -
uities still exist ( Liss & Erchull , 2010 ). Non - labelers generally think that women
I are already empowered and that no more work is necessary because women
have achieved equity. In contrast, feminists see work that still needs to be done.
This discrepancy has important social implications because without addressing
sexism it’s unlikely that social systems will change ( Anderson , 2015; Taylor &
Whittier, 1992 ). The very act of calling oneself a feminist in front of other people
is considered a form of activism because it undermines stereotypes of feminism .
If only a few people stand up against sexism, there won’t be enough critical mass
to draw attention and promote change. Women who call themselves feminists
understand this. They are willing to commit to causes larger than themselves
(Yoder, Tobias, & Snell, 2011 ) and are more likely to confront sexism ( Burn,
Aboud, & Moyles, 2000; Yoder et al., 2011 ). Women who identify as feminists
are also less likely to believe negative stereotypes about feminists, and they’re
more likely to hold positive views about feminists ( Liss et al ., 2001 ).
—
It isn’t surprising, then, that people who are exposed to feminism either because
they have feminist relatives or because they’ve taken a women’s studies course —
are more likely to identify as feminists ( Bargad & Hyde, 1991; Nelson et al .,
2008; Zucker, 2004 ). Having a sexual minority identity is also associated with a
higher likelihood of identifying as a feminist ( Friedman & Ayres, 2013; Leapcr &
Arias, 2011; Lottes & Kuriloff, 1994 ). Further, experiencing overt sexism leads
women to understand oppression, which results in a greater likelihood of identi -
fying as a feminist ( Leaper & Arias, 2011; Reid & Purcell, 2004 ).
Notably, some women choose not to identify as feminists because of bias
within the women’s movement. As we’ve discussed , the early feminist movement
ignored and thereby perpetuated discrimination among large groups of women,
including women of color, sexual minority women, trans and gender non -con-
forming women, and non-Western women. In response, for example, activist
and writer Alice Walker ( 1983 ) coined the term womanist, an identity label that
stems from the experiences of Black women and other women of color. The term
encompasses feminism, but it also differs because it doesn’t prioritize sexism over
other forms of oppression ( e.g., racism; Phillips, 2006 ).
There is evidence that women of color are more likely to identify with
womanist beliefs rather than those associated with different types of femi-
nism ( Boisnier, 2003). Several researchers have found that, among women of
color, holding womanist beliefs was associated with higher self-esteem ( Ossana,
Helms, & Leonard, 1992; Poindexter- Cameron & Robinson, 1997 ). Inspired
by their womanist sisters, Latinx feminists coined the term mujerista ( from die
Spanish word mujer, meaning “woman ”; Isasi - Diaz, 1992, 1996 ). Similar to
womanists, mujeristas are critical of the marginalization of women of color by
1'
34 Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women
i
i
White feminists and instead support a type of feminism
that prioritizes the lives of Latinx ' women. Mujeristas
especially act toward the decolonization of all people
spotlight on .
(Anzaldua, 2007; Isasi - Diaz, 1992 ). Taken together,
womanism and mujerismo offer a way for psychologists Misperceptions
to understand how women of color might identify with
feminism that takes a distinctive intersectional approach of Feminism
( Comaz- Diaz, 2008; Holiday, 2010 ) . In 2012, some Duke University students
started the Who Needs Feminism Tumblr
campaign, featuring photos of handwrit-
Current Issues Related to ten signs addressing misconceptions of
feminism. In 2013, an opposing Tumblr blog,
Feminist Identification Women Against Feminism , showcased selfies
of women holding signs with negative state-
How does racism play a role in whether or not a
ments about feminism. Seen together, the
person will identify as a feminist? What are the unique positive and negative messages reflect the
issues connected to men and feminist identification? different ways in which people dialogue and
disagree about feminism.
Although contemporary feminist thought includes the
concept of intersectionality, much work remains to / don' t need feminism because I
address discrimination within feminism ( Phillips, 2006 ) . believe in equality, not entitlements
For example, in 2015, the actress Patricia Arquette and supremacy.
( Women Against Feminism, 2014)
ignited tremendous criticism for saying in her Academy
Award acceptance speech, “ It’s time for all die women in / need feminism because I don' t view
equality as a radical concept.
America and all the men that love women, and all the gay
( "I need feminism because," 2013)
people, and all the people of color that we’ve all fought
for to fight for us now” ( Marcotte, 2015, para. 3) . The / don ' t need feminism because I am not
statement didn’t go over well because it sounded like she a victim.
was saying that unril now White women had fought for ( Borecka, n . d.)
gay people and people of color, and now it was time for / need feminism because I refuse to
them to fight for White women . Arquette later admitted be victimized by social, cultural, and
that she should have chosen her words more carefully. political misogyny. I am not a victim,
I am a survivor.
Another major critique has been launched against femi-
(whoneedsfeminism, 2014)
nist Lena Dunham for showcasing almost no women of
color in her popular HBO show Girls despite the fact
—
that it’s supposedly set in New York, a highly diverse city.
» / don ' t need feminism because I am not
a delusional, disgusting, hypocritical
Because of incidents like these, some women of color man-hater. I respect men and they
prefer not to use the feminist label at all. respect me!
( "I don ' t need feminism," n. d.)
There is also evidence that the experience of racism
/ need feminism not because I hate men ,
influences feminist identity ( Cole, 2009 ). While White
but because people think that is what
feminists can focus on countering sexism, women of
being a feminist means.
(Leonie, n.d.)
*Authorsf note: Latinx is a gender neutral term used as an alternative to Latina
or Latino. Because of its inclusivity, we will use Latinx throughout the book.
35
color worry about racism as well . To demonstrate this, researchers found that
Black feminists place a high value on wearing feminine clothing, but White
feminists did not ( Cole & Zucker, 2007 ) . The researchers proposed that Black
women strategically attend to physical appearance to combat racist stereotypes
! of Black women being sexually promiscuous, aggressive, and bad mothers. This
dynamic was evident when former first lady Michelle Obama was criticized by
some White feminists for calling herself Mom - in - Chief and focusing her activ-
ism on traditionally feminine domains. A White woman who’s worried about
sexism may try not to be too domestic in the White House because that would
activate sexist stereotypes. However, because a woman of color has to worry
about racism too, Michelle Obama may have focused on
domestic tasks so she wouldn ’t activate racist stereotypes
try it for yourself of Black women being overly domineering . This is another
example of how feminist identification can vary among girls
and women depending on other aspects of their other social
Spend some time thinking about what
it means to be a feminist man. Visit the
identities.
website feministvoices.com, and search There is also debate over whether boys and men can
for social psychologist Peter Hegarty. label themselves as feminists. Many do identify as fem -
Listen to his interview about the prob- inists, but some prefer the label pro - feminist , a term
lems of taking on a feminist identity as a that incorporates feminism but also expresses interest
man. Do you agree or disagree with him? in working alongside girls and women for social action
Explain your response. Then ask three and change. Pro- feminist men use the term to signal that
men to describe their thoughts about they aren’t speaking on behalf of women but, instead , sec
feminism. Would they consider them- themselves as allies. Pro- feminist men recognize social
selves feminists? Why or why not? Did inequities, and compared to men who don’t identify as
I you find any men who explicitly identi-
feminists, they’re more likely to report incidents of gender
fied as feminists? Was this task easy or
bias and less likely to use sexist language ( Hyers, 2007;
hard? How did you feel talking about this
tyc with men?
Swim , Mallett, & Stangor, 2004 ). Perhaps most interest -
ingly, research shows that when men confront instances of
sexism , they are more likely to be believed and experience
fewer personal costs than women who confront those instances ( Eliezer &
Major, 2012; Rasinski & Czopp, 2010 ). These findings underscore the vital
role that boys and men can play when they become engaged in the feminist
movement, regardless of how they refer to themselves. We’ll revisit this topic
in Chapter 14.
Although there’s less research on understanding how men become fem -
inists, the growing interest in examining men’s roles within the context
of unequal gender relationships has given rise to an entire academic field:
men’s studies. Although men continue to be less likely than women to recog -
——
nize sexism , some men particularly those who’ve been exposed to positive
portrayals of feminism report a great deal of support for feminism and sub -
sequently engage in feminist activism ( Flood , 2011; Swim , Hyers, Cohen , &
Ferguson , 2001 ).
i i f *.
36 Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women
Advantages of Feminist Identification
What benefits are associated with feminist identification?
Although the discussion of the negative stereotypes about feminists may suggest
otherwise, there arc many benefits to identifying as a feminist. For example, some
research has shown that feminists arc perceived as intelligent, knowledgeable,
productive, career-oriented, and active ( Rudman & Fairchild , 2007; Twenge 8c
Zucker, 1999 ). These positive beliefs influence girls’ and women’s decision to
identify as feminists ( Roy, Wcibust, 8c Miller, 2007 ) . Also, women who identify
as feminists report better psychological well - being, experience less body shame,
and have increased sexual satisfaction compared to those who do not ( Flurt et al .,
2007; Rudman 8c Phelan , 2007; Saunders 8c Kashubeck - YVest, 2006 ) . Feminism
—
helps women to develop relationships across difference among White girls and
women , having a feminist identity is associated with taking an anti - racist stance
( Banks, Murray, Brown, 8c Hammond , 2014; Rosette 8c Tost, 2013 ). Addition -
ally, feminism has helped to build positive relationships between heterosexual
women and sexual minority women , and between able - bodied women and
women with disabilities ( LaMantia, Wagner, 8c Boheckcr, 2015; YVehbi, 2010 ) .
Further, feminism has helped to cultivate relationships across national boundaries
( Norsworthy 8c Khuankaew, 2013 ). Some feminist activists that we’ve worked
with refer to these advantages as “ having a good dose of Vitamin F.”
Even among non - labelers, there is evidence that endorsement of feminist values
has psychological benefits; however, more research is needed in this area (Saunders
8: Kashubeck-West, 2006 ). For example, psychologist Oksana Yakushko ( 2007 )
explored the psychological well- being of mostly White, U.S. women and found that
those who endorsed feminist beliefs reported a greater sense of independence and
purpose than those who did not. They were also more open to new experiences.
In a different study of mostly White women, those who endorsed feminist attitudes
reported greater self-confidence about their sexuality and a greater inclination to have
sex based on their own desires and motivations as compared to women who didn’t
endorse feminist beliefs (Schick, Zucker, 8c Bay-Cheng, 2008 ). Greater endorsement
of feminist beliefs has also been linked to high self-esteem, self-efficacy, and academic
achievement ( Eiselc 8c Stake, 2008; Fischer 8c Good, 1994; Valenzuela, 1993).
Recent literature describes how men benefit from feminism as well. There are
many psychological costs of conforming to traditional norms of masculinity, and
feminist identification gives men the freedom to reject these rigid expectations
( Kilmartin 8c Smilcr, 2015 ) . When asked about identifying as a feminist, actor
Joseph Gordon- Lcvitt said, “YVhat [ feminism ] means to me is that you don’t
—
let your gender define who you are you can be who you want to be. . . . I’m
a believer that if everyone has a fair chance to be what they want to be and do
what they want to do, it’s better for everyone. It benefits society' as a whole”
( Stern , 2014, para. 12 ). Men’s roles have stayed relatively stable despite the
Who Is a Feminist? 37
1
I p
dramatic changes in girls’ and women’s roles over the last 50 years ( Levant,
2014 ). Organizations such as die Society for the Psychological Study of Men
and Masculinity, and scholarly journals such as Psychology of Men and Masculin-
ity, explore masculinity from a feminist psychological perspective .
i
,
i
!
Feminism Comes to Psychology
What were experiences within the field of psychology like for women from
i
the late 19th century through the mid -20 th century?
i
Now that you have a better understanding of what feminism is and isn’t, let’s
explore how feminism has influenced psychology. Much like the women’s
movement, discussed earlier in this chapter, it took many years for feminism
to transform the field of psycholog)'. Throughout the history of American psy-
cholog)', many individual women have worked toward change, and coalitions of
women have collaborated to end discriminatory practices within the field. There
have been some dramatic moments. Historians confirm that without feminist
activism, the field of psycholog)' would be very different from what it is today
( Rutherford & Granek, 2010 ) .
In the Beginning
At the end of the 19th century, corresponding with the first wave of femi-
ii nism, a select group of women were entering the field of psycholog)' for the
first time. It’s hard to imagine the world in which these first -generation female
psychologists worked. Most female applicants were denied entrance into grad -
— —
uate programs, but some women mostly wealthy and White found ways to
study psycholog)' ( Rutherford & Granek, 2010 ). For example, in 1890, with
the help of her father and the president of Wellesley College, Mary Whiton
Calkins petitioned Harvard University to let her sit in on psycholog)' lectures.
Although she completed all die courses required for a PhD and later became the
first female president of the American Psychological Association ( APA ), she was
never awarded her degree, either in her lifetime or after her death. It wasn’t until
1894 that Margaret Floy Washburn became the first woman to receive a PhD in
—
psychology from Cornell University. Helen Thompson -Woolley, who earned
her PhD from the University of Chicago in 1900, published the first dissertation
:
that examined sex/gender differences.
These women were pioneers who strategically used the scientific method
to challenge prevailing sexism. Most of their research focused on disputing
biological determinism, the belief that the differences between women and men
i- ' i
1
are biologically fixed . In the early 20th century, female psychologists conducted
studies exploring how cultural expectations influence the perceived differences
between women and men . These early psychologists were resisting biased ideas,
and although they didn’t realize it at the time, they were facing a feminist predic-
—
ament that continues today a topic we’ll explore in more detail in Chapter 3.
Doing Research
Because we’re constantly surrounded by sex and gender, ideas for research
can come from everyday interactions. For example, let’s say you’re planning a
day at the beach during a family vacation, and you notice a distinct difference
If you have already taken a statistics or research methods course, you may have
noticed that the above example isn’t an experiment. Instead , it would be con -
sidered a correlational design. In a correlational design , relationships between
—
variables are examined in this case, the relationship between age and body anx-
iety. One of the most important tenets of psychology is that correlation does not
imply causation. In other words, even if variables are related ,
it doesn’t mean that one caused the other. For example, if
try it for yourself umbrella sales go up when grass grows, it doesn’t mean that
selling umbrellas causes grass to grow or that growing grass
In what ways have your views on any causes increased umbrella sales. In this case, they’re both
topic been influenced by reports about caused by another variable: rain . However, in an experiment,
scientific findings? How often have you the researcher manipulates a variable in order to investigate
questioned the results of a scientific study whether changes in that variable ( the independent variable )
presented in the news or through social
cause a change in another variable ( the dependent variable ).
media? Have you noticed bias in the way
A critical component of experiments is random assign -
science is reported? Why or why not? Ask
three people if they would question a
scientific finding presented in the popular
—
ment the process of assigning participants to conditions in
a way that guarantees all participants have an equal chance of
press. Now find a news story summariz- being in any group. Returning to our example, you couldn’t
ing a research study, locate the original randomly assign people to different age conditions because
research report, and compare the two. Is people already have an age. In odier words, you couldn’t
the summary in the news story accurate? randomly assign people to the 6-year-old condition or the
Is it complete? What are the differences -
13 year-old condition because the people in diose groups
between the way the journalist framed already exist as 6 -year-olds or 13-ycar-olds. Therefore, even
the results and the way the scientists did? if you were to find a difference between 6-year-olds and
13-year-olds, you couldn’t conclusively say that age causes the
change in body anxiety. You could, however, design an experiment diat explores
another variable that might affect the development of body anxiety. For example,
you could randomly assign girls to two conditions. In the manipulated condition,
sometimes referred to as the experimental group, you could tell the girls that boys
are watching them. In the control condition, the group you’re comparing the
effects of the manipulation against, you could tell the girls to simply enjoy one
another s company. If you were to find that body anxiety is statistically significandy
higher in the manipulated condition, then you could confidendy state that the
anticipation of being watched by boys caused the increase in the girls’ body anxi-
ety. Because all participants had an equal chance of being in cither condition, you
likely eliminated other factors that might have influenced the outcome. However,
it s important to note that many variables cannot be randomly assigned , including
sex and gender. Therefore, the ability to use psychological research to make causal
statements about the role of sex or gender is limited .
Many factors influence the research process, including who actually does the
research. The phrase “ the myth of the impartial researcher” refers to a common
— —
misperception drawn from positivism that people who conduct research are
value - neutral and thoroughly objective. As discussed earlier, all psychological
theories start from personal observations or previously established theories ( i.e.,
concepts based on a previous researcher’s work, perhaps based on their own
observations ). Therefore, if science is primarily conducted by one group of peo-
ple, it results in a narrow range of possible theories. Most senior authors of
peer- reviewed publications are White, upper-class men who are senior professors
at top research universities ( Cundiff, 2012; Eagly & Riger, 2014 ). Although it
is certainly valuable to develop theories that stem from the life experiences of
White, upper-class men, it becomes a problem when that is the predominant
worldview represented in psychological research.
As an example, Freud, the founder of psychoanalysis, said that a key com-
ponent of women’s psychological development is their experience of penis
envy ( Freud, 1905/1949 b ). In the 1930s, Karen Homey, a psychoanalyst,
criticized Freud’s inability to consider a woman’s perspective and called for a
more woman-centered approach ( Westkott, 1986). Astonishingly, Freud later
responded to her critique by saying, “We shall not be very greatly surprised if a
woman analyst, who has not been sufficiently convinced of the intensity of her
own wish for a penis, also fails to attach the proper importance to that factor
ii Who the researcher is will influence not only the formation of theories but
also the specific research questions asked . In discussing research about sex dif -
ferences, for example, psychologist Rhoda Unger ( 1979 ) argued that the very
decision to study differences between women and men reinforced the status quo
rather than allowing the discovery of anything new. It’s intriguing to consider
how different the entire field might be if we changed the question to ask “ How
are women and men similar ? ” As another example, you might consider what
would happen if we asked women to describe their experience of menstrual joy
instead of menstrual discomfort.
There are also hidden assumptions in research questions. Let’s imagine, for
example, a group of researchers exploring the effects of daycare on child devel -
opment, with a specific interest in maternal working status. Their research ques-
tion might be “Should mothers be employed out of the home early in their
child’s life ? ” This question doesn’t include fathers, so the hidden assumption
here is that mothers, not fathers, are the ideal caretakers, and that researchers
should question a mother’s, but not a father’s, employment status during their
child’s early years. How different do you suppose the findings would be if the
researchers explored “Should mothers or fathers be employed out of the home
early in their child’s life? ” ?
Another potential source of bias involves the way variables are measured. Recall -
ing the example from above, body anxiety could be measured in many different
ways, and decisions about how to operationalize a variable could be a source of
bias. Let’s take something as seemingly straightforward as aggression . In die
past, researchers have measured aggression in mosdy overt ways ( c.g., physical
and verbal assaults; Brown, 2005 ). By doing this, their data showed that boys
were more aggressive than girls. However, when researchers began to measure
relational aggression ( c.g., gossiping and socially isolating other girls ), a differ-
ent picture emerged: Girls were aggressive too ( Crick & Grotpeter, 1995 ) .
Ideally, consumers of psychological science should be informed about how
variables are defined, although this information is rarely included in popular
press summaries of research . The lack of information makes it hard to evaluate
research claims because doing so requires tracking down the original article.
How often have you looked for the original article of a study you read about
on social media ? It can be difficult to find the time to do this, and costly too,
because academic journals generally aren’t free to the public. For example,
in 2017 it cost $36 to purchase access to an individual article published in
Psychology of Women Quarterly and $106 per year to subscribe to the journal
as a whole. If you’re a student at a college or a university, you can probably
—
access articles for free through your school’s library system a privilege that
not everyone has.
Bias is also evident in the language used to present research . One concern
is use of the generic man or be to describe humans. This usage is problem -
atic because it both includes and excludes women ( Smith et al., 2010 ). As
we’ll discuss in Chapter 2, the generic be also excludes people who use pro-
nouns that aren’t gender specific ( e . g., they/ them/ their ). Because of this, the
APA publication manual advises against using generic pronouns ( APA, 2009 ).
—
Language can also reflect more subtle biases for example, use of words that
have masculine connotations ( e .g., penetrate, dominate ) or descriptions of
sex - related differences in ways that are demeaning toward women ( e .g., sub-
missive ) . Even in writing this textbook, we came across an instance of our own
bias. A reviewer of an early draft pointed out that we were consistently putting
men first when we made a statement about “ men and women . ” In a textbook
about women , she said , please start with women . These subtle biases might
seem unimportant , but the cumulative effect suggests that men should be pri -
oritized . In fact, in a review of psychological studies, male participants’ results
were disproportionately presented before those of female participants ( Miller,
Taylor, Sc Buck, 1991 ).
You might recall that when describing the hypothetical body anxiety study ear-
lier, we suggested submitting the research article to a journal that focuses on
gender. This would ensure that the reviewers had previous knowledge about sex
and gender. Although doing this makes a lot of sense, the drawback of always
doing this is that research about sex and gender would then only appear in spe-
cialized journals. For example, in a review of the literature in 2012, researchers
found that 89% of articles published about sex and gender appeared exclusively
in Psychology of Women Quarterly or Sex Roles ( Eagly et al., 2012 ). This means
that journals specializing in other aspects of psychology will be less likely than
specialized publications to include feminist perspectives.
?
li
Further, according to feminist psychologist Stephanie Riger ( 1992 ), feminist
research shouldn’t simply be used for the production of knowledge; it should
also be used for social action and social justice. If research is only published in
academic journals, it will only reach a small subset of the population that would
benefit from it . Feminist researchers prefer to “ give research away.” Examples
include sharing results on social media or through e- mail, and using results in
formal conversations with policy makers and legislative bodies that often over-
look the psychological needs of marginalized individuals. These efforts arc in
distinct contrast to the role of detached and objective researcher. Indeed , fem -
inist researchers become advocates as they share their findings and continue to
ask questions in hopes of finding answers that can increase equity.
Another way to give research away is to talk about research findings in the
popular press. Unfortunately, the popular press tends to simplify the findings
of psychological research , particularly those that confirm popularly held stereo-
types ( O’Connor & Joffe, 2014 ) . Television and social media predominantly
feature stories that exaggerate the differences between women and men ( Fine
2010; O’Connor & Joffe, 2014 ). They also generally ignore the diversity among
women and often reinforce the idea that everyone can be clearly labeled as either
a woman or a man ( Golden, 2004 ). This probably happens because short, sim -
ple stories are more likely to be read , which ultimately increases revenue for the
media outlets ( O’Connor & Joffe , 2014 ) .
i
I
r
They consider intersectionality. In addition to attending to gender,
feminist researchers take into account interscctionality ( Cole , 2009;
Rutherford & Granek, 2010 ). In order to ensure that psychological
!! research addresses interscctionality, psychologist Elizabeth Cole ( 2009 )
proposed three questions that researchers should ask :
i 1 . Who is included within this category ? For example , at most universi -
ties, if student samples are used , then the experiences of predomi -
:
nantly White and middle-class women are likely to be taken for the
experiences of all women. This practice should be avoided.
I
2. What role does inequality play ? Due to historical and institutional
forces, some social groups have more power than others, and these
power differences can shape behavior and experiences. We will
l
address this more in Chapter 2 .
3. Where are the similarities? Even if people are from different social
groups , they may have shared experiences or concerns. For exam -
ple , people of diverse social identities may all be concerned with
violence in their community, although their concerns may express
themselves in different ways .
Table 1.2 shows how these questions can inform each stage of the
research process.
Question
Analysis of data
—
Attends to diversity within a
group analyses may occur sepa
rately for each group studied.
'
54 Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women
In practice, every methodological choice has advantages and limitations. The
goal is to constantly reflect on research decisions in order to minimize bias.
No method can be completely neutral or objective. Therefore, it’s important to
read every psychological study with a degree of caution .
Conclusion
As we conclude this chapter, we hope you’re developing more questions than
answers. You arc now in the process of sharpening your critical thinking skills as
they relate to psychology. This book has drawn on the most up - to -date research
in the psycholog)' of women and gender, but the field is quickly changing. New
approaches arc urgently needed to address many gendered social and psycho-
logical realities. As you continue reading, you might ask yourself how these
theories and studies can help you tackle some of the most complicated and
controversial topics.
Chapter Review
SUMMARY
A Feminist Psychology for Modern The second wave began in the 1960s and
Girls and Women focused on improving women’s day-to-day lives,
Psycholog)' of women is a subficld in including having more equitable access to paid
psychology that focuses on the lives and work and redefining the roles of wife and mother.
experiences of girls and women. It arose The third wave began in the mid-1990s as a
alongside the political and social movements movement to change dominant ideas within
connected to feminism. feminism, including the notion that there is
Feminism is die movement to end sexism, one universal experience of womanhood.
sexist exploitation, and oppression. Some feminist scholars say we’re currently in a
Feminist psychology includes research and retraction between waves; others claim we’re in a
practice that is explicitly informed by feminism. fourth wave characterized by more sophisticated
use of social media to promote activism.
Feminism: Riding the Waves
Historians believe the first wave of feminism The F-Word
began in 1848, and it is most associated with There are many feminist perspectives, including
the movement for women to gain the right liberal, radical, socialist, cultural, women of
to vote. color, queer, and post-colonial/ transnational.
Chapter Review 55
Despite diversity and occasional conflict In the early 20 th century, many women of
within feminist perspectives, all feminisms color faced double discrimination because of
share the goal of ending sexist exploitation their multiple minority status.
and oppression . Psychology of women became an academic field
in the 1960s and the 1970s, corresponding with
I'm Not a Feminist, But . . . a surge in civil rights activism.
il Some people claim we arc living in a post -
In the early 1980s, feminist psychologists
ili
feminist era, characterized by the idea that the
women’s movement has achieved its goals and,
therefore, feminism is no longer needed .
began to critique the scientific method
particularly assumptions that science is
—
progressive and cumulative; that it relies on
Negative stereotypes about feminists contribute objectivity, neutrality, and rationality; and
to some people not identifying with feminism, that it can discover universal truths.
which makes them less active in addressing
social inequities. Understanding Research Methods
! ! The field of psychology relies on the scientific
Who Is a Feminist?
method , and the history of its use to study girls
Although many women endorse some feminist and women has not been bias- free.
beliefs, fewer arc willing to identify as feminists.
The scientific method begins with a theory,
Some women prefer the term womnnist or which leads to a hypothesis, which becomes
mujeristn ( compared to feminist ) because refined through the process of collecting data
it acknowledges racism and other forms of and drawing conclusions based on those data .
discrimination along with sexism .
In a correlational research design , relationships
Some men prefer the term pro feminist, a label between variables are examined. In an
that incorporates feminism but also expresses experiment, the researcher manipulates a variable
an interest in working alongside girls and to investigate whether changes in one variable
women for social change.
cause a change in another variable, providing the
Men who identify as feminists are less likely ability to make causal conclusions.
to use sexist language and are more likely
to recognize social inequities and confront Identifying Sex /Gender Bias in Research
instances of sex bias than men who don’t To minimize bias in research, feminist
identify as feminists. psychologists pay attention to every stage of the
: Women who identify as feminists reap the —
process including researcher and participant
identities, research questions, operationalization
greatest psychological gains and are more likely
than those who don’t identify as feminists to of variables, data analyses, publication of
engage in activism , which promotes social results, and media attention. When people
change. evaluate research , it’s important for them to
consider these factors too.
Feminism Comes to Psychology Feminist researchers are unified through their
Most early research by female psychologists awareness of power dynamics and consideration
aimed to dispute biological determinism . of intcrscctionality.
KEY TERMS
psychology of women ( p. 15 ) oppression ( p. 15 )
feminism ( p. 15 ) empowerment ( p. 17 )
feminist psychology ( p. 15 ) interscctionality ( p. 22 )
n 56 Chapter 1 A Feminist Psychology of Women
j
liberal feminism ( p. 24 ) queer feminism ( p. 29 )
structural inequalities ( p. 24 ) heternormativity ( p. 30 )
radical feminism ( p. 25 ) cisgender identity ( p. 30 )
patriarchy ( p. 25 ) transgender ( p. 30 )
androcentric ( p. 25 ) post -colonial / transnational feminism ( p. 30 )
lesbian feminism ( p. 25 ) third world feminism ( p. 31 )
compulsory heterosexuality ( p. 25 ) post -feminism ( p. 32 )
socialist feminism ( p. 25 ) womanist ( p. 34 )
myth of meritocracy ( p. 26 ) mujerista ( p. 34 )
cultural feminism ( p. 27 ) positivism ( p. 42 )
gender essentialism ( p. 27 ) feminist epistemologies ( p. 42 )
women of color feminism ( p. 27 ) LGBTQ ( p. 50 )
ethnocentrism ( p. 29 )
LI I M|/ V60UT IT
1 . What are the limits of and opportunities for 4. In what ways arc current political and
the concept of empowerment ? Does it offer academic climates similar to those experienced
girls and women an opportunity to make by feminist psychologists in the past? In what
change in the world ? ways arc they different?
2 . Think about a current issue facing women 5. Using PsycINFO, find a peer- reviewed
in your community. How would each of the research article that discusses an issue
different feminist theories think about and related to the psychology of girls and
address it ? women . Applying the three questions of
3. Imagine you’re having a conversation with a interscctionality, in what ways does the
friend who isn’t familiar with feminism. How article address intersectionalitv? If it doesn’t,
would you explain feminism to that person ? how could it be improved to better address
Given the research on feminist identification, interscctionality ?
what is the value in identifying as a feminist ?
ONLINE RESOURCES
—
AMENA- Psy resources provided by the
American Arab, Middle Eastern , and North
—
Feministing an online community of
feminist activists and bloggers by and for young
African Psychological Association, with feminists: fcministing.com
; attention toward interscctionality and post -
colonial psychology: amenapsy.org
—
Psychology’s Feminist Voices firsthand
accounts of feminist psychologists who were
Feminist.com
feminist .com
—activist resources: instrumental in creating and sustaining feminist
psychology: feministvoices.com
Chapter Review 57
t
a
AT SIX YEARS OF AGE, Sophie Cruz appeared small, but her voice was gigantic when
she addressed the 500,000-plus people who gathered for the Women's March in
Washington, D.C., in January 2017. In both Spanish and English, she called on people
i
to "fight with love, faith and courage so that our families will not be destroyed" ( Blay,
2017, para. 3). Sophie spoke about the urgency of immigration reform, one of the
:
many social issues elevated at the Women's March. Along with 2.6 million people
.
worldwide Sophie showed up to demand recognition for a series of principles uniting
women that were outlined on the march's official website ( Rogers, 2016). These prin-
.
ciples included ending violence and advocating for reproductive freedoms LGBTQIA
rights, rights, civil rights, disability rights, women’s rights, immigrant rights,
workers'
and environmental justice ( "Our mission," n.d.). Sophie was the youngest speaker
that day, showing that involvement in feminist activism can occur at any age.
For some, this march was a great success — a resurgence of feminist activism. The
New York Times reported that it was the largest single-day demonstration in U.S.
history (Chenoweth & Pressman, 2017). Many sister marches took place on the same
day, with at least 261 solidarity marches occurring outside of the United States,
from Antarctica to Zimbabwe. The momentum was undeniable, but critics raised
concerns about the march's inclusivity and messaging (Tolentino, 2017). Since these
criticisms started at the origin of the march, it is helpful to understand its evolution.
The Women 's March started as a grassroots initiative when Teresa Shook, a
retired attorney and grandmother, created a Facebook event suggesting that
59
friends rally in Washington, D.C., against what she saw as the biased and in-
flammatory rhetoric that occurred during the 2016 U .S. presidential campaign.
Her message went viral, and overnight more than 10.000 people agreed to at-
tend. Shook wanted to call the event a Million Woman March, a name originally
claimed by a famous Black women's unity march held in Philadelphia in 1997.
As interest in Shook's event grew, however, contentious conversations began
(Stockman, 2017 ). Author Mariella Mosthof ( 2017 ) reported that many women of
11 ! color felt White women's use of this name was inappropriate and an example of
appropriation, especially given the concern that the rally would primarily focus
on issues that affected White women. This concern was related to the fact that
Ir
:\ the march' s initial leadership consisted of White women ( Desmond -Harris 2017;.
Ramanathan, 2017). Racial tensions especially flared up on social media when
some White women became defensive and angry after being " asked to check
their privilege" ( Stockman, 2017, para. 15 ). Eventually, the name was changed to
|5 the Women’s March, and the planning became more sophisticated when three
experienced and well- respected female community leaders of color Tamika —
Mallory, Carmen Perez, and Linda Sarsour — joined as co- chairs.
Others were angered by the predominant use of genitalia imagery (Goins-Phillips,
2017). On the day of the march, many participants wore pink "pussy" hats. While this
seemed fun and empowering to some of the participants, the use of genitalia as a
political symbol seemed exclusionary to other participants, especially to transgender
women. Some also felt that emphasizing women's genitalia to symbolize women's
rights was objectifying rather than a symbol of empowerment (Perlmutter, 2017).
Figuring out the best way to mobilize women in order to combat oppression is
challenging and complex. Much of the complexity is due to the fact that sources
of inequality are not simply based on gender; they' re also based on race, so-
.
cioeconomic status, religion, age and a multitude of other variables. Without
paying careful attention to how systems of power and oppression work, there is
a problematic tendency to replicate exclusionary and oppressive practices. The
organizers of the march wanted to make clear that " women's rights" meant those
of all girls and women of all backgrounds. This was an important goal, but it led
to conflict when the effort to balance the interests and needs of many diverse
women became a source of tension among would-be participants.
Conflict like this is an inevitable part of organizing women from a variety of
backgrounds with different levels of power and representation. Yet anti-feminist
critics used the within-group conflict as evidence that the march lacked a unified
. .
I
or justifiable message (Christie, 2017; Dalmia 2017; May, 2017; Van Laar 2017).
A woman is not just a woman. Her identity also includes a race/ethnicity, social
class, sexual orientation, religion , nationality, and age as well as a variety of other
Social Identity
One way to think about social identity is through a model developed by psychol -
ogist Pamela Hayes ( 2001 ) called the ADDRESSING model (sec Table 2.1 ).
She oudined 10 social characteristic variables with initial letters that spell the
TABLE 2.1 The ADDRESSING Model for Exploring Social Identity with Examples from the
United States
11
sected with other social characteristics in another study comparing working-class
; i;
;
i
and upper- middle - class Chinese immigrant women ( Zhou , 2000 ) . After immi-
!
i
grating to the United States, participants reported a shift in gender roles within
die family, but this outcome was based on class. Upper- middle - class participants
!
experienced a decline in their power to make financial decisions for the fam -
\ »
!
ily, and working - class participants reported increased power because they had
1
begun to financially contribute to their families.
The various aspects of women’s social identities arc intertwined and com -
plex. No two women’s experiences are the same because access to power var-
ies. According to an intersectional perspective, it’s not enough to examine bias
based on sex/gender without also considering the ways other forms of oppres-
sion contribute to any given situation ( Cole, 2009; Gunnarsson , 2017 ). The
idea that each system of bias ( e.g., racism , homophobia, sexism ) interconnects
with and stems from the same system of social stratification is known as the
matrix of domination ( Collins, 1990 ) . From this perspective, it’s impossible to
eradicate sexism without also ending other interconnecting oppressions ( e.g.,
racism, classism ). Therefore, many feminist scholars argue that developing the
—
capacity to work together even with tensions and conflicts like those experi -
—
enced during the planning of die Women’s March is the best approach for
undoing the overall structure of oppressive forces.
Power Hierarchies
;
What are the mechanisms by which those with a dominant status maintain
their power, and why is this often difficult to see?
ii
TABLE 2.2 Characteristics Associated with Members of
Dominant and Subordinate Groups
Have access to power and resources Have reduced access to power and resources
group, rather than because of anything they did or failed to do ( Johnson , 2006;
—
McIntosh , 1989 ) . Privilege results in tangible benefits such as increased secu -
rity and money for housing, food , health care, and education which almost —
always results in greater power ( Case, 2013 ). Table 2.2 shows key characteristics
associated with people who have either more privilege or less that is, who are
members of either dominant or subordinate groups.
—
Unearned Entitlements Privilege gives people unearned entitlements, or
things of value that ideally should be provided to everyone but aren’t ( Johnson,
2006; McIntosh , 1989 ). Let’s consider high school sports events. Boys’ teams
tend to have more fanfare and publicity than girl’s teams. Girls’ sporting events
arc less likely to have halftime performances, cheerleaders, or a stadium hill
of spectators ( Dusenbery & Lee, 2012 ). Also, teams from wealthy school dis-
tricts generally have more access to nicely fitting uniforms and transportation to
games. In fact, even the ability to have a high school sports team is more likely in
wealthier districts ( Wong, 2015 ). In other words, some athletes enjoy additional
perks simply because they live in a wealthy school district ( mostly likely indi-
cating that they were born into an upper-class or upper- middle-class family ) or
because they play on male sports teams. In this sense, the perks are an unearned
entitlement because they aren’t necessarily based on performance.
Another aspect of an unearned entitlement is that the characteristics of priv-
ileged groups are considered normal ( or the default ), and all others are com -
pared to that group. For example, being male is considered the norm, and
a
Invisibility As another consequence of dominant groups being considered
normative, individuals with multiple marginalized social characteristics are
often invisible ( Purdie -Vaughns & Eiback, 2008 ). This is because their identity
isn’t considered prototypical in a particular social category ( Purdie -Vaughns 8c
Eibach, 2008 ) . For example, in the category of race, the prototypical member
is White, and in the category of gender, the prototypical member is male. As
a result, Black women often go unnoticed or unheard because of their non-
prototypical status in regard to race ( Black ) and gender ( female ). This is very
evident in the fact that the contributions ofWhite women are more readily asso-
ciated with second wave feminist activism ( Freedman, 2013 ) and in the fact that
the contributions of Black men during the 1960s civil rights movement tend to
overshadow those of Black women ( hooks, 1989 ) .
The tendency to render non - prototypical people less visible has been tested
empirically. In one study, researchers provided White college students with a
memory task and found that the participants were less likely to remember pho-
tos of Black women than those of White women or Black men (Sesko 8c Biernat,
2010 ) . The same participants were also less likely to recall statements made
by Black women than those made by White women or Black men. In another
study, participants read about a pair of employees assigned to work together at
a task in which they either succeeded or failed ( Biernat 8c Sesko, 2013 ) . Partici -
pants were then asked to rate the competence and deserved salary of each of the
employees. Researchers found a pro- male bias in the White male-White female
work pair, but not in the White male-Black female pair or the Black male-Black
female pair. The researchers speculated diat the Black women were buffered
from the effects of gender bias by virtue of their non - prototypicality, or invisibil-
ity. These findings support the idea that both White women and Black men have
the privilege of being seen as prototypical members of their groups ( women and
Black people, respectively ), and that they are more likely than Black women to
be noticed and remembered .
“overcome” her disability became the sole focus of her success ( Litsky, 2001;
Lorber & Moore, 2007 ).
i Why don’t people regularly challenge such expressions of privilege ? This
t!
is because most people adhere to legitimizing myths ( Chen & Tyler, 2001 ).
These are attitudes, values, or beliefs that exist to justify social hierarchies.
11
—
Many people tend to believe that certain things are “ just true ” for example,
that men are natural leaders and that women are naturally better at doing care
1 work ( Koenig, Eagly, Mitchell, 8c Ristikari, 2011 ) . Many legitimizing myths
ii
i —
about gender are based on assumptions about gender differences a topic we’ll
explore in Chapter 3. Other legitimizing myths may involve race, class, or ability
status. For example, some people believe that individuals with disabilities are
i *, i less competent than those without disabilities or that people who speak English
i
as a first language will be better representatives of an organization than those
for whom English is not their first language ( Cichy, Li , McMahon, 8c Rumrill,
! 2015; Lee 8c Rice, 2007 ).
i
r
The Invisibility of Privilege
!
Why is it often difficult to notice privilege, what does it mean to check your
privilege, and how can having a subordinate status positively influence
someone?
You may have heard the phrase “check your privilege,” but you may not be
entirely sure what that means or how you’re supposed to do that. As was evident
during the Women’s March, there’s often a lot of confusion about privilege,
who has it, and how it works. It’s also difficult to see when we have privilege.
Indeed, privilege is often invisible to those experiencing it, even among people
who are socially conscious and trying to address inequality ( McIntosh , 1989;
Wildman, 1996 ) . This might have been the case for the White women who
responded angrily and defensively in discussions about White privilege during
the planning of the Women’s March. White people probably don’t spend a great
deal of time contemplating their Whiteness and what it means to their position
in society. Likewise, heterosexual people probably don’t spend much time won -
dering if they’re heterosexual and why diey are, or wondering when or if they
should come out as heterosexual to friends or family. In the same vein , a Chris-
tian student probably wouldn’t notice that classes are cancelled for Christmas
—
but not for Yom Kippur but a Jewish student probably would.
Because most people have both subordinate and dominant identity charac-
teristics, people can be in one or more privileged groups but still not think they
have a great deal of status or power overall ( Wise & Case, 2013 ) . For example,
if a White man is poor, not well educated , and under-employed, he may think
f:
• I
Stereotypes, Power, and
:
; !
;|
Subordination
;
! What are common gender stereotypes, and how do they vary based on
women's other social characteristics?
fii
The counter to privilege is subordination , and much like privilege, experiences
« of subordination are often difficult to notice. Sexism, or a bias based on the
i
belief that men are superior to women, looks different today than it did in the
past. In Chapter 1, we discussed the fact that sexism has changed forms over
time and is now more difficult to see. This is one reason why many people think
w we live in a post-feminist era where the women’s movement has achieved its
goals and , therefore, feminism is no longer needed . But sexism still permeates
all societies worldwide. It has been said that a fish doesn’t know it’s swimming
in water. We can think of sexism as water, and all of us as fish . We don’t notice
—
sexism because it’s all around us we’re swimming in it!
Sexism begins with stereotypes. A stereotype is a set of beliefs about the
characteristics of a particular group that are generalized to all members of that
group ( Judd & Park, 1993 ). Since nothing can ever be true of all group mem -
bers, stereotypes are inherently problematic, and they influence not only what
we expect from people but also how we interact with them . Some stereotypes
are based on gender roles, or the behaviors within a culture that are generally
considered acceptable or desirable for a person based on that individual’s actual
or perceived gender. Feminist psychologists consider rigid gender role beliefs to
be a source of control over girls and women because of the ways in which people
are socialized to adhere to stereotypes.
Gender stereotype research has often focused on two major dimensions:
communion and agency ( Bakan, 1966; Fiske, Cuddy, Glick, & Xu , 2002 ). In
—
the past, men were likely to be considered agentic that is, assertive, domi-
nant, competitive, and acting to get things done ( Newport, 2001 ). In contrast,
—
women were likely to be considered communal that is, warm, friendly, con-
cerned with others, and emotionally expressive. These traits were considered
fundamental to what it meant to be a woman and a man . For example, when
study participants were asked to list traits associated with the terms feminine and
masculine, the vast majority of responses fell on the communal/agentic dimen -
sion ( Deaux & Lewis, 1984). But these stereotypes don’t strictly reflect today’s
II reality. Other research has shown that women and men are equally assertive and
:
agentic (Twenge, 1997, 2001; Twenge, Campbell, & Gentile, 2012 ). However,
the association of men with agentic traits and women with communal traits
continues to this day (Abele, & Wojciszke, 2014; Conway & Vartanian, 2000 ).
Traditionally, communal or feminine traits are considered “ nice,” but
they don’t confer power or status. Being seen as nice but incompetent is
:
munal (Collins, 2004; Wallace, 1990 ). In her description of the
bBW stereotype, writer Tamara Winfrey Harris said , “We are
the mothers who make a way out of no way. On TV, we are die
; inspired by a speech given by Michelle ,
no nonsense police chiefs and judges. We are the First Ladies
1
with the impressive biceps” (Winfrey Harris, 2014, p. 1).
Obama, CaShawn Thompson created i
Histori ans believe that the concept of the strong Black
the hashtag #blackgirlmagic to 1
!
woma n arose as a means to cope with the violence of slavery
i celebrate the resiliency of Black girls , and that it has been passed down intergenerationally, partic-
and women. While many people found i
I
1 | the hashtag empowering, others 1 ularly from mothers to daughters (Thomas & King, 2007 ).
V i were concerned that this effort might
1 When Black women endorse the SBW stereotype, they see it
i i reinforce the strong Black woman , as a positive way to promote pride ( Abrams, Maxwell, Pope,
! stereotype. What do you think?i 8c Belgrave, 2014; Romero, 2000 ). However, this stereo-
type emphasizes self-sacrifice, and in response, Black women
.
Note. Content drawn from Ghavami & Pcplau ( 2013). Additional attributes arc listed in the source ‘Attributes participants used to
describe only one gender arc designated with an asterisk.
.
Stereotypes Power, and Subordination 73
may de- prioritize self-care and be less willing to ask for help. In fact, endors-
ing the idea of constant resiliency in the face of serious hardship is associated
with negative mental and physical health outcomes. For example, embracing the
SBW stereotype has been related to depression, obesity, and cardiovascular dis-
ease among Black women ( Donovan & West, 2015; Harrington, Crowther, &
Shipherd, 2010; Watson & Hunter, 2015 ). In addition to the SBW stereotype,
there is another, more pejorative stereotype of an angry Black woman, which
depicts Black women as hostile, irrational, and overbearing ( Ashley, 2014 ). This
stereotype can serve to silence Black women who are afraid that if they express
any negative emotion they will be characterized as an angry Black woman and,
consequendy, dismissed.
Other pervasive and influential stereotypes depict female sexuality in heteronor-
I '
—
—
mative and racialized ways. The historical image of die Jezebel a hypersexual,
aggressive, and uncaring Black woman is another stereotype stemming from slav-
ery when White men used it to justify their sexual abuse and rape of Black women
( Brown, White-Johnson, Griffen -Fennell, 2013; Lack, 2015 ). Contemporary
media examples of the Jezebel, like those often depicted in music videos, create a
framework for how some Black girls and women internalize and subsequendy think
about Black female sexuality (Stephens & Phillips, 2003 ). In one study, for exam-
ple, Black women who were primed with a three- minute video clip featuring the
Jezebel stereotype, compared to participants who viewed a neutral clip, were likely
to perceive a Black female job candidate as more sexual and to recommend she seek
employment as a cocktail waitress or exotic dancer ( Givens & Monahan, 2005 ).
—
The frequent representation of Asian women as submis-
sive, sexy, and in need of rescuing stems from die china doll
your turn stereotype. One example is Miss Saigon , a highly successful
HB
B r o a d w a y musical, based on the Vietnam War, which has
been criticized for its gendered racism ( Mok, 1998 ). In a
Think of the images of women of color in
review of its 2017 revival, a theater critic noted that the lead
the media. How do they fit the stereo-
types described here? Do you think other
Asian female character, Kim, has no story line, doesn’t make
representations are starting to show up her own decisions, and is continuously victimized ( Teeman,
as well? If so. what are they? What are 2017). In addition, the colonial constructs of the Native
the implications of having limited images American princess and the squaw have remained influential
of women of color? in contemporary stereotypes of Native American women
( Bird, 1999 ). Both were deemed highly sexual, but the
s
princess was considered exotic and self-sacrificing, while the
squaw was seen as a servant who had sex frequendy and indiscriminately, often
resulting in multiple pregnancies ( Merskin, 2010 ). The tendency to see women
!i of color as sexually promiscuous simultaneously reinforces racism and sexism
and also perpetuates an image of White womanhood that is based on sexual
purity (Stephens & Phillips, 2003). This can be considered an example of how
stereotypes reinforce social stratification by setting different expectations for
women based on their gender and race/ethnicity.
, ii
74 Chapter 2 Power and Privilege
id
One reason stereotypes of women of color are problematic is that there are
so few positive images of them in popular media ( Rios & Stewart, 2016 ). For
example, Black and Latinx women are often portrayed as criminals or villains
( Rios & Stewart, 2016 ). One privilege of being a member of a dominant group
is having a diverse array of representations of your group present in the media
(Schug, Alt, Lu , Gosin, & Fay, 2017 ). Therefore, even diough White women are
often sexualized and stereotyped in the media, there are many more images of
them, so any one stereotypical or sexualized image carries less weight. Women of
color, women with disabilities, and LGBTQ women are less visible. Because the
few images that exist arc largely negative, people may develop discriminatory atti-
tudes and behaviors based on that limited information ( Rios & Stewart, 2016 ).
In addition to influencing how people are likely to view girls and women, gender
stereotypes convey how they should behave. As we’ll discuss in Chapter 5, children
learn rules about gender very quickly, and they can apply rigid stereotypes to both
themselves and others. Although adults are less rigid in their beliefs about gender,
knowledge of gender stereotypes continues to affect the way people view themselves
-
and how they choose to act. This is called self stereotyping. In other words, individ-
uals can act in ways that confirm stereotypes because that’s how they think they’re
supposed to act. For example, if a woman believes that it’s more important to be
nice than academically successful, she may attempt to present herself as nice but
not work as hard at presenting herself as intelligent. Alternatively, a man who is
very caring and considerate may choose to present himself in a more dominant or
assertive manner because he has internalized that masculine stereotype.
Of course, die more that people act in ways that confirm gender stereotypes the
more the stereotypes continue. This reflects a circular process in which social expec-
tations influence die performance of gender, which in turn influences social inter-
actions. This is known as doinggender (West & Zimmerman, 1987). There is also
tremendous pressure to adhere to traditional stereotypes. Many people notice and
react when stereotypes are violated. When individuals violate gender stereotypes, they
often experience some degree of social and economic penalties, known as backlash
effects ( Rudman, 1998; Rudman & Fairchild, 2004). For example, as we’ll discuss in
Chapter 10, when women in leadership positions act in traditionally masculine ways,
they’re more likely than other female leaders to be criticized and seen as unlikeable
( Eagly & Carli, 2007). For this reason, stereotypes are quite resistant to change.
Despite considerable advancement for women in all domains of public life, many peo-
ple continue to hold the same beliefs about strong stereotypical differences between
women and men that they did in the 1980s ( Haines, Deaux, 8c LoFaro, 2016).
.
Stereotypes Power, and Subordination 75
I
'
Sexism
What types of discrimination do women commonly experience, and why
can it be challenging to know when this has happened?
Whereas stereotypes arc beliefs about what members of social groups are like,
prejudice is a negative attitude toward someone because of their actual or per-
ceived membership in a certain social group. Sexism is a form of prejudice.
Typically, when people think of sexism , they come up with examples of overt
sexism, or unequal treatment of women that’s easily identifiable and, therefore,
easily documented. Discrimination is a form of prejudice that occurs when
someone is treated unfairly because of actual or perceived membership in a
:I
social group that is less powerful than the dominant group. For example, not
hiring a woman for a leadership position simply because she’s female would be
an example of sex discrimination. An example of overt sex discrimination would
II involve telling a woman during a job interview that the company doesn’t like
to hire young women because they tend to quit to have babies, and then not
giving her the job. As a result of many anti -discrimination laws, including the
Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Pregnancy Discrimination Act of 1978, these
types of practices arc illegal in the United States.
1
with family and men with careers. Many studies using the
IAT find that well -intentioned people may not know they try it for yourself
have biased associations related to girls and women ( Ebert,
Steffens, & Kroth , 2014; Latu et al., 2011; Mascret &
In 2011, researchers at Harvard Univer-
Cury, 2015; Simon & O’Brien, 2015 ). However, other
sity created the Project Implicit website:
researchers have qualified these findings because results can https://implicit.harvard.edu/implicit/.
be different , especially for first - time users, if a test is taken It offers a free opportunity for anyone
multiple times, and IAT results don’t consistcndy predict to take Implicit Association Tests. Take
discriminatory behavior ( Fiedler, Messner, & Bluemke, a test that is specific to gender (you can
2006; Mitchell & Tctlock, 2017; Rezaei, 2011 ). take others as well). Are you surprised
Because modern sexist attitudes are often implicit, it can by the findings? What are the challenges
be hard to notice them . A central feature of modern sexism in addressing implicit forms of sexism?
is the denial of discrimination ( Ellemers & Barreto, 2009; Is it easier to address the more explicit
Swim & Campbell, 2001 ). That is, if people assume that gen- forms of sexism? Why or why not? What
der equality has been achieved, they’re likely to see any failure approach might you take for each?
of women to succeed as a result of women’s own shortcom-
ings rather than systematic disadvantage (Swim et al., 1995 ).
People who hold modern sexist views arc often resentful of demands for equality;
they see these as coming from women who expect special treatment. As we men -
tioned earlier, some of the criticism directed at participants in the Women’s March
included many of these sentiments. However, denial of discrimination is consid -
ered sexist because it justifies not addressing gender inequalities and maintains the
status quo while also blaming women for their lack of equality and social mobility
( Becker & Swim, 2012; Hayes & Swim , 2013 ).
Modern sexism is viewed as harmful because it prevents social change and
can have negative consequences. Women who experience modern sexism have
been found to report greater anxiety and insecurity than women who don’t
report experiencing modern sexism, and they’re also more likely to engage
in self-defeating behaviors ( Barreto & Ellemers, 2005; Ellemers & Barreto,
2009 ) . Interestingly, some women also engage in denial of personal discrimina -
tion ( Crosby, Iyer, Clayton, & Downing, 2003). They acknowledge that sexism
—
exists, but they feel they don’t personally experience it at least, not often. Psy-
chologists suggest that this may be a form of self- protection because it’s difficult
to accept that one is disadvantaged due to being a woman ( Barreto & Ellemers,
2005; Ruggiero & Taylor, 1997 ). Such denial makes it less likely that women
will engage in collective social action, which in turn maintains the status quo
( Ellemers & Barreto, 2009; Wright, 2001 ).
Microaggressions
Modern sexism and the resulting subtle gender discrimination can be so unob-
trusive that they begin to seem like normal parts of life (Swim & Cohen, 1997 ),
Sexism 77
I
I
I
i
i
*
Does he avoid making the same type of comment to male employees ? He might
ii be paying her a compliment, but he might also be cultivating a work environ -
ment in which female employees, but not male employees, are noticed for their
appearance. Gender microaggressions are brief, everyday acts of sexism , whether
>s
intentional or unintentional, diat demean and insult a person based on that indi -
! vidual’s gender (Sue, 2010 ). These everyday acts are frequently perpetrated by
i
people with good intentions who most likely don’t see themselves as prejudiced
(Sue, 2010; Swim & Cohen, 1997 ), an idea we’ll revisit later in this chapter.
Microagressions are often the result of stereotyping. For example, one study
• \ . showed that Black women at predominantly White institutions experienced gen -
I
dered racial microaggresions based on stereotypes such as those discussed above,
1
. including the Jezebel or the angry Black woman ( Lewis, Mendenhall, Harwood,
I
& Browne Huntt, 2016 ). In anodier study, researchers found diat , compared to
Latinx men, Latinx women experienced more microaggressions that were based
on racialized gender stereotypes ( Nadal, Mazzula, Rivera, & Fujii - Doe, 2014 ).
Other microaggressions reported by women of color include feeling as though
they were sexual objects and being treated as if they were a nanny instead of a
mother ( Nadal et al., 2015 ). Researchers have also found that people with disabil -
ities frequently experienced microaggressions ( Keller & Galgay, 2010 ). They were
often infantilized (i.e., treated as children ), patronized ( c.g., praised for doing
mundane tasks ), and de -sexualized ( e.g., punished for displaying sexual interest ).
Other research shows that microaggressions may appear ambiguous or neu -
tral ( Cortina, Kabat-Farr, Magley, & Nelson, 2017 ). An example is selective
—
incivility the tendency to make rude, condescending, and ostracizing acts that
violate norms of respect toward women and people of color ( Cortina, 2008 ).
Because acts of selective incivility ( c.g., using a condescending tone, ignoring or
interrupting a colleague ) appear neutral, they aren’t identified as sexist or racist
acts ( Cortina et al., 2017). They’re attributed to the personality or carelessness
of an individual instigator rather than seen as indicating a hostile climate. How-
ever, incivility is actually a covert manifestation of bias.
Sexism 79
I
: I
•
Another reason that it’s often hard to see sexism is that it can be cloaked in a
!
IIi positive context. As we’ve discussed , stereotypes can include both positive and
negative components, and the positive aspects can cloak die negative ones. For
1 example, people don’t usually go around saying, “ I hate women . They’re horri -
ble.” In fact, many sexist beliefs arise from the assumption that women ( at least
women who conform to traditional gender roles ) are wonderful, virtuous, and
warm . Ambivalent sexism is a term that describes die ways in which contemporary
sexism includes two related but complementary components: hostility and benev-
olence ( Glick & Fiske, 1997 ). Hostile sexism consists of negative and derogatory
beliefs about girls and women . Examples of hostile sexist beliefs arc that women
are incompetent, unintelligent, or sexually manipulative. In contrast , benevolent
sexism takes a positive spin, suggesting that girls and women should be treated
differently than men because they are special and worthy of being cherished and
in need of protection. Examples of benevolent sexist beliefs are that women arc
pure, maternal, or intuitive. One can say that benevolent sexism puts women on
a pedestal and hostile sexism puts women in die gutter ( Begun & Walls, 2015 ).
Hostile and benevolent sexism work together to create sexist environments
( Glick & Fiske, 1997; Wood & Eagly, 2010 ) . Hostile sexism operates by punish -
ing women for challenging traditional gender expectations; benevolent sexism
rewards women for maintaining the gender status quo. One tool for assessing
people’s endorsement of hostile and benevolent sexism is the Ambivalent Sex-
ism Inventory ( ASI; Glick & Fiske, 1997 ), and sample items for each type of
sexism are shown in Table 2.4. Research with 15,000 women and men from
ft
Many women arc actually seeking special Women, as compared to men, tend to have a
favors, such as hiring policies that favor them more refined sense of culture and good taste.
over men, under the guise of asking for
“equality. ”
Most women interpret innocent remarks or No matter how accomplished he is, a man is
acts as being sexist . not truly complete as a person unless he has
the love of a woman.
Most women fail to appreciate fully all that Every man ought to have a woman whom he
men do for them . adores.
Women seek to gain power by getting control A good woman should be set on a pedestal by
over men. her man.
Once a woman gets a man to commit to her, Men should be willing to sacrifice their own
she usually tries to put him on a tight leash . well - being in order to provide financially for
the women in their lives.
Note. The entire Ambivalent Sexism Inventory is provided in Ghck and Fiskc ( 1997 ). Respondents
are instructed to rate the extent to which they agree with each item using a 6- point scale ranging from
Strongly Disagree to Strongly Agree.
Sexism 81
I
i break up. It also occurs in the cases of men who worship their mothers but are very
—
hostile to sexual women a phenomenon known as the Madonna/ whore complex
(Tanzer, 1985; Tavris & Wade, 1984 ). This phenomenon stems from die fact that
some men see the women they care for and respect and the women they desire as
being in mutually exclusive categories, so men will engage in both benevolent and
i
I !!
1 —
hostile sexism but toward different women ( Tavris & Wade, 1984 ) .
Although women are likely to reject hostile sexism, they often do endorse
benevolent sexism ( Glick 8c Fiske, 2001 ). In fact , one study has found that, in
countries where men endorse high levels of hostile sexism, women arc more
likely to endorse benevolent sexism ( Glick et al., 2000 ). This may, in part, be a
.* !i self - protective response ( Fischer, 2006 ). If a woman is in danger of being perse-
l!
•» * •
cuted because she deviates from gender norms, it would be to her advantage to
\ internalize the importance of staying within gender norms.
People appear to differentially apply benevolent sexism across groups of
women . In one online study, researchers found that primarily White partici-
pants expressed more benevolent sexism toward White women than toward
Black women ( McMahon 8c Kahn, 2016 ) . However, when Black women were
described as chaste, the participants expressed more benevolent sexism toward
them . As a result, the researchers concluded that when Black women conform
to traditional expectations of femininity, a possible outcome would be experi -
encing benevolent sexism .
i
v 82 Chapter 2 Power and Privilege
•t
would eliminate protections that had been put in place
for women ( Sue, 2010 ). More recently, politicians have
used benevolent sexism to justify limiting military wom -
spotlight o n . .
en’s participation in active combat by suggesting that
women are weaker than or not as capable as their male Sexism and Violence
counterparts, which subsequently prevents advancement
of women in the military ( Choma, 2016 ). In 2014, a man killed two White women
and four men of color and injured 14 others
Also, when women are exposed to benevolent sexism,
in Isla Vista, California. Following the
they may show increased levels of stress. In one study, a
attack, authorities uncovered a manifesto
racially diverse group of women was asked to complete a in which the attacker outlined his hatred
challenging problem -solving task prior to being exposed to for women and racial minority men
a male researcher who made either a hostile, a benevolent, ( Magnoli, 2015).
or a non-sexist comment (Salomon, Burgess, & Bosson, The attack and the documents spurred
2015 ). In the benevolent condition, he said , “Girls don’t a national discussion about misogyny,
like the hard section, so I’m going to go ahead and get or hatred of girls and women. Some
rid of it for you . I’m willing to sacrifice a little data, so I commentators saw this as reflecting a
don’t make another girl upset about how hard the last widespread problem of sexism in American
section is” ( p. 472 ). Compared to women who weren’t culture ( Hess, 2014). Other commentators,
however, claimed that this was a singu -
exposed to benevolent sexism , the women who were had
lar act, more connected to mental illness
increased cardiovascular activity that took longer to return
and the problematic beliefs of a single
to baseline. This outcome indicates that the women who
individual. This perspective was mostly
were exposed to benevolent sexism experienced the stress shared through Twitter via the hashtag
of the problem -solving task for a longer period than was # notallmen to claim that not all men are
true for the women who were exposed to cither the hos- sexist. In reaction, #yesallwomen was
tile sexist or the non -sexist comment. In another study, created to offer the perspective that all
women who simply witnessed a benevolent sexist act (a women experience sexism.
man offering to pick up a box for another woman ) felt The challenge is that both sides are
more self-conscious about their bodies than those who right. Most people condemned the
didn’t witness such an act (Shepherd et al., 2011 ). On the killings, including those who tweeted with
#notallmen. They could see how harmful
basis of these findings, one can say that even witnessing
and unjustified these acts were and could
benevolent sexist acts has detrimental effects.
rightly claim that not all men engage in
Benevolent sexism can even interfere with women’s
overt violence. Those who posted with
thinking. In one study researchers examined women’s #yesallwomen, however, highlighted that
brains while completing a memory task after hearing a the very fact that men can live without
male researcher make a benevolent sexist statement, a the threat of sexism is an example of male
hostile sexist statement, or a neutral statement ( Dardenne privilege. In this way, acts of sexism are
et al., 2013 ) . When the women were exposed to the not always overt, and privilege exists in
benevolent sexist statement, the brain regions associ- day-to - day interactions that can appear to
ated with stopping intrusive thoughts ( e.g., bilateral, .
be harmless but over time, can add up in
dorsolateral , prefrontal, and anterior cingulate cortex ) potentially lethal ways (Sue, 2010) .
reacted. This finding indicates that those in the benevo-
lent sexism condition shifted attention from the task to
block out intrusive thoughts. Since this wasn’t true for
83
; ,
i i tliose exposed to the hostile sexist statement or the neutral statement, benevo-
lent sexism may well be particularly detrimental to women’s performance.
i|
ii Language is another area in which sexism can be overlooked . There are many
patriarchal assumptions in language. When internalized, these messages can fur-
ther reinforce sexist attitudes and behaviors ( Swim , Mallett, & Stangor, 2004 ).
Yet, in the same way that most people may not notice benevolent sexism or
microaggressions, it’s often the case that people don’t notice the problematic
messages in everyday conversations. Psychologists have identified biased lan-
guage as a source of microaggressions ( Nadal, 2013; Sue, 2010; Woodford,
Howell, Kulick, & Silverschanz, 2013 ) . Let’s explore some of the subtle ways
language reflects sexism .
!
TABLE 2.5 Possible Pronouns in Different Grammatical Forms
She She smiled. I called her. Her eyes That is hers. She likes
gleam . herself.
i They* They smiled. I called them. Their eyes That is theirs. They like
gleam. themselves.
1
ii Zc Zc smiled . I called zir. Zir eyes
gleam .
That is zirs. Zc likes
zirsclf
Note. Content drawn from Wikipedia. * They is being used as a third - person singular noun .
Male/Unmarked Female/Marked
author authoress
waiter waitress
host hostess
headmaster headmistress
landlord landlady
actor actress
hero heroine
lion lioness
i
I
What's in a Name?
Names also reveal hidden biases. For example, some girls’ names reflect aesthet-
ics or femininity ( e.g., Bella, Lily, Jasmine, Grace ) , and gendered patterns arc
even found among nicknames. When researchers analyzed 380 popular nick-
— —
names, they found that male nicknames especially among peers often implied
strength, largeness, hardness, and maturity ( e.g., Champ, Digger, Stud , Maddog',
Phillips, 1990 ). In contrast, female nicknames were more associated with beauty,
pleasantness, kindness, and goodness ( e.g., Angel, Babe, Munchkin , Honey ).
Women’s subordinate status shows up again with the use of formal titles.
i In formal settings, the probability of being addressed by a professional title is
!
greater for men than for women. It’s likely that most faculty at your school are
!
1 referred to as either Professor or Doctor. Have you ever heard instructors being
I
-
addressed as Mr. or Ms. or Mrs }. It’s likely that if you have, it was a female pro
fessor being addressed this way. One study showed that students were more
likely to refer to male professors by a formal tide than female professors ( Takiff,
Sanchez, 8c Stewart, 2001 ). However, when female professors were addressed
.
ii
—
by title, students perceived them as less accessible a pattern that didn’t hold
for male professors. This is especially true for women of color, who are often
referred to as Ms., while their colleagues are referred to as Doctor or Professor
( Berry, 2014 ). Being addressed as Mrs. is a major pet peeve of ours. Addressing
a professor this way not only denies the status and recognition of being called
—
Dr. or Professor that she earned it also reflects an assumption that ( a ) she is
married and ( b ) she changed her name when getting married.
Each year, about 90% of women in the United States who marry men will
change their last name to their husband’s last name ( Goldin 8c Shim, 2004;
Johnson 8c Scheuble, 1995 ). This practice originates from the traditional family
structure in which , upon marriage, a woman became her husband’s property
(Suarez, 1996 ). The practice basically erases maternal lines over generations and
can also erase many of the social networks that women develop prior to marriage.
This happens because people can be difficult to find, even through social network
searches, when they change their name unless you know their new last name.
Until the 1970s, in some states women were not permitted to vote unless
they registered using their husband’s last name ( Goldin 8c Shim, 2004 ). The
practice of taking a husband’s name varies considerably by country. In Spain ,
Latin American nations, and China, women typically keep their birth name after
marriage. In France, most women retain their birth name for legal documents
and use their husband’s name in social settings ( Chapman 8c Ciment, 2015 ).
In the United States, changing one’s name is time-consuming and expensive.
Several Internet businesses, like HitcbSivitch.com and MissNoivMrs.com, have
emerged to help manage the time and cost of ordering a new driver’s license
and passport, updating bank accounts, and changing other official documents
( Urken , 2012 ). Despite the hassle, the practice appears to be popular, particu -
larly among White women . In an analysis of wedding announcements published
in the New York Times from 1982 to 2002, 71% of all women changed their
names, while 29% chose to keep their birth name or hyphenate it ( Hofifnung,
2006 ). However, only 39% of women of color changed their names. This find -
ing is consistent with other research showing that women of color are less likely
than White women to change their name following marriage ( Twenge, 1997 ).
Women’s level of education can also be a factor ( Gooding 8c Kreider, 2010;
Hoffnung, 2006; Twenge, 1997 ). According to results from one study, women
with a master’s degree are nearly three times more likely to use their birth name
than those without a bachelor’s degree, and those with a doctorate are nearly 10
times more likely to do so ( Gooding 8c Kreider, 2010 ).
The decision to take a spouse’s name is far less common among non - heterosexual
couples. In one study, lesbian and gay couples reported diat diey kept their own
surnames in order to maintain their personal and professional identities, reject
heterosexual customs, and avoid die cost and inconvenience of having to change
their name ( Clarke, Burns, 8c Burgoyne, 2008 ). Interestingly, within die United
States, a husband who wishes to take his wife’s last name ( or a hyphenated version
I Reclaiming Words
an misogynistic words ever be used in ways simple. According to those who hold this perspective, it's
C or
that are empowering? Reappropriation oc-
curs when a person or group of people from a
subordinate group intention
stigmatize them
y
that was previousl used
(
by
Galinsky
a
ally
important to advocate for the complete elimination of their
use because such words cause harm, particularly when
reclaims a slur normalized as acceptable parts of everyday language
dominant group to oppress (Hodge. 2012). Some scholars have even suggested that
et al., 2013). The ability to such words qualify as hate speech and should be taken
reclaim negative words has been hotly debated within as a literal threat, particularly when used by someone in a
feminist circles, and much like other feminist discussions, dominant position (Horn, 2008; Hornsby, 2001).
there is tremendous diversity in how people think about it. Despite this view, slurs are used by many women to build
For some feminists, words like bitch and slut are hateful solidarity and to mobilize for political purposes. As an ex-
terms that perpetuate denigration and rape culture. From ample of reappropriation, we can think of the enthusiasm
their perspective, these words—and others that are gener- around the pussy hats during the 2017 Women's March.
ally considered even more offensive— are sexist, plain and Before that, in 2011, activists used the provocative title Slut
I Walk to describe their protest against the ways in which law
enforcement routinely suggests that women invite rape by
wearing revealing clothing. In The Vagina Monologues.
one very popular monologue encourages the audience to
repeat a word for women's genitalia that many find par-
ticularly offensive as a way to gain momentum and power.
There is also evidence that reappropriation can be suc-
cessful under the right conditions (e.g., Croom. 2013;
Galinsky et al., 2013). For example, in one experiment, par-
ticipants were exposed to the term slut in different contexts
(Gaucher. Hunt. & Sinclair. 2015 ). Women were less likely to
endorse common rape myths after being exposed to the
word in the context of a protest march (e.g.. Slut Walk) than
they were if they heard it on the street. Further, within the
context of Slut Walk marches, the use of the word did not
significantly lower women' s feelings of empowerment, and
5 lutWaTks
“
began In 2011 in Toronto in response women were more likely to refer to themselves and friends
,to a police officer telling a group of college 1 as sluts after participating in the event (Gaucher et al., 2015 ).
women that, in order to prevent sexual assault. I What are your thoughts about this debate? Is the use
they shouldn' t dress "like sluts. " The comment i of slurs empowering or oppressing? Why or why not? Are
sparked a worldwide campaign. Although many there certain situations in which it may be politically ben-
people supported the goal of ending rape culture, eficial to do so? Does it matter who uses the slurs? Are
not everyone was comfortable_with_ the_ name_ J there ways in which other variables ( e.g., racism or clas-
" SlutWalks ." sism) might determine whether the use of a slur is em-
powering or oppressing?
of it ) must obtain a court order (Slade, 2015). Only nine
states do not require this: California, Georgia, Hawaii, Iowa,
Louisiana, Massachusetts, New York, North Dakota, and
try it for yourself
Oregon . The fact that husbands, and not wives, are required
If you’re married, did you change your
to obtain court permission shows how the government con -
name? Why did you make the choice
tinues to regulate gender relations in marriage.
you did? If you're not married, have you
Some individuals ( usually women ) have adopted the considered your options in regard to sur-
strategy of using their surname in some situations ( e.g., names if you were to get married? What
professional settings ) and their spouse’s name in other set - do you think you will do? Ask a diverse
tings ( e .g., familial situations ). This practice is known as group of people these questions. What
name shifting. Among 600 married women who taught at patterns do you see? Are men less likely
a college or university or were married to university faculty, to change or consider changing their
12% were found to use name shifting ( Scheuble & John - surname? What do you think explains the
son , 2005 ) . Engaging in name shifting was related to work- patterns you observe?
ing full - time, having a higher level of education, and being
older. Researchers suggest that name shifting might reflect
women’s ambivalence in managing social pressures that create a conflict between
personal identity and the role of wife and mother ( Scheuble & Johnson, 2005 ).
For example, when 222 college students were asked to rate women who took
their husband’s name, those who did were perceived as less agcntic and more
communal than women who kept their surnames or hyphenated their surname
with their partner’s name ( Etaugh , Bridges, Cummings- Hill, & Cohen, 1999 ).
Last names have implications for children too. Even when women keep their
last names, they are unlikely to pass that name along to their children. One
study found that 90% of heterosexual women who kept their own name when
they got married still gave their children their husband’s surname ( Johnson &
Scheuble, 2002 ) . It is worth considering this statistic in light of the fact that
women , not men , carry and birth children. Another study showed that, as an
alternative, women who kept their surname were more likely to include their
—
birth surname in their child’s name for example, as a first or middle name ( Liss
& Erchull, 2013 ).
Degrading Language
There arc many slang words that degrade women ( e .g . , bitch and slut ) . The
equivalent slang words for men aren’t nearly as negative ( e .g. , tool and stud) .
Most notably, slang words that are used to describe women are disproportion-
ally sexualized . One linguist found that North American English has no fewer
than 220 words for a sexually promiscuous woman but only 20 for a sexually
promiscuous man ( Lei , 2006 ) . People also seem to be more likely to sponta-
neously use sexual slang terms to describe women than men. When researchers
asked college students to list slang words used to describe women and men,
Talking Styles
How do talking styles, speech use, and interrupting reflect power
differentials?
Another way in which we can see how language reflects men’s higher status and
power is by examining the different ways gender operates in conversation. It’s a
popular stereotype that women talk more than men, but numerous studies have
debunked this myth ( Cashdan, 1998; Mehl, Vazire, Ramirez- Esparza, Slatcher,
& Pennebaker, 2007; Tanncn, 1995 ). One study showed that men take up to
75% of talking time in a mixed -group setting ( Karpowitz & Mendelberg, 2014 ).
This is an example of how sexism can be overlooked since it’s generally not
noticeable when men take up conversational space, but it’s very noticeable when
women do it. The tendency for men to control most of a conversation is con-
sistent with the theory of communicator status, which holds that individuals with
higher status are perceived as having more credibility and expertise than those
with lower status. This translates into more talking time for men and women’s
decreased ability to control conversations.
This theory has very real implications because talking time influences every-
thing from whose thoughts get heard, to who gets to influence major deci-
sions in meetings, to who gets opportunities for active learning in a classroom .
For example, studies have shown that male students speak more frequently than
female students in college classrooms and are more likely to be listened to by a
professor ( Basow, 2004; Litosseliti, 2013; Swann, 1992 ). In elementary school,
Tentative Speech In her now-classic book Language and Women’s Place, the
feminist linguist Robin Lakoff ( 1975 ) was one of the first to offer an explana -
tion for why men, rather than women, dominate talk time. Women, she said,
are taught to be polite and to speak in ways that are unconfident and powerless.
In particular, Lakoff proposed that women are more likely than men to use
tentative speech forms, including hedges ( e.g., mostly), hesitations ( e.g., um),
tag questions ( e .g., right ?), and intensifies ( e.g., very ). For example, a woman
may say “ I . . . um . . . don’t really like it ” rather than “I don’t like it,” or “ I just
wanted to check the time, okay? ” rather than “ I’m checking the time.”
Several studies have been done to examine women’s and men’s conversations
in order to test the dominance model, and the results have been mixed. Overall,
results do show a small difference, with women being somewhat more likely
than men to use tentative speech ( Reid , Keerie, & Palomares, 2003). However,
linguists are concerned that these small findings have led to overgeneralizations
about women . For example, most women in most contexts will not use tentative
speech; however, when they do use tentative speech, people notice it, contribut-
ing to confirmation bias ( Reid et al., 2003 ). In other words, people selectively
attend to stereotypical behaviors and then conclude that certain behaviors are
characteristic of the whole group. One sociolinguist has referred to this as the
“ naming and shaming” phenomenon ( Liberman, 2007, para . 2 ).
Further, LakofPs original claim that tentative speech reflects powerlessness
may not be true. In fact, tentative speech may improve connection and increase
power in certain social contexts. For example, in one study, women were more
likely to use tentative styles of speaking in longer versus shorter conversations,
in research labs versus other settings, and in groups versus dyads ( Leaper &
Robnctt, 2011 ). Some researchers believe these findings reflect interpersonal
sensitivity rather than a lack of assertiveness. Tentative speech has also been
i
found to relate to some aspects of success, particularly among women . For exam-
ple, successful female contestants on Jeopardy are more likely than contestants
who aren’t successful to use uptalk ( also known as upspeak ), a style of speech in
which declarative sentences end with a rising intonation that is typically indica-
tive of questions ( Linneman, 2013 ). In high school settings, the “ cool girls” are
more likely to use tentative talk than the “ nerd girls” ( Bucholtz, 2001 ).
In fact, it appears that when women do use more direct styles of communication,
they risk social punishment. There is no shortage of studies showing all the ways in
which girls and women face a “damned if you do, damned if you don’t ” situation,
known as a double bind. In other words, if girls and women speak in tentative ways,
they’re perceived as weak and inferior. However, if they speak up and act assertively,
they’re perceived as stepping out of line and, more often than not, experience back-
lash. The communication double bind happens in many settings and situations.
For example, in one study, researchers asked businesswomen
and businessmen to evaluate die competence of chief execu-
tives who voiced their opinions ( Brescoil, 2011 ). Male exec-
.
; your turn utives who spoke up were often rewarded with higher ratings
of competence; however, the same behavior was punished in
In 2015, Fortune magazine published female executives. When female executives spoke with more
a satirical essay in which famous quotes frequency, both women and men punished them with lower
were rewritten as if women had said ratings. We’ll talk more about how the double bind affects
them (Addady, 2015). For example. U.S. women in work contexts in Chapter 10.
president Ronald Reagan's Cold War Policing women’s language is a profitable social phenom -
challenge—"Mr. Gorbachev, tear down
enon . For example, in 2015 the app Just Not Sorry was
this wall!" —directed to Soviet leader
marketed to women to help them develop “stronger voices”
Mikhail Gorbachev was rewritten this
way: "l*m sorry. Mikhail, if I could? Didn't
by warning them about their use of so-called undermining
mean to cut you off there. Can we agree words , such as sorry znd just ( Czutcrucci , 2015 ). As another
that this wall maybe isn't quite doing example, women, but not men, have been critiqued for
what it should be doing? Just looking their use of vocal fry ( an unnaturally low, creaky voice ). The
at everything everyone's been saying,
it seems like we could consider removing
— —
irony here is that many famous men including Leonardo
DeCaprio, Johnny Depp, and Bruce Willis use vocal fry
it. Possibly. I don’t know, what does the (Saxena, 2015 ). In fact, radio-show host Howard Stern crit -
room feel?" (Addady. 2015, para. 6). icized women about their use of vocal fry while he himself
The goal of the article was to showcase was using it. In her blog, language: a feminist guide, socio-
the double bind that women face with linguist Debbie Cameron sarcastically described all die arti -
language. If a woman had actually said
cles written in the Economist and the Business Insider aimed
the original quote, she probably would
have been perceived as aggressive, but
the alternative wouldn't have been nearly
as effective. Do you think this essay helps
to point out power dynamics in language,
at coaching men on their use of language in business set-
tings: “OK, people haven’t been talking about that article
mainly because I made it up. No one writes articles telling
men how they’re damaging their career prospects by using
—
or does it hurt and shame women? the wrong words” ( Cameron, 2015, para. 2 ). From her per-
Explain your response. spective , the critique of female voices is just another way to
tell women to stop talking ( Marcotte, 2015 ).
Body Language
How do people use body language to demonstrate their social status?
!i
»
3 of disengagement ( e.g., doodling, self-grooming ) and less likely to show non-
• i i \
I
verbal cues of engagement ( e.g., laughing, nodding, raised eyebrows; Kraus 8c
Keltner, 2009 ).
Because of women’s lower social status, psychologist Nancy Henley ( 1977 )
\V initially proposed that women are more likely to engage in low-status non -ver-
bal behaviors whereas men are more likely to engage in high -status non -ver-
‘ bal behaviors. However, this theory hasn’t received consistent research support
i
since there is evidence that women in high - powered positions don’t always
I
engage in low-status non -verbal behaviors ( Mast 8c Sczesny, 2010 ). In other
words, much like other forms of communication , non - verbal communication
|i
and its relationship to gender and status are complicated .
i
In some ways, women have been found to be more likely than men to exhibit
\ behaviors that reliably predict low status ( Mast 8c Sczesny, 2010 ) . In one study,
girls and women were found to smile more, gaze more, exhibit more expressive
gestures, self- touch more, speak with a softer voice, and maintain smaller inter-
personal distance ( Hall, Carter, 8c Horgan , 2000 ). The same study showed that
men appeared to engage in behaviors that display dominance. This finding was
indireedy supported in 2014 when the New York Metropolitan Transportation
Audiority released a series of public service ads targeted at men’s tendency to
engage in manspreading, a sitting style characterized by spreading the legs wide
into a V-shaped slouch, effectively occupying two seats ( Fitzsimmons, 2014 ).
I*
i Moreover, the tendency to take up space isn’t limited to public transportation.
If you look around the next time you’re sitting in class, you’ll probably notice
some degree of manspreading on the part of male students, while female stu -
I dents are likely to be sitting with legs crossed and body turned inward, a low-sta -
tus position . In fact, some of our female students say they feel uncomfortable if
‘ 1I
<
they aren’t sitting with their legs crossed. This practice might come from years
i
'
I of being told to cross their legs as a way to shield their genitals.
I
I
Smiling, in particular, seems to be something women do more than men
( Hall, 2006). This tendency appears to come from a feeling of obligation rather
il
than a display of authentic positive emotion ( LaFrance, 2001). After all, women
are taught to be “ nice” and “sweet” rather than “strong.” If you Google men
telling women to smile, you’ll find several hundred links suggesting that this phe-
i
t
nomenon is a popular topic. Particularly when the request comes from a stranger,
women report accommodating because of fear of retaliation ( Glaser, 2014 ). Smile
requests can be considered a form of street harassment that disproportionately
«
II
96 Chapter 2 Power and Privilege
Have you noticed instances
of manspreading as
illustrated here? How do
you think people would
react had it been a woman
sprawled across two seats?
Conclusion
In 1993, author Octavia Butler said, “All struggles are essentially power struggles.
Who will rule? Who will lead ? Who will define, refine, confine, design ? ” (Butler,
1993, p. 94 ). This quote illustrates much of the current questioning both within
feminism and within society as a whole. As we discussed in tills chapter, power
operates on many different levels. When people and institutions abuse power, there
can be negative psychological and social implications. The ideal scenario is for peo-
ple to learn how to share power, yet this is often difficult to do because so many
aspects of privilege and power are unseen. Feminist psychologists aim to explore
these unseen realities and make recommendations for more equitable ways to live.
Conclusion 97
J •
Chapter Review
:
SUMMARY
Not Just a Woman Microaggressions are not easily identifiable, and
Women have a wide variety of social identity many people don’t notice when they are taking
characteristics that intersect in ways that can’t place. For this reason, microaggressions are
II i . be untangled and explored separately. challenging to address when they occur.
Some social characteristics are associated with Sexism involves both positive and negative
I! more power, while others are associated with attitudes toward women .
less power. In contemporary society, being Benevolent sexism is generally aimed at women
i i
White, male, able - bodied, heterosexual, well who conform to traditional gender roles.
educated, and middle-aged are all social Hostile sexism is directed at women who fall
categories that are deemed powerful. outside them.
Power works through unearned entitlements When women are exposed to benevolent
and conferred dominance. sexism, diey show increased levels of stress and
Privilege is often invisible to those who have it. reduced task completion .
Because everyone has a mix of social identity The idea that not all men commit sexist acts
characteristics, someone can be powerful on has been countered by the fact that all women
KEY TERMS
social identity ( p. 62 ) overt sexism ( p. 76 )
social stratification ( p. 63 ) discrimination ( p. 76 )
matrix of domination ( p. 64 ) modern sexism ( p. 76 )
privilege ( p. 64 ) gender microaggressions ( p. 78 )
legitimizing myths ( p. 68 ) ambivalent sexism ( p. 80 )
scapegoating ( p. 69 ) hostile sexism ( p. 80 )
sexism ( p. 70 ) benevolent sexism ( p. 80 )
stereotype ( p. 70 ) paternalistic chivalry ( p. 81 )
gender roles ( p. 70 ) misogyny ( p. 83 )
agcntic ( p. 70 ) gender-fair language ( p. 87)
communal ( p. 70 ) reappropriation ( p. 90 )
backlash effects ( p. 75 ) name shifting ( p. 91)
prejudice ( p. 76 ) tentative speech forms ( p. 93)
THINK ABOUT IT
1. Imagine that you and a classmate are in a 3. How often do movies and books depict
heated debate about gender and race issues. benevolent sexism ? Think about ways in which
Your classmate says, “ I don’t know what the you could rewrite them to eliminate sexism.
big deal is! I’m not sexist or racist. I’ve never Do you think they would be as popular? Why
been given any special privileges just because or why not?
I’m a White man . In this country, if you work 4. In your next class, notice how the students sit
hard enough, you have just as good a shot as and talk. Do the men take up more space than
anyone else.” Using the research from this the women? If so, what types of things could
chapter, how would you respond to your you do to make the discussion and the use of
fellow student’s comment ? the classroom more gender fair? What types of
2. What tilings would you recommend a friend barriers might you encounter, and how might
consider when deciding about responding to you address them ?
a microaggression ? What specific things could
your friend say or do that might be effective?
Chapter Review 99
i
I
I ONLINE RESOURCES
-
Dr. Kim Case a website featuring links Girls Inc. - a website dedicated to equipping
i
to Case’s writing. A social psychologist and girls with die skills needed to navigate gender,
i I
professor at the University of Houston, economic, and social barriers so that they can
!• i Clear Lake, she writes about intcrsectionality, grow up healthy, educated , and independent:
I;
ii
feminism, critical race theory, and queer girlsinc.org
i
i !: theory: drkimcase.com Language: A Feminist Guide - a feminist
I
:
Everyday Feminism - resources about blog about language: dcbuk.wordprcss.com
i
1
' r
i | intersectional feminism for everyday life:
j
everydayfeminism.com
;
i
!: I
I
I
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i !
i .
i
1.
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'
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I
:
i
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«
100 Chapter 2 Power and Privilege
:
111 i
I
!
! i
IF YOU VISIT ALMOST ANY BOOKSTORE, you'll probably find books about sex/
i
}
t gender differences. Many of these are for couples seeking relationship advice,
and they typically describe women and men as totally different from each other.
i i
it
A famous book of this type was John Gray's Men Are from Mars, Women Are from
i
; Venus, an international best seller published in 1992. Gray (1992 ) imagines that
! "men are from Mars and women are from Venus" ( p. 1) and then tells how they
. i :
: fell in love and moved to Earth, after which they forgot they were supposed to
l!
i be different. When women and men in relationships think they' re supposed to be
;
similar, Gray says, the result is unmet expectations and relationship conflict. He
;
i
I
believes the fundamental difference is that men experience fulfillment through
.i
;t
success and accomplishment and women experience it through sharing, relat-
. .
ing and feeling.
I Another book, Men Are Like Waffles, Women Are Like Spaghetti ( Farrel &
i
Farrel, 2007), explains that men separate life into compartments like waffles and
t i
focus on one thing at a time ( career, family, leisure). Women, in contrast, see all
i
aspects of life as interrelated like pieces of spaghetti. They want to connect issues
and talk things through. In His Needs, Her Needs ( Harley, 2011), the author pres-
ents the contrasting needs of women and men. For example, she needs affection;
he needs sexual fulfillment. She needs financial support; he needs peace, quiet,
and domestic support. She needs intimate conversation; he needs recreational
A I
companionship. The book aims to teach heterosexual couples how to meet the
needs of their partner — needs that are completely different from their own.
In Act Like a Lady, Think Like a Man ( 2011), comedian Steve Harvey instructs
women about what to expect from and how to attract men. He notes that women
and men have different goals and needs: Men need to protect and provide for
their women, and in exchange they want support, loyalty, and sex. Harvey warns
women who are self -sufficient that "if you've got your own money, your own car .
your own house, a Brinks alarm system, a pistol, and a guard dog, and you're
practically shouting from the rooftops that you don't need a man to provide for
you or protect you, then we will see no need to keep coming around’’ (Harvey,
2011, p. 182). So he advises women, even those with plenty of money, to let men
pick up the check — and if they need their sink fixed, to "act like you haven't a
.
clue what to do" and then tell him "Baby, thank you so much for doing this for
me —I don't know what I'd do without you" ( p. 188 ).
All these books make assumptions about women and men being fundamen-
tally different. But does this view reflect reality? In this chapter, we’ll explore why
the assumption of difference is so popular and how it has historically served to
justify sexism. Then we’ll consider how psychologists study the topic and explore
the data on gender similarities and differences. Finally, using STEM fields ( sci-
ence, technology, engineering, and mathematics) as an example, we'll explore
how sex /gender differences that start small can become magnified to lead to
large differences in certain fields.
M£ZZ~
i he Pervasiveness of
Gender Essentialism
What is gender essentialism, and how has it historically served to justify
women's subordinate social status?
All die advice in books like those mentioned previously rests on the pervasive
assumption that there is something fundamentally different between women and
men . The assumption is also that difference lies at the essence , or core, of the
person and generally arises from biological or genetic factors. As we discussed in
Chapter 1 , this perspective is known as gender essentialism ( Prentice & Miller,
2006 ) . But what does this really mean?
i
i goals, talents, and skills ( Dupre, 2016 ) .
i
1
I Gender cssentialist assumptions have an intuitive appeal. However, data show'
i . that in most ways women and men are more similar than different ( Hyde , 2005;
J
. Zell , Krizan, & Teeter, 2015 ). Despite this finding, the popular media typically
'
I
— —
take any difference even a small one and focus on it, creating a magnifying
effect. Let’s consider the following example. One group of researchers found a
small gender difference in the left and right hemispheres of the brains of women
and men , such that the two halves of women’s brains were somewhat better
able to communicate than the men’s ( Ingalhalikar ct al., 2014 ). The researchers
didn’t link the brain difference with actual differences in behavior or abilities.
However, the press release about the study suggested that this small difference
i'l
! explained why women and men have distinct sets of cognitive skills, such as
i:
better memory and social understanding in women and better spatial skills in
men ( Penn Medicine, 2013 ). Although , as we’ll discuss below', other research
has found small differences in some cognitive and social skills, this particular
study didn’t actually link the brain difference to any behavioral and cognitive
differences.
But because gender cssentialism quickly gains traction , in response to that
press release, the popular press and blogosphcrc used the research findings to
make statements expressing stereotyped views of women and men usually
—
reflecting the assumption that women arc inferior to men ( O’Connor & Joffc,
2014 ). This one article and press release generated at least 87 popular press
articles, 162 blog posts, and 420 blog comments. Some were overtly sexist.
One commenter said, “C’mon Ladies . . . let’s face facts. Men invented pirat -
ically [ sic ] everything you use and enjoy. The Telephone, The Computer, The
Jet Engine, The Train , the Motor Car, Etc Etc the list is endless. Without
us, you would still be scratching around in caves so lets [ sic ] have no more
of this nonsense and concentrate on your hand bags” ( O’Connor & Joffc,
. >
2014, p. 7 ) . Housework wasn’t mentioned in the research article or the press
i I
*
release, but another commenter noted that the article showed “ Men are less
likely to notice dust, which, women tell me, is a mix of fine particles that set-
tle on furniture” ( p. 6 ). As you can see, a very small finding snowballed into
something bigger that could influence people’s thoughts and help them justify
sexist beliefs.
;
.
i
I
|
view, biological sex is fixed, but how one behaves is a product of socializa -
. 3i
! tion and , therefore, should be considered gender. Unger’s goal was to show
that sexist socialization practices, rather than innate features, might account
for observed differences ( even small ones ) between women and men. Unger
i
•i i
• i
1
also encouraged feminist psychologists to pursue research that focused more on
i
social explanations than on biological ones.
Although it was productive to delineate sex and gender, in doing so, Unger
1 1•
•
;
•i i opened the door to new challenges. First, separating sex and gender mistakenly
i :; i !i i suggests an exclusionary relationship between biology and psycholog)' when, in
i
fact, research shows that they’re interdependent. It is impossible to attribute any
i
one characteristic solely to biolog)' or psycholog)' ( Unger & Crawford, 1993).
i
When studying sex and gender, researchers remind us that “ complex inter-
:
i
actions are the rule, not the exception ” ( Unger & Crawford , 1993, p. 124 ).
:
:
:
• Unger’s decision to separate these concepts was a strategic push , specific to
i
the late 1970s, to move the field in a direction that focused less on biological
essentialism.
As we discussed in Chapter 2, more contemporary feminist researchers move
beyond defined categories of sex and gender and, instead, take intersectional
approaches that recognize the fluidity and dynamic nature of identity categories
( Rutherford & Granek, 2010 ). In other words, modern feminist psychologists
acknowledge that it’s impossible to distinguish between sex and gender, much
like it’s impossible to disentangle race from gender, because what we think of
as part of our biology can be socially constructed (see Chapter 4 ). In practice,
researchers use these terms inconsistently, and language choices vary over time
and among academic journals ( Unger & Crawford , 1993 ) . For this reason,
we will use the term sex/gender throughout this chapter to signify the interde-
pendence of the two categories, a practice that is increasingly popular among
contemporary feminist researchers (van Anders, 2015 ).
m
In fact, research has shown that belief in sex/gender differences is related to
both hostile and benevolent sexism ( Zell, Strickhouser, Lane, & Teeter, 2016 ).
In one study, men who believed in large sex /gender differences were more likely
to endorse hostile sexism , and women who believed in large sex /gender differ-
ences were more likely to endorse benevolent sexism ( Zell et al., 2016 ). Also,
sexism increased among participants who read a paragraph about how women
and men are different , while it decreased among those who read a paragraph
about how they’re similar. In light of these findings, it appears that believing
that women and men are different is one current cause of sexism.
Because discussions about difference have historically been motivated by
assumptions about women’s inferiority, some feminist psychologists hesitate to
discuss sex/gender difference at all ( Rutherford & Granek, 2010 ). Neverthe-
less, it’s important to understand what the science says. Some sex/gender dif-
ferences do exist, but as this chapter will show, they’re mosdy small, and their
causes are extremely complex. Explanations focusing only on biology or social-
ization are now considered to be overly simplistic. Instead, many important
aspects of die lives of girls and women are best understood within a biopsychoso -
cial model in which biological, psychological, and social factors all interact. Since
popular culture is full of statements about gender essentialism and assumptions
about neurosexism, it’s critical to understand the history as well as the tensions
associated with research in this area.
i
i
-
as men, those differences would likely disappear. Thompson Woolley’s work
is an example of how focusing on a similarities perspective provided evidence
to refute sexist ideas that girls and women shouldn’t advance in academic and
t* .
professional settings. More recently, feminist psychologist Janet Hyde ( 2005,
2014 ) has analyzed similarities and differences between women and men and
strongly supports the similarities perspective . She notes that there are import-
!
ant costs to over-emphasizing difference . For example, a couples therapist who
believes that women and men fundamentally cannot communicate may not be
optimally effective ( Hyde, 2014 ).
However, other feminist psychologists take a differences perspective. They
view women and men as more different than similar and think people should
. appreciate and value women’s unique experiences and attributes ( Hare- Mustin
i|
& Marecek, 1988 ). Although those who take a differences perspective may
appear to advocate for gender essentialism, this can be a strategic choice to help
support social causes that uniquely affect large numbers of women. This practice
is known as strategic essentialism (Spivak, 1990 ) . The 2017 Women’s March,
discussed in Chapter 2, is an example of strategic essentialism because it was
framed around how women are systemically disadvantaged
compared to men .
Those who hold a differences perspective generally view
try it for yourself women as a unified social group, despite the fact that women
vary on numerous other social identity dimensions. Seeing
Take a piece of paper, and list all the
women as unified and sharing a special quality of woman -
I ways in which you think women and
hood can be a way to mobilize for social activism ( although ,
men are different. Next ask five of your
t friends, of different genders, to come up
as discussed in Chapter 2, this approach can be contro-
with as many examples of differences versial ). Furthermore, the idea that women have unique
between women and men as they can. qualities that should be valued is consistent with cultural
Then list all the ways in which you think feminism . In Chapter 1, you considered whether cultural
women and men are similar, and ask your feminism is empowering or oppressing, and the same issues
friends to list similarities too. Which list are relevant in deciding whether a similarities or differences
was easier to generate? Do you advocate approach is helpful or harmful for girls and women .
< more of a similarities or a differences According to die differences perspective, ignoring differ-
perspective? As for your friends, do their ences between women and men can be harmful, especially
responses seem to relate to their gender
if knowledge gained from studying only men is applied to
identity?
women . In clinical research, for example, if die symptoms
of a heart attack typically differ in women and men, but if
only men have been studied, dien doctors may not recognize
; symptoms of a heart attack in women ( Eagly & Wood, 2011 ). The differences
perspective has also had some influence in modern science. In 2014, die U.S.
National Institutes of Healdi ( NIH ) changed its policy for cell and animal research
to require that all funded studies have a balanced number of female and male sub -
jects ( Clayton & Collins, 2014 ) . Previously, most animal research had been done
on males so that the female reproductive cycle wouldn’t complicate die data.
It may seem easy to determine whether women and men are similar or different:
Simply measure their scores on a given variable. In reality, it’s much more com -
plicated . For example, this line of research rarely takes into account the expe -
riences or traits of transgender women and men. Contemporary scholars have
suggested specific questions to guide researchers when investigating sex/gender
differences ( Joel Sc McCarthy, 2017 ). Without rigorous scrutiny, researchers
may unknowingly propose simplistic models that risk over-emphasizing gender
esscntialism .
* upper- middle-class participants, boys did better than girls ( Levine, Vasilyeva,
; i
Lourenco, Newcombc, & Huttenlochcr, 2005 ) . Among participants of lower
socioeconomic status, however, no sex/gendcr differences were found . All of
these findings illustrate how solely exploring differences between girls and boys
without considering other identity variables can result, at best , in incomplete
understanding.
As the influence of intersectionality becomes more mainstream , it’s likely
that research on sex /gender differences will become more nuanccd. Because so
much previous research has involved primarily White participants, an intersec-
tional approach will also address ethnocentric tendencies in this line of research.
U
# Start
Og)J - /
/
&
N
/4
/
1 In the Tarampi et al. ( 2016 ) study, the map on the left was used for participants who were told that
the study was exploring spatial ability. The map on the right, identical except for the inclusion of a human figure at
each turn, was used for participants who were told that the study was exploring empathy. A sex/gender difference
was found when participants thought it was a task of spatial ability but not when they thought the task was about
empathy.
the task was a measure of spatial ability. Men did better than women. However,
in another condition , the researchers showed die exact same map but drew a
human figure that needed to be directed through the city (see Figure 3.1 ).
Participants were told that it was a task of empathy rather than of spatial ability.
—
Voila the sex/gender differences disappeared! The context in which partic-
ipants encountered the task mattered. This suggests that differences in some
spatial skills may have more to do with expectations about what women and
men are supposed to be good at than actual cognitive differences.
i
—
ferences of degree with considerable overlap and knowing that someone is
a woman or a man wouldn’t give much information about how that person
i
would score on a given trait. Two species of dogs may have barks that, on aver-
age, differ in loudness, but knowing whether you have a Labrador or a Golden
J
Retriever won’t tell you with certainty how loud a given bark will be .
:i
In one study, researchers used taxonomic analysis to determine whether the
differences between women and men could better be described as categori -
cal or dimensional ( Carothers & Reis, 2013 ). The authors picked the most
gender-stereotyped behaviors they could identify, such as enjoying taking a bath
and using cosmetics ( associated wadi women ) and enjoying boxing and playing
video games ( associated with men ). Not surprisingly, they found that interest in
these activities was categorical ( see Table 3.1 ). Therefore, if the researchers knew
whether a participant liked using cosmetics more than playing video games, they
could relatively accurately guess whether diat person was a woman or a man. Of
course, just because diere were categorical differences doesn’t mean that all women
like to take badis and all men like to box. It simply means that , on average, this
information does a good job predicting whether a person is a woman or a man.
However, on all other psychological variables studied , the differences between
women and men were better described as dimensional than categorical ( Carothers
& Reis, 2013). Knowing that a participant was a woman or a man didn’t even
enable researchers to accurately predict whether that person was feminine or
masculine. Empathy, interest in science, and comfort with casual sex were also
found to be dimensional. This study suggests that women and men may, on
average, be different, on these variables, but there is too much overlap between
I women’s and men’s scores to describe them as being in distinct categories.
enjoy cosmetics ( including hair and nail care ) intimacy with partners
ii
Because human infants arc dependent and vulnerable, this theory implies that
it wouldn’t be adaptive for men to impregnate women and then leave their off-
spring to potentially die. Instead , it was more adaptive for men to stay with their
mating partner and help nurture infants to ensure offspring survival.
Evolutionary theorists are often criticized because, although attitudes and
behaviors can be measured in the present, one can only make hypotheses about the
evolutionary past ( Ketelaar Sc Ellis, 2000 ). Also, while there are feminist approaches
to evolutionary theory ( e.g., attachment fertility theory ) and evolutionary theorists
who identify as feminists, evolutionary theories about gender have a long history
of tension with feminism (Smith Sc Konik, 2011). For example, some evolutionary
theorists have argued that rape was an adaptive strategy to help men impregnate
fertile women (Thornhill 8c Palmer, 2000 ). Others have argued that domestic vio-
lence was a way for men to control women to make sure they weren’t having affairs
or having children with other men ( Peters, Shakleford, Sc Buss, 2002 ). Critics have
accused evolutionary theorists of insensitivity, victim blaming, and assuming that
men can’t control sexual urges ( Rose, 2000 ). Of course, not all evolutionary psy-
chologists view rape and domestic violence as adaptive traits. Furthermore, viewing
sexual and domestic violence as having evolved to control women does not mean
excusing or justifying these behaviors ( Peters et al., 2002 ) .
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v. This illustration shows the human brain mosaic. Each horizontal line
represents the brain of one participant ( women on the left and men on the right); each
column represents one brain region, and darker gray colors represent greater gray-matter
volume. Each brain is a unique mosaic of features. While there are some sex /gender
differences on average, each brain is unique and extremely variable. (From Joel et al. 2015) f
Social Role Theory Another dieory, known as social role theory or social
structural theory, emphasizes how gender roles are responses to, rather than
causes of, different roles in society ( Eagly & Wood, 1999, 2011 ). This theory
holds that differences between women and men arise from the roles they’ve
Expectancy Role Value Theory Yet another theory, expectancy role value
theory, also focuses on how environmental factors and gender socialization pro-
mote sex /gender differences. This theory centers on the notion that women
and men have internalized stereotypes about how they’re supposed to act ( Eccles,
1994 ). As a result, men may have a difficult time assuming caretaking roles
because doing so goes against their internalized beliefs that a man is supposed
to be assertive and a powerful breadwinner ( Croft, Schmader, & Block , 2015 ).
According to this theory, people make decisions about what activities to pursue
based on two factors: the expectation that doing the activity will lead to success,
and the value that person puts on the activity ( Eccles, 1994 ) .
For example, if a woman is thinking about taking a chal -
lenging math class, she’ll first consider whether she believes
she can succeed in the class. She’ll then consider whether
your turn the class is interesting and valuable to her. Even if she has
the skills to successfully complete the class, she may think
Think about the four explanations pre- she doesn’t. Also, she may not value math because she
sented previously. Which one (or combi- doesn’t see it as something that wgirls” do. Expectancy role
nation of them) do you think best explains value theory adds to the idea of social roles by noting that
some of the research on differences be-
people make active choices about the kinds of activities they
tween women and men? Which one have
1 wish to pursue.
you most heard other people use to ex-
X
plain differences? Why do you think some
The four explanations are not mutually exclusive. Evo -
explanations are more appealing than lutionary forces can help shape social roles. Biological dif -
others? These four don’t reflect all possible ferences can be influenced by evolution but can also be a
explanations. What other explanations can result of gendered environments. While arguments often
\! you think of for why some differences are present evolution and biology on one side and social roles
found between women and men? and expectancy role value on the other side, this needn’t be
the case. The explanations can be complementary.
im
[Wiethe
* 3s 1 Used to Study
Sex /Gender Similarities
and Differences
What are some methods and statistics used in studying sex /gender
similarities and differences?
! . that they report to be eliminated ( Chaplin 8c Aldao, 2013 ) . Other meta -anal-
yses examine both published and unpublished studies, such as data sets from
dissertations ( sec Else- Quest et al ., 2012 ).
When data from many studies arc combined in a meta -analysis or
| .
l
meta -synthesis, the results are generally presented in terms of an effect size, or a
i d statistic ( Cohen , 1988 ) . This number indicates how big or small a difference
1
l is. As Table 3.2 shows, an effect size of 0.1 ( or less ) is considered negligible,
ii* . l meaning any difference is essentially assumed not to exist. An effect size of 0.2 is
i
considered small, 0.5 is considered medium, and 0.8 is considered to be a large
difference between groups. It is also important to understand how to interpret
the d statistic . It’s a general convention to report effect sizes such that positive
i d scores reflect men scoring higher than women and negative d scores reflect
: \ women scoring higher than men . Although not all studies do this ( Priess 8c
Hyde, 2010 ), we’ll use this convention when reporting effect sizes.
i •
'
It’s important to remember that even when a large effect is found to exist,
I l
this doesn’t mean that women and men are two completely distinct groups.
After all, taxonomic analysis has shown that women and men are not distinct
groups on most variables ( Carothers 8c Reis, 2013 ). To think about this in
terms of effect sizes, consider that even with a large effect there would be a
69% overlap between women and men , as Table 3.2 shows. The overlap is even
greater with smaller effects, and small effect size differences are the most com -
mon in sex /gender difference research . If the effect size is small, 92% of women
—
and men would have similar scores indicating a great deal of overlap.
Another statistic to consider is variability, or the degree to which the scores
are spread out. Imagine a set of five scores with an average of 100. If the scores
were 99, 100, 100, 100, and 101, there would be low variability. But if the
scores were 50, 75, 100, 125, and 150, there would be greater variability. Men
and women may have similar scores on average, but their scores may differ in
—
variability in other words, even though the groups don’t differ on average,
there may be more of one group who score very low and very high .
In her review of how assumptions about sex/gender difference have served
to justify women’s subordinate status, psychologist Stephanie Shields wrote in
1975: ctThe variability hypothesis is all but absent from contemporary psycho-
I
logical work, but if it ever again promises a viable justification for existing social
values, it will be back as strongly as ever” (Shields, 1975, p. 751 ). Indeed , the
variability hypothesis did come back. In 2005, Larry Summers, then president
of Harvard University, spoke at a conference on diversifying the science and
engineering workforce to address why there are proportionally fewer women
; than men in the sciences. He noted that “ in the special case of science and engi -
neering, there are issues of intrinsic aptitude, and particularly of the variability of
aptitude” (Summers, 2005, para. 6 ). His comments caused a firestorm of con -
—
troversy at the time probably because they sounded very similar to statements
made historically to justify claims about women’s supposed inferiority.
'
120 Chapter 3 Similarities and Differences
i
• hi
TABLE 3.2 Common Effect Size Standards
Percentage overlap
Effect Size: d Effect Size: Label between groups What does it look like?
0.1 Negligible 96.01% Cohen’s d: 0.1
-3.0 -2.5 -2.0 -1.5 -1.0 -0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0
/
/
/
.
-3.0 -2.5 -
-2.0 1.5 -1.0 -0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0
-3.0 -2.5 -2.0 -1.5 -1.0 -0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0 3.5
-3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3
i
i
The Big Picture
! Overall, are women and men more similar or different, and what is the
i degree of overlap?
Researchers have reviewed data from many meta - analyses to gain an overall pic-
ture of the extent of sex/gender differences. In 2005, psychologist Janet Hyde
I
reviewed 46 meta -analyses. She found that 30% of the effect sizes were negligible
( d < 0.1 ) and 48% were small ( d = 0.11 to 0.35 ) . Therefore, 78% of sex /gender
differences were either negligible or small . In 2015, researchers conducted an
i
updated review using meta -synthesis of 106 meta-analyses with 386 different
reported results ( Zell et al., 2015 ). The total number of participants across all
the studies reviewed was over 12 million. The meta -synthesis found an effect
size for the overall difference between women and men of 0.21, a small effect.
—
i
Overall, women and men were found to have a great deal in common over
90% of women and men overlapped , but there was a small overall difference.
When the authors of the meta -synthesis looked specifically at the 386 different
*; meta -analytic results, they found , similar to Hyde ( 2005 ), that 85.5% of the
effect sizes indicated either negligible or small differences.
: i Interestingly, the meta -synthesis authors also provided some support for the
file drawer problem, in which only studies that find statistically significant sex/
gender differences get published ( Zell et al ., 2015 ). When the authors incorpo-
rated results from both published and unpublished studies, there was a slightly
smaller effect size ( d = 0.19 ) than when using only published studies ( d = 0.24 ).
Cognitive Variables
What are the main findings on similarities and differences in cognitive
variables, and what role does culture play in these findings?
We’ll now focus on sex/gender similarities and differences in general intelligence,
mathematical ability, spatial skills, verbal ability, and academic achievement.
Much of the data we discuss is based on large -scale studies or meta - analyses.
As you’ll see, the cognitive picture is complicated . In some domains, women
have a slight advantage; in odiers, men do. In some domains, die interesting
question is not who scores better on average but who has the greater variability.
However, in all cases there is high overlap, and similarity is more the rule than
!1 difference. We’ll also explore data relevant to the four questions above. For
many cognitive skills, context matters, and the findings can change depending
on how the question is asked and where or when the data are collected. Also,
[: ij
I
it’s important to remember that finding a difference doesn’t tell us the cause.
.
;
122 Chapter 3 Similarities and Differences
’
i :
«
—
Differences may have biological or social causes and most likely a combination
of factors is in play.
General Intelligence
Women and men typically score similarly on tests of general intelligence. This is
largely because IQ ( intelligence quotient ) tests are designed to be free of sex/
gender bias. During test development, when women and men score consis-
tently differently on an item , either it is removed or items are balanced so that
there arc no sex / gendcr differences overall ( Halpern, 2006 ). In fact, one early
intelligence test , the Stanford-Binet, showed a small advantage for women , but
the items were subsequently revised so that women no longer outperformed
men (Terman 8: Merrill , 1937 ). There arc, however, some differences in spe-
—
cific domains included in IQ tests memory, for example. Meta -analyses indi -
cate that women consistently score better on memory tasks, with effect sizes in
the small to moderate range ( d = -0.20 to -0.56; Halpern 8c LaMay, 2000 ).
Another component on which women consistently outperform men is process-
ing speed , or the ability to maintain concentration and perform quickly while
under pressure ( Camarata 8c Woodcock, 2006 ).
There are also small sex /gendcr differences in variability on IQ tests. Men’s
scores generally have greater variability than women’s. For example, researchers
found more men than women at both the very top and the very bottom of the
score distribution in a study with more than 80,000 participants from Scodand
( Dreary, Thorpe, Wilson , Starr, & Whallcy, 2003 ). However, a later analysis
of this sample indicated that men had extremely variable scores at the low end
of the distribution . At the high end, the variability was less extreme ( Johnson,
Carothcrs, 8c Deary, 2008 ) .
Mathematical Ability
Because general intelligence tests are designed to be free ofsex/gender bias,
more attention has been given to differences between women and men on tests
of specific cognitive abilities such as math skills, spatial skills, and verbal skills.
The stereotype is that women excel in verbal skills and men excel in math skills.
However, the data represent very complex findings. An effect size of -0.05
was found in a meta-analysis on math skills done in 1990 ( Hyde, Fennema, 8c
Lamon, 1990 ). This means that the difference in math skills was negligible but
in the direction of women having higher scores than men! However, there was
—
some indication that at the highest levels of math skills, men did outperform
women. For example, when only looking at highly selective samples, such as
those who attended very selective colleges or those who were selected for study
because they excelled at math, the effect size was larger, with men having higher
scores than women ( d = 0.54 ).
A more recent meta-analysis reviewed math achievement scores of almost
a half million students across 69 nations ( Else-Quest, Hyde, Sc Linn , 2010 ).
i Researchers found , on average, a very small male advantage in various domains of
math skills ( d < 0.15 for each skill ). However, this small effect indicates large gen -
:
i] der similarities. Also, there were extensive variations from nation to nation , and
i
• i
: girls outperformed boys in some countries. Furthermore, in nations with greater
> gender equality ( c.g., more women enrolled in schools, represented in the legis-
!' :
lature, and holding high - level science and math positions ) , girls performed better
!! on math tests, and die sex/gender difference often disappeared . Another study
I! looked at almost 300,000 students in 40 countries who took identical , challeng-
« ing math tests designed to be free of cultural bias ( Guiso, Monte, Sapienza, &
I
Zingales, 2008 ). This study confirmed that countries with the greatest level of
gender equity, such as Iceland, Norway, and Sweden, show either similarities
between women and men or a difference with a slight female advantage.
I These two studies support the gender stratification hypothesis, the idea
'
;
that differences found between women and men ( especially on cognitive skills )
relate to the level of gender equality in a country. Interestingly, countries that
—
—
have smaller sex/gender gaps in mathematics possibly because of social pro-
grams that promote the education of girls also tend to have large sex /gender
.
gaps in reading, with girls outperforming boys ( Marks, 2008 ) .
The international data have also challenged the idea of greater male variabil -
ity. In one study, researchers found , based on data from the international math
study described above, that in Iceland , Thailand , and Great Britain cither as
many or more girls scored in the top 99% of math tests as boys ( Guiso ct al.,
2008 ). Other researchers have found in several nations, including Ireland , Tuni-
sia, and the Czech Republic, that women and men are equally variable in their
math performance ( Machin & Pckkinarin , 2008 ).
Finally, the idea that men are over-represented at the upper levels of math
performance may have been more applicable decades ago than it is today.
For example, in one study, researchers reviewed data of mathematically gifted
—
children those who take and excel on the math portion of the Scholastic Apti -
tude Test (SAT ) before they reach age 13 ( Hyde & Mertz, 2009 ) . In the early
!
1980s, boys doing this outnumbered girls by a ratio of 13:1, but by 2005, boys
only outnumbered girls 2.8:1.
1 I.
Spatial Skills
—
\
There are a wide variety of spatial skills, but mental rotation the ability to imag-
—
I
ine what an object would look like when rotated in three -dimensional space
; has been the subject of much research . Mental rotation has consistently shown a
t
B C D
B C E
FIGURE 3.3 For the example mental rotation task shown on top. participants are asked to imagine rotating the
drawing on the left and to pick two of the four drawings on the right that match (Answers: B and C). For the example
mental folding task shown on the bottom, participants are asked to imagine folding the drawing on the left along
the dotted lines and to choose the folded shape on the right that would match (Answer: A).The mental rotation task
shows a large sex /gender difference, while the mental folding task shows a very small one. The reason why there are
large sex /gender differences for one but not the other remains a mystery. (After Miller & Halpern, 2014)
i!
I EMPOWERING
OR OPPRESSING?
i '
1
Single-Sex Education
li 1
.! 1
T
ii I
hose who claim that single-sex education is better However, others have argued that girls and boys actu-
I l for girls generally offer two arguments (Pahlke, ally act in more gender- stereotypical ways in single- sex
i .
jects (Pennington, Kaye Qureshi & Heim , 2018 ). However,
when prior achievement was not considered, single-sex
education appeared to result in better performance
across all subjects.
What do you think? Is single-sex education empow-
Do single - sex classrooms provide girls with a ering or oppressing? Can you think of circumstances in
beneficial learning experience , or do they just which you'd seek out single-sex educational opportunities
promote gender stereotypes? for yourself, your children, and others you know? Would
you avoid single- sex education? Explain your responses.
I
i, .
1 126
li!
m
complicated object and then asked them to draw it from memory. The test’s
context made a big difference . Girls did better than boys when told it was a test
of drawing skills, but boys did better than girls when told it was a test of geom -
etry ( Huguet &: Rcgner, 2009 ).
Verbal Ability
Data show that women generally have higher verbal abilities than men, although
the difference is relatively small, meaning that there is more similarity than dif-
ference ( d = -0.11; Hyde & Linn , 1988 ). More recent data suggest a moder-
ate female advantage in reading comprehension, which varies from nation to
nation. For example, in 2009 when almost a half million students in 69 coun -
tries took a standardized reading assessment , there was a female advantage in
reading comprehension both in the United States ( d = -0.26 ) and internation-
ally ( d = -0.42; Reilly, 2012 ) . A key component of this difference may have been
that a much greater proportion of boys than girls scored very poorly on the test
( 4.5:1 boys to girls at the lowest levels of achievement ). Girls also outperformed
boys at the high end of the test 2.4:1, but the difference was not as large as at
the low end .
Academic Achievement
Although most meta -analyses focus on achievement as measured through stan-
dardized tests, one meta -analysis of 350 studies from die period 1914-2011
examined sex/gender differences in grades across subjects from elementary
school through college (Voyer & Voycr, 2014 ). Researchers found that girls got
higher grades than boys across all subjects ( d = -0.23 ), aldiough the small effect
indicates considerable overlap. The differences were largest for language-related
courses and were near zero for math, but girls still had higher grades in math.
There was also no effect of year of publication, indicating that the female advan-
tage in grades is not a recent phenomenon. It’s interesting that women get higher
grades, even in math courses, all the way through college but are still extremely
under-represented in STEM fields: science, technology, engineering, and math-
ematics. It’s also interesting to consider why girls get better grades but boys
have a slight advantage on standardized tests. It may be that girls are likely to be
socialized to be attentive and polite in the classroom, behaviors that may posi-
tively impact their grades ( Houtte, 2004; Zusman, Knox, & Lieberman, 2005 ).
In sum, the data on cognitive differences between women and men paint an
overall picture of sex/gender similarity rather than difference. Although there
are some small differences in various domains, they vary according to race,
culture, and social class.
Many of the stereotyped sex /gender differences expressed in the books men -
\ tioned at the beginning of this chapter have to do with personality and behavior.
; i
' : Women supposedly want relationships, desire intimacy, and seek connection.
;
' » Men supposedly want sex , are poor communicators, and are protective of their
romantic partners. But in reality, how different or similar are women’s and
I
III i men’s personalities ? In this section , we’ll explore sex /gender similarities and
i
differences in personality and behavior. As we present the research, it will be
iiii useful to think back to the four questions discussed above. Many of the findings
; vary according to other aspects of social identity such as the race or age of the
I,
participant as well as the sociocultural setting. Also, a combination of biological ,
social, and psychological factors probably contributes to these patterns.
Personality Traits
Researchers generally view personality as varying on five major dimensions,
known as the Big Five: openness to new experiences, conscientiousness, extra -
version, agreeableness, and neuroticism ( c .g., the tendency toward anxiety and
depression; Costa, Tcrracciano, & McCrae, 2001 ). Each dimension has many
sub- dimensions. In a meta -analysis, researchers found sex /gendcr differences
on several of the dimensions as well as on particular sub - dimensions ( Feingold,
1994 ). The largest effects were for men outscoring women on measures of asser-
tiveness ( a sub- dimension of extraversion; d = 0.50 ), although some studies indi -
cated that this was more true on paper-and - pencil personality assessments than
in behavioral observations. There was also a large effect for women outscoring
men on tender- mindedness ( a sub-dimension of agreeableness; d = -.97 ) and
a small effect for anxiety ( a sub-dimension of neuroticism; d = -0.25 to -.28 ).
Ii However, these differences still imply a great deal of similarity. Even the larg-
est effect mentioned represents an overlap of approximately 62%. Also, these
1
I differences arc consistent with sex/gendcr stereotypes. Being tender- minded
is part of the feminine stereotype, and being assertive is part of the masculine
I stereotype.
More recently, researchers have reviewed studies that examined the Big Five
internationally. Data from 26 countries and over 23,000 people were used to
test for sex/gender differences ( Costa et al ., 2001 ). Researchers found results
i
1
similar to those described above. Women tended to be more agreeable, neu -
1 I rotic, and open to feelings. Interestingly, this study found that sex/gender dif-
n ferences were magnified in the United States and Europe and were less strong
Emotions
There arc many stereotypes about gender and emotions. Women are generally
—
perceived as “ more emotional ” than men although the same level of emotion
in a man is generally seen as passion or stress. For example, when researchers
gave participants scenarios describing women and men in problematic, emo-
tion - inducing experiences ( e.g., having relationship problems, getting a bad
medical diagnosis ), women were described as “emotional ” and men as “stressed ”
( Robinson 6c Johnson , 1997 ). Women are expected and encouraged to show
traditionally feminine emotions such as sadness but aren’t encouraged to show
—
anger an emotion associated with masculinity. When women do show anger,
—
they’re often punished for example, with loss of status and influence ( Brcscoll
6c Uhlmann, 2008; Salerno 6c Petcr- Hagcne, 2015 ) . Women and men have
internalized these stereotypes, so when researchers ask participants to imagine
their responses to hypothetical situations, gender differences are generally found
( McCormick, MacArthur, Shields, 6c Dicicco, 2016 ) . However, when asked to
identify their emotional response close to the time when an actual event hap-
pened, gender differences are largely absent.
—
Also, there are differences in the expression of emotion which isn’t
surprising, given that what people express is influenced by what they consider
appropriate for their gender. For example, women tend to cry more than men,
although this is actually more true in Western countries that are affluent and
democratic (such as the United States ) than in non -Western countries ( van
Hemcrt , van de Vijver, 6c Vingerhoets, 2011 ).
Gender similarities and differences in emotion are also not consistent across
the life span . For example, research on emotional expression in children has
i
!
I Sexuality
i
Although we’ll talk more about sex and sexuality in Chapter 7, we’ll mention
here that many people think men want sex and have sex more than women do. In
one meta -analytic review, researchers explored sex /gender differences in sexual
behavior based on data from 730 studies published between 1993 and 2007 with
almost 1.5 million participants ( Petersen &: Hyde, 2010 ). The researchers identi-
fied some differences in sexual behavior; for example, men reported masturbating
more than women ( d = 0.53 ), having more relaxed attitudes toward casual sex
( d = 0.45 ), and having more sexual partners ( d = 0.36 ) . However, even the largest
difference here represents over a 76% overlap between scores. Small or negligi -
ble differences, and consequendy large similarities, were found for frequency of
intercourse, sexual satisfaction, and attitudes toward extramarital affairs.
Interestingly, differences between women and men in studies on this topic
may be exaggerated because when participants report their sexual behavior, they
might over- or under- report in order to fit what they believe is expected of their
sex/gender. In one study of predominately White participants, researchers tried
to account for this phenomenon by asking randomly assigned participants to
answer questions under one of three different conditions ( Alexander & Fisher,
2003 ). In the bogus pipeline condition , participants were hooked up to what
they thought was a lie detector and were told that the machine could identify
lies, even if they wrote down their responses. (The device actually did nothing.)
They were then left alone to answer the questions in private. In the anonymous
condition, participants completed the survey privately and put their anonymous
surveys in a locked box. In the exposure threat condition, they were told they
. would have to hand in their completed survey to a peer who would be able to
*
i
sec their responses.
\
Do you suppose the different conditions produced different results? Indeed,
they did . For example, women reported more masturbation and use of pornog-
raphy when they thought they were hooked up to a lie detector. In fact, their
\ :
|
i . 130 Chapter 3 Similarities and Differences
answers didn’t differ from men’s in that condi-
tion ( Alexander & Fisher, 2003 ). Also, women
reported having had more sexual partners when
they thought they were connected to a lie
detector than they did in the exposure threat
condition ( 4.4 vs. 2.6 ). Men’s results didn’t
change as much , and in fact, in the bogus pipe -
line condition , women actually reported having
had somewhat more sexual partners than did
men ( men reported 4 ), although that difference
wasn’t statistically significant. In the exposure
threat condition , women reported having had
fewer sexual partners than men did ( women:
2.6; men: 3.7 ) . These results suggest that, par-
ticularly for research on sexual behavior, b o w
researchers ask questions matters. As this study When participants believe they' re answering
questions about their sexual history while
shows, women may be having much more sex
connected to a lie detector, they give responses
than researchers might have thought; women that differ from those of participants who aren' t
have just been socialized not to admit it. Fur- connected. Why would thinking you' re connected to
thermore, the results of this study have been a lie detector result in different reporting patterns
replicated in other research ( Fisher, 2013 ) . than when completing an anonymous survey
Moreover, the same approach has been used to in which your responses can' t be attributed to
show that when men think they’re being mon - you personally ?
itored by a lie detector, they report the use of
illegal sexual assault strategies 6.5 times more
often than under standard testing conditions
( Strang 6c Peterson , 2016 ) .
Aggression
Earlier in this chapter, we reviewed how differences in the use of indirect aggres-
sion between women and men vary by age. There are also theories about men
being more likely than women to use physical aggression . One meta-analytic
review showed moderate sex /gender differences in physical aggression based on
self- report data ( d = 0.59 ) and observational studies ( d = 0.53 ). Peer- report data
—
reflected a larger difference ( d = 0.80 although this still represents a 69% over-
lap; Archer, 2004 ). Men also showed greater verbal aggression, but the effects
were smaller ( e.g., d = 0.19 for self- reports ). Researchers noted that while the
majority of women and men were similar in level of aggression, some men were
highly aggressive, and their data influenced the overall results. Therefore, while
there is some support for men showing more physical aggression, much of this
can be accounted for by a small number of particularly aggressive men.
i Self- Esteem
There is a common stereotype that young women lose self-esteem as they reach
adolescence. This is the basis of books such as Reviving Ophelia (Pipher, 2005 ),
which point to a crisis in young women’s self-esteem . However, the data don’t
1
support such extreme assumptions. Results from one meta -analysis indicate that
{ men do have slightly higher global self-esteem than women ( d = 0.21; Kling,
Hyde, Showers, & Buswell , 1999 ). Moreover, they indicate that differences
\ in self-esteem are small in pre -adolescents ( d = 0.16 ), grow in middle school
i ( d = 0.22 ) and high school ( d = 0.33), and decrease again in college and through
i >
;
•
;
aduldiood ( d = .18 in college, d = 0.10 between ages 23 and 59, and d = -0.03
for participants over 60 ). However, even at die height of the difference, the
ii !
effects are small, and more than 85% of women and men overlapped in their
scores. This meta-analysis also showed that differences were not seen in research
samples of predominantly Black participants.
In anodier meta-analysis, researchers exploring domain -specific self-esteem
found a more nuanced relationship ( Gentile et al., 2009 ). For example, men
scored higher dian women in appearance - based self-esteem ( d = 0.35 ) and athletic
—
self-esteem ( d = 0.41 ) although this indicates around a 84% overlap. Women,
however, scored higher than men in moral/ediical self-esteem ( d = -0.38 ), and
there were no differences in family, social acceptance, or academic self-esteem .
Finally, when people hear diat women have lower self-esteem than men, die
assumption is that women should raise dicir self-esteem to match diat of men.
However, overly high self-esteem can be related to poor adjustment. In one study,
college students with higher self-esteem reported drinking more alcohol dian those
with lower self-esteem (Sharp & Getz, 1996 ). Negative consequences are espe-
cially likely when people widi high but unstable self-esteem feel threatened. Then
they may engage in negative behaviors such as bullying, sexual experimentation, or
drug or alcohol use in order to protect dieir self-esteem ( Baumeister, Campbell,
Krueger, & Vohs, 2003; Stake & Eisele, 2010 ). Therefore, even if adolescent girls
have somewhat lower self-esteem dian boys, tiiis may actually not be a crisis at all.
;7
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Some scholars have argued that women and men have would be more likely to comfort someone
fundamentally different senses of morality. In her book In who's upset? As you consider these ques-
a Different Voice, psychologist Carol Gilligan ( 1982 ) pro- tions. do your answers change depending
posed that women base their judgments of morality on an on the kind of help being given and to
ethic of care, thinking about how their actions will affect whom? If so. why might that be?
interpersonal relationships and the well - being of others. The
ethic of care theoretically stands in contrast to men’s ethic
of justice, in which moral judgments are based on abstract
principles of right and wrong. Gilligan’s view, a perspective most aligned with
cultural feminism , is that women and men are fundamentally different in their
sense of morality. She argued that previous research had ignored women’s care
orientation and had considered the highest levels of morality as those based on a
justice orientation. While her work is valued for pointing out that caring for oth-
ers is an important aspect of morality, the data don’t suggest that women and
men differ much in their moral reasoning. In fact, studies have shown that both
i
r
:I : . !
1 t ,
, /
;
women and men use reasoning based on both justice and care when making
moral judgments ( Rothbart, Hanley, Sc Albert, 1986; Jaffee Sc Hyde, 2000 ).
i
i
:
;
i
Interests
:
.! iI
students to take calculus Advanced Placement exams
( 59% vs. 41%; National Science Board, 2014 ). In col -
lege, the difference gets larger. Between 2002 and 2007,
spotlight o n . .
men earned an average of 7,521 and women earned an
average of 6,102 bachelor’s degrees in math per year Initiatives to Increase
( Gillen & Tannenbaum, 2014 ) . The numbers were
lower for some women of color. Although Black, Lat- Women’s Participation
inx , and Native American women represent 16% of the in STEM
U .S. population , they earn only 10% of the bachelor’s
degrees in STEM fields ( Espinosa , 2011 ). Gender and Women remain under- represented in STEM
racial disparities are greatest at the doctoral level , where fields. However, increasing numbers of
initiatives seek to encourage women to
men earned almost three times as many doctoral degrees
choose STEM careers and stay in them.
in mathematics compared to women ( 2,341 vs. 788 ),
and only 6% of those degrees were awarded to Black, Scientista offers conferences, mentoring,
Latinx, and Native American women . and web- based resources. It was started
As one moves up the ladder of success in math, the by two Harvard graduates who were
concerned about how few women stay in
sex /gender discrepancies increase. For example, only 3%
STEM careers.
to 12% of the top 50 universities in the United States
have female professors at the highest rank in math - in - The Career Communications Group pro-
tensive fields ( Ceci , Williams, 8c Barnett, 2009 ) . Overall, motes workplace diversity. The organiza -
in 2010, women made up only 13% of people employed tion has sponsored several conferences
in engineering and 25% in math and computer science for women of color in STEM.
( National Science Board , 2014 ) . Furthermore, in 2010, Girls Who Code offers classes , camps,
Black , Latinx, and Native American women held only and mentoring for girls interested in
2.1% of STEM faculty positions ( Hess, Gault, 8c Yi, computer science. One of its programs
2013 ). for rising high school juniors and seniors
It’s clear that something happens in women’s pro- is a free summer immersion program
gression toward careers in math and science. The fact held at companies such as Amazon and
Twitter . Girls from diverse backgrounds
that women aren’t pursuing these careers at the same
are encouraged to apply, and stipends
rates as men is particularly striking considering that girls
for transportation and living expenses
get better grades in math than boys, even at the under-
are available.
graduate level (Voyer 8c Voyer, 2014 ) . Although all
women experience academic and professional barriers in Some colleges are also making an effort
to enhance women ' s participation in STEM.
STEM/ EMCP fields, the type and magnitude of those
barriers depend on other aspects of social identities for
example, the challenges are greater for women of color
— For example, at Harvey Mudd College in
California, 55% of computer science majors
are now women. The school attributes
( Williams, Phillips, 8c Hall, 2014 ). The following sec- this strong percentage to policy changes,
tion reviews some of the research that explores these var- including promoting women to leadership
ied experiences. If you keep expectancy role value theory positions and changing the curriculum to
in mind as you read about those studies, you’ll discover emphasize functional aspects of computer
that the barriers keeping women from STEM/EMCP science ( Staley, 2016 ) .
careers can affect not only their expectations for success Does your school have any programs
!
'
but also the value they place on these careers. that encourage women in STEM majors?
135
Lowered Expectations
How do expectations relate to the performance of girls and women in STEM
fields, and how can other aspects of their social identities interact with
these expectations?
Although she is tremendously successful in her career, psychologist Maria
|l
Dolores Cimini recalls many times when people downplayed her skills, likely
•
due to her visual impairment. In high school, when Cimini intended to apply to
Ivy League colleges, her guidance counselor suggested she consider “ a special
—
school not necessarily even a college or university” ( Miller, 2013, para . 3 ) . Now
Cimini works to make sure that other students who have disabilities and show
interest in STEM fields have a different experience ( Miller, 2013 ). Her efforts
couldn’t be more timely. Research shows that both teachers and parents have
l‘
I; lowered expectations about girls’ math ability ( Gunderson , Rameriz, Levine,
!
& Beilock, 2012 ), and especially for girls with disabilities ( Hammrich, Price,
& Noursc, 2002 ). Much like Cimini, girls with disabilities arc often advised to
; pursue academic tracks other than STEM ( Faulkner, Crossland , & Stiff, 2013).
I! To complicate matters, a disproportionately large number of low-income
and Black, Latinx , and Native American students are placed in special educa -
tion programs ( Hawley, Cardosa, Sc McMahon , 2013 ) . Researchers speculate
that some of these students have been misclassificd because of racial bias in
1 the referral and evaluation processes ( Fcrri, 2010; Sullivan Sc Artiles, 2011 ) .
When students are placed in special education tracks, because of either a doc-
umented disability or misclassification, their teachers often lack the knowledge
base or experience to teach high - level math or science ( Aron Sc Loprcst, 2012;
Faulkner et al., 2013; Moon , Todd , Morton, Sc Ivey, 2012 ). Such inequalities in
early education probably prevent potentially qualified students from developing
STEM/EMCP- relatcd skills and interests ( Hawley et al ., 2013 ) . These findings
lead some scholars to conclude that recruitment and retention of under- repre-
sented minorities in STEM/ EMCP fields won’t change until biases found in
middle and high school are addressed ( Hawley et al., 2013 ).
Unfortunately, low expectations can lead to a self-fulfilling prophesy. This is
the idea that expectations for how someone is going to behave, in either a pos-
itive or a negative way, influence that person’s behavior so that the expectations
arc fulfilled, making the prophesy come true ( Merton, 1948 ). For example,
in one study of primarily White participants, parents who believed that boys
were better at math than girls had lower expectations for how their daugh -
ters would perform in future math courses ( Jacobs, 1991 ). When parents had
lower expectations for their daughters, the daughters also had lower expecta -
tions for themselves and did less well in math courses. These expectations pre -
dicted achievement more accurately than the girls’ actual grades in previous
math classes. In another study with mostly White participants, seventh -grade
; girls, as compared to boys, perceived their teachers as having lower expectations
;
Stereotypes
What is stereotype threat, and how can it contribute to the experiences of
girls and women in STEM?
Goal Congruity
What is the goal congruity perspective, and how does it explain the low
rates of participation by women in STEM fields?
Discrimination
In what ways do girls and women experience discrimination in STEM, and
how can being a token exacerbate this?
Another factor that decreases women’s expectations for and likely success in
STEM/ EMCP fields is discrimination. It can interfere with a woman’s confi-
dence that she will succeed in STEM/ EMCP as well as the value she places on
it. After all, why would she choose a field in which she’ll probably experience
discrimination ? These attitudes are acquired early in a girl’s academic career.
For example, in high school , girls with physical disabilities may not have the
same opportunities to engage with STEM/ EMCP fields as able- bodied students
( Lunsford, & Bargerhuff, 2006; Rankel , Amorosi, & Graybill, 2008 ). Labs may
not be accessible for people using wheelchairs or other assistive devices, and
research shows a tendency for teachers to ask visually impaired students to simply
listen to summaries of experiments radier than being involved and analyzing data
themselves ( Rankel et al., 2008 ). When these factors are added to the sexism that
girls already encounter in STEM/ EMCP fields, it increases die barriers they face.
Discrimination also occurs among peers. In one study, researchers asked
primarily Asian American and White biolog)' students to nominate the strongest
students in the class ( Grunspan et al., 2016 ). Male students were nominated
more frequently than female students, especially if they were outspoken. For
example, in one class, an outspoken male student with a 3.6 GPA received
52 nominations while an outspoken female student with a 4.0 GPA received
only 9 nominations. Male students were particularly likely to see other men as
the stars of their class.
!
Discrimination may continue after students graduate from college. In one
' study, researchers sent identical applications with identical resumes for a posi -
tion as a laboratory assistant to science faculty at large research institutions
( Moss- Racusin, Dovidio, Brescoll, Graham, & Handclsman, 2012 ) . The hiring
:
I
faculty were randomly told that the application was from either a female student
( Jennifer ) or a male student ( John ). Both female and male faculty said John was
i i
!
!
I
i
!
<
more competent. They also expressed greater willingness to mentor him and
said they would pay him $3,730 more than Jennifer per year ( sec Figure 3.4 ).
j
i
il
i >
As we’ll discuss in Chapter 10, workplace discrimination is very common,
especially in fields where women are a minority. Since women are a minority in
i
* *
f
: : STEM/ EMCP fields, the conditions there are ripe for workplace discrimination
i! II ( Ceci et al., 2009 ) . Results from a survey of approximately 1,300 scientists indi -
i
. 1
cated that 53% of female respondents had personally experienced sex /gender
bias during their careers ( American Association for the Advancement of Science,
j
,
*
2010; see Shen, 2013, for a review ) . Only 2% of men reported the same. Fur-
ther, racialized gender biases may prevent women of color from advancing in
! •
the field. In one study comparing White female scientists with female scientists
of color, White women reported higher levels of influence in their departments
4 -I- I
3.5
i
I
3
T
2.5
1.5
1
Competence Hireability Mentoring
:
.
mentor the applicant. Error bars represent Standard Errors. ( After Moss-Racusin et al. 2012 )
li
142 Chapter 3 Similarities and Differences
i Mi
2
.
than did the women of color ( Settles, Cortina, Stewart, & Malley, 2007 ) .
Another study showed that Latinx female scientists were far more likely than
other groups of women to report that their colleagues expected them to man-
age the office, including making coffee and providing emotional support to
colleagues and students ( Williams et al., 2014 ) . Given this atmosphere, women
who enter STEM / EMCP fields may not remain in them .
It’s also noteworthy that women working in STEM / EMCP fields are often
one of very few women in their lab or division . A member of a socially margin -
alized group whose group makes up less than 15% of the workforce in a work -
place setting is known as a token ( Kantcr, 1977; Yoder, 1994 ). When tokens
are members of lower-status groups ( e.g., women or Latinx ), negative effects
can occur. For example, tokens have increased visibility, so their work is more
carefully scrutinized ( Williams et al., 2014 ). In one study of STEM professors
working at colleges and universities, 43% of women of color reported feeling
under close scrutiny as compared with 33% of White women and 18% of White
men ( Hollenshead 8c Thomas, 2001 ).
When a woman is a token , she feels considerable pressure not to make mis-
takes because her work is viewed as representing that of all people like her. She
may also feel socially isolated and likely to be seen in sex /gender-stereotyped
—
ways such as a temptress or a mother ( King, Hebl, George, 8c Matusik, 2010 ).
Race and ethnic background can exacerbate women’s experience of tokenism.
In one study, researchers found that Black and Asian American women reported
tokenism more often than Latinx and White women ( Williams et al., 2014 ).
However, conditions do improve as more members of that group enter the field
as a whole or in a given workplace. For example, as the number of women in a
science department increased , women in that department felt more comfortable
and were more likely to believe their department valued the advancement of
women ( Hillard, Schneider, Jackson, 8c LaHuis, 2014 ).
An excellent example of how discrimination can marginalize women in
STEM/EMCP fields is found in the 2016 book and subsequent Oscar- nominated
movie Hidden Figures ( Shctterly, 2016 ). Both relate the stories of three women
— —
of color Katherine Johnson , Dorothy Vaughan , and Mary Jackson who con-
ducted important mathematical analyses for NASA during the space program’s
early years. These women were systematically discriminated against, required to
use a separate bathroom far from their work area, and had their work dismissed
as unimportant. Their work was, in fact, vital to the success of the space pro-
gram , but they didn’t receive any public recognition for it until 2016.
In sum , sex/gender differences in abilities cannot sufficiently account for the
disproportionately small number of women in STEM/EMCP fields. The situ-
ation is much more complicated . What starts as a negligible or small difference
between girls and boys can develop into a large difference, especially consider-
ing how other structural pressures ( e.g., racism ) influence girls’ and women’s
success in these fields.
Conclusion
i
Psychologists have a long history of exploring sex /gender differences, both
to support and to disconfirm beliefs about innate, biological differences. The
• !
differences that have been identified seem to be the result of complex interac-
tions between sociocultural variables and biology ( Eagly, 1995; Hyde, 2005 ).
i Although the perception that women and men are “from different planets” is
I
•• •
popular, women and men are actually more similar than different. While small
i
differences do exist, they’re often magnified in popular culture, and over-stating
difference has served as a way to justify sexism . Therefore, education about the
I
reality of relatively small sex/gender differences is key for reducing sex/gender
i
prejudice. So the next time you hear a sexist joke or comment that reflects gen -
! —
der essentialism, you now know that spaceships truly aren’t necessary women
and men are actually from the same planet!
Finally, it’s worth reflecting on die fact that much research has been devoted
to discussing and debating similarities and differences between women and men .
However, feminist psychologists sec this entire conversation as flawed. Asking “ Are
there differences between women and men ? ” keeps the focus on whether there arc
differences instead of explaining and contextualizing them (Shields, 2013 ). Further-
more, the question assumes one clear, singular identity of “ woman ” and “ man.”
Instead, every woman ( and man ) is uniquely different as a result of a complex array
I
of intersecting identities ( McCormick et al., 2016; Shields, 2013 ). Many feminist
psychologists would argue that instead of focusing on difference, it would be more
—
useful to explore how psychological research can improve the lives of women and ,
ultimately, of all people ( Kitzinger, 1994; Rutherford Sc Granek, 2010 ).
;
?
SUMMARY
The Pervasiveness of Gender Essentialism Men have higher levels of testosterone, but
Gender essentialism is the idea that women and testosterone can vary based on one’s experiences.
men are fundamentally different at their very Acting aggressively increases testosterone; acting
core, or “essence,” because of biological or in a nurturing way decreases it.
genetic factors. Plasticity is the capacity for biological structures,
Gender essentialist arguments arc popular and such as the brain , to change in response to
have an intuitive appeal. environmental factors and learning experiences.
Historically, sex/gender differences have been Social role theory emphasizes that sex/gender
used as a way to justify sexism. differences stem from die roles that women
Belief in gender essentialism is linked to hostile and men have traditionally held.
and benevolent sexism . Expectancy role value theory holds that
differences stem from women and men
Perspectives on Similarities and Differences valuing different activities and having different
A similarities perspective emphasizes the ways expectations for success.
in which women and men are similar and is
aligned with liberal feminism. A differences Methods Used to Study Sex /Gender
perspective emphasizes the ways in which Similarities and Differences
they arc different and is aligned with cultural Because there is so much research on the topic,
feminism . it is useful to look at the results of meta-analyses
In order to understand sex /gender similarities -
and meta syntheses. These analyses use a statistic
and differences, one must ask: ( a ) Is the called an effect size to quantify difference.
difference consistent, or does it change based Because non -significant results are generally
other aspects of one’s social identity? ( b ) Does not published , published research tends to be
the difference depend on context, or does it biased toward studies that find difference.
occur in any situation ? ( c ) Is the difference Psychologists are also interested in whether
categorical or dimensional ? ( d ) What is the women and men differ in variability, reflected
source of the difference ? by whether there are greater differences on
Evolutionary psychologists argue that very low or very high scores.
differences stem from evolutionary pressures, Meta-analyses and meta-syntheses generally
especially different mating strategies and find that women and men are more similar
parental investment. Other psychologists than different.
emphasize sex/gender similarities based on
similar evolutionary pressures. Cognitive Variables
On average, there are some small biological There are no differences on tests of general
differences between women’s and men’s brains, intelligence.
but these have not been clearly linked to
There are no overall differences in mathematics
behavioral differences. skills, but men have greater variability'.
KEY TERMS
neurosexism ( p. 105 ) expectancy role value theory ( p. 118 )
similarities perspective ( p. 107 ) gender stratification hypothesis ( p. 124 )
differences perspective ( p. 108 ) ethic of care ( p . 133 )
strategic essentialism ( p. 108 ) ethic of justice ( p. 133 )
sexual strategies theory ( p. 114 ) self- fulfilling prophesy ( p. 136 )
ii
differential parental investment theory ( p. 114 ) model minority' ( p. 137 )
paternity' uncertainty' ( p. 114 ) stereotype threat ( p. 138 )
; attachment fertility' theory ( p. 114 ) goal congruity perspective ( p. 140 )
II
I i plasticity' ( p. 116) token ( p. 143 )
social role theory/social structural theory ( p. 117)
:
!
146 Chapter 3 Similarities and Differences
THINK ABOUT IT
1. Imagine you’re conversing with a friend 3. In explaining sex/gender similarities, can you
who is convinced that there arc fundamental use the same theories that have been proposed
differences between women and men . Using to explain sex/gender differences? If not,
research results from this chapter, explain how what other theories might explain sex/gender
this perspective is more complicated than your similarities? Why aren’t we likely to discuss
friend might expect . theories on sex /gender similarities?
2. What are the benefits and drawbacks 4. Design a campus-wide campaign to address
of conducting research on sex /gendcr gender disparities in STEM fields. What types
differences ? How would you advise of information are important to include ? What
psychologists to approach research in this area ? types of interventions do you believe will have
the greatest influence ?
ONLIfv RESOURCES
—
Cordelia Fine a website featuring links to
Fine’s writing. A neuroscientist and professor
—
STEM Women a website created by women
in STEM fields to encourage and promote
of history and philosophy of science at the gender equity in STEM fields: stemwomen .net
University of Melbourne , she writes about
neurosexism and gender esscntialism in the
—
Van Anders Lab a website hosted by
Dr. Sari van Anders at the University of
popular press: cordeliafine.com Michigan, Ann Arbor, offering resources about
Girl Start — a blog dedicated to increasing
girls’ interest and engagement in STEM
social neuroendocrinology, feminist science,
sexuality, gender/sex, and sexual diversity:
educational programming: girlstart .org wwv- personal.umich .edu / ~smva/
.
In 2009, Caster Semenya a
decorated track athlete from
South Africa, was forced
into the spotlight when
she was disqualified from
competing in the Olympics
based on results from gender
verification testing. After
much controversy, she was
cleared to compete again
in 2010.
149
i
( Ha et .
al. 2014; Simpson et al. 2000). For example, between 1972 and 1984,
(
.
13 female athletes did not pass the gender verification tests ( Elsas et al. 2000).
These athletes didn't neatly fit into female or male categories. Instead, they were
I
.
classified as intersex a term that describes a wide variety of conditions in which
a person's body isn't sex typical. Many of these elite female athletes, who had
spent their entire lives training to compete in the Olympics, were encouraged to
; feign injury as an explanation for their non -participation in order to prevent pub-
i lic humiliation (Henne, 2014). The IOC eventually replaced its compulsory gender
testing policy with a different system: Female athletes would only be tested in
! !
•
cases of "reasonable doubt" ( Ha et al., 2014, p. 1036).
It didn't take long, however, for a new case to emerge. In 2009, after win-
ning the 800-meter race as part of the World Championships in track and field,
! Caster Semenya, a South African runner, aroused suspicion because of her mas-
I .
culine appearance ( Wiesemann 2011). Although Semenya maintained that she
i was a woman and had been raised as a girl, she was forced to undergo gender
verification testing. She was no stranger to having people question her sex — she
! regularly took coaches and teammates into the bathroom so they could inspect
her genitals because people didn' t believe she was female ( Wieseman, 2011).
I But in 2009, in a blatant disregard for her privacy, the results from her medi-
1
i cal evaluation — which included a gynecological exam, blood test, and chromo-
:
i some test— were leaked to the international media ( Levy, 2009 ). It turned out
that she had both external female genitalia ( vulva, labia ) and internal male
genitalia ( undescended testes). She did not have ovaries or a uterus. Therefore .
Semenya was disqualified from competing in the Olympics— a blow that not only
crushed her Olympic dreams but also caused her to experience depression and
an identity crisis (Wiesemann, 2011). South Africa would later file a human rights
complaint with the United Nations stating that the testing violated international
1 commitments on the protection and advancement of women's rights, including
I
= 1l i their right to privacy and their right to participate in sports ( Dworkin, Swarr, &
Cooky, 2013).
1
The fact that Semenya was a woman of color caused some people to point
out that gender verification tests also reveal racialized assumptions about sex. In
sports, people perceive the bodies of athletes of color differently than the bodies
of White athletes, and this is especially the case for female athletes ( Douglas .
2012; Withycombe, 2011). In particular, Black female athletes are associated with
«
) i
151
!
In this chapter, we'll explore the sex /gender binary and examine the various
ways in which the categories of woman and man are defined and regulated with-
in Western society. We'll consider important questions about who determines a
person's sex and gender, what harm can come from others deciding a person's
sex and gender, and what it means to identify and live outside of the sex /gender
\ binary. As we consider these questions, we'll keep in mind that the answers have
'
very real implications for how all of us think about who we are and how best to
I I: organize our lives.
' h
.
;
I
I
i
Challenging Heteronormath/e
1i Assumptions about Sex
and Gender
1 •
Figure 4.1 shows the traditional assumptions about how biological factors
( including genes and hormones ) , gender identity, and sexual orientation relate
to one another. This model has been dominant in White, Western culture and
reflects an essentialist view. In this model , genetic differences tied to biological
sex arc seen as the core from which both gender identity and sexual orientation
No prenatal
Vulva:
masculinizing
"It’s a girl!”
> .
I’m a girl
hormones
Prenatal
Penis:
masculinizing I’m a boy.
hormones * "It’s a boy!”
*
FIGURE 4.1 This diagram illustrates traditional assumptions about how biological factors
(including genes and hormones), gender identity,
and sexual orientation relate to one
another. It reflects an overly simplistic essentialist view as genetic differences tied to sex
ii
!
are seen as the core from which both gender identity and sexual orientation develop .
l:
I
Transgender : An Umbrella Term
What are gender identity and gender expression, and in what diverse ways
do transgender individuals identify?
•
•
A good way to start exploring the gender bundle is by examining the experiences
of transgender individuals because they disrupt binary assumptions that one’s sex
assignment at birth corresponds with one’s sense of being a woman or a man.
Instead, gender identity can be seen as just one part of die gender bundle that may
1
or may not be related to other parts of it. The term gender identity refers to one’s
understanding of oneself as gendered ( e.g., as a girl, a boy, or as holding an identity
that does not fit into the binary ). It is based on a fundamental sense of belonging
to a sex/gender category regardless of assignment at birth. As we saw' in Chapter 1,
die term cisgender describes individuals whose gender identity conforms to societal
i .
1
expectations for die sex diey were assigned at birth: A cisgender person is someone
w'ho either was assigned F at birdi and identifies as a girl/woman, or was assigned
M at birdi and identifies as a boy/ man . In contrast, the term transgender describes
individuals whose gender identity and /or gender expression do not conform to
societal expectations for the sex they were assigned at birth.
Transgender is an umbrella term that encompasses a variety of self- labels and
definitions ( Gagne, Tewksbury, &: McGaughey, 1997 ). It can include many
types of people, including those who identify with binary
identities ( e.g., transwoman /transfemininc, transman/
transmasculinc ) and non -binary identities ( e.g., genderqueer,
your turn gender non -conforming ) . Individuals who identify with
I
non- binary identities feel that their gender identity is either
Why is it important to label gender? somewhere in between that of woman and man or not con -
Imagine a world in which the sex /gender nected to the sex/gender binary altogether. Table 4.1 high -
binary has been disrupted and a third
lights some of the gender identities that often fall under the
gender or multiple forms of gender are
transgender umbrella. Although the actual number of trans-
accepted. What would need to change-
gender people is unknown, in 2016, researchers estimated
think beyond bathrooms—and what
; would stay the same? Currently, people
often ask about and group others by gen-
—
that 0.6% of adults in the United States about 1.4 million
—
people identified as transgender ( Flores, Herman , Gates,
der. If the current gender system were & Brown, 2016 ).
j disrupted , in what situations would such Because the term transgender encompasses so many
groupings continue , and in what situa - diverse types of people, there is variability among gender
tions would they be a relic of the past ? identities and expressions within the transgender com -
: ; munity Stryker, 2008 ). Some trans individuals want to
(
i
154 Chapter 4 Beyond the Sex/Gender Binary
Li
TABLE 4.1 Gender Identities under the Transgender Umbrella
“go stealth ” and live as clearly gcndcr-catcgorizcd as possible rather than chal-
lenging binary assumptions about sex /gender ( Lev, 2004 ). They prefer to
conform to the dominant biological and socially ascribed gender expectations
associated with their identity ( Kessler & McKenna, 2000 ). For that reason, they
might not identify as transgender, since they eventually become clearly recog-
nizable as cither women or men ( Fassingcr & Arsencau, 2007 ). Other individ -
uals may identify in any number of other ways, some of which are presented in
Table 4.1.
Some people believe that the presence of such diverse identities and labels
causes confusion and division within mainstream society, yet labels can be help-
ful as well as harmful ( Fincke, 2014 ). When sex/gender labels are imposed by
others, they can be oppressive because they limit self-expression and dictate
options, such as which public bathrooms people can use or what sports teams
they can join ( Galupo, Henise, & Mercer, 2016 ). When labels are self-directed,
though, they provide a way to name experience, and self-labeling can have pos-
itive social and political implications ( Fincke, 2014 ). Without a way to name
their experience, transgender individuals can have difficulty finding one another
for social support or for coalition building to gain political recognition.
* Authors' note: Wc generally use the acronym LGBTQ ( Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgendcr, Queer ) throughout
. this book. However, in this chapter wc sometimes use variations of the acronym with fewer letters ( i.c., LGBQ
and LGB ). We use LGBQ, leaving out the T, when we talk specifically about sexual orientation and want to keep
gender identity distinct. We use LGB at one point in the chapter when talking about how organizations and social
movements that are focused on the rights of gender and sexual minority individuals have, over time, expanded
their focus and added in the T and Q.
Medical Concerns
What are some of the diverse choices that transgender individuals can
make regarding gender -affirming medical interventions?
Gender transitioning may involve some type of body modification, often referred
to as a medical transition . This might include using cross-sex hormones, under-
going electrolysis for hair removal, or having surgeries ( Lev, 2004 ). A com-
mon term used in transgender literature is passing, or the degree to which a
—
person is perceived as their* gender usually based on gender expression and
* Authors' note: Wc use the singular they/ them here, and in other places throughout the book, in a conscious way .
-
While there is not yet one universally preferred pronoun adopted by those who have non binary gender identities,
the singular they is currently the dominant option.
Transitioning Obstacles
What obstacles may transgender people encounter as they transition?
. 163
been minimized and ignored within the LGBQ movement
try it for yourself (Stone, 2009 ). For example, Marsha Johnson and Sylvia
Rivera, two transgender activists, are often forgotten for
their role in the Stonewall uprising, one of the events widely
What could you do to increase the sup-
considered to have ushered in the contemporary fight for
port for transgender people? Think about
small steps you can take. What changes
LGBTQ rights in the United States. It began when mem -
to your campus would make the lives of bers of the LGBTQ community retaliated against a police
trans students easier? For example, do raid that took place on June 28, 1969 , at the Stonewall
all forms require a strictly F or M desig- Inn , a LGBTQ bar in New York City. Historians believe
nation? Are there bathrooms that trans that Sylvia Rivera threw the first brick during the police
students can use comfortably? What raid and that Marsha Johnson threw a shot glass at the bar
on-campus housing options are there for mirror ( Duberman , 2013 ).
students who identify as transgender or The level of support a transgender person feels from
non-binary? Also, what advocacy groups an LGBTQ group is dependent on the willingness of gay
exist on your campus or in your commu- and lesbian members to divide resources among different
nity? How could you become involved
priorities ( Stone, 2009 ) . Often , LGBTQ organizations
with their initiatives?
support initiatives that favor White, upper- middle - class,
able - bodied , lesbian and gay people who are legal residents
within the United States. For example, the issue of gay mar-
riage has been a priority for many LGBTQ organizations while other issues,
such as job discrimination and fair housing, have gone relatively unaddressed
( Alimahomcd, 2010 ) .
Resiliency
What contributes to the resiliency of transgender individuals?
Despite high levels of social discrimination, transgender people are quite resil -
ient. In one study with participants who identified as Black , Multiracial, or
White, researchers found that cultivating a strong sense of identity and self -
worth, while also being conscious of oppression and connecting with a support-
ive community, was related to developing hope and resiliency ( Singh, Hays, &
Watson, 2011 ). Another study, focusing on transgender youth of color, showed
that using media to affirm both gender and racial pride strengthened resil -
iency (Singh , 2013 ) . As one Black transgender girl said, “There are more trans
people on die media, but it’s all adults and no kids. I think the documentary
\Transgeneration\ about trans youth in college was good because I can show my
—
parents ‘There are trans people who are not White’” ( p. 697 ) .
The degree to which a transgender person has social support is crucial for
health and well- being. Transgender individuals who perceive strong social sup-
port and have satisfying friendships report positive mental health ( Bockting,
Miner, Swinburne Romine, Hamilton , & Coleman , 2013; Budge, Adelson,
Genetics
What are Klinefelter and Turner ' s syndromes, and how do they make it
harder to understand sex as a binary?
Non -invasive prenatal testing can determine the presence of sex chromosomes
as early as 10 weeks after conception ( Hall , Bostanci, & Wright, 2010 ) . You may
remember from biology class that people have 46 chromosomes: 22 matched
pairs ( called autosomes ), and two sex chromosomes ( XX or XY ). There are
exceptions to this rule, though . People with Down syndrome, for example, have
47 chromosomes due to an extra copy of chromosome 21. This is the result of
nondisjunction, or the process whereby chromosomes fail to disconnect when a
cell divides ( Callahan, 2009 ). Nondisjunction can occur with sex chromosomes
too. For example, a single sperm can have multiple X or Y chromosomes, and
the Y chromosome can vary in size. And even after fertilization , sex chromo-
somes can be lost or gained ( Callahan, 2009 ). Because of this variability, people
can have any number of genetic variations in their sex chromosomes ( e .g., XXX,
XYY, XXXY, XXXYY ). Below we’ll discuss some of the more common genetic
variations and how, for individuals with those variations, the concept of a sex/
gender binary is harder to apply.
t ;
i ; ..
Klinefelter Syndrome Harry Fitch Klinefelter, a physician , was one of the first
to explore variations in sex chromosomes ( Diamond & Watson , 2004 ). After
working with several men who had enlarged breasts, long arms, and small testes,
Klinefelter initially thought he was observing men with hormone irregularities.
Later he discovered that these men had 47 chromosomes. Each carried an extra
X chromosome. This genetic type was labeled Klinefelter syndrome (KS), and it
includes any chromosomal type that has more than one X chromosome plus one
or nvo Y chromosomes. Because of the presence of the Y chromosome, individ -
uals with KS have a penis and are generally assigned M at birth. However, not
all those with KS identify as male; some identify as intersex. Approximately 1 in
800 individuals assigned M at birth carry one or more extra X chromosomes
( Grumbach, Hughes, &: Conte, 2003 ) .
Most boys and men with KS will never know they have an extra X chro-
mosome ( Bourke, Snow, Hcrlihy, Amor, & Metcalfe, 2014; Hcrlihy, Gillam,
Halliday, & McLachlan, 2011 ). At birth , there’s no sign of anything atypical,
and they grow up living just like others assigned M at birth . There is tremen -
dous variability in the effects of KS, and it appears that the number of X chro-
mosomes matters: With each X chromosome, there’s a greater potential for
physical , cognitive, and emotional challenges ( Cederlof et al., 2014 ). Compared
to boys and men without KS, almost all boys and men with KS have lower levels
—
of testosterone, which makes it difficult to produce sperm a condition known
as hypogonadism.
Moreover, the medical community’s typical description of men with KS has
contributed to stigma ( Lauerma, 2001 ) . For example, some researchers have
focused on an association between KS and increased criminality and severe men -
tal illness. However, most individuals with KS lead typical lives. Despite this, one
study in the United States showed that 45% to 70% of expectant parents who
were surveyed indicated they would terminate a pregnancy if they received a
prenatal diagnosis of KS ( Girardin & Van Vliet, 2011 ).
Turner ' s Syndrome The second most common condition associated with an
atypical genetic makeup is Turner 's syndrome (TS) , or a chromosomal pattern of
XO . A person with TS only has 45 chromosomes; this occurs when a sperm car-
rying an X chromosome fertilizes an egg with no X chromosome or when a chro-
mosome becomes lost during fetal development. About 1 in 2,700 newborns has
TS ( Grumbach et al., 2003 ). Unlike KS, in which individuals have male-typical
genitalia, children with TS have female- typical external genitalia, and although
they have a uterus, they don’t have ovaries. Infants born with TS are assigned
F at birth , but some later identify as intersex ( El Abd, Turk, & Hill, 1995 ).
The most common attribute among people with TS is that they are typi-
cally shorter than their peers ( Gatta, Pertile, & Battistella, 2011 ). Without med -
ical intervention, die average height for those with TS is 4 ft 8 in., so many
I
|1
Hormones
1 What are three conditions related to hormones that complicate the
understanding of sex as a binary, and what happens for people with
each condition?
Turner’s syndrome and Klinefelter syndrome are two of many possible varia -
tions in genetics. However, even for individuals who have XX and XY chromo-
somes, the role of sex-specific hormones can be complex. For example, when
hormones are altered prenatally during fetal development, the result can be a
newborn with genitalia that don’t appear to fit neatly into F and M categories.
Before we discuss how that process happens, let’s review the role of hormones
in the typical development of a fetus.
For a little over a month after conception, a growing fetus has no internal or
external sex organs. Sex differentiation, the process of developing sex -specific
11 - characteristics, begins during the sixth week of pregnancy. A pair of sex glands,
referred to as gonads, then appear, which have the potential to become ovaries
( which will produce eggs and female sex hormones ) or testes ( which will pro-
duce sperm and male sex hormones ). Without the presence of a Y chromosome,
—
the gonads become ovaries female sex development is the default. Although
the Y chromosome is much smaller and carries fewer genes than the X chromo-
some, it plays a critical role in sex development. The Y chromosome carries a
sex-determining region that operates like a switch that can turn on other genes
that are responsible for the development of testes. Once the testes are formed,
additional hormones, known as androgens, shape the development of the typical
i .)
j !
i !. Many studies have explored the effects of increased androgens on those with
CAH assigned F at birth . Research has found that, compared to their siblings,
these individuals were more likely to show behaviors associated with traditional
masculinity ( Berenbaum, 1999 ) and be more physically aggressive ( Pasterski
et al ., 2011 ). In one study, researchers found that parents’ doubts about the sex
!
:
of the child influenced their child’s gender role behavior, suggesting that both
i prenatal androgen exposure and parental socialization contribute to increased
.1
masculinity in CAH girls ( Wong, Pasterski, Hindmarsh , Geffncr, & Hines,
J
i 2013 ). Despite having some preferences for male- typical play, most individuals
i
with CAH assigned F at birth do identify as female ( Goorcn, 2006 ). In a study
i of 250 individuals who were assigned F at birth and who also had CAH , 95%
> t
S identified as a girl; 5% reported dissatisfaction with their sex assignment and
:
:f . : preferred to be identified as a boy ( Dcssens, Slijper, Sc Drop, 2005 ).
As we’ve already discussed , there is great variability in the possible number
and combinations of sex chromosomes, and CAH can occur in people with any
combination . The effects of the condition do differ, however. For example, in
*
those with XY chromosomes, the over- production of androgens can result in
hyper- masculinization, such as a deeper- than - usual voice and well -developed
muscles.
:
5-Alpha Reductase Deficiency In the early 1970s, physicians described a
group of girls who, at puberty, began to develop phalluses much like peniscs
( Callahan, 2009 ). They also began to speak with deep voices and grow facial
hair. Although they were born with female genitalia and had been raised as
girls, at puberty they underwent a complete physical change . Individuals with
5- alpha reductase deficiency have XY chromosomes, but because they don’t
have sufficient 5-alpha reductase, they’re unable to convert testosterone to
dihydrotestosterone and , therefore, cannot masculinize their external genitalia
in utero. These individuals are typically assigned F at birth .
There is very little research about individuals w'ith this condition , including
its prevalence. However, incidences seem to occur with more frequency in the
Dominican Republic, Papua New Guinea, Turkey, and Egypt ( “ 5-alpha reduc-
tase deficiency,” 2017 ) . Much is still not understood . For example, if there is no
F
medical intervention, secondary sex characteristics typically associated w'ith men
: | ( including a penis ) usually develop at puberty, but it’s not always clear when or
if this will happen. For example, one study found that siblings who have 5-alpha
. reductase deficiency, have similar hormone and enzyme levels, and were raised
» >
i in the same household don’t always develop in the same way ( Karkazis, 2008 ).
t One might develop male genitalia, and the other might not. Researchers have
yet to determine the exact mechanism that leads to the physical changes. Parents
; t of children with 5-alpha reductase deficiency report tremendous social isolation,
and there is no consensus about what sex to assign those with this condition
t ( Kessler, 2002 ).
i
• I l i,
Challenges of “Ambiguous" Genitalia
What does it mean for genitalia to be "ambiguous, " and how do society at
large and the medical community in particular react to such occurrences?
New York requires parents to complete a birth certificate, with an assigned sex,
within 48 hours of delivery, so parents and health -care providers can be left
scrambling to figure out options ( Kessler, 2002 ) . In one case, the parents com -
pleted two birth certificates and refused to sign either one until a sex assignment
had been made. In situations like this, the presence of “ambiguous” genitalia
turns a civil requirement to get a birth certificate into a medical emergency. In
fact, in December 2016, New York City issued the first known birth certificate
iiI
!
in the United States marked intersex rather than F or M to Sara Kelly Keenan
i i at age 55 as a result of a court order ( Segal, 2017 ). The idea that there can
i
only be two legal sexes does not exist in every country, however. In Australia,
Bangladesh, Denmark, Germany, India, Nepal, and New Zealand, individuals
can legally register with a gender outside of the F/ M binary ( Macarow, 2015 ) .
The term “ambiguous”genitalia is often used in medical literature. However,
i
i :
i
t
genitals can only be “ambiguous” if we assume that only two types of genitals
are possible. There is actually tremendous variability in the appearance of geni -
tals. Yet because most of us haven’t seen the diversity among genitals, we assume
that all bodies look the same. Some artists have undertaken projects to high -
light die diversity of genitals and reduce stigma and shame . For example, Jamie
McCartney created “The Great Wall of Vagina ,” which depicted hundreds of
castes of vulvas. In describing his work, McCartney said , “ Vulvas and labia are
as different as faces, but many people, particularly women , don’t seem to know
that” ( McCartney, n .d ., para . 6 ). Another group of artists created a series of
penis emojis to showcase the diversity in penis sizes and shapes ( La Jeuncssc,
2015 ).
To demonstrate how culture influences the way we label genitalia, the ter-
minology used to describe individuals with “ambiguous” genitalia has changed
over time. For example, at one time the term hermaphrodite was used to
describe those with ambiguous genitalia and/or both ovarian and testicular tis-
sue. Although some intersex individuals today like to reclaim hermaphrodite in
reference to themselves, most now view the term as stigmatizing because it relics
on a binary assumption of sex and falsely implies that a person is both female and
male ( “ Is a person who is intersex,” n.d . ).
The term intersex is more widely used , but leaders in the medical community
decided to replace intersex with disorders of sex development (DSD) in 2006.
Although the new term was supposed to represent an “enlightened advance-
:
1 ment” ( Hughes, 2010, p. 161), some individuals with intersex conditions worry
that the new language continues to stigmatize (Topp, 2012 ). They’re con -
cerned that the continued medical focus, as in the word disorder, reinforces the
idea that there’s something “wrong” with the bodies of intersexed individuals
( Davis, 2015 ). Instead, they would prefer a questioning of why there is a binary
!!
1
1
Sexual Diversity
!i • How do common views about sexual orientation reflect an assumption of a
ii ! I sex/gender binary, what are some less well-known sexual orientations, and
H
what is heterosexism?
!
s . As we’ve mentioned , in the simple, linear model shown earlier in Figure 4.1,
i .
: ; the traditional assumption is that sexual orientation will align with one’s sex
:i
;
I assignment and gender identity. However, sexual orientation is far more diverse
:
: i
‘:
and complicated . Sexual orientation is generally understood as an individual’s
predisposition toward sexual and /or romantic attraction for persons of the same
l - sex /gender ( homosexual ) and /or the other sex/gender ( heterosexual ). There
i
i
are, however, more than just these two sexual orientations ( although Table 4.2
is not comprehensive, it defines sexual orientations that are not exclusive to
i
This term refers to self- identified persons (either cis or trails ) who are mostly
> attracted to cis- or transgender individuals of the other gender but who arc
Heteroflexible
occasionally attracted to other individuals ( c.g., cis- or transgender individu -
als of the same gender; those who are gcndcrquccr ).
I A sexual orientation in which an individual docs not identify with any spe-
5 Queer cific sexual orientation; also an umbrella term sometimes used for those who
;
i
either heterosexuality or homosexuality ). Moreover, many people assume that
others are heterosexual ( at least until proven otherwise ) and that it’s more desir-
—
able to be heterosexual a bias known as heterosexism. Like sexism and rac-
ism , heterosexism can manifest in many different ways. Examples include being
harassed for showing public displays of affection with a romantic partner or
having a lack of positive and accurate depictions of romance and relationships
in movies or television .
Because sexual orientation is often conceived of as a binary, people who have
non- binary identities can feel invisible (Scarlette-Callis, 2014 ). For example,
— —
individuals whose sexual orientation is asexual that is, involving little or no
little or no sexual attraction report being ignored or discriminated against
( Bogaert, 2006 ) . There arc also negative and incorrect beliefs about asexual
people, including that they were sexually abused as children or that they use their
orientation as an excuse for being single because they’re unattractive ( Bogaert,
2006 ). Some mental health professionals have linked asexuality with illness a
claim that has been significantly challenged in contemporary research ( Bogaert,
—
2006; Prause Sc Graham , 2007 ) . In fact, the Asexual Visibility and Education
Network ( AVEN ) was formed as a way to combat inaccurate information that
has the potential to stigmatize those with asexual identities. However, asexual
individuals are still under- represented in research and are largely absent from
advocacy groups ( Pinto, 2014 ) . Consider, for example, that the letter A is typi -
cally omitted in discussions of LGBTQ rights ( Pinto, 2014 ). Even in this book,
we as authors don ’t include A because most psychological research doesn’t reg-
ularly identify participants with asexual orientations. Indeed, one of the dilem -
mas associated with the expanding LGBTQ acronym is that in attempting to
be inclusive, it ignores unique differences and thereby alienates some groups of
people ( Bell , 2016 ) .
Even among those who identify as gay, straight, or bisexual, there can be tre-
mendous diversity. This is not a new idea. In the 1940s, the biologist and sexol-
ogist Alfred Kinsey developed the Kinsey Scale to illustrate how people fall on a
continuous scale of sexual orientation ranging from same sex/gender attraction
to other sex/gender attraction ( Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948 ). However,
this model has weaknesses, including the assumption of a sex/gender binary
and the assumption that all people experience both sexual and romantic attrac-
tion ( and that the two always align ). While there’s no perfect way to reflect
the complexity of gender and sexual diversity, there are newer options, such as
X
/' — Identity
i!#
( render
( =
Identitw
£> Woman-ness
0°
/
i
: !
I
»
i
! •
« >N
i £> Man-ness
>%
-- Attraction
I
i i /
/
I /
: I
I
I
!
\
/“V /
I ,
1 \
\
If r, Gender Expression
Feminine
!
Expression !
—-
... "
A 0<o Masculine
, - i
/
t /
Sex
i
/
Biological Sex
/
/
=£> Female-ness
/
i {
i
\
\
V
.
c
> Male-ness
x
(Men/Males/Masculinity)
^
FIGURE 4.2 Author and activist Sam Killermann created the Genderbread Person in order to illustrate the complexity
CAAen/Males/Masculinity)
of sex/gender /sexual orientation. This diagram has been revised numerous times in response to feedback about how
it could better represent the complexities of people's experiences with sex. gender, and sexual/romantic orientation.
cut? What about women who are attracted to feminine men? Are they just as
;
—
lead a virginal life a third gender option, and another that
disrupts the gay/straight binary.
status play in the explanations you, and
others, give?
! 2015 ). For example, a transwoman who is attracted to men may consider herself
to be heterosexual ( although she may have been considered a gay man before
i
she transitioned ), but she may choose to use other sexual orientation identities
i
i
i instead , such as queer. Moreover, gender-affirming medical treatments, such
i .
> ! I :
i as cross-sex hormones, can affect sexual orientation ( Katz-Wise ct al., 2015;
]
.
Meier ct al., 2013; Reisner, Perkovich , 8c Mimiaga, 2010 ). In one study, 54%
i '
t •
t
! of transwomcn participants reported being primarily attracted to women before
;1
they transitioned, and 9% reported being primarily attracted to men ( Lawrence,
MM 2005 ). After they transitioned , 25% reported being primarily sexually attracted
i
to women , and 34% were primarily sexually attracted to men .
«
i Sexuality shift stress, the stressors associated with changes in sexual orientation
\
as a function of gender transitioning, can also influence intimate relationships
:
li i . ( Mizock 8c Hopwood , 2016 ) . In one study, partners of transgender individuals
showed increased anxiety related to changes in the relationship following transi -
i
:
i
tion ( Lenning 8c Buist, 2013 ). Transgender participants reported that both they
. and their significant others struggled with their identities during the gender tran -
sitioning process. They felt a sense of loss of the non - transgender partner’s sexual
identity and a rejection of their status as a couple from friends, family members,
and co-workers. A person’s sexual orientation may also change depending on the
sexual orientation identity of the partner. As an example, we can consider a les-
bian who marries a woman who, later in life, transitions to become a man . That
woman may continue to consider herself a lesbian who happens to be married
to a man . However, after her partner transitions, she may be perceived by others
as being heterosexual. Some transgendcr women describe a double stigma when
they go from being transgcndcr/ heterosexual to being woman / lesbian . As one
woman described , “I went from one closet into another because I went from
—
being trans to now I’m a lesbian ” ( Mizock 8c Hopwood , 2016, p. 98 ).
Given that some people don’t fall neatly into a binary, the idea that it’s possible
to easily label all people’s sexual orientation becomes invalid ( van Anders, 2015 ).
j
:* !
Some individuals may be specifically attracted to people outside of the binary,
>
. while others may be attracted to people who fall within the binary as well as those
!
! I
<
:
who fall outside of it ( Tate 8c Pearson , 2016 ) . Because most labels reflect the sex/
gender binary and don’t take into account sexual fluidity, some people reject the
idea that one’s gender should determine how one’s sexual orientation is labeled
( Galupo, Davis, Grynkiewicz, 8c Mitchell , 2014; Lenning 8c Buist , 2013 ).
Regardless, labels appear to matter quite a bit, especially when dating. For
i i
example, intersex individuals face a unique dilemma in deciding when and how
to bring up their intersex identity with a potential romantic/sexual partner. In
an attempt to seek advice, one woman with AIS posted to a discussion board
asking how she should approach the subject with a new male partner. “ I look
like a normal girl,” she posted , “ but my vaginal canal is considerably smaller
: than most women’s” ( Karkazis, 2008, p. 216 ) . Although most people posted
i
Chapter 4 Beyond the Sex /Gender Binary
i
\
• 180
:
I
J
t L
nuanccd and compassionate responses, one person commented that it was
‘i unethical for the woman to withhold her condition from any potential partner.
i
I his is one reason why many individuals with intersex conditions report a lack
of sexual confidence and sexual satisfaction ( Fliegner et al ., 2014 ).
How individuals come to define their own sexuality is complicated , and what it
means to identify with a particular sexual orientation can vary from person to
person . Many people are brought up in families where a heterosexual identity is
assumed , so developing a sexual minority identity can be a process of struggle
and difficulty. While the experiences of coming to identify as lesbian, bisexual, or
pansexual ( to name a few possible identities ) may share some commonalities, they
may also be quite different, particularly considering how other identity variables
( c.g., religion , class, race ) influence sexual orientation . One woman, for example,
stated that “often , [ she ] felt compelled to speak [ her ]sclf into existence as a coher-
—
ent, fixed , and finished subject a lesbian and Muslim . That [she doesn’t ] com -
fortably or uniformly identify as a lesbian , and that being Muslim is a complicated
set of religious and cultural processes, fell outside the purview of what was pos-
sible to speak” ( Gharania, 2005, p. 31 ). Because mainstream society expects that
sexual orientation ( and other social identities ) wall remain stable, it can be virtually
impossible to experience social validation for more fluid and flexible identities.
Furthermore, as noted previously, sexual orientation can shift based on the
person with whom one is partnered . One woman who identified as a lesbian
but who fell in love with a man described how this fact complicated her sense of
identity and how other people saw her: “ I can’t say I’m a lesbian dating a man.
People just don’t accept that, even though that’s sort of what I feel like. . . . My
feelings about women haven’t really changed, it’s just that I’m more open and
accepting about my feelings for men, or at least to this man ” ( Diamond, 2007,
p. 150 ) . In a 10-year longitudinal study of lesbian and bisexual women, psychol -
ogist Lisa Diamond ( 2007 ) found that two thirds of women shifted their sense
of identity over that period , and a quarter did so more than once. The changes
included shifting from labeling as bisexual to labeling as lesbian , shifting from
labeling as lesbian to labeling as bisexual , and shifting from labeling as lesbian
or bisexual to rejecting labels altogether.
Early work on the development of a lesbian identity described a process in
which women spent many years denying or blocking out their identity ( Kitzinger,
1995 ). Despite feelings of romantic and sexual love for other women, many
—
women denied these feelings through a variety of strategies such as noting
that their sexual attraction was a result of being “ a good friend ” or that any
sexual acts were just experimentation . For example, one woman noted: “After
Judy and I made love for the first time I got very scared that this meant I was
a lesbian . I withdrew right away. I said , ‘This doesn’t mean I’m a lesbian ”
( Kitzingcr & Wilkinson , 1995, p. 99 ) . Some women described having difficulty
accepting the lesbian label because of internalized stereotypes and the belief that
they couldn’t possibly be lesbians because, for example, they had long hair, had
children, or didn’t know how to fix cars. But once they embraced the label, they
felt a sense of exuberant rebirth . This was described variously as “an explosion
of aliveness,” “ like waking up having been half asleep all my life,” “ like a conver-
sion experience,” and “ like emerging from a chrysalis” ( p. 100 ) .
Consistent in accounts of lesbian identity development arc the presence of
intense, passionate friendships with other women during adolescence and early
adulthood ( Tate & Pearson , 2016 ). These friendships spark emotional and
sexual feelings, but the extent of these feelings is generally kept secret. Many
women who eventually identify as lesbians go through a period of dating or
even having sexual relationships with men before they become comfortable with
accepting a lesbian identity. Individuals who adopt a non - monosexual identity
- ( e.g., bisexual, panscxual, queer ) report a stage of sexual identity uncertainty;
however, unlike lesbian women , they report that the uncertainty can con -
tinue after the adoption of an identity or that they choose to label themselves
“ unlabeled ” ( Diamond , 2008a, p. 6 ).
Some researchers theorize that this uncertainty stems from external pressures to
—
adhere to the dominant binary of homosexual or heterosexual in other words, to
Coming Out
What are the barriers to and benefits of coming out?
Coming out is a process by which LGBTQ individuals accept, appreciate, and
inform themselves and others about their LGBTQ identity. Coming out is a
lifelong process because there will always be someone new who doesn’t know
about one’s identity. As a result, a LGBTQ person will continually have to
t :l
I
EMPOWERING
OR OPPRESSING?
'
;
The Search for a “Gay Gene”
n 2011, Lady Gaga famously sang the lyrics "I was born our life span and in response to various social and environ -
'
I .
!‘
this way.” Her song illustrated a popular argument for .
mental factors ( Burri Cherkas, Spector, & Rahman 2011).
securing LGBQ rights: If sexual orientation is biologi- Even though there are no definitive research findings,
cally determined, people shouldn't be discriminated citing the concept of a "gay gene " has been very effec -
against because of an innate trait. This position counters tive as a political strategy. When political leaders suggest
an alternative argument that being gay is a choice, which that having an LGBQ lifestyle is a "choice" and that people
some people consider immoral. The implication of argu- .
should stop choosing it the alternative "born this way"
ments focused on choice is that discrimination is justified argument seems very practical. This argument may how- .
1
184
decide when and how to share information about their sexual orientation and/
or gender identity with others ( Cohen & Savin-Williams, 1996; Hunter, 2007 ).
There are, however, real risks associated with coming out ( Hunter, 2007 ).
For example, in one study, coming out was related to greater likelihood of vic-
timization , which was related to lower academic outcomes among rural LGBTQ
individuals ( Kosciw ct al., 2015 ) . The process of coming out can range from
being easy to difficult depending on the individual’s social context. Members
of younger generations have come of age in a time when LGBTQ rights are
more widespread, including the legal right for same-sex marriage. In one study,
researchers showed that members of younger generations ( people in their 20s
and 30s ) come out at a younger age than did members of older generations
( people in their 50s and 60s; Grov, Bimbi , Nanfn, & Parsons, 2006 ) .
Religion has been identified as another factor contributing to difficulty in
coming out. In a study of LGBTQ Filipino American individuals, participants
described that the combination of being Filipino, gay, and Catholic couldn’t
be easily reconciled ( Nadal &: Corpus, 2013 ). They reported tremendous guilt,
shame, and conflict with family members who perceived their LGBTQ iden -
tity as “ morally wrong” ( p. 169 ) . Because of their multiple minority statuses,
some individuals felt they had to “ pick and choose ” which identity was the
—
most important ( race, religion , sexual orientation , etc. ) a challenge that was
psychologically draining ( p . 172 ). The degree to which any given social identity
is important to an individual varies by person and context, but it’s clear that
having multiple minority statuses complicates the process of coming out.
Overall , in terms of coming out , less is known about the experiences of bisex-
ual women and lesbians of color ( Greene, 2000; Moradi, DeBlaere , & Huang,
2010 ) . The few studies that have been done suggest that lesbians of color may be
more likely to conceal their identity in order to maintain family harmony ( Bow-
leg, Huang, Brooks, Black , & Burkholder, 2003; Parks, Hughes, & Matthews,
2004; Ryan , 2003 ) . There is also some evidence that people from racial/ethnic
minority groups are more likely than White people to hold conservative views
toward sexuality, which may influence a group member’s decision to come out
and limit the positive effects of being out ( Herek & Gonzalez- Rivera , 2006 ).
In one study, Latinx LGBQ adolescents were more likely to experience family
rejection than their White counterparts, and this rejection was associated with
depression and suicidality ( Ryan, Hucbner, Diaz, &: Sanchez, 2009 ). In another
study, Latinx lesbians were less likely to experience depression if they came out
to a non - family member than if they came out to a family member ( Aranda et al.,
2015 ). Because level of familial support has been found to predict life satisfaction
and well - being among poor Mexican American women, it’s not surprising that
they generally opt to conceal their sexual minority identities ( Diaz & Bui, 2016 ).
Still other studies find that White LGBQ individuals experience the fewest bar-
riers in coming out ( Grov et al ., 2006; Riley, 2010; Rosario, Schrimshaw, Hunter,
& Levy-Warren, 2009 ). Black and Latinx lesbian and gay adolescents ( between
LI
i
:
i
- !
. i
IL.
( Higa et al., 2014 ) . In another study, children who reported that their parents
rejected their sexual orientation identity were more likely to have negative feel -
ings about their sexual orientation identity, more likely to want to conceal it,
and more fearful that others wouldn’t accept them than those who reported
parental acceptance ( Bregman ct al., 2013 ) . Parental acceptance was also found
to be related to higher self-esteem , greater perceptions of social support, and
lower levels of depression and substance abuse, as well as fewer suicide attempts
( Ryan , Russell, Huebncr, Diaz, & Sanchez, 2010 ).
LGBTQ adolescents, especially adolescents of color, are also disproportion -
ately incarcerated in the juvenile justice system ( Hunt & Moodie - Mills, 2012 ).
This is likely because many LGBTQ adolescents who are rejected by family
members run away and experience homelessness, which can result in a higher s
Si
incidence of drug and alcohol use ( Birkctt, Koenig, & Espclage, 2009; Garofalo,
Deleon , Osmer, Doll, &: Harper, 2006; Walls, Kane, & Wisneski , 2010 ) . One
study estimated that 40% of homeless people in the United States are LGBTQ !
Conclusion 187
orientation . Throughout the chapter, we’ve shown that there are many facets
in the gender bundle that influence people’s bodies, identities, expressions, and
orientations and that these don’t always conform to a sex /gender binary. None-
?! i
theless, mainstream society generally expects people to consistently identify and
express themselves as either a woman or a man with a corresponding heterosex-
ual orientation. These expectations arc encountered in places such as health -care
1t '
,
settings, school /work environments, and athletic competitions; they can even
relate to obtaining legal recognition . People whose lives conform to mainstream
assumptions about sex/gender binaries are often unaware that many individuals
fall outside of these expectations. This lack of awareness reflects privilege, and
it is yet another domain in which privilege needs to be acknowledged in order
for change to occur.
Chapter Review
I
SUMMARY
Challenging Heteronormative Compared to cisgender individuals, gender
Assumptions about Sex and Gender identity development is more complicated for
:: : Many people assume, inaccurately, that there trans individuals since diey often face stigma
are only two sexes that directly correspond to and prejudice from both loved ones and society
two genders. This view reflects the sex/gender at large.
binary. When trans individuals accept their identity,
Feminist scholars regard the sex/gender binary they typically opt to share their gender
—
:
as overly simplistic and instead advocate for the identity with odiers a process known as
concept of a gender bundle, in which aspects of gender transitioning, which can include
sex/gender ( e.g., gender assignment, gender medical interventions including hormones and
identity, gender bodily expression ) arc all part surgery. Transitioning also involves redefining
of the personal and social understanding of relationships with friends and family members,
gender. but cultural values, traditions, and prejudice
can all be barriers to transitioning.
j
Transgender : An Umbrella Term Misgendering is a common experience among
Gender identity and gender expression do not trans individuals.
always conform to assigned sex.
Transgender individuals identify their gender Complicating Gender Assignment
identity in diverse ways and may question their Not all cultures determine sex in the same way
assigned sex at any point throughout the life or focus on biological factors to do so ( as is
span. typical in the West ) .
THINK ABOUT IT
1. After reading this chapter, what discussed in this chapter, what topics should
recommendations would you make to be covered by the media ?
organizations that are divided by sex/gender ? 3. What are the benefits and consequences of
Think about athletic teams, prisons, school medical intervention for intersex individuals?
dorms, bathrooms, and locker rooms. What Are dicre societal interventions that
barriers might you encounter when making might help ?
your recommendations? How could you
4. Design a high school affinity group that is
address them ?
supportive and inclusive of sexual diversity.
2. What are some drawbacks of having celebrities What would you name your group, and what
represent transgender concerns? In what type of support services would you include ?
ways could the concerns of trans and gender How might school personnel, parents, and
non-conforming people be more accurately students react to your new group ?
represented in media ? Given die research
ONLINE RESOURCES
—
Accord Alliance an organization that
promotes comprehensive and integrated
—
Black Girl Dangerous a blog dedicated to
amplifying the voices of queer and transgender
approaches to care that enhance the health people of color: bgdblog.org
and well- being of people and families affected
by disorders of sex development ( DSD ):
accordalliance.org
National Center for Transgender Equality a
website created by transgender activists to
—
advance transgender equality: transequality.org
i.
.
—
Autostraddle an online magazine and social
network for lesbian, bisexual, and queer women
Ii (cis and trans ) as well as non - binary people:
autostraddle.com
• >
’ Conclusion
fc
.y
a Chapter Review
I
i r
Marley Dias loves to read, but she noticed that none of the girls in the books
her teachers assigned looked like her — they were almost all White, and she
; is Black ( Anderson, 2016 ). So Marley decided to start collecting books about
girls who look like her, with the goal of collecting 1,000 books. Her project,
#1000blackgirlbooks, has exceeded its goal — she has collected over 4,000.
Her quest points to a major problem in how girls of color are represented.
At age 11, she was determined to resist invisibility,
n In 2011, a YouTube video of a 4-year -old White girl named Riley ranting
about marketing in stores went viral ( dbarry1917, 2011) — by 2017, it had been
viewed over 5 million times. "Why do all the girls have to buy princesses?"
she complained, standing in front of a toy aisle full of pink dolls. " Some girls
like superheroes, some girls like princesses. Some boys like superheroes, some
boys like princesses!" Her comments, along with other complaints, led Target,
in 2015, to decide that it would no longer designate toy aisles by gender,
n In September 2015, Ms. Nwoye's fourth - grade class in Montgomery County .
Maryland, posted a video entitled The Lie ( Untitled Productions, 2016 ). In
it, the 10-year-old students repeat lies that they' ve heard about people like
themselves. One girl stands and says, " Muslims are terrorists." Another girl
says, "Asian girls are not athletic." And another girl says, "I ' m too pretty to be
.
At age 11 Marley Dias ’
^7
!! collected over 4,000 books
to support her project
'
>
#1000blackgirlbooks.
-
cS
•' vV :vK , _-
These stories show how some young girls have reacted to socialization practices
with resistance, but such stories are the exception rather than the rule. Most
young girls passively absorb messages about gender, as well as other aspects
of their social identities. These messages send information about how they’re
supposed to look and act throughout their entire lives and shape the way they
perceive themselves and the world. In this chapter, we'll explore how gender so -
cialization takes place, sources of socialization, how socialization practices affect
girls and young women at various stages of development, and how other social
identities intersect with gender socialization.
:
Theories of Gender Development
Children are constantly trying to figure out who they are and how they’re sup -
posed to act. Messages about gender play are influential in figuring that out .
* This process, known as gender socialization, occurs when individuals internal -
ize the social expectations and attitudes associated with their perceived gender.
—
Gender socialization is a very complex process one that starts before we’re
born and lasts a lifetime . Because norms about gender change over time , it’s
challenging to study gender socialization . Psychologists have developed various
theories, although, as you’ll see , some are outdated and don’t take an intersec-
tional approach and/or consider many of the social and political changes that
have altered gender expectations over the years.
Psychoanalytic Theories
your turn
What are the main elements of the psychoanalytic
theories of Freud, Homey, and Chodorow ?
Before we review the dominant gender
development theories in psychology, Psychoanalytic theories suggest that gender development
take some time to reflect on what you ( and personality in general ) is controlled by unconscious
think gender is and how people develop
it. What is your theory of gender —
forces that is, forces that people aren ’t aware of ( Freud,
1924/1961a , 1925/1961 b; Person & Ovcscy, 1983). All
development? Do you think we're born
with gender, or is it learned— or both?
psychoanalytic theories consider early childhood to be the
In what ways do other aspects of one's critical time in development . Yet psychoanalytic theory is
social identity (e.g., sexual orientation, controversial . Some scholars claim that psychoanalytic con -
race/ethnicity, social class, ability status) cepts have not been properly operationalized or systemat -
Y?m rence gender development? ically studied ( Fonagy, 2003 ). Others disagree and report
research support for the core tenets of psychoanalytic the-
ory and practice ( Corvin & Fitzgerald , 2000; Lcichsenring,
Rabung, & Leibing, 2004; Westcn, 1999; YVcsten &
Gabbard , 2002 ). Nevertheless, psychoanalytic theories have had a profoundly
influential effect on many people’s understanding of development and gender.
1
and boys realized the superiority of malcncss. As a result, according to Freud , a
driving force in the development of both girls and boys is that boys are protec-
tive of their penis while girls are jealous that they don’t have one.
Early psychoanalytic theory assumed that children arc raised in a traditional
!
nuclear family that includes a father, a mother, and their biological children .
Within the context of this traditional family, Freud theorized that young girls
and boys develop in a similar way until approximately 3 years of age ( Freud ,
1924 /1961 a , 1925/1961 b; Person & Oveslcy, 1983 ). At this time, he claimed ,
boys develop an unconscious love for their mothers and a feeling of hostility
toward their fathers. This is the Oedipus complex , named after the lead char-
acter in an ancient Greek play who unknowingly kills his father and marries his
mother. Freud believed that a central part of a young boy’s feelings at this time
—
is fear that his father will cut off his penis a fear known as castration anxiety
( Freud , 1900 /1999 ) . According to Freud , hostility toward the father and fear
of castration cause tremendous anxiety for the boy, and he eventually decides
that, instead of getting rid of his father and marrying his mother, he would
rather be like his father. As a result, he learns to identify with the masculine role
model in his life and forms his sense of masculine gender identity.
The situation for girls is quite different, according to Freud. As soon as a girl
realizes that she doesn’t have a penis, she experiences penis envy, which she
continues to have for the rest of her life ( Freud , 1925/1961 b ). She becomes
angry and hostile toward her mother because she blames her mother for her
—
“ inferior” anatomy. Instead , she becomes attached to her father a process
Freud’s protegee Carl Jung called the Electra complex , based on another
ancient Greek play in which Electra plots to murder her mother because her
mother and stepfather have killed her father ( Jung, 1915 ). According to Freud,
the girl never fully resolves her complex because she’s never able to get a penis,
and so she resigns herself to the inferior status of femininity. Acknowledgment
of this inferiority, Freud argued , results in women developing inherendy femi-
—
nine traits including passivity, narcissism ( an arrogant focus on the self), and
masochism ( the tendency to want to hurt oneself ).
Karen Horney and Nancy Chodorow Freud’s theories have been widely
criticized as being sexist. A focus of this criticism is his insistence that the differ-
ences between girls and boys have to do with whether one has or doesn’t have
a penis and the assumption that the penis is inherently superior. However, over
time, some feminist scholars have used Freud’s fundamental concepts, partic-
ularly his idea of the unconscious, to help explain the perpetuation of men’s
power ( Bcardsworth, 2004; Mitchell, 1974 ).
Karen Horney ( 1932 ), a feminist critic of Freud, argued that power inequali-
ties, not biolog)', cause the psychological differences observed in girls and women .
According to Horney, girls don’t envy having a penis simply because a penis is
—
superior to a vagina. Instead, they envy what the penis represents specifically,
_
•,r
198 Chapter 5 Gender Socialization
what children are thinking and assuming about their gender roles. According to
psychologists, children engage in a process of self-socialization ( Zosuls ct al.,
2009 ) . In other words, they don’t need parents to tell them how to behave;
instead , they continually look for clues and figure it out themselves.
In Delusions of Gender, psychologist Cordelia Fine ( 2010 ) asks readers to
imagine a world where right - handers and left - handers arc separated and marked
as much as girls and boys currently are. Can you imagine if left - handed babies
were dressed in pink clothing and right - handed babies in blue clothing? What
if only left - handed babies had bibs, pacifiers, and cribs decorated with flowers
and fairies, while right - handed babies had these things decorated with trucks
and footballs ? In this imaginary world , children would almost certainly figure
out that handedness is an important part of who they arc, given the amount of
attention paid to the distinction . And so it is with gender.
Children arc smart. They quickly figure out that gender is one of the most
important distinguishing variables for people ( Horn , 2007; Martin et al., 2002 ).
Very early on , children are able to distinguish between girl and boy. For exam -
ple, infants can distinguish female and male voices by 6 months of age, and
female and male faces or photographs by 9 to 10 months of age ( Levy & Haaf,
1994; Quinn , Yah , Kuhn, Slater, & Pascalis, 2002 ) . Babies also learn stereotypes
about gender at very early ages. In one study, researchers found that children as
young as 18 months associated male faces with stereotypically masculine items
such as a fire hat, pants, and a hammer, as well as metaphorically masculine items
such a bear and a fir tree ( Eichstedt, Serbin , Poulin - Dubois, & Sen, 2002 ). In
an earlier study, researchers found that by 26 months, children put pictures
related to fire fighting and truck driving with a picture of a man and pictures
of laundry, cooking, and sewing with a picture of a woman ( Weinraub et al.,
1984 ). Overall , these findings strongly suggest that babies figure out that gen-
der is a very important social category and , in some cases, learn to distinguish
on the basis of this category even before they can speak.
Cognitive developmental theories emphasize that children’s understanding
of gender goes through stages corresponding to the development of cognitive
skills and that children are active participants in their attempt to understand and
take on gender roles. In this view, after children learn to distinguish women from
men and girls from boys, they learn to label people and things by gender. Gender
labeling, or the ability to say whether someone is female or male, is often assessed
by having young children sort photographs of girls, boys, women, and men into
categories. This ability is generally achieved by 30 months ( Fagot, Lcinbach, &
Hagan, 1986; Halim &: Ruble, 2010 ) and, according to one study, may develop
as early as 17 months ( Zosuls et al., 2009 ). Children’s ability to gender label
is closely tied to their ability to label their own gender. When this occurs, chil-
dren have gained a sense of gender identity, and this generally involves labeling
oneself within a gender binary as a girl or a boy. Most children develop this skill
between 2 and 3 years of age ( Halim & Ruble, 2010; Ruble & Martin, 1998).
The Media
How do books, television, video games, and social media send messages
about gender ?
The media constitute a large portion of die water we all swim in , and messages
about gender permeate it. There are many categories of media , but here we’ve
chosen to focus on books, television show's, video games, and social media . Our
discussion will illustrate how gendered assumptions surround us and can influ -
ence us as individuals as well as our understanding of gender as a whole.
Books When you were a child, did you love the stories of Winnie the Pooh ?
These are charming stories, but did you realize that all the characters, except
for Kanga ( the kangaroo mother ), are male ( Blakemore et al., 2009 )? The
over- representation of boys and men in children’s books has been w'idely stud -
ied . For example, when researchers examined award-winning children’s books
from the 1940s to the 1960s, they found that for every female human charac-
ter there were 11 male characters (Weitzman, Eifler, Hokada, & Ross, 1972 ).
There were also a whopping 95 male animals for every female animal in these
I
—
gets a model plane and builds a runway for it girls engaged in less stereo-
typical play ( Green, Bigler, & Catherwood, 2004 ) . However, it may be that
i
non -stercotypical representations can only go so far. Other research suggests
that, especially in children with very rigid gender schemas, there’s a tendency
to misremember information that they read in books in order to make w'hat
t they’ve read consistent with the gender stereotypes they already hold ( Abad &
Pruden, 2013; Frawley, 2008 ).
f! Although there has been less research on gendered messages in young adult
(2 novels as compared to children’s books, an examination of a few of the most
( !
204 Chapter 5 Gender Socialization
Hi
popular young adult series shows that characters arc often portrayed in stereo-
typed ways. The Harry Potter scries, for example, has been criticized for show-
ing boys having adventures while girls spend time being studious ( Maycs- Elma,
2006 ). The series has also been criticized for a lack of diversity among the charac-
ters ( Anne, 2015 ). Author J . K. Rowling confirmed Dumblcdore’s status as a gay
male character only after the books were published , and other forms of diversity
( c .g., religion and race ) were never explicitly discussed in the series. When the
actress Noma Dumezwcni was cast to play Hcrmione in the London stage play
Harry Potter and the Cursed Child , there was much controversy because many
readers had assumed Hcrmione was White and objected to a Black actress play-
ing the part ( Schaub, 2015 ). The Twilight scries has also been criticized for
glorifying the relationship between a controlling, powerful man and a passive,
—
dependent woman ( Silver, 2010 ) .
In contrast, some young adult novels do subvert gender
stereotypes. For example , Katniss in the Hunger Games
scries is a strong and powerful female protagonist (Scott try it for yourself i
Sc Dargis, 2012 ), and Tris from the Divergent series is i
—
also a strong character she jumps on and off moving
trains, faces her fears, and becomes a leader of a rebel fac-
Think about the books you read as a
child and as a young adult. What do you
t
tion ( Bennett , 2014 ). Both the Hunger Games and the think about the way the characters were
Divergent series have also been praised as promoting gen - portrayed? Did you read any books that
der equality because , even though they star female heroes, had non- traditional portrayals of gender
they’re marketed to both girls and boys ( Bell, 2014 ). Of roles? Did non-traditional books depict
course, the protagonists in both books are conventionally both girls acting in masculine ways and
boys acting in feminine ways? Go to a
attractive, heterosexual women whose love interests are cen -
bookstore or the local library, and visit
tral to the plots. Moreover, while Tris sacrifices herself for
the children's and young adult sections.
the cause at the end of die Divergent series, Katniss ends the
What trends do you see in the covers,
—
Hunger Games series getting married an outcome that can characters, illustrations, and so on?
perpetuate the idea that heterosexual coupling should be an
ultimate goal for young women .
i
your turn vision characters. An analysis of television shows popular
with adolescents in 2015 found that Black characters made
up approximately 15% of the total characters and women
Under-representation of women in the
media has led feminists to adopt the
were less than 40% of the total characters. The proportion
Bechdel test to assess the presence of for Black characters matched that of the number of Black
female characters in television shows individuals in the U.S. population; but as women make
and movies (Garber. 2015 ). The test gets up 50.8% of the U .S. population, female characters were
its name from cartoonist Alison Bechdel, underrepresented ( Ellithorpe & Blcaklcy, 2016 ). In another
who featured this idea in a 1985 Dykes to analysis, researchers found that among television ’s most-
Watch Out For strip. In order to pass the watched shows from 1987 to 2009, Native American , Asian
test , a show or movie must (a ) include American , and Latinx characters were all under- represented
at least two female characters (b) who ( Tukachinsky, Mastro, &: Yarchi , 2015 ) .
have at least one conversation (c) about
Characters are also portrayed in stereotypical ways. When
something other than a man. In 2015,
television’s most -viewed shows between 1987 and 2009
for example, all the Oscar Best Picture
were analyzed (Tukachinsky, Mastro, &: Yarchi, 2015 ), it
nominees were movies about men; only
three of the eight films nominated passed was found that these shows tended to depict Latinx charac-
the Bechdel test. The winner. Birdman , ters as passionate and seductive and Black and Latinx char-
only passed because of a 30- second scene acters as having a poor work ethic. Another, more recent
in which two women discussed theater study found that less than 1% of characters on the most-
/ before going on to discuss men. There watched television shows have a disability, and 95% of these
was improvement in the 2016 and 2017 characters are played by able- bodied actors ( Woodburn &
nominated films. Five of eight 2016 films Kopic, 2016 ). Often , the plot revolves around the char-
passed the test (Whitmar, 2016), and seven acter’s perceived impairment rather than other important
of the nine 2017 films did (Radic, 2018).
I aspects of the person’s life , like work or relationships.
Look at television shows you watch
As with books, male characters in television shows are more
regularly. Also, review the last ten movies
you watched. Do any of them pass the
likely than female characters to ( a ) be shown as independent,
Bechdel test? How many? Do your find- assertive , and athletic and ( b ) have paid jobs as opposed to
ings motivate you to look differently at unpaid care- giving roles ( Thompson &: Zerbinos, 1995 ).
the media you consume? Although this study was conducted over 20 years ago, more
recent research reflects a similar pattern . For example, an anal-
ysis of tween television shows found that male characters out-
numbered female characters 2:1 overall and outnumbered them 3:1 in the action/
adventure genre ( Gerding & Signorielli, 2014 ). Female characters were more
likely than male characters to be conventionally attractive and more likely to be
shown primping or paying attention to their appearance. However, die re was no
difference between female and male characters in terms of how good dicy were
i
ii
EMPOWERING
OR OPPRESSING?
T
he characteristics of the Disney princesses have
.
evolved over the years ( England Descartes &.
.
Collier -Meek 2011). The older Disney princesses
such as Snow White (1938) and Cinderella (1950)
were conventionally feminine and passive. They demon-
strated these values by doing submissive domestic tasks
without complaint and waited to be saved by fairy god-
.
mothers princes, or both. Those from the next generation
of Disney princesses were a bit more empowered. Jasmine,
from Aladdin (1992), could fight; Mulan (1998) dressed as
a man and fought in the army; Belle, from Beauty and
.
the Beast (1991) was intellectual and brave, although
she tolerated violent behavior from the Beast. Ariel, from
The Little Mermaid (1989 ), was also more assertive and
independent. She enjoyed exploring and was rebellious
toward her father. However, she chose to lose her voice
for the sake of love and ultimately abandoned her family
to keep her prince. Overall, while this generation of prin-
cesses showed agentic traits and often acted bravely, they
generally, ultimately, settled down with a man. In this
.
way these movies sent a message that even though other the movie, the marketed doll changed her look to empha-
pursuits might be useful, a woman's ultimate goal is to be .
size her sexuality. Elsa is highly sexualized especially after
attractive, find love, and marry a man. .
she leaves Arendell. By the time Elsa has "let it go " she
A third generation of Disney princesses seems to send has gone from wearing a conservative dress to wearing
a different message. Princess Tiana, the first ( and only) a sexy, revealing dress, and walking with a “come-hither"
Black princess, from The Princess and the Frog (2009), swagger (Stevens, 2014, para. 6). These elements can all
enjoyed her career and was independent and agentic. be considered oppressive aspects of the princess charac-
In Brave ( 2013), Merida rejects her suitors, and the movie .
ters. But in contrast, it's possible to see Elsa's embracing
concludes with her regaining the love ( and humanity) of of her emotions and sexuality as empowering.
her mother. In Frozen (2013), the "true love's kiss" that Overall, while the modern Disney princess is less gender
saves Anna from being frozen comes from her sister rather —
stereotyped than the earlier ones she's more active and
.
than from a man. In this way these movies present a dif - assertive and might not need a man to be happy—these
ferent message from those before them. The princesses movies still convey gendered messages about beauty and
.
are active and agentic and marriage is not their only goal . sexuality. Do you think the modern Disney princess is
However, while there's an empowering aspect to the empowered or oppressed? Are the images empowering or
modern Disney princess, there's an oppressive one too. oppressing to young girls? To older women? To mothers?
-
All these princesses are able bodied, physically idealized, What would it take to have a truly empowered Disney
and sexualized. While Merida wasn't overly sexualized in princess?
209
According to the Common Sense ( 2017 ) media
report, children ages 8 to 12 spend about
six hours a day consuming media on mobile
devices, and those ages 13 to 18 spend about
nine hours. Some 13- year-olds report that they
check social media 100 times a day. Both girls
and boys frequent the Internet at the same
rate, but they appear to have different habits
( Miller, Schweingruber, & Bradenburg, 2001 ).
In general , girls are more active than boys on
V Faccbook, Twitter, Instagram , and Pintcrest
If ( Women’s Media Center, 2015 ). Since Insta -
gram is a photo app, much of the comment-
| Some girls take many selfies before deciding which
-
ing and liking revolves around how girls look.
one to post and spend a great deal of time worrying This pattern has the potential to increase young
about how many likes and positive comments they girls’ anxiety about how they look and how
get . However, despite its potential drawbacks, social
media can foster connection with others. How do in Chapter 6.
—
others perceive them a topic we’ll return to
think social media is affecting young women ? Social media also gives girls an opportunity
to compare themselves to other people and ,
in that way, learn gender norms. In one study,
researchers explored the social media use of a diverse group of eighth and ninth
graders from schools with students of low to middle socioeconomic status ( Ncsi
& Prinstein, 2015 ). The researchers found that girls were more likely to use social
media than boys, spending a lot of time comparing diemselves to and getting feed -
back from others. This comparing activity was related to increased levels of depres-
sion, especially in girls who were ranked by their peers as less popular than others.
However, social media can also help to combat gender stereotypes. For
example, in one study, researchers found that girls were just as likely as boys
to assume leadership positions online ( Cassel, Huffaker, Tversky, & Fcrriman,
2006 ). Another potential benefit of social media is the ability to form supportive
communities. This was found to be particularly true for adolescents who arc
: •!!
,1
marginalized because of their sexual orientation, gender identity, race/ethnic-
'1
•i l? ity, or because they have a disability ( Craig, Mclnroy, McCready, Di Cesare,
& Pcttaway, 2015 ) . Additional research shows that for members of socially
I marginalized groups, online venues offer opportunities to build a supportive
it
:
community and develop strategies to fight back against discrimination ( Craig,
Mclnroy, McCready, & Alaggia , 2015 ). For example, LGBTQ adolescents often
use online media to digitally come out ( Green, Bobrowicz, & Ang, 2015 ), and
LGBTQ youth of color use social media to help integrate their racial identities
and gender identities, which ultimately provides resilience (Singh , 2013). More
research is needed to better understand how and when social media involvement
can be supportive rather than detrimental.
f
i
t
1
Toys
What messages do toys send about gender socialization?
In 2015, as described early in this chapter, after pressure from girls like Riley and
other consumers, Target stores stopped labeling toy aisles by gender. Despite this
move, many of the toys sold there, and elsewhere, continue to be marketed spe-
—
cifically to girls or boys for example, in pink or blue packaging with pictures of
girls or boys on the boxes. In fact, research has found that color can influence
a child’s willingness to play with a toy. In one study, boys were more willing to
play with a blue doll than a pink doll ( Wong & Hines, 2015 ). The research-
ers theorized that if toys came in gender- neutral colors, dicre might be more
-
gender neutral play. However, other research suggests children have preferences
that go beyond the color of toys. Specifically, girls preferred dolls and stuffed
animals while boys preferred manipulative toys and action figures ( Cherney &
London , 2006 ) .
Additional research suggests that many toys marketed to girls have differ-
ent characteristics from those marketed to boys. Toys for girls are likely to
involve domestic and nurturing tasks or emphasize physical attractiveness for —
example, Easy - Bake Ovens, makeup, tea sets, and doll houses ( Blakemore &
Centers, 2005 ). Boys’ toys, however, are likely to be violent or dangerous and
—
to involve competition for example, guns and other weapons, action figures,
and footballs. Toys that enhance cognitive or physical skills were seen as either
gender- neutral ( e.g., LEGO ) or moderately masculine ( e.g., microscope, erec-
tor set , volcano creator, weather forecasting toy ) . Given die differing charac-
teristics of certain toys, when girls play with those that are cxplicidy marketed
—
toward them , they gain experience with traditional femininity such as a focus
on personal appearance and domesticity.
In another study, researchers examined toys that were marketed on a Disney
website specifically for girls or boys, or to both girls and boys ( Auster &
Mansbach , 2012 ) . Toys labeled “girls’ toys” were likely to be pink and were
• :
i
H
!
Parents
‘• i
! How do parents send messages to their children about gendered expectations?
1
Most parents would probably say they want to treat their children similarly
regardless of their gender identity, and a meta -analysis of 172 studies has sug-
gested that in terms of love, warmth, and affection , the similarities do outweigh
the differences ( Lytton & Romney, 1991 ). However, one major difference was
found in the way parents treated their children: Parents encouraged gender- typed
activities and play. Even though this meta-analysis was conducted over 25 years ?
ago, its findings are still relevant, as the following discussion will show.
One domain in which parents treat children differently is chores. In one study,
-
researchers found that girls were expected to do feminine type chores such as help-
ing to care for younger siblings and cooking, while boys were generally expected
to do masculine-type chores such as taking out the trash and mowing the lawn
( Raley & Bianchi, 2006 ). In another study, researchers found that when modiers
were under work stress, they tended to rely more on their daughters than their
;
sons ( Crouter, Head, Bumpus & McHale, 2001 ). This even happened when die
daughter had an older brother. In terms of this division of household labor, it’s
important to emphasize that children learn through observation . Given diat most
modiers do more of die domestic labor dian fathers, even if bodi parents work full -
time outside of die home ( Coltrane, 2000; a topic we’ll return to in Chapter 8 ),
children learn about who is responsible for certain chores even if die parents aren’t
explicidy teaching them (Sinno & Killen, 2009, 2011 ). This pattern is less likely
to occur widi children of LGBTQ parents. In fact, researchers have found that
children of gay and lesbian parents tend to have more egalitarian views of gender
—
relations largely because they likely aren’t witnessing a typically gendered divi-
sion of household labor in their family ( Fulcher, Sutfin, & Patterson, 2008 ).
Parents also shape children’s emotional experiences in gendered ways.
Although some parents may have explicit gendered rules about emotions ( e.g.,
boys aren’t allowed to cry ) , other parents may influence their children’s emo-
tional expressions in more subtle ways. In one study, researchers followed a
group of children from age 4 to age 6 ( Chaplin , Cole, & Zahn -Waxler, 2005 ).
While observing play sessions between the children and both the mother and
the father, the researchers noted the extent to which the parents paid attention
to different kinds of emotion . They found that parents, especially fathers, paid
more attention to submissive emotions, such as sadness and anxiety, in girls
and to aggressive emotions, such as anger, in boys. In another study, research -
ers examined emotional expression among Native American, Black, and White
families and found that mothers responded more favorably to girls who showed
sadness than to boys who did so ( Brown, Craig, & Halberstadt, 2015 ).
Additional data suggest that parents, especially fathers, treat girls and boys
differently in terms of allowing them to take risks. In one study, researchers
asked predominantly White, middle-class, pre-school children to walk on a cat-
walk 5 feet above the ground and observed the level of parental monitoring
( Hagan & Kuebli, 2007 ). Fathers more closely monitored daughters than sons.
Mothers monitored their sons and daughters equally. In another study, mothers
of 11-month-old infants estimated how steep a slope dieir child could climb
-
down ( Mondschein , Adolph, & Tamis LeMonda, 2000 ). They estimated cor-
rectly for their sons, but they underestimated their daughters’ abilities consider-
ably. Moreover, as children become older and more independent, parents may
set different standards for what is appropriate and how independent the children
Peers
How does interaction with peers shape gender development?
One of the biggest factors associated with peer socialization is gender segregation.
This is the tendency for children to segregate on the basis of actual or perceived
gender identity ( Fromberg, 1999; Martin , Eisenbud, & Rose, 1995 ). It starts in
pre-school and continues throughout die life span. Generally, children only spend
10% of their time with peers who don’t share dieir gender identity ( Fabes, Martin,
8c Hanish, 2003; Martin et al., 2013 ). Given diis tendency, gender segregation
can be especially difficult for gender-variant children, who are often excluded,
teased, and bullied ( Berlan, Corliss, Field, Goodman, 8c Austin, 2010 ).
Girls and boys generally engage in different styles of play. Girls tend to play
in groups of two or three, and their play is usually more cooperative than boys’
Schools
How do schools promote gender socialization, and how does race
influence this?
Research suggests diat many teachers have different expectations for girls and boys
in terms of both academic performance and behavior. For example, teachers are
more likely to praise girls for being neat and tidy and to praise boys for academic
_ i
to be “ distracted ” by girls wearing revealing clothing
( Bates, 2015 ) . But this practice teaches girls that it’s their
responsibility to protect themselves against harassment
spotlight o n . .
rather than the boys’ responsibility not to harass.
Another example of the hidden curriculum is the dis- Transgender Students
ciplinary code ( Langhout & Mitchell , 2008 ). There is
evidence that Black girls are particularly likely to face dis- in the Classroom
crimination in school , and this sets a norm about who are Educators from organizations like QuERI
considered to be troublemakers. Black girls are, in fact, (The Queering Education Research Insti-
disproportionally disciplined more than Black boys, even tute) have reported an increase in calls
though Black boys are suspended more than any other from elementary school principals claiming
group. However, Black boys arc only suspended three that teachers are "freaking out" about
times more often than White boys ( Crenshaw, Occn , & " what to do" with transgender children
Nanda, 2015 ) . Black girls, in contrast, arc suspended six in their classrooms ( Payne & Smith, 2014,
times more often than White girls. Research suggests that pp. 399 and 406). One area of concern
is bathrooms. While some elementary
bias and stereotypes play a role in these practices ( Blake,
schools have moved toward gender- neutral
Butler, Lewis, 8c Darensbourg, 2011; Skiba, Michael,
bathroom options, according to newspaper
Nardo, 8c Peterson , 2002 ) . Black students are more likely reports, the majority of schools have not
than White students to be sent to the school office for (Goodyear, 2016). Although Title IX pro -
behavioral infractions that are subjective, such as exces- tects students' right to use the bathroom
sive talking and disrespect ( Skiba et al ., 2002 ). Although that aligns with their gender identity, there
this research was initially done with boys, researchers in have been cases of parents challenging
a subsequent study found that Black girls are also more school districts, enraged about transgen-
likely to be sanctioned for subjective infractions, such as der students using bathrooms aligned with
defiance ( Blake et al ., 2011 ) . Black girls are also more their gender identity rather than with the
likely to receive sanctions that take them out of the class- sex assigned at birth (Parks, 2016 ).
What responsibility does a school have
room and interrupt their learning. In contrast, White girls
to protect the rights of transgender stu-
arc most likely to be referred for truancy ( e.g., not being
dents? Should gender - neutral bathrooms
in class ). Moreover, Black girls with darker skin tones are
be more widely available? What would you
more likely to be suspended than Black girls with lighter do if you were the teacher of a transgender
skin tones ( Hannon , DeFina , 8c Bruch , 2013 ). student ?
Some scholars believe Black girls are more likely to be
punished because they’re seen as disobedient and unruly,
and teachers may punish them for acting in ways that
challenge traditional ideas of femininity. For example,
researchers have found that Black girls were more likely
to be disciplined for inappropriate dress and inappropri-
ate language than White and Larinx girls ( Blake et al.,
2011 ). In another study, researchers found diat adults
from various racial/ethnic backgrounds and different
educational levels reported that compared to their White
peers, Black girls needed less nurturance and protection
because they were perceived as more independent and
217
more knowledgeable about adult topics ( Epstein, Blake, &: Gonzalez, 2017).
Black girls have also reported feeling that their academic achievements are unrec-
ognized or unappreciated, possibly because these girls are seen as more self- reliant
and less needy of positive feedback: u [ G ]irls who do well just kind of get over-
looked. [TJhere is rarely anything done to celebrate them or to encourage them
to keep going” ( Crenshaw et al., 2015, p. 32 ).
Because of the hidden curriculum , girls can experience school differently
from boys, and this experience can depend on other aspects of their social iden -
tities. In one study, researchers examined the educational experiences of work -
ing- and middle -class White and Latinx high school girls who were successful in
college- prep courses ( Bettie, 2002 ). Both groups of students were aware that
their social class set them apart from their wealthier peers, so they made delib-
erate decisions to use less makeup or to wear conservative clothing as a way to
appear “ nice ” and “ not hard ” and , in this way, to display themselves as upwardly
mobile ( p. 419 ) . Both groups also expressed ambivalence about surpassing their
parents’ academic ability. However, Latinx students also had to cope with peer
distancing due to perceptions that they were “acting White ” ( p. 419 ).
Stages of Gender Dc
Gender socialization starts early, even before birth . In this section, we’ll discuss how
—
gender socialization practices manifest during different developmental stages from
infancy to toddlerhood , and through childhood and adolescence. As you read this
section, it wall be helpful to think about the theories we reviewed in die first part of
the chapter, as well as die various sources of gender socialization, to better under-
stand how they influence children and adolescents at each stage of development.
It's a . . . BABY
How does gender socialization start before children are even born?
Parents and their doctors have used ultrasound to determine the sex of a fetus
since the 1960s ( Hvistendahl, 2012 ). It’s now' a routine part of obstetrical care for
women in developed countries. Although ultrasound is a medical tool intended
to help identify potential abnormalities, it’s also regularly used to assign a sex to
a developing fetus. There’s not a great deal of data on what percentage of par-
ents wish to know the sex of their unborn child. A 2004 study, however, found
that 58% of both mothers and fathers getting prenatal ultrasounds planned to
find out the sex of their child (Shipp et al., 2004 ). And in 2007, a Gallup poll
found that 66% of pregnant women between the ages of 18 and 35 wanted to
know the sex of their baby before giving birth ( Carroll, 2007 ).
In one study, parents were asked to recall what sex they had been hoping for
I
when planning to have a child ( Kane, 2009 ) . Men tended to want a son to play
sports with, and mothers wanted a son so their husbands would have a companion
for activities. These responses reflect an assumption that girls can’t play sports or
i ! enjoy die same activities as their fathers. Daughters were desired for other reasons.
Mothers reported being excited to have a girl so they could dress her up, buy her
i dolls, and take her to dance classes. Mothers also assumed that daughters would
provide a greater level of emotional intimacy and connection than sons would .
This assumption is consistent with Chodorow’s view that girls stay emotionally
connected to their mothers while boys separate from diem. It can be said that chil -
dren are not born into a gender- neutral world; even before
birth there are many assumptions about what they’ll be like.
People tend to see an infant’s sex as the most important
your turn piece of information about the newborn . One study showed
I I
that, more than 80% of the time, the first question asked by
If you or your partner became pregnant, friends and family about infants was their sex ( Karrakcr, Vogel,
would you want to know your baby’s sex 8c Lake, 1995 ). For many people, this information influences
before the actual birth? Why or why not ? how they perceive the infant and how they’ll subsequently
How do you think others would react if interact with the child . For example, as one early study
you told them you didn't want to know,
showed , within the first 24 hours after being born , infant
or share with them, your baby's sex?
girls are more likely than infant boys to be described as little
If you are a parent, what choices did
you make in regard to learning of and
( Rubin , Provenzano, & Luria , 1974; also see Fausto-Stcrling,
sharing your baby s sex? What factors
’ Coll , 8c Lamarre, 2012 ) . In another study, researchers inter-
influenced your decisions? viewed mothers and fathers one day after the birth of their
How can knowing in advance influence children . Newborn girls were rated as less strong, more del -
the way you would or did interact with icate, and as having finer features than newborn boys, even
your infant? How might this knowledge though there was no observable difference in the features of
change the way other people would the baby girls and boys ( Karrakcr et al., 1995 ).
interact with your baby, or even with you. Evidence for the different treatment of girls and boys con -
‘'ifpr? fhe actual birth? tinues in analyses of cards that congratulate parents on the
birth ( Bridges, 1993; Wilier, 2001 ) . Cards acknowledging a
baby girl are likely to use words like sweety precious, and dear.
Words on cards for a baby boy are more likely to include bold, brave, and tough.
Cards acknowledging a boy are also likely to show sports equipment or a vehicle,
and baby boys are generally pictured in more active positions than girls. Even the
cards’ emotional tones can differ. Cards about girls feature more expressions of
love, while cards about boys have more expressions of joy and pride.
A famous series of studies from the 1970s and 1980s, known as die Baby X
studies, found that people make very different assumptions about babies that they
think are girls as opposed to those they think are boys (Seavey, Katz, 8c Zalk, 1975;
Sidorowicz 8c Lunncy, 1980 ). In these studies, participants were asked to interact
with a baby in gender-neutral clothing who they were told was either a girl or a boy.
i
The Pre- school Years
How do pre-school children show evidence of rigid gender 1
1 i!
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only girls are allowed to like pink and only boys are allowed to like Spider- Man.
• i
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Many children this age don’t seem to understand that there can be individual
?
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differences and variation that not all girls or boys like the same things or do
the same activities. In one study, most 5- and 6- year-old participants were likely
to say that various gender-typed activities are done only by girls or by boys
•
i 1! i
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rather than mostly by girls or by boys (Trautner et al., 2005 ). These activities
H; I }'
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t
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hugs ( feminine stereotypes ) as well as playing with toy models, playing with
1! ! !i I
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trucks, and playing soccer ( masculine stereotypes ). Other research has shown
!
« i
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Li" that gender-stereotyped play increases after children arc able to cognitively
! understand gender categories, and these patterns are similar across a variety of
5
i:
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racial/ethnic groups ( Zosuls, Ruble, & Tamis- LeMonda , 2014 ) .
4
:;
si l Psychologists say that children at this age have gender rigidity, or strict gender
2 \
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typing, and a sense of inflexibility in terms of what girls and boys arc supposed
f
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to do ( Martin & Ruble, 2004 ). Gender rigidity is found in both cisgendcr and
5 transgender children ( Olson et al., 2015 ). For transgender children, the rigid
I
.1
.
guidelines for their own gendered behavior correspond to their gender identity
I
-
\ I
rather than the sex assignment made at birth . Gender rigidity is also consistent
across racial and ethnic groups. In one study, researchers followed Black, Mexican,
f and Dominican children from the ages of 3 to 5, studying appearance, play, and
t i
«
friend choices ( Halim, Ruble, Tamis- LeMonda, & Shrout, 2013 ). The researchers
!;? « found similar levels of gender rigidity that peaked between 3 and 4 years of age
;
«I .!
before decreasing in children of all three racial/ethnic groups. One area in which
« j :
i * gender rigidity was apparent was friendship choice, as gender rigidly influences
who children want to interact with. Another study of edmically diverse 5-ycar-olds
>
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found that most had very stereotypical views of gender differences and weren’t
i *
!
interested in cross-gender play or interaction; these findings were consistent across
‘
I i ethnic groups ( Halim, Ruble, Tamis- LeMonda, Shrout, & Amodio, 2017 ).
The pre -school years are also a time when parents of transgendcr and gen -
. !
der non-conforming children have to decide if they’ll reveal their child’s iden-
'
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I
tity to their child -care facility ( Picket , 2015 ). From kindergarten to twelfth
!
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; grade, schools are often hostile places for transgender students ( Kosciw,
i «
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t Greytak, Palmer, & Boesen, 2014; Reisner et al., 2015 ) . As mentioned in
i i
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Chapter 4, the prevalence of school- related bullying and discrimination directed
J
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at gender-diverse children is well documented ( Greytak , Kosciw, & Boesen,
;
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2013; Grossman & D’Augelli, 2006; Grossman et al., 2009; Reisner et al.,
A
2015 ). Unfortunately, these problems are also faced by families interacting with
>
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pre-schools and day-care facilities. In one study, teachers reported feeling fear
if
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and anxiety about having a transgender child in their class, and these feelings
can limit the potential for flexibility in gender socialization in the classroom
!
. .
( Payne & Smith, 2014 ). One parent of a transgender child described die diffi
:
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. . "
.! culty of informing her child’s pre-school that despite being assigned F at birth,
,1' . !
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.i her child identified as a boy ( Kleman, 2015 ). The pre-school staff respected
»
i 222 Chapter 5 Gender Socialization
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that identification and were open to learning more
about gender non -conformity, even taking an interest
in the child’s gender journey. When the family moved,
spotlight o n . .
however, it was harder to find a pre -school that would
accept their son’s decision . At one school, they were A Gender - Neutral
lectured about teaching their 4- year-old how to con -
trol unwanted urges, and another school informed diem Pre -school
that it didn ’t have to follow gender discrimination laws In 1996 , Sweden opened its first gender -
because it was a private pre -school . neutral pre- school ( Barry, 2018 ). Instead of
participating in gender- specific activities,
children were encouraged to play with one
Middle Childhood another and with ail types of toys. Instead
of gendered pronouns, teachers used the
How do gender roles become more flexible ( for girls ) newly developed gender - neutral Swedish
in elementary school ? pronoun hen . Although there was some
backlash about this (Tagliabue , 2012 ) ,
In elementary school, many young girls go through a the national pre- school curriculum in
transition in the way they enact their gender identity. Sweden now requires teachers to actively
While extreme femininity and pink frilly dresses are the counter traditional gender socialization.
norm for many pre -school girls ( Halim & Ruble, 2010 ), Pre- schools that , for example, encourage
they’re much less common in the elementary school boys to dance and girls to yell can be found
years. Instead , quite a few young girls reject expressions throughout Sweden ( Barry, 2018 ) . Further ,
of femininity and begin to identify as tomboys ( Halim the gender-neutral pronoun hen is now
et al ., 2011 ) . In fact , retrospective research indicates commonly used.
that one half to two thirds of women recall being tom - However, traditional gender socialization
cannot be fully eliminated; it 's difficult to
boys in childhood ( Burn , O’Neil, & Ncderend , 1996;
counteract the hundreds of gender- specific
Morgan, 1998 ) . Other studies of elementary school age
messages children are exposed to outside
children reflect a similar picture, with approximately of school. Research on such pre- schools has
one third to one half identifying as tomboys ( Halim shown that children are more likely to play
et al ., 2011; Martin & Dinclla, 2012 ). with peers of different genders and are less
Several cognitive developments are associated with likely to endorse gender stereotypes than
this shift from a rigid adherence to femininity to being a those in traditional pre- schools, but they
tomboy. One is that elementary school children become still notice gender (Shutts, Kenward , Falk,
less rigid about stereotypes in general ( Halim et al., Ivegran , & Fawcett, 2017 ). Though there
2011 ). Children at this age learn to distinguish between are limits to what a school can do in terms
knowledge of a stereotype and belief that people always of encouraging gender- neutral childhood
act or should act in accordance with that stereotype experiences, do you think this is worth
pursuing? Why or why not? Would you sup -
( Halim & Ruble, 2010 ). This is the same realization that
port a school like this in your community?
Riley, the girl mentioned early in the chapter, had when
Would you enroll your children ?
she noted that not all girls like princesses and not all boys
like superheroes. ( Riley was only 4, so she was clearly pre -
cocious.) Furthermore, gender flexibility has been found
to go hand in hand with gender constancy ( Halim et al.,
2011; Ruble et al., 2007 ). In other words, girls realize
223
1
II1
they don’t have to act feminine to still be a girl. They don’t have to worry that
acting like a boy will turn them into one. This allows a loosening ot gender stc -
reotypes as it combines with die cognitive realization that individual differences
matter and not all girls or boys are alike.
Interestingly, it’s only girls who loosen their gender stereotypes and rules
about appropriate gendered behavior, and even this loosening has limits. Ele -
mentary school boys are often under enormous pressure to adhere to strict
gender expressions ( O’Neil & Lujan, 2009 ), and homophobic slurs are usu -
ally used by peers to enforce this conformity ( Horn , 2007; Phoenix, Frosh,
& Pattman, 2003; Plummer, 2001 ). In a study of elementary school students
in die United Kingdom, researchers found that gender-conforming boys and
gender non-conforming girls were the most popular, indicating the valuing of
8
masculine traits and the devaluing of feminine ones ( Braun & Davidson, 2017 ).
Gender non -conforming boys were considered the least popular.
According to one study, elementary school age children have begun to realize
that masculinity conveys more status and power than femininity ( Bigler, Arthur,
Hughes, & Patterson, 2008 ). In other words, children have figured out that they
live in an androcentric world . This realization reflects a developing sense of public
regard, die awareness diat odier people might evaluate one’s group positively or
negatively ( Ashmore, Deaux, & McLaughlin-Volpe, 2004 ) . It’s interesting that
children reach this conclusion, because in their everyday experiences there are
many instances in which girls perform better than boys. For example, girls often
do better in school dian boys ( Voyer & Voyer, 2014 ). Nevertheless, children
are continually exposed to media messages that masculinity is more valuable and
important than femininity. Also, children begin to understand the concepts of
sexism and gender discrimination . For example, as they learn more about the
presidents of the United States, they may realize there has never been a female
president. A 5-year-old might not diink too much about this, but research sug-
gests diat by age 10 many children have noticed this phenomenon and report that
it’s because they think men don’t want to vote for women ( Bigler et al ., 2008 ).
: Given the findings mentioned above, the rise in tomboyism may reflect both
the realization that men are more valued in our society, as well as the desire to
access some of the advantages of masculinity ( Carr, 1998 ). After all, tomboys
:
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generally have an increased social status they’re more likely than more tra -
ditionally feminine girls to be considered popular ( Braun & Davidson , 2017;
Rcay, 2001). They also have other positive qualities demonstrating self-confi -
dence, such as assertiveness and self- reliance ( Burn et al., 1996 ). Further, in a
! study of women who recalled being tomboys, many noted that their mothers’
lives didn’t seem interesting or exciting ( Carr, 1998 ). One commented, “ Did I
want to be like my mother ? Absolutely not, because I diought she lived a pretty
boring life ’ ( p. 537 ) . Odiers saw traditionally feminine activities, like playing
jacks or worrying about appearance, as boring. Tomboys seemed to be doing
something more useful and interesting.
Adolescence
What happens to gender socialization in adolescence?
!
I reasons for this shift was pressure from peers ( e.g., “Jr. high peers said I looked
too much like a guy” ), but former tomboys also noticed that their friends began
: to desire boys and decided that they should too ( Burn ct al., 1996, p. 424 ).
. i Girls who give up being tomboys in adolescence may do so for a good reason.
. t•
*
As discussed above, in middle childhood, gender non -conforming girls are gen -
erally valued and considered popular ( Braun & Davidson, 2017; Reay, 2001 ).
i
• •; However, in adolescence, they’re more likely to experience peer victimization
;s and exclusion ( Bos & Sandfort, 2015; Smith & Juvoncn, 2017; van Bcuse-
kom, Baams, Bos, Overbeek, & Sandfort, 2016 ) . In one longitudinal study of
ethnically diverse seventh and eighth graders, researchers found that the sense
that one wasn’t a typical girl or boy was related to problems a year later, such
as getting into trouble at school , social anxiety, and complaints about physical
illness (Smith & Juvoncn , 2017 ). These problems were, however, largely due to
experiences of peer victimization.
As children enter adolescence, being gender non -conforming becomes
linked in die eyes of many peers to having a non -conforming sexual preference,
whether or not that is actually the case. In a study of Dutch 11 - to 16-year- olds,
researchers found that gender non -conformity was related to psychological dis-
tress and social anxiety, and this was partially due to homophobic name calling
( van Bcusekom et al., 2016 ). These effects were worse for those who actually
did experience same -sex attraction. While gender non -conforming girls and
boys suffered in similar ways, gender non -conforming girls experienced some-
what lower levels of harassment than boys. This is another instance of femininity
being seen as lower in value than masculinity. In another study, researchers found
that both those who were gender non -conforming and those who experienced
same-sex attraction had poor relationships with peers, but those who were both
had the poorest relationships ( Bos 8c Sandfort , 2015 ). Moreover, bullying of
non -gender conforming and LGBTQ children is a significant problem. In 2014,
a national school climate report identified U.S. schools as hostile environments
for LGBTQ students, leading many students to avoid school activities or miss
i
school entirely ( Kosciw, Greytak, Palmer, 8c Boescn, 2014 ). Transgendcr youth
J
experience particularly high levels of bullying. In one study, researchers called the
9! bullying of transgendcr students pervasive, noting that over 80% had some neg-
. ative interactions with peers ( McGuire, Anderson, Toomey, & Russell, 2010 ).
j
: The idea that adolescent girls lose their true selves in order to become more
!
feminine gained traction in the 1990s when several movies, such as Love and
Basketball and She’s All That, showed a character transition from acting like a
tomboy to behaving and dressing in a more traditionally feminine manner. The
result was that she became happier and more popular. The book Reviving Oph-
! elia, published in the same decade, painted a dire picture of many girls’ transition
i
into adolescence ( Piphcr, 1994 ). The author, therapist Mary Pipher, described
how girls morphed from confident children into passive pcople - plcascrs whose
only goal is to attract men.
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226 Chapter 5 Gender Socialization
The girls featured in Reviving Ophelia were primarily White, but there’s evi -
dence that many girls of color face similar experiences ( Chan, 2008; Denner
& Dunbar, 2004 ). For example, several studies have found that adolescent
Latinx girls feel pressure to conform to feminine cultural ideals such as fam-
ily commitment, respect for authority, and restrictions on where they can go
( DeLeon , 1996; Negy 8c Woods, 1992; Solis, 1995 ) . They learn to sacrifice
their needs in order to maintain the reputation and well - being of the family
( Gil & Vazquez, 1996 ). In a more recent study, researchers found that Mexican
1
American adolescent girls who had a strong sense of ethnic identity more
strongly identified with the feminine values of being virtuous, chaste, and com -
mitted to the family ( Sanchez, Vandcwatcr, & Hamilton, 2017 ).
Additional research has suggested that gender intensification and die negative
consequences associated with it may have been a bigger problem in the past than
is true today. For example, researchers followed a group of adolescents from fifth
grade to ninth grade and found no large increase in fem -
ininity or decrease in masculinity among die girls ( Priess,
Lindberg, 8c Hyde, 2009 ). Girls did endorse higher levels of
femininity than boys in fifth grade, and both girls and boys
your turn i
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Conclusion
Gender socialization doesn’t end in adolescence, and gendered expectations con -
tinue throughout life. We’ll explore these topics in later chapters that cover important
—
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life transitions for example, Chapter 8 ( Relationships ), Chapter 9 ( Reproduction
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I and Mothering ), Chapter 10 ( Work ), and Chapter 11 ( Older Women ).
»;
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Gender socialization is a complex process incorporating unconscious forces,
•
i :!! • cognitive schemas, and observational learning. This begins before birth and
| {! continues throughout our lives. As you learn about the gender socialization
|;
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i 228 Chapter 5 Gender Socialization
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process, you may find that you notice ways in which messages about gender
have shaped your own life and your understanding of yourself, for better or
for worse. To a great extent, our understanding of ourselves is tied up with
what we’ve learned is appropriate for our gender. However, while these mes-
sages are everywhere, they also can be resisted . For example, the young women
introduced at the beginning of the chapter resisted socialization messages and
managed to change their environments while doing so. As you begin to notice
the omnipresence of gender socialization, can you also notice the big and small
ways in which people resist it ?
Chapter Review
i
SUMMARY
Theories of Gender Development Social construction theories focus on how
Psychoanalytic theories focus on unconscious beliefs about gender are constructed and can
forces that shape gender socialization . vary according to time, place, or culture.
Freud assumed that many gender differences
arc due to women’s lack of and desire for a Sources of Gender Socialization
penis. His theories arc criticized for sexism Messages about gender are conveyed through
as well as lack of scientific validity and poor books, television, movies, video games, and
operationalization of constructs. social media.
Karen Horncy proposed that women don’t In books, women are generally shown as
envy men’s penises but rather their social working in the home, and girls are shown
power. She also proposed that men suffer from as passive responders to action. Even books
womb envy and are jealous of the ability to give touted as being non -sexist portray girls and
birth . boys unequally.
Nancy Chodorow hypothesized that gender In television shows, boys are more likely to
differences stem from the fact that women be shown being active and solving problems
do the majority of the caregiving, so girls are while girls are more likely shown as physically
closer to their mothers and develop a sense of attractive and spending time primping.
self that is more connected to others. In television and video games, female
Behavioral theories focus on how the superheroes are strong and assertive, but
environment shapes gender; they include they’re also sexualized.
reinforcement and observational learning. Social media gives girls the opportunity to
Cognitive developmental dieories focus on how compare themselves to others and, as a result,
children create schemas about gender and self- learn gender norms.
socialize in order to fit into their internalized Girls of color are under- represented in all forms
gender role. of media.
\ j; !' *
-I ! THINK ABOUT IT
1. What are the advantages of and limits to the 2. Go to a store or website that sells
different theories about gender development? children’s toys and clothing. Are items
- Think about your own gender socialization organized by gender? Using the research on
process. What gender theory best describes it? gender socialization, what are the benefits and
In what ways does the theory fit? In what ways costs of organizing products in this way ?
does it not reflea your experiences?
it
3. Should schools address the hidden curriculum ? 4. Given the contradictory messages girls receive
If so, what specific recommendations would about gender, what advice would you give to
you make to ensure inclusivity? an adolescent girl as she enters middle school?
!
=
ONLINE RESOURCES
—
Feminist Frequency conversations with
feminist writers, activists, artists, and scholars
—
Popaganda conversations about movies,
books, and TV from a feminist perspective:
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: Y v-
.
<?*rs. ' •< ‘
-/<
IN 2004, DOVE, INC., launched its Campaign for Real Beauty, in which billboard,
print, and television advertising featured images of "real" women. Many of the
ads showed several women in a row wearing simple white underwear. Viewers,
therefore, could see the women's diversity — their different sizes, different body
shapes, different skin tones. On the surface, this campaign seemed progressive
because it featured a diverse array of "real" women instead of traditional models.
It certainly was a striking change from the usual portrayal of women in the media
-
. White). However, while many people praised the campaign as
(e.g., young, thin
being empowering for women, it was also criticized and can be considered an
example of empowertising ( as discussed in Chapter 1).
One reason this ad campaign may have been empowering was that it
prompted increased discussion about media portrayals of women and female -
.[
beauty. The campaign, and the underlying idea that beauty isn't about any one
specific look, received significant media attention with coverage on shows such
as Good Morning America , The View , and Ellen . The fact that an array of body
types not typically seen in advertising was at the heart of this campaign was
compelling. Moreover, the ads didn ' t just show different bodies — the ads por-
trayed them positively. For example, a dark-skinned woman wasn't shown trying
to lighten her skin, a woman with small breasts wasn ' t shown trying to increase
233
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.
her cup size, and a curly-haired woman wasn't shown trying to straighten her
hair. Many people would argue that, because of the positive portrayal of diverse
bodies, the campaign was empowering to women.
Yet some elements generated a lot of criticism. First, while some of the ads
showed women "who were wrinkled, freckled, pregnant, had stretch marks,
or might be seen as fat" as compared to traditional media images of women
(Johnston & Taylor, 2008, p. 942), the women in the ads still didn't reflect the
average woman. For example, the women in the lineup ad wore U.S. clothing
sizes 6-12. This is larger than the typical commercial model ( size 4; Mears, 2011)
but smaller than the average American woman (size 16/18; Christel & Dunn, 2016).
•
.i Also, the women in the ads generally didn' t have tattoos,
scars, or visible disabilities, and they had smooth skin and
your turn were mostly young. In this way, Dove seemed to be encour -
M aging body positivity while featuring women who still largely
Do a quick image search on "Dove conformed to traditional beauty standards. In fact, the orig-
i:.
;
Campaign for Real Beauty." What do you
i . inal campaign was centered on advertising a line of "skin
think of it? Based on what you've read
firming" products. So the ads indirectly said that women can
u !i
here, what aspects of it do you like, and
why? Do any aspects of it trouble you? be beautiful as long as they aren't too heavy, aren' t disabled,
i
If so, which ones, and why? Ask at least have styled hair, and have firm skin ( presumably because
three friends or family members to do the
they've bought and used Dove products).
same image search. How do they react to
this campaign? Do their responses vary .
Of course Dove is in business to sell products, and this
by age? Do they vary by gender? Given campaign definitely helped its bottom line. Previously best
the company's economic goals, can you known for its bar soap, the company raised its brand aware-
think of any type of advertising campaign
ness and increased its market share largely as a result of this
that wouldn't result in at least some of
Vjvj '••'iticisms you've read about here? campaign (Jeffers, 2005). Ironically, Dove's parent compa -
ny, Unilever, markets SlimFast, a diet supplement; the Axe
product line, known for ads featuring sexualized images of
women; and Fair & Lovely, a brand of skin-lightening products sold in many coun-
tries. Thus, while Dove was sending the message that women should accept their
bodies, the parent company's other products send messages that women's bod-
ies are unacceptable as they currently are. The Dove campaign represents some
of the mixed messages wpmen receive about their bodies.
l In this chapter, we'll talk about the cultural focus on women's bodies. Women
mi spend a great deal of time thinking about their bodies from the outside (how they
look). This is largely because the female body is generally portrayed as something
to be looked at. We'll discuss the messages girls and women receive about what is
beautiful, and we'll explore the impact of accepting these views. One consequence
Beauty Matters
What is normative discontent, and what are some of the consequences of
not conforming to society's version of attractiveness?
The objectifying gaze is not value neutral . It implies that there are good bodies
and bad bodies, and that beauty matters. But inevitably, most women are
unable to live up to society’s standards of beauty. Dove stated that it launched
its Campaign for Real Beauty after commissioning a study in which only 2% of
female respondents selected the word beautiful to describe themselves ( Etcoff,
Orbach , Scott, &: D’Agostino, 2004; see Table 6.1). Because of research find -
ings like this, women have been described as living in a continual state of
natural 31%
average 25%
attractive 9%
feminine 8%
cute 7%
good -looking 7%
pretty 5%
beautiful 2%
sexy 1%
sophisticated 1%
stunning 1%
gorgeous 0%
—
transformation the widespread belief that weight loss to observing it. While there's not yet a lot
of research on this topic, some studies indi-
will result in increased economic and interpersonal gains
cate that higher levels of selfie posting are
(Striegel - Moore & Franco, 2002 ).
related to higher levels of body dissatisfac -
Beyond norms of thinness, violations of any beauty
tion and greater internalization of the thin
norms can be problematic. In one study, when research- ideal among girls ( Cohen, Newton-John, &
ers showed participants a picture of a woman with leg Slater, 2018; McLean, Paxton, Wertheim, &
and underarm hair, the participants rated her not only as Masters, 2015). Moreover, body concerns
less attractive but also as less intelligent, less happy, and are greater for those who edit their selfies
less sociable than the same woman pictured without body before posting in an effort to "improve"
hair ( Basow & Braman, 1998 ). Women of color face the their appearance. In contrast, other re-
added expectation that they conform to White standards search has shown that high body satisfac -
of beauty. For example, sociologist Patricia Hill Collins tion is actually related to selfie posting,
( 1990 ) noted that Black women may encounter barriers in part so girls and women can show how
satisfied they are with their appearance
in the workforce if they wear their hair “ natural ” ( i.e.,
( Ridgway & Clayton, 2016).
not straightened ). We’ll return to the topic of racialized
No matter what your gender identifica -
standards of beauty in the next section. tion is, do you take selfies? How often, and
To complicate matters, beauty is a double-edged in what situations? Do you ever edit your
sword because women can also be judged negatively —
selfies? If so, in what ways and why? If
if they seem too beautiful or focus too much on their not, why not ? How do you feel about selfies
appearance ( Heilman & Stopeck, 1985; Vaillancourt & in general and yours in particular ?
Sharma, 2011 ). In fact, women have been legally fired
for being too beautiful. For example, a dental assistant
in Iowa was fired because her boss felt she was attractive
enough to be a threat to his marriage, as he was tempted
to have an affair with her ( Kimmel, 2013 ). When deny-
ing her appeal, the Iowa Supreme Court ruled that she
239
!
• t
could “ be lawfully terminated simply because the boss views the employee as an
irresistible attraction ” ( para. 3 ).
So there are negative consequences for not conforming to beauty norms,
but there are also negative consequences for conforming to those norms. This
double bind means that some women are likely to spend a great deal of time
diinking about how they look, evaluating their bodies, and feeling depressed if
they decide their bodies don’t live up to society’s standards. Furthermore, to the
extent that women spend time, money, and energy enhancing their beauty, they
don’t have diat time, money, or energy to do other things.
i
;
Beauty Norms
What are some dominant beauty norms, and how does culture impact
these norms?
What does it mean to be beautiful? The term means different things to different
people and can differ across cultures and time frames. More generally, though,
beauty norms are shared standards for attractiveness, whether implicidy or
explicidy stated , diat are held by members of a given social group. Sometimes
—
these standards are taught explicidy by being stated outright for example,
young girls may be told to brush their hair before leaving the house. At other
—
times, diese standards are taught implicidy they’re never clearly stated, but
girls figure them out from cues in dieir environment and from seeing how others
behave. For example, girls might learn that straight hair is beautiful because they
see odier women using flat irons in a locker room ( or that curly hair is beauti -
ful because they see others using curling irons ). Like other social norms, these
standards convey information about what is accepted , expected, and valued, and
diese are generally well known and fairly uniform within a given group ( Zones,
2000 ). Would you say, for example, that Beyonce is an attractive woman ? Some
people may find her somewhat more or less appealing, but most would probably
admit that she’s beautiful.
- ;
Beautiful = Racialized
3 A serious limitation of research on beauty is that not all beauty norms have
received equal attention. The vast majority of studies on body image and
body satisfaction have used samples consisting primarily of White women and
have been conducted mosdy by White researchers (Striegel- Moore & Smolak,
2000 ). Therefore, the results may only reflect patterns among and concerns of
White women. Many studies also use White women as a comparison group,
i!
Hesse - Biber, Howling, Leavy, 8c Lovejoy, 2004; Hall, 1995 b ).
Given this consideration , researchers may not be focusing on the concerns of
and beauty norms relevant for women or any other specific group. For example,
one factor that contributes to body dissatisfaction among women experiencing .
homelessness is lack of consistent access to hygiene products ( Mitchell, Ramsey,
8c Nelson, 2018 ) . Women who have the privilege not to think about this, how-
ever, may never consider that this factor could contribute to body image.
Skin Color and Colorism Women of color may have different sources of dis-
satisfaction about their bodies that stem from a history of racism . In fact, there
has been a long history of colorism, or preference for lighter skin, both within
die United States as a whole and among the Black community itself ( Kerr, 2005;
2006 ). For example, in an interview for The New Yorker, Nobel Prize-winning !
author Toni Morrison talked about the “ paper bag test,” something she encoun-
tered as a student at Howard University ( Als, 2003 ). She explained that having
skin “ darker than the paper bag put you in one category, similar to the bag put :
you in another, and lighter was yet another and the most privileged category” ( p.
68 ) . Essentially, Morrison was saying, the closer one is to having “White ” skin,
die more privileged one is. In this context, both skin color and hair texture have
been highlighted as aspects of appearance that may be particularly important for
Black girls and women ( Awad et al., 2015; Hall, 1995 b; Hesse - Biber et al., 2004; !
Neal 8c Wilson , 1989 ) . Several studies have shown that when women of color are
satisfied with their skin color, they also tend to be satisfied with their bodies and
have higher self - esteem ( Falconer 8c Neville, 2000; Thompson 8c Keith, 2001 ).
In one study involving women of color, concern about the color of their i.
skin was related to higher general levels of body shame ( Buchanan, Fischer,
Tokar, 8c Yoder, 2008 ). Likewise, Asian and Asian American women have also
identified skin color as a beauty concern ( Brady et al., 2017; Chen, Yamal,
Chick, 8c Jablonski, 2018; Hall, 1995a ), and skin -whitening creams are popular
particularly in Asia ( Karnani, 2007 ). Many Asian cultures have traditionally
—
viewed light skin as a sign of femininity, purity, and upper-class status ( Chen et al.,
2018; Kawamura 8c Rice, 2009 ). This perspective has been linked to the feet
that wealthier Asian women didn’t have to work outside in agricultural and other
labor-intensive jobs ( Chen et al., 2018; Jones, 2013). So in addition to racism,
the focus on light skin reflects classist views that have influenced beauty norms.
1995 ). Still other research has show'll more complex relationships, reflecting a
need for more research about the experience of people with different disabilities.
For example, in one study, researchers found that poor body image was related to
dissatisfaction with prosthetics among amputees ( Murray 8c Fox, 2002 ).
Beautiful = Cisgender
For transgender and gender non -conforming individuals, body satisfaction may
be tied to their perceived sense of congruence between body presentation and
gender identity ( Kozee, Tylka, 8c Bauerband, 2012 ). And there can be serious
negative consequences for transw'omen who don’t pass as women. In a review of
hate crimes against transgender people in the United States, researchers found
that the vast majority of violence was perpetrated specifically against transgender
women ( Currah 8c Minter, 2000 ). Because the threat of violence is real, beauty
norms can play a particularly important role in the lives of transwomen.
Yet not everyone can afford all the many things needed to conform to con-
ventional beauty ideals. The financial resources and access to medical treatment
Beautiful = Symmetrical
One characteristic frequendy linked to perceived attractive-
ness is facial symmetry. A symmetrical face has features that
are die same size and shape and in the same location on each
—
side of the face with die right and left sides essentially being
mirror images. But most people don’t have symmetrical faces.
One eyebrow might be higher than the other, a nose may lean
slighdy to the left, or one corner of the mouth may pull a bit
higher than the other. Researchers who study facial symmetry
often use computer programs to generate images of faces that
are symmetrical and then ask participants to rate the attractive -
ness of various faces that differ in the degree of symmetry. Using
techniques like this, many studies have found that symmetri -
cal faces are consistendy rated as more attractive ( e .g., Fink,
Neave, Manning, & Grammer, 2006; Grammcr & Thornhill,
1994; Jones, DeBruine, & Litde, 2007; Rhodes, 2006 ) . Inves-
tigators aren’t sure why this effect occurs, however. Some have
suggested diat evolutionary preferences for selecting a poten -
tial mate underlie this preference ( Grammer, Fink, Moller, &
Thornhill, 2003). Symmetrical faces may signal good health
and good genes, and one study showed diat individuals with
During the 17th century, the Flemish symmetrical faces were perceived as being healthier than those
artist Peter Paul Rubens depicted with less symmetrical faces ( Fink ct al., 2006 ).
idealized female beauty through his
paintings of voluptuous women, like
those in this work titled The Three
Graces. Do you consider the three Beautiful = Thin
women depicted here to be beauties?
Why or why not ? Why might others While facial symmetry is a beauty standard that’s relatively
!- have a different view from yours? consistent across cultures and through time ( Rhodes, 2006 ),
die standard of thinness shows much more cultural variation.
-=
measurements of an average
19 - year - old girl — the age
Barbie is supposed to be.
Barbie is taller and has longer
legs and a longer neck than
the average 19 - year -old. If she
were scaled up to human size,
her bust would be 4 inches
larger and her waist would be
13 inches smaller than that of
the average girl.
For many centuries, heavy women were considered beautiful . This is evident , for
example, in art from ancient Greece, the Renaissance, and the 17th century
the time when Rubens painted highly sexualized pictures of heavy women
—
( Polivy, Garner, 8: Garfinkel, 1986 ). In fact , being heavy was considered a sign
of wealth , status, and sexuality ( Polivy et al ., 1986 ) . However, standards have
changed , so now thinness is considered a sign of beauty for women ( Calogero 8c
Thompson , 2010 ) . Furthermore, the gap between the body size of an average
woman and that of a model has grown . In 1975, a female model weighed only
8% less than the average woman; now a model weighs 23% less ( Ross, n.d.).
Given the influence of advertising images, it’s no surprise that many women
arc dissatisfied with their bodies and want to be thinner. Researchers have even
found a desire to be thinner among girls just starting elementary school ( Lowes
8c Tiggemann, 2003 ).
—
—
However, being thin isn’t enough. Women especially young, White
women are supposed to be thin with no obvious body fat, have well- defined
but sleek muscle tone, and have voluptuous breasts ( Calogero, Boroughs,
8c Thompson , 2007; Thompson 8c Tantleff, 1992 ) . Each of these standards
can be difficult , if not impossible, to achieve, but trying to meet all three
adds additional challenge . After all, muscle adds bulk and can make the body
appear less thin, and breasts are partly made of fat tissue. What are the impli-
cations of these beauty standards? In essence, girls and women are receiving
a message that they should reduce their caloric intake to become thinner,
increase their physical activity to become more muscular, and undergo surgery
—
to have larger breasts all in an effort to achieve an “ ideal ” body that ( almost )
no one has.
I
Beauty Norms 245
* . 11 j
I
I•
\
i : • Beautiful = Hairless
!
try it for yourself
A particular beauty norm that has received a lot of attention
lately is that of women having little to no body hair below the
Violating any social norm usually leads
neck. Actually, this isn’t a new norm. Ads in die United States
to feeling uncomfortable. To better
understand the effect that beauty norms promoting products to help women remove body hair have
have on you, try violating one or more been around since 1915 ( Hope, 1982 ). By 1945, ads no longer
of them by changing your behavior. If had to focus on convincing women to remove leg and under-
you normally wear makeup, try going arm hair; they just focused on the benefits of using a given
without it for one full day while still doing product. Numerous studies have shown diat most women in
all your normal activities (classes, work, the United States, die United Kingdom, and Australia regu -
etc.). If you’re able to do a day. try it for a larly remove body hair ( Basow, 1991; Tiggemann 8c Hodg-
1 week . . . maybe even a month. son, 2008; Tiggemann 8c Kenyon, 1998; Toerien, Wilkinson,
Maybe makeup isn't your thing. How 8c Choi, 2005 ), and younger women may be those most likely
; ;
about removing body hair? If you identify to do so (Toerien ct al., 2005 ). However, hair removal isn’t a
as a woman and typically remove leg and/
?
!
universal norm . For example, there’s less pressure for women
: t•
or underarm hair, don’t do this for at least
to remove body hair in some European countries ( Toerien
.' i a week—and try stretching it to a month
et al., 2005 ). Also, while many feminists opt to remove body
;
» I
» ; or even to the end of the semester. If
? ,1
you identify as a man and typically don’t hair, there is evidence that feminists are less likely to remove
I i
remove body hair below your neck, try it than women who don’t identify as feminists ( Basow, 1991 ).
.
J ii i
removing all your body hair from the neck More recendy, the decision to remove some or all of one’s
down, and continue for at least a week. You pubic hair has become a topic of research as an ideal of hairless
*
could even make this more challenging by female genitalia has developed ( McDougall, 2013). For example,
doing it while wearing clothing (e.g., tank in one study of women in Canada, 50% of respondents reported
;
{ tops, skirts, and shorts) that allow others to removing some pubic hair (e.g., at their bikini line ), and 30%
: see your body hair (or lack thereof ). reported removing all pubic hair ( Riddell, Varto, 8c Hodgson,
How does the idea of these challenges
2010 ). Some women remove pubic hair because they view it as
make you feel? How does actually doing
unattractive ( Braun, Tricklcbank, 8c Clarke, 2013; DeMaria 8c
them make you feel? Did engaging in
i
these exercises change the extent to
Berenson, 2013 ). However, all women are not equally likely to
i J
which you thought about your appear- engage in this practice. Research has shown diat older women
! ance? What about the way you thought are less likely than younger women to regularly remove pubic
about your appearance (or yourself hair and that diey remove less hair when doing so ( DeMaria 8c
1' in general)? How did others react— Berenson, 2013; Herbcnick, Schick, Reece, Sanders, 8c Forten-
|
= n ? •> !i
positively, negatively, or some of each? berry, 2010 ). Another study showed that White women were
more likely than Black or Latinx women to report removing
Thanks to Dr. Mala Matacin and
: pubic hair, and this practice was more common among women
Dr. Breanne Fahs for sharing their sug -
• i. j
with higher incomes ( DeMaria 8c Berenson, 2013).
}r gestions for similar activities.
i
U
. There are, of course, more beauty norms that we haven’t
j
't
—
specifically explored such as having clear skin and straight
teeth. Moreover, there’s still much to learn about die beauty
norms that are most relevant for different women, as well as the complex rela-
— tionships that women can have with their bodies for a host of reasons. Regard -
less, it’s clear that beauty norms do affect most women on a daily basis.
i
ZZl
Parents
Parents, particularly mothers, influence how girls and women feel about
their bodies. For example, mothers’ discomfort with their own bodies and
—
weight has been related to decreased body esteem the degree to which
—
people view their bodies positively among their daughters ( McKinley, 1999;
Smolak, Levine, &: Schermcr, 1999 ). How people feel about their bodies is
also related to their relationships with their parents in general. Research with
a racially and ethnically diverse sample has shown that feeling as though one
doesn’t communicate well with one’s mother was related to higher levels
of body dissatisfaction ( Taniguchi & Aune, 2013 ). Problematic communica -
tion with fathers was also related to body dissatisfaction ,
but the relationship was stronger for poor communication
with mothers.
Sometimes parents communicate with their children in your turn
ways that imply a criticism of their child’s body. Encour-
agement to lose weight by both mothers and fathers has What sort of messages did your parents
been shown to be related to a desire to be thinner ( Thelan give you about weight and attractiveness?
Did you get different messages from your
& Cormier, 1995 ), and girls have been found to receive
mother and your father (or other key adult
more information about weight and dieting from their par-
figures in your life)? Do you think your
ents than boys do ( Phares, Steinberg, & Thompson, 2004 ) .
mother (or other key female figures in your
Research has also shown that comments, criticism, and teas- life) is satisfied with her own appearance?
ing from family about weight and appearance are linked to Does this affect your view of yourself?
decreased body satisfaction among girls ( Levine, Smolak, & If you have siblings with a gender identity
Hayden, 1994; Neumark-Sztainer et al ., 2010 ). that's different from yours, did they
Parents can positively influence their children’s body receive the same messages you did?
image, though . Research with a racially and ethnically
Peers
Many girls and women compare their bodies to those of their peers, and when
girls and women judge themselves as less attractive than those around them ,
they report greater body dissatisfaction ( Bailey Sc Ricciardeli , 2010 ) . More-
over, body dissatisfaction isn’t limited to girls with low social status. In tact ,
in one study of adolescent girls, researchers found that popularity was actually
! associated with more negative attitudes toward eating and feeling more neg -
atively about their bodies ( Lieberman , Gauvin , Bukowski, Sc White, 2001 ).
; i Beauty and appearance can be common topics of conversation among women
as they share beauty tips and techniques as well as advice about products
and services. Research shows that those who talk about appearance more fre -
quently with friends are more concerned with beauty norms and are gener-
ally more dissatisfied with their bodies ( Jones, 2001; Jones, Vigfusdottir, Sc
Lee, 2004 ).
Often, die way girls and women talk to each other about their bodies involves
negative body talk, or fat talk. Such talk usually occurs in informal conver-
sations among friends in which one or more of the girls or women involved
express dissatisfaction with their bodies, especially in terms of weight or body
size/shape. For example, if two teenage girls are in a store dressing room , one
who looks quite thin might say, “I look so fat in this shirt.” The other girl might
reply, “ No you don’t. You look great, but my thighs are so huge in these pants!”
; Research suggests that interactions like this happen frequently ( Britton , Martz,
Bazzini, Curtin, 8c LeaShomb, 2006; Garnett et al., 2014; Jones, Crowther,
: & Ciesla, 2014; Salk 8c Engcln- Maddox, 2011), that they happen across racial
groups (Engeln -Maddox, Salk, & Miller, 2012; Katrevich , Register, 8c Aruguete,
i: 2014 ), and that they happen regardless of body size (Salk 8c Engeln - Maddox,
2011 ). Moreover, fat talk doesn’t just happen in person; it also occurs on social
a •
media ( I>ce, Taniguchi, Modica, 8c Park, 2013 ). In fact, talk like this is so nor-
mative diat participants in one study thought a conversation was more realis-
- ?
tic when it contained fat talk rather than positive body talk ( Barwick, Bazzini,
Martz, Rocheleau, 8c Curtin, 2012 ).
The purpose of fat talk appears to be to elicit a positive response from peers.
After someone calls herself fat, the usual response is for someone else to con-
tradict her and cither give her a compliment or insult herself. But what is die
" I!
i 248 Chapter 6 Women's Bodies
i
j
consequence of fat talk ? Does it boost self-esteem if it results
in a compliment ? The answer appears to be no; there’s
nothing positive about fat talk. In several studies, it has
your turn
been associated with body dissatisfaction ( Engcln - Maddox
Do you engage in fat talk? If so, how
et al., 2012; Ousley, Cordero, 8c White, 2007; Salk 8c
frequently? Does it make you feel better
Engeln-Maddox, 2011 ), and it’s possible that the fat talk
or worse about yourself ? Who do you
causes the dissatisfaction , rather than the dissatisfaction engage in fat talk with? What do you do
causing the fat talk. when you hear women initiate fat talk?
Even listening to fat talk can have detrimental effects. If you do engage in fat talk, does reading
Researchers have found that hearing other women engage about its negative consequences inspire
in fat talk leads to increased body dissatisfaction, even you to stop?
among those who felt good about their bodies in the first
place ( Corning, Bucchianeri, 8c Pick, 2014; Salk 8c Engeln -
Maddox, 2012 ) . In other words, if a girl were in a locker
room next to two girls participating in fat talk, she would probably feel worse
about herself as a result. Even though it increases body dissatisfaction, some
women may enjoy participating in it because it invokes a friend telling them they
aren’t fat (Salk 8c Engeln - Maddox, 2011 ) . For this and many other reasons, fat
talk can be a difficult cycle to stop.
Fat talk isn ’t the worst social interaction one can have about one’s body,
though . Explicitly negative interactions such as teasing, bullying, and making
weight - related comments are all key ways that peers may influence percep -
tions of beauty norms. Peer teasing has repeatedly been found to relate to
levels of body dissatisfaction , as well as to more serious problems such as eat -
ing disorders ( Cash 8c Henry, 1995; Fabian 8c Thompson , 1989; Gleason,
Alexander, 8c Somers, 2000; Menzel et al ., 2010; Thompson , Cattarin,
Fowler, 8c Fisher, 1995 ). We also know that the effects of negative comments
about appearance don’t just affect girls during childhood ; these effects can
persist into adulthood ( McLaren , Kuh , Hardy, 8c Gauvin , 2004; Murray,
Touyz, 8c Beumont, 1995; Paxton , Schutz, Wertheim , 8c Muir, 1999 ).
—
Positive comments can also be problematic at least when they occur in the
context of weight loss ( Licberman et al., 2001 ) . When a woman loses weight
and receives compliments ( “ Wow, you look great, did you lose weight ? ” ),
this can set her up for continuing to feel bad about her body, especially if
the weight loss isn’t sustained , and to be increasingly concerned about how
she looks.
The tripartite influence model has been extended to include the influence of
romantic partners in addition to parents and peers. Women’s reports that their
romantic partners criticize their weight or pressure them to change their appear-
ance are associated with feeling worse about their bodies ( Befort et al., 2001),
thinking they’re supposed to look like models in magazines ( Johnson, Edwards,
8c Gidycz, 2015 ), and having disordered eating behaviors ( Eisenberg, Berge, 8c
Ncumark-Sztainer, 2013; Shomaker 8c Furman, 2009 ).
2 ( usually sexualized parts) of the body are displayed. For example, in May 2017,
i
Dove started packing body wash in a series of bottles that varied in shape to,
theoretically, represent women’s diverse bodies ( Calfas, 2017). Researchers have
'
I;
i
These pictures of Lupita
Nyong’o ( left ) and Chadwick
i
Boseman ( right ) were taken at
(;!
the premiere of Black Panther
in January 2018. Notice I!
how the image of Nyong' o I 1
•f
vi
systematically examined magazines and identified that women are more likely
!i
than men to be objectified by being shown in dismembered ways ( e.g., just legs
or breasts ) rather than the full body or just the face ( Conley & Ramsey, 2011).
A particular area of investigation has focused on face-ism in advertising. Ini- if
tially, this term described a tendency to have greater facial prominence ( i.e., a >
• i
larger proportion of the image devoted to the face ) in depictions of men, while ill
body prominence is more typical for images of women ( Archer, Iritani, Kimes,
& Barrios, 1983 ) . Subsequent research extended this idea to race, finding that
White individuals are more likely to be portrayed with facial prominence as com-
pared to Black individuals, and that Black women have the lowest rates of facial
l
prominence ( Zuckerman & Kieffer, 1994 ) . Evidence of this practice hasn’t been
limited to photographs and print ads ( c.g., Dodd, Harcar, Foerch, & Anderson,
1989; Sparks & Fehlner, 1986 ); men also have been found to receive greater
facial prominence in television ( Copeland, 1989 ). Even in political headshots
( which are only supposed to show the face and shoulders ), men’s faces are more i
Invisibility Not all women are portrayed in the media in die same way or at i
!
the same rate. Many, such as fat women, old women, and women with disabil- l
ities, are largely missing from the media. However, when women who don’t 1
meet typical beauty norms are shown, it’s often in a negative light.
1'
LO& tt'
When fat women are shown , they’re often depicted in stereotypical , negative,
and stigmatizing ways ( e.g., eating, not exercising ). In one study, researchers
found that 72% of images of larger- bodied individuals were negative ( Hcucr,
McClure, & Puhl, 2011 ). This is noteworthy because other research has shown
that anti -fat attitudes increased when viewing these types of negative images
( McClure, Puhl, & Heucr, 2011; Pearl, Puhl, & Brownell, 2012 ), and that
research participants didn’t want to be physically or socially close to individu -
als portrayed in this way ( Pearl et al., 2012; Puhl , Luedicke, & Hcucr, 2013 ) .
Moreover, stigmatization of fat and fatness is common in media, and it has been
suggested that obesity is one of the contexts in which joking is “ fair game”
( Burmcister & Cards, 2014, p. 223) .
Movies and television are full of jokes at the expense of fat people . For example,
- Burmeister and Cards ( 2014 ) used several movie clips in their study of the rela -
tionship between anti-fat attitudes and weight - related humor. One was from the
2007 movie Norbit in which a fat woman is depicted as gaining so much momen -
tum on a water slide that she lands far away in a different pool and causes all the
i
water to splash out. Not surprisingly, participants who found such clips funny
were more likely to have disparaging attitudes toward higher- weight people.
Fat women are by no means the only women who arc hard to find in the
media. Individuals with disabilities are rarely portrayed ( Darke , 2004; Riley,
2005 ). When they are, they’re usually depicted in stereotypical ways that
involve a focus on either impairment or courage ( e.g., overcoming limits ). Little
research has focused specifically on the representation of women with disabilities
( Meekosha & Dowse, 1997 ). Given the rarity of including women with dis-
abilities in the media, no real attention has been paid to the way in which these
women , and their bodies, may be objectified . Invisibility like this can , itself,
I!
i he Hole of Internalization
What is internalization, why is it so important to consider in the
context of beauty norms, and how can girls and women be protected
from its negative effects?
Girls and women learn about beauty standards from their parents, peers, and objecti-
fied, unrealistic images of women in the media. But not everyone who is surrounded
by these influences takes them fully to heart. Feminist psychologists, among others,
think that if enough women, and men, ignore these beauty norms, die norms them-
—
—
selves will start to change. However, some women particularly White, wealthy,
able-bodied, thin, cisgender women benefit from beauty norms. Many girls and
i
women are likely to internalize them and pressure themselves to conform . Internal-
ization is die process of taking on die standards and norms of
dominant society as one’s own and then striving to meet diose
standards (Thompson, Hcinberg, Altabe, & Tandcff- Dunn,
try it for yourself 1999 ). This is believed to be a key risk factor for body dissatis-
:
faction and disordered eating (Thompson & Stice, 2001 ).
Do you find yourself participating in Through a process of social comparison ( Festingcr, 1954 ),
social comparison when you use social women and girls may check their appearance against diese
media such as Instagram? How does that
standards, as well as against the actual appearance of odiers.
make you feel about yourself and your
body? Whether or not you've noticed
Exposure to advertisements featuring die thin ideal has been
negative effects of social media in your
related to engagement in social comparison, which, in turn,
own life, try to go an entire day (or even was related to body dissatisfaction and depression ( Bessenoff,
: a week) without using social media. How 2006 ). This was especially the case for women who felt dieir
'
easy or difficult was it to do? How did it bodies didn’t meet the thin ideal. These days, lots of social com-
make you feel? Did it change the way you parison happens on social media. For example, women who
4
jhj|f about yourself during that time? use Faccbook have been found to compare dieir appearance
to others, and doing so was related to body image concerns
( Fardouly & Vartanian, 2015 ). In a qualitative study about
experiences on Instagram, a girl from Singapore described her
experiences this way: “If you’ve never gone out to see die world , you’ll probably
love yourself, because you don’t look at others. But when you look at social media,
you start comparing. You start comparing yourself to other girls, and you’ll start to
wonder why you’re not looking like them ” ( Chua & Chang, 2016, p. 194 ).
Resisting Internalization
Some women do manage to resist social comparison and die internalization of appear-
ance norms. For example, researchers have found lesbian women to be more satisfied
with their bodies than heterosexual women ( Morrison, Morrison, & Sager, 2004)
and Black women more likely to have higher body satisfaction than White women
—
a
about beauty ones that they’re better able to achieve. For
example, Black women have been found to be less likely
to internalize traditional beauty norms, particularly the thin Health at Every Size
ideal ( Capodilupo, 2015; Evans & McConnell, 2003). II
The same has been found with lesbians ( Beren, Hayden, Health at Every Size ( HAES) is a grassroots
movement opposing fat oppression and
Wilfley, & Striegel-Moore, 1997; Bergeron &Senn, 1998 ).
fat stigma (Burgard, 2009 ) . It focuses
In a study with Latinx women who either immigrated to
on the importance of healthy practices
or were born in the United States, those who immigrated and self - acceptance rather than body
endorsed a larger ideal body than those who were born size, shape, or weight. The premise is that
here, indicating that they may have internalized a different eating well and being active are key to
beauty norm ( Lopez, Blix, & Blix, 1995 ). a healthy lifestyle, and these are things
It’s also been suggested that feminist women, as that someone of any size can do.
compared to non - feminist women , are less likely to HAES focuses on the fact that weight is not
accept traditional beauty norms ( Brown, 1987), and the only, or even the most useful, indicator
!
research has shown some support for this. For example, of health. While some studies have found
one study with a predominantly White sample found that a higher weight is associated with nega -
that identifying as a feminist was related to rejection of tive health outcomes, the correlations aren't
large, and data rarely show whether weight
the norm of thinness ( Hurt et al ., 2007 ). In another
loss actually changes health outcomes
study with a majority White sample, researchers showed (Bacon, 2008; Kasardo & McHugh, 2015).
that Instagram use was unrelated to engaging in body Moreover, other data show that people classi -
surveillance for women who scored high on a measure fied as overweight or moderately obese live at
of feminist attitudes ( Feltman & Szymanski, 2017). least as long as, and often longer than, people
However, greater Instagram use predicted greater body classified as being normal weight ( Bacon &
surveillance for women with low and moderate levels of Aphramor, 2011). Given this, more people are
feminist attitudes. At the same time, other research indi- advocating for fat/ size acceptance, and some
cated that feminist women experience conflict because seek a shift in public health policy toward a
they recognize that they’ve internalized beauty norms HAES perspective (Bombak, 2014).
( Rubin, Nemeroff, & Russo, 2004 ). In other words, Daily goals reflecting the HAES perspec -
tive ( Bacon, 2008) include
feminists are more likely to be aware of the unrealistic
nature of these norms as well as the negative influence Eat when hungry.
of internalizing them, and feminists want to be immune Attend to how foods taste and make
you feel.
to them . However, they see the benefits that society
Choose foods that you like and that
gives to those who are beautiful. As a result, many femi-
make you feel good.
nists struggle because they find themselves caring about Honor your body ' s signals of fullness.
beauty but feeling they should be able to rise above it. Find an enjoyable way to move your body.
Various media literacy programs are targeting adoles- Treat your body with love and respect.
cent girls to counteract the media’s negative influences.
How often do you meet these goals? How
These programs teach girls to critique media representa- might adopting a HAES perspective change
tions because, as discussed above, they reflect only a small your relationship with your body ?
percentage of die population and are often manipulated.
Research has shown that media literacy programs can lead
255
p
Consequences of
Self- Objectification
i
What are the negative consequences of self -objectification, and through
! what process do these happen?
I
We have established diat beauty norms are learned from parents, peers, and die
media and that they’re generally internalized so that women feel they must live up
to those standards, even if they’re unrealistic. But does diis actually harm women ?
To better understand diis, it might be useful to imagine yourself participating
—
in the following study die first experimental exploration of self-objectification .
You arrive at the assigned time and think you’re taking part in a study about
consumer preferences. After evaluating a unisex cologne ( to throw you off track
about the real purpose of the study ), you’re asked to enter a dressing room with
—
a fiill-lengdi mirror in order to try on an article of clothing eidier a swimsuit ( a
one- piece for women and swim trunks for men ) or a V- neck sweater in your size.
You’re asked to wear it for 15 minutes before making your evaluation, and while
you wait, you’re asked to complete a math test. How do you think you would do
on the test? Would the clothing you’ve put on impact your performance ?
It turns out that for the predominandy White, female participants who
took part in the study described above, the clothing did make a difference
( Fredrickson, Roberts, Noll, Quinn, & Twcnge, 1998 ). The women wearing
swimsuits performed significandy worse than those in sweaters, but there was
no such difference for men. The women also reported more negative feelings
about their bodies while wearing the swimsuit as compared to the sweater.
Wearing a swimsuit placed the female, but not the male, participants into a state
of self-objectification, and their focus on their bodies distracted them, inhibiting
their performance on the math test.
Experiences of Internalization
Self - Body
Objectification > of Beauty
Objectification * Surveillance
Norms
II
’ ?
I f
M
( e.g., doing poorly on a math test: Fredrickson et al., 1998; Hebl et al., 2004 ) and
self-esteem ( Choma et al., 2010; Mercurio & Landry, 2008 ) to increased levels
of depression (Szymanski & Henning, 2007; Tiggemann 8c Kuring, 2004 ) and
disordered eating ( Calogero, Davis, 8c Thompson, 2005; Tylka 8c Hill, 2004 ).
!h
ii
Among ethnic/ racial minority women , there are mixed findings. In one
study, researchers found that the relationship between body surveillance and
body dissatisfaction was stronger among Asian and Latinx women than it was I
for White women ( Frederick , Forbes, Grigorian, & Jarcho, 2007 ). However,
in another study of Black and White adolescent girls, researchers found no
differences in self-objectification ( Harrison & Fredrickson, 2003). Engaging
in surveillance related to skin tone may also be an important predictor of body
shame, in addition to engagement in general body surveillance ( Buchanan et al.,
2008 ). That said, although there is some research on how race and ethnicity
influence self-objectification, most studies have involved predominantly White
samples ( Moradi & Huang, 2008 ) . When women of color are included, their
experiences are typically compared to White women’s. Furthermore, as with
I
research on body satisfaction, research on self-objectification prioritizes con-
cerns that are more typical of White women . For example, body shame is gen- !
!
erally operationalized as shame about one’s weight rather than including other
aspects of appearance that may be more relevant for women of color ( e.g., hair
texture, eye shape ). These patterns reflect research bias. The very nature of the
questions being asked reflects the fact that most of the research is being done by
and about White women. Research on self-objectification would benefit from a tl
less Eurocentric approach . Using the intersectionality questions presented at the
end of Chapter 1 to inform methodology would be a good first step.
EMPOWERING
OR OPPRESSING?
• I! Wearing a Hijab
i
Hi .
Yaqoob a British Muslim activist, spoke in support of
T
he hijab is a head covering worn by some Muslim
t women. Although many variations of the hijab women's right to choose to wear a hijab by stating that
exist, varying in terms of the amount of the “the aim of hijab is to de-emphasise sexuality in public
body concealed from view, the most common interactions, whilst encouraging sexuality in private ones"
; « ii forms cover the hair or the hair and neck. (Yaqoob, 2004, para. 7). People who support the hijab
: l .
Some people have argued that the hijab or other argue that Western women are oppressed by social ex-
modesty requirements, is oppressing for women Some. pectations that they display their bodies. These support -
opponents of the hijab see it as a means of controlling ers would argue that the requirement to wear a bathing
and limiting women's sexuality while also serving as suit on a beach is more oppressive for women than the
a reminder that women are sexual objects, which is requirement to wear a hijab.
why they need to be hidden (Bakr, 2014; Hatem, 1988; There's not much data on this topic to inform us on
Mernissi, 1987). Others, however, have indicated that how it relates to women's relationships with their bod -
wearing a hijab can be a means of protecting oneself from ies. However, we can consider a few studies. In one, more
the male gaze and allowing women to assert themselves than 500 Muslim women who lived in London completed
as individuals rather than as sexual objects by drawing a survey (Swami, Miah, Noorani, & Taylor, 2014). Those
their own and others' focus away from appearance (Ali, who wore the hijab reported less body dissatisfaction .
.
l
2005; Droogsma, 2007; Noor, 2009; Ruby, 2006) Salma had lower levels of internalization of beauty norms, and
viewed appearance as less important than did women
•• • • who didn’t wear the hijab. Researchers also found that
among Muslim women in the United States ( Tolaymat &
P / EVERYTHING Do
COVERED
.' f 2 o Cf NOTHING \N
o~ Y COVERED .
Moradi 2011) and Australia (Mussap, 2009 ), hijab wearing
BOTHER EYES
WWTACKUEl
- EJ BOTHER EYES-
Cq WHAT A CRUEL
was related to lower levels of self -objectification. Young
Muslim women in the United States who wore the hijab
J
MAlE-tOWNffED EJAWLE- WMINATED
v CULTURE; ) tm CULTURE; J were also less likely to have internalized the thin ideal
(Dunkel, Davison, & Qurashi, 2010).
k ’
What do you think? Is wearing a hijab empowering or
S oppressing? Does it “ allow women to claim the gaze and
.
to become the ones who observe the world" (Afshar 2000,
p. 531), or does it serve as a constant visual reminder of
>
§ ejw6 -1 women's status as sexual objects? Would your answer be
What we see as oppressive is influenced by the same or different if we were talking about the burqa .
our culture. which covers the entire body and face (see cartoon at left),
rather than the hijab, which covers much less of the body?
260
—
I
=
Other research has shown that self-objectification can change as people age
( Augustus- Horvath & Tylka, 2009 ). It may start as early as 10 years of age and
may be linked to peer sexual harassment that becomes particularly problematic
I
around puberty ( Lindberg, Grabe, & Hyde, 2007 ). Self-objectification also i
appears to rise throughout adolescence and peak around college age ( McKin -
ley, 1999 ). As women age, they appear to self-objectify less frequendy, with
il
the lowest levels of self-objectification occurring for die oldest women ( in li
one study, up to 84 years old ; Tiggemann & Lynch, 2001 ). It’s not clear why
self-objectification decreases as women age. It may be that when they’re no
longer the age of the majority of models they see in the media, they feel less
pressure to conform to beauty standards. Alternatively, it may be diat when
women age, they become more concerned with what dieir bodies can do ( c.g.,
be physically active ) than with how their bodies look . This pattern may also »
reflect generational differences among women’s body concerns. Nevertheless,
research shows that no matter what age women are, self-objectification is still i,
i
related to body shame, disordered eating, and depression ( Grabe, Hyde, &
Lindberg, 2007; Slater & Tiggemann , 2002; Tiggemann & Lynch, 2001).
i!
W Rectification Occur? i
All diis attention directed toward women’s bodies is big business. As long as girls
and women continue to experience self- objectification, companies can guaran-
tee big payouts. For example, in 2016, more than S8.5 billion was spent on cos-
metic surgical procedures and nearly S6.8 billion on non -surgical procedures, i
women focus on their bodies, they would have less economic power and less
time to focus on changing sexism in society'. She argued that the obsession with i
:
l
TABLE 6.2 Most Common Cosmetic Procedures among Women in the
I United States in 2016
Liposuction 369,323
Note. Data from American Society for Aesthetic Plastic Surgery ( 2016 ).
will die needs to be managed in a way that reduces our anxiety ( Goldenberg,
Pyszczynski, Greenberg, & Solomon, 2000 ). For example , the typical image of
a model in a magazine is of someone young, beautiful, and hairless. She’s almost
more like a statue than a person, and a statue is immortal! Also, the female body
has many more reminders of mortality than male bodies do. Female bodies can
menstruate; they can lactate; they can give birth. These are signs that women
are living beings who will eventually die. Given this context, some scholars claim
that the objectification of women may be a cultural practice to help protect
against mortality anxiety ( Goldenberg & Roberts, 2004 ) .
The female body has been described as the “ monstrous feminine”
something with messy, undesirable processes that need to be managed through
—
social and medical practices ( Ussher, 2006, p. 1) . As we’ve discussed , idealized
and objectified images of women are the norm, not the exception. For example,
in the Dove ad campaign discussed at the start of the chapter, the women in the
ads show no body hair below the neck. And none appear to be leaking men-
strual fluid or breast milk, despite the fact that many women experience such
leaks at one time or another.
Some researchers have explored the concepts of fear of death and the mon -
strous feminine. In one study, half of the participants were primed to think
about their mortality by describing their emotional response to thoughts of their
own death ( Grabe, Routledge, Cook, Andersen, & Arndt, 2005 ). Women who
to think about death and shown images of pregnant women were more likely i
to self-objectify. This effect also occurred when they were instructed to think
about death and then asked if they had a tampon ( as opposed to a pencil ). I!*
Evidently, thinking about death and being reminded of the humanness of the !
i
body have the potential to make some women desire to separate themselves
;
from their own humanness and view themselves more as an object. Objects,
after all, arc immortal .
i. :
i j
i>
Psychologist Stephen Franzoi ( 1995 ) suggested that there are two distinct ways
of approaching our bodies. Sometimes we focus on our bodies as objects and
attend primarily to our appearance. At other times, we focus on how our bodies I
—
function what they can and can’t do. As we’ve discussed throughout this chap-
ter, appearance does matter, and there can be rewards for conforming to beauty
!
norms and negative consequences when this isn’t the case. As a result, women
are likely to view their bodies as objects ( i.c., self-objectify ). However, what
—
goes on inside our bodies is just as important if not more so. Yet especially
for women , much less attention is paid to how their bodies function or whether
they’re functioning well . As a result, some women don’t have a clear sense of
how their bodies work. For example, they may not fully understand the process
of menstruation; they may not understand bodily cues, especially in regard to
hunger; and they may exercise because of how it will make them look rather than
how it will make them feel. These are examples of thinking about their bodies i
Menstruation i
How does the menstrual cycle work at a biological level, and what are i
Let’s look at menstruation, the shedding of the lining of the uterus ( more com- I
—
monly known as the period ) a process subsequently described in more detail. i
Fallopian
tubes
! •
<
i
: Ovaries
Uterus
Cervix
Vagina
Tf
—
—
( FSH ). FSH then stimulates the follicles sacs that hold eggs, or ova (singular,
ovum ) in the ovaries to produce estrogen. Estrogen plays a key role in the
development of the endometrium, the lining of the uterus. As estrogen levels
rise throughout the menstrual cycle, luteinizing hormone ( LH ) released by the
pituitary gland triggers ovulation, the release of an ovum from an ovarian folli -
cle . This also stimulates the production of progesterone in the ovaries, as this hor-
mone plays a role in the further thickening of the endometrium in preparation
for the possibility of nourishing a fertilized egg.
When the ovarian follicle opens, the ovum moves into one of the fallopian
tubes, which provide a pathway from the ovary to the uterus, or womb. Typi -
cally, one ovum from one ovary is released as part of each menstrual cycle. The
follicle then develops into a corpus lutcum , a structure that produces both estro- tl
gen and progesterone . If the ovum is fertilized by a sperm as it travels through
die fallopian tube, the egg may implant itself in the endometrium and produce
hormones that keep the corpus lutcum active. The fetus that develops from this
egg will then mature in the uterus. If the ovum isn’t fertilized , the high pro-
gesterone levels lead to decreased production of LH and degeneration of die
corpus lutcum . The resulting drop in estrogen and progesterone levels causes
the uterus to shed its lining, leading to a menstrual period . The menstrual flow
moves from the uterus through die cervix into die vagina. From there, it flows
out of the body unless it’s absorbed internally by a product such as a tampon or
collected internally in a device such as a menstrual cup.
Knowledge about Menstruation Many girls, and even some women, are rel-
atively uninformed about menstruation and die menstrual cycle. Poor knowledge
about menstruation has been found in both adolescent and teenage girls and
may continue throughout adulthood ( Lei, Knight, Llewellyn - Jones, 8c Abraham,
1987; White, 2013; Wood , Koch, 8c Mansfield , 2007 ). Modicrs are usually the
ones who tell their daughters about menstruation, although diey often present
it negatively with a focus on biolog)', hygiene, and physical discomfort ( Costos,
Ackerman , & Paradis, 2002; Koff 8c Rierdan, 1995a, 1995 b; Lee, 2008 ).
However, mothers don’t always discuss die topic with their daughters before
menarch •
—
the first menstrual period so some girls may learn about it after being
surprised or scared by their own first period ( Cooper 8c Koch, 2007). The average
age for menarche is 12 to 13 years ( Coleman 8c Coleman, 2002 ), but some girls
begin earlier ( e.g., at 8 or 9 years ) and others later ( e.g., at 16 years ). Because of this
variation, some girls are first exposed to information about menstruation through
( typically ugirls-only” ) healdi education programs in school ( KofF 8c Rierdan,
1995b ), which may, in turn, prompt modiers to discuss the topic with daughters.
Scholars have also pointed to die fact that girls may now act as their own sources of
information about menstruation by searching the Internet (Stubbs, 2008 ).
<
!1 Lack of knowledge and negative attitudes are associated with negative men -
arche experiences, but advance preparation and education arc associated with
t more positive attitudes and experiences ( Chang, Hayter, & Wu , 2010; Kicren
& Morse, 1992; McPherson & Korfine, 2004; Rembeck & Gunnarsson , 2004;
i
' i
i
i. key topic about which girls are provided information . Because of this, most girls
are comfortable with the idea of using pads, and often tampons, to absorb men-
» t
i !) '
, r
strual fluid ( Koff & Rierdan, 1995a, 1995b ). Girls also report familiarity with the
basic biology of menstruation and some of the structures that make up die female
reproductive system ( i.e., ovaries, fallopian tubes, uterus, cervix, and vagina ) .
Many girls have negative views about their menstrual education , however, and
report confusion and misperceptions ( Beausang & Razor, 2000 ) . For example,
they may not know exactly where the ovaries, fallopian tubes, and uterus are
located or how they function in relation to one another ( Koff & Rierdan, 1995a;
Koff, Rierdan, & Stubbs, 1990 ). The fact that menstrual fluid is actually a mix of
blood, other fluids such as cervical mucus and vaginal secretions, and tissue from
the uterine lining may also be an area of confusion. So can ovulation and the hor-
monal cycles involved with the female reproductive system . As much education
about menstruation happens informally, die lack of comfort and /or knowledge
of those providing information may well contribute to confusion ( Bennett &
Harden, 2014; Erchull & Richmond, 2015 ). For girls who don’t live with their
mothers, finding accurate and timely information can be even more challeng-
ing, as they may not feel comfortable approaching their
fathers or other adults for information ( Kalman , 2003).
p.
;>
»
i 4 Fathers may also be uncomfortable talking to their daugh -
H< • ters about menstruation, particularly if they hold tradi -
tional beliefs about what should be involved in fathering
( Erchull & Richmond, 2015 ).
ences ( Polak, 2006 ). Although this practice can help girls 1988). The MJQ was created as a cultural
, r:
feel empowered , it also serves to maintain taboos around critique of a focus on the negative aspects
open and public communication about menstruation. of menstruation — best reflected in the
persistent use of the Menstrual Distress :
In addition , advertisements for menstrual products
often encourage secrecy ( Berg & Coutts, 1994; Simes & Questionnaire (Moos, 1968) in menstrual
cycle research ( Delaney et al., 1988 ) .
Berg, 2001 ) and shame ( Berg & Coutts, 1993; Havens
Rather than asking about pain, bloating,
& Swenson , 1988; Raftos, Jackson, & Mannix, 1998 ).
and negative moods, the MJQ asks about
This happens through the marketing of smaller prod -
increased sexual desire, concentration,
ucts with quieter packaging so that the products are less
and self - confidence, for example.
noticeable to others and by installing a fear of having a While the originators didn ' t intend
visible menstrual fluid leak. Moreover, a content analy- for this to serve as a research tool , it has
sis of menstrual product ads noted that women weren’t been used as such. Although it ' s not the
even pictured in 48% of the ads published between 1998 best measure from a statistical standpoint
and 2009 ( Erchull , 2013 ) . Social media has also been ( Heard, Chrisler, Kimes, & Siegel, 1999) ,
involved in menstrual censorship: Instagram removed a the items have been shown to prime
photo of Rupi Kaur lying on a bed clothed with a visible participants to focus on positive rather
menstrual leak that had also stained her sheets ( Gray, than negative aspects of menstruation
( Aubeeluck & Maguire, 2002; Rose,
2015 ). This photo had been taken as part of her course-
Chrisler, & Couture, 2008 ) .
work and was posted on her own account, but it was
Do you hold positive attitudes about
repeatedly removed for violations of “community guide- menstruation? Why or why not? How
lines.” In contrast, people routinely post pictures that might exposure to ideas like those in the
show blood in other contexts ( e .g., injuries ), and those Menstrual Joy Questionnaire influence
images are not removed as violations of these guidelines. your perspective? Talk to at least four
Menstrual cycle activists and feminist psychologists, friends, making sure they don ' t all have
among others, argue that these practices reinforce the the same gender identity. Do they report
idea that women shouldn’t draw attention to the fact positive views about menstruation?
that they menstruate. If they don't, challenge their thinking :
Some women report negative experiences with about this. Is this easy to do? Do some
people take a more positive perspective
menstruation. One that many women report is pre -
than others?
menstrual syndrome ( PMS ) . PMS is a collection of phys-
ical ( e.g., bloating ) and psychological ( e.g., moodiness )
267
experiences during die days before menstruation begins. PMS is not reported
in all cultures, however, and this observation has led to the framing of PMS as a
“culture- bound syndrome” related to Western expectations of menstruation and
women’s roles ( Chrisler, 2008, p. 159; Ussher &: Perz, 2013). In this view, it’s
largely the expectation that the pre- menstrual phase will be negative that shapes
women’s experience of it as negative. In fact, in one study, women were asked
to rate the pleasantness of their mood on a day - to-day basis ( McFarlane, Mar-
tin, & Williams, 1988 ). They were then asked to look back over the month and
rate their moods. When measured daily, die participants’ reported moods didn’t
fluctuate according to their menstrual cycle. However, when the participants
were remembering, they felt as though they’d had a terrible mood right before
and during their period and a better mood just after. Other researchers have
found that women can and do identify positive pre - menstrual changes ( King &
Ussher, 2013). In other words, PMS may be more a stereotype than a reality.
As negative attitudes about menstruation and die pre - menstrual period per-
sist, it’s likely that menstruation wall continue to be viewed with secrecy and
shame. Researchers have found that negative attitudes, secrecy, and shame sur-
rounding menstruation have been linked to the tendency to self-objectify ( Grose
& Grabe, 2014; Johnston - Robledo, Sheffield , Voigt, & Wilcox - Constantine,
2007; Roberts, 2004 ). However, when girls better understand their body pro-
cesses, they can feel more comfortable with and positive about them .
Motivation to Exercise
What are some motivations for exercising, and how are they related to
positive and negative outcomes?
It would be rare to find someone who thinks that being physically active isn’t a
good practice. However, many people don’t undertake physical activity solely
for the benefits in terms of short - and long-term physical health, for the poten-
tial increase in energy levels that can result, or for the sense of satisfaction that
can come from using one’s body. Rather than these function-oriented moti-
vations, girls and women often engage in exercise in order to “improve” their
appearance ( Laus, Braga Costa, & Almeida, 2013; McDonald & Thompson,
Mi
!;i jj 1992; Tiggemann & Williamson, 2000 ). Appearance- related, as compared
to health- related, messages have also been found to be dominant on health
and fitness magazine covers ( Bazzini, Pepper, Swofford, & Cochran , 2015 ),
and 20% of the content in these magazines is focused on appearance ( Willis &
Knobloch-Westerwick, 2014 ).
Those who do exercise have been found to report a more positive body image
compared to those who don’t ( Hausenblas & Fallon, 2006 ). Research exploring
ft more specific motivations for exercise among girls and women , however, shows
a more complex picture. Appearance-focused motivations have been linked to
negative feelings about the body, self-objectification, decreased self- esteem , and
disordered eating ( Cash, Novy, & Grant, 1994; de Bruin, Woertman , Bakker,
& Oudejans, 2009; Gonsalves & Gomes, 2012; McDonald & Thompson,
1992; Mond, Hay, Rodgers, & Owen, 2006; Strelan, Mehaffcy, & Tiggemann,
2003; Tiggemann & Williamson, 2000; Vinkers, Evers, Adriaanse, & de Ridder,
2012 ). Thus, while exercising is generally related to positive benefits, exercis-
ing with the goal of improving appearance is related to negative outcomes. In
contrast, exercising for functional, rather than appearance - oriented , reasons has
been found to be either unrelated to feelings about the body ( Vinkers ct al .,
2012 ) or associated with more positive feelings about one’s body and higher
self-esteem ( McDonald & Thompson, 1992; Strelan et al., 2003; Tiggemann &
Williamson, 2000 ).
Because this research is correlational, one can’t assume that exercising for
appearance reasons increases body dissatisfaction; it could be that body dis-
satisfaction increases appearance- related motivations to exercise. Most likely,
there’s some of each going on. Regardless, engaging in any activity for external
I rather than internal reasons is harder to maintain over time ( Rothman , Baldwin,
Hertel, & Fuglestad, 2011 ). Interestingly, research has indicated that, among
midlife women, appearance-oriented motives for exercising were related to
decreased levels of physical activity ( Segar, Spruijt - Metz, & Nolen - Hoekscma,
2006 ). Exercising can result in an improvement of what our bodies can do:
They can lift more, stretch more, run more. It may also result in better con -
forming to societal standards of attractiveness. However, data suggest that in
order to fully benefit from exercise, we should focus on what we can do rather
than how we look.
Conclusion
Many girls and women experience their bodies as physical objects. Approaching
their bodies as though they’re observers means that they risk losing touch with
what their bodies can do and what they feel like from within . Due to pervasive
messages from the media, as well as the influence of parents and peers, many
Review
SUMMAF
!
Women's Bodies: From the Outside Looking In Specific beauty norms ( e.g., skin tone, hair
Society typically focuses more on die physical texture, being able - bodied ) may be relevant for
appearance of girls and women than on what girls and women who identify as being part of
girls and women arc like internally. specific groups ( e.g., women of color, women
Girls and women can internalize diis objectifying with disabilities, transwomen ).
perspective and focus primarily on how their
bodies look rather than on what they can do. How We Learn about Beauty Norms
The tripartite model of social influence
Beauty Matters identifies parents, peers, and media as key
Women are rewarded for being attractive and factors influencing body image.
can face negative consequences when they Parents are a key source of information about
don’t conform to beauty standards. beauty norms, and research has shown that
Because few, if any, women can meet mothers are particularly important.
beauty standards, most women report body Peers, particularly same-gender peers, can
dissatisfaction . provide key information about beauty norms
and the extent to which girls and women do
Beauty Norms and do not meet them. Fat talk plays a major
Society has specific standards for what is and is role in this process.
not considered attractive. The media may be the most important source
Beauty norms for girls and women include, but of beauty norms. However, images of girls
are not limited to, having symmetrical features, and women in the media rarely reflect typical
being thin, and having little to no body hair. individuals.
KEY TERMS
objectification ( p. 235 ) cultivation theory ( p. 250 )
male gaze ( p. 235 ) face - ism ( p. 251 )
objectification theory ( p. 236 ) internalization ( p . 254 )
self-objectification ( p. 236 ) social comparison ( p. 254 )
body dissatisfaction ( p . 238 ) body surveillance ( p. 257 )
= normative discontent ( p. 238 ) body shame ( p. 258 )
beauty norms ( p. 240 ) terror management theory ( p. 261 )
colorism ( p. 241 ) mcnarchc ( p . 265 )
tripartite model of social influence ( p. 247 ) intuitive eating ( p. 269 )
body esteem ( p. 247 ) interoceptive awareness ( p. 269 )
fat talk ( p. 248 )
*j
ONLINE RESOURCES
Adios Barbie — broadens concepts of body
image to include race, gender, LGBTQ identify,
—
The Back Talk conversations, essays, and
anecdotes from young women of color with
dis/ability, age , and size: adiosbarbie.com a focus on body positivity: soundcloud .com
Bad Fat Broads — conversations with fat
women on diverse topics: badfatbroads.com
/ thebacktalk
The Body Is Not an Apology — offers
Health at Every Size — Health at Every Size
pledge and community: hacscommunity.com
information on radical self- love for everybody
and every body: thebodyisnotanapology.com
i
.
! .
•
I
7
i
ir
tl '
-f
|
: •
-
V
i
J
I
Sexuality
and
i
:
M j
.
I:
Sexualizatio*
4 c Sexual Scripts
a Learning about Sex
Talking about Sex
.
jMfl fwfri Having ( and. Ideally, Enjoying ) Sex
35*
* Sexualization: Selling Women's
Bodies
( Re )Claiming Women' s Sexuality
Conclusion
Chapter Review
:
% * V- V V
5
fr*. vsi m 2
ON AUGUST 18, 2015, the U.S. Food and Drug
Administration ( FDA) formally approved Fli-
banserin ( U.S. Food and Drug Administration,
2015). While drug approvals often receive some
attention, this one drew significant media cover -
age because it was approved to treat low sexual
desire in women. On the surface, this sounds like
a wonderful thing. If women are experiencing
sexual dysfunction, it should be taken seriously,
and medical interventions have the potential
.
to be beneficial Also, the FDA approval could
be seen as an indication that women's, not
just men's, sexuality is understood as import-
Flibanserin, sold under the brand name Addyi, is
.
ant After all, the approval of Viagra, a drug to
the first FDA -approved drug for increasing women' s
treat male sexual dysfunction, in 1998 quickly sexual desire. The approval of this drug and its
became "the topic of evening news programs, introduction to the market have been fraught with
controversy.
late-show comedy monologues, cocktail par - !i
275
:» than men's (at least compared to the focus on erectile dys-
a
:|
your turn function). Sexual dysfunction can cause significant distress
for individuals and be a source of stress within relationships.
What do you think is a normal amount Given this context is the approval of Flibanserin a good thing?
of sexual desire? Do you think "normal" The different perspectives regarding the approval of
varies among different groups of people Flibanserin remind us that women's sexuality is complex.
..
(e g , women, men, teens, the elderly)?
What is considered normal, abnormal, desirable, and unde-
Do you think a woman who has a lower
level of sexual desire than her partner sirable depends on whom you ask. It's critical to understand
should take a drug like Flibanserin? how sexuality shapes women's experiences, particularly
Can you imagine a situation in which a because gender oppression often occurs through the regu-
woman would be pressured to take such
lation and control of female sexuality. In this chapter, we’ll
a drug? Alternatively, how might taking
• 1
VJch a drug be empowering for women? explore cultural assumptions and expectations surrounding
sex and women’s sexuality. We’ll examine how people learn
about and talk about sex, as well as the challenges they face
when trying to do so. We'll discuss women' s positive and
negative experiences with both engaging and not engaging in sexual activity.
We'll also explore the influence of our sexualized culture on women and per-
ceptions of women's sexuality. In doing this, we’ll be able to explore the ways in
which culture shapes expectations about women's sexuality as well as women's
experiences with sex and sexuality.
ran —
Sexual Scripts
What are sexual scripts, and what core messages are conveyed as part of
i the traditional sexual script?
Sexual scripts are descriptions of behaviors that reflect beliefs about what is
“normal” sexual behavior in a given culture ( Gagnon & Simon , 1973; Simon &
Gagnon , 1986, 2003 ) . We see such scripts in the behavior of those around us,
but the media are a key source of these , and other, scripts. For example, in tele -
vision shows we primarily see depictions of men as initiators of sexual activity
( Kim et al ., 2007 ) . Because this is what’s represented most commonly, people
come to understand it as typical , and even expected . Aldiough multiple sexual
scripts exist, there’s a single dominant sexual script in Western culture that com -
prises a number of interrelated assumptions. These assumptions, and the script
as a whole, can have a powerful effect because they convey information about
what counts as sex, how to act in die context of a sexual encounter, who can be
_
sexual, and when one can engage in sexual activity. In this section, we’ll discuss
some of the key assumptions that combine to form the dominant sexual script.
i
il
Sex = Heterosexuality i
:
;
:
One key assumption is that heterosexuality is the default sexual identity and
that all other sexual identities are “ other.” This assumption is a core component
i
i
pulsory heterosexuality, learning to prioritize heterosexuality is a key part of gen-
der role socialization. We can consider, as just two examples, that many Disney
movies end with a princess marrying a prince, and that some parents jokingly
refer to cross-gender friendships in children as “ having a girlfriend / boyfriend.” Si
These examples show that assumptions about heterosexuality are interconnected I;
with feminine and masculine social norms, and they contribute to gender oppres-
sion. Decades ago, the poet, writer, and radical feminist Adrienne Rich asserted '
still remains the dominant script today. For example, popular media regularly con-
vey messages that reinforce compulsory heterosexuality. In one study, researchers
reviewed 51 hours of primetime television and coded instances of depictions that
conformed to the dominant, heterosexual sexual script ( Kim et al., 2007 ). The
researchers identified depictions of women as sexual gatekeepers, men as initiators
of relationships, and women as engaging in self-sexualization ( all topics discussed
in this chapter ) . Across diese 51 hours of TV, die heterosexual script was portrayed
662 times. In contrast, non- heterosexual scripts are much harder to find or are
presented in ways that signal deviance ( Power, McNair, & Carr, 2009 ). For exam-
ple, even though shows like Glee and Degrassi have been praised for dieir portrayal
of gender and sexual diversity, the primary plots revolve around narratives of dis-
crimination and assault motivated by hatred and ignorance (Sandercock, 2015).
Performative bisexuality ( Fahs, 2009 ) has surfaced as one non-heterosexual
script. In this script, heterosexual women make out and engage in sexual activities
with other women for the enjoyment of men who are watching diem. For example,
in season 1 of die HBO series Girls, die characters Marnie and Jessa leave a bar with
a man and go to his apartment. Marnie, who later in the scene says, “ I’m not gay,”
J
!
—
and a man according to one study, 8.7% of women and 8.2% of men ( Twenge,
Sherman, & Wells, 2016 ) . The same study showed that more people report
engaging in same - gender- partner sex than was true in the past ( e.g., 3.6% of !
women and 4.5% of men reported this in the early 1990s ). Also, some peo-
ple engage in sex with more than one person at the same time. In one study
of mosdy White, heterosexual college students, researchers found that 13% of .1I
ticipants reported having interest in them (Thompson & Byers, 2017). These
findings are another indication of the limits of normative explanations of sex,
which are narrow and inaccurate. 1
when the man ejaculates, not when the woman has an orgasm . In fact, accord-
ing to the definitions above, even if die woman never has an orgasm, the sexual !
!
act would still be considered “complete ” as long as the man ejaculates.
I
A
i
popular culture, this script plays out , for example, in TV shows where men are
typically portrayed as the ones seeking to have sex ( with women; Kim et al.,
2007 ). In contrast, women are less likely to be depicted trying to get and enjoy
sex. Essentially, these scripts tell us that women are the recipients of sexual
attention and important participants in men’s sexual encounters, but they are I
not, in and of themselves, driven by sexual desires.
One way that compulsory heterosexuality contributes to the oppression of
girls and women is by reinforcing beliefs that boys and men should prioritize
their sexual desires and act on their sexual needs, and that hormones are the
primary factor driving male sexual urges (Tolman, 2006 ). Girls and women, in
contrast, are expected to manage male sexual urges by being the gatekeepers >
of sex. They should seek to please, but at the same time they should “wish and
wait” for male attention ( Kim et al ., 2007, p. 146 ).
The reality is different, however. Women do think about sex, initiate sex, actively :
participate in sexual encounters, and enjoy sex ( at least some women, some of the
time ). However, when women are described as desiring and initiating sex, they’re
generally punished and called sluts ( Attwood, 2007). This perspective reflects
Ia
i
the sexual double standard (SDS) by which women are judged more harshly
than men for engaging in comparable sexual behaviors. Research findings about
die existence and prevalence of die SDS have been mixed . While many people say
diat women and men shouldn’t be judged differendy for the same behaviors, they
actually often are ( Crawford & Popp, 2003 ). Aldiough this attitude may no lon -
ger be true for having sex before marriage, it continues to apply for less common
sexual behaviors, such as having a threesome (Sagcbin Bordini, & Sperb, 2013 ).
Furdiermore, some women anticipate being judged negatively for sexual behav-
iors ( Conley, Ziegler, & Moors, 2013), even when diey themselves reject the
double standard ( Milhausen & Herold , 1999 ) . Research has also indicated that
men are more likely to endorse die SDS than are women (Sakaluk &: Milhausen ,
i 2012; Sprecher, Treger, & Sakaluk, 2013 ) .
The SDS negatively impacts women in several ways. For example, in one
study, researchers found that teen girls with many sexual partners were less likely
to be accepted by their peers than were boys with many partners ( Krcager St
li Staff, 2009 ). Other research indicated that predominantly White, college stu -
dent participants were more likely to judge a woman who initiated a casual sex
i!
encounter as being less intelligent and less mentally healthy than a man who did
the same thing ( Conley et al., 2013 ) . Sometimes, instead of these more subtle
— —
social judgments, women who are or arc perceived to be more sexually active
are explicidy targeted through slut shaming. This occurs when girls and women
are criticized for their actual or presumed engagement in sexual behaviors, and
it’s particularly common among adolescents and young adults ( Armstrong,
Hamilton, Armstrong, & Seeley, 2014; Bamberg, 2004; Ringrose, Harvey, Gill,
& Livingstone, 2013 ). Even wearing sexy clothing or dancing suggestively can
result in receiving this label ( Papp et al., 2015 ) .
The heterosexual sexual script doesn’t focus on women actively wanting,
enjoying, and initiating sex, but if a woman doesn’t want sex enough to please
her partner, that’s also considered problematic. Moreover, asexuality, which we
first discussed in Chapter 4, is completely absent from these scripts. In recent
years, there has been increased awareness of asexuality as a sexual orientation
identity held by some people. There’s not a great deal of research exploring
asexuality to date, and researchers operationalize asexuality in different ways
across studies. As a result, diere are no consistent estimates of the rates of asex -
uality or asexual identification in die population . Estimates of prevalence range
from less than 1% of the population to about 5.5% of the population either
identifying as asexual or reporting attitudes and/or behavior consistent with
asexuality ( Van Houdenhovc, Gijs, T’Sjoen, & Enzlin, 2014 ). However, lack
of interest in sex or low sex drive is often pathologized as a disorder ( Brotto &
— —
Yule, 2017 ) a topic we’ll return to later in this chapter as evidenced by the
FDA approval of Flibanserin . In this atmosphere, women can find themselves in
a double bind: If they completely avoid sex, they’re likely to be seen as prudish
- or frigid; but if they’re highly sexual, they’re likely to be seen as sluts.
Able- Bodied
When you think of people having sex, what do you imagine they look like? Do
they conform to traditional standards of attractiveness ? Arc they young? Do they
have visible disabilities ? It’s very possible that your answers reflect our culture’s
—
normative heterosexual script and that’s because sexual scripts not only tell us
how we can be sexual, but also tell us who isn’t supposed to be sexual. For exam-
ple, popular media rarely show images of older people, particularly older women,
being sexual ( Gill , 2009 ), and the bodies of midlife women are often depicted as
targets of humor rather than desire ( Weitz, 2010 ) . One exception is the hypersex-
ual “cougar” who pursues sexual relationships with younger men ( Montemurro
8c Siefken, 2014 ), and although this term reflects the fact that older women don’t
necessarily lack sexual desire, it’s generally used in a derogatory way. Further-
more, women with physical and intellectual disabilities are often thought of as
asexual ( Milligan 8c Neufeldt, 2001 ). Even though some women with disabilities
do, in fact , identify as asexual ( Kim , 2011 ), this isn’t true of all women who have
disabilities. Regardless of the fact that many women, and men, with disabilities !
are sexually active , some people believe that this is inappropriate, particularly for
those with intellectual disabilities ( Cuskelly 8c Bryde, 2004 ).
The reality is that all women have the potential to be
sexual , but sexual scripts limit our thinking about women’s
—
sexuality and sexuality in general . By specifying what sex is
your turn
supposed to involve and who is supposed to enjoy it, they
increase the focus on some women’s sexuality while ignoring If you were to explain sex and sexuality
:
that of others. Like so many topics we’ve already covered , to someone who was unfamiliar with the
idea , what "rules" would be part of your ex-
it’s not enough to change norms and scripts to a different :
planation? Now imagine trying to explain
set. Replacing one narrow perspective with another just shifts
sex to someone who doesn't understand
the problem and results in different people being marginal - gender—at least, not as a binary in the way
ized rather than stopping marginalization. Broader education it's typically discussed. Would these "rules"
about sexuality and the diversity of attitudes and experiences make as much sense? Would sex "look"
would aid a shift away from a single dominant script and different if we didn’t focus on gender? :
H!
II
i
Learning about Sex 5»
i:
How do we learn about sex, and what is typically covered and not covered?
As we’ve discussed , cultural messages about sex and sexuality surround us and
can influence both thinking and behavior. But how do we actually learn about
sex ? What do we learn ? Most people learn about sex from a variety of sources,
;
!‘ Parents
l!
When you think about talking with parents about sex, you might imagine an
awkward moment when a parental figure tries to have an intimate discussion
about sexuality with a squirming adolescent; this is often referred to as “ the
— —
talk.” Sexual socialization the process of learning about sexuality actually
begins far earlier dian adolescence. It starts when parents ( and others ) talk to
young children ( e.g., pre-schoolers ) about dicir body parts, romantic and sexual
relationships, and so on ( Martin & Luke, 2010 ). These conversations may result
from a daughter’s questions about why parts of her body are different from
those of her brother, or from children asking where babies come from . Research
has indicated, however, that parents are often uncomfortable about talking with
!
I
i
1
5
The Media
The media constitute another important source of information about sex and
sexuality for many young people ( Bleakley et al., 2009; Sprecher et al ., 2008;
Ward, 2003) and, like peers, often rank as a more important source than parents
(Sprecher et al., 2008 ). Being a major source of information about what consti-
tutes acceptable sexual behaviors, the media contribute to the sexual scripts that
people develop ( Kim et al., 2007 ). In fact, it has been suggested that the media
may serve as a “sexual super peer” ( Brown, Halpcrn , & L’Englc, 2005 , p. 421 ).
Because movies, TV shows, magazines, and the Internet are readily accessible,
the information they provide about sex can be particularly important, especially
for early- maturing girls ( Brown et al., 2005 ). Because these girls reach puberty
earlier than their peers, they may feel isolated and unsure, and lack ready access
to others with more information. The media may fill that role.
Why does it matter where girls learn about sex ? As discussed above, die sexual
script that dominates popular media reinforces heteronormativity and largely
ignores the sexual desires of girls and women. Moreover, sexual risk-taking
is higher among girls who report learning about sex primarily from the media
and peers as opposed to parents or other important family figures ( Dilorio et
al., 2003; Hutchinson, Jemmott, Jemmott, Braverman, & Fong, 2003; Moore,
-
Berkley-Patton, Bohn, Hawes, & Bowe Thompson, 2015 ). Sexual risk-taking
includes being less likely to engage in behaviors to minimize the risk of contracting
sexually transmitted infections (STIs ), as well as a higher likelihood of having sex
without birth control to minimize the risk of unplanned pregnancy. While people
might disagree about when it’s appropriate for individuals to begin engaging in
i;
t
What are the different approaches to sex education in school, and what
outcomes are associated with these different approaches? i
ii
Although some people believe that sex education should only happen at home u
i
( Jordan, Price, & Fitzgerald, 2000 ), a majority of both parents ( Bleakley,
Hcnnessy, & Fishbein, 2006; Jordan et al., 2000; McKay, Byers, Voyer,
Humphreys, & Markham, 2014; Millncr, Mulekar, & Turrens, 2015 ) and teens ii
( Byers et al., 2003) favor sex education through schools. Most parents and teens
also agree that sex education should begin by middle school ( Bleakley et al.,
2006; Byers at al., 2003; Jordan et al., 2000; McKay et al., 2014 ). However,
there’s considerable debate about what should be included in the instruction.
!
i through religious groups, or in schools, the approach focuses on teaching that
abstaining until marriage is the only way to avoid pregnancy, STIs, and negative
psychological consequences. School- based programs using this approach have
received significant funding from the federal government ( Planned Parenthood,
! 2012 ). These programs promote abstinence as the only morally correct choice
I
and are often developed by religious organizations even though federally funded
i
programs can’t make direct references to religion. They also typically include no
information about contraception or only indicate diat contraception is not effec-
! ! tive at preventing pregnancy and /or STI transmission . Only 2% of school - based
hi ! programs used this abstinence-only approach in the 1980s, but 35% were using
it by the late 1990s, and an additional 51% promoted abstinence as the preferred
—
means of contraception an approach discussed below ( Lamb, 2010 b ) .
Because many school - based sex education programs in the United States are
fully or partially funded through money from die federal government, shifts in
elected federal government officials can drastically change the funding priorities
and, as a result, the prevalence of different types of sex education approaches.
For example, in 2010 under the Obama administration, federal funding for
abstinence -only programs was reduced by two-thirds, and funding was specifi -
cally established for the implementation of programs that included information
on contraception ( Planned Parenthood, 2012 ). Priorities shifted again after the
2016 federal elections resulting in Republican control of both houses of Con -
gress as well as the White House. For example, President Trump’s proposed
2019 budget included an allocation of $75 million for abstinence- based sex
education programs ( Richmond, 2018 ) . At the same time this was presented,
the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services defunded grants to sup -
port a number of sex education programs with a teen pregnancy prevention
focus rather than an abstinence focus ( Kodjak, 2018 ). As election cycles unfold
I
and government representatives change, the state of funding for different types
of programs will likely continue to fluctuate.
Regardless of fluctuating government funding priorities, a great deal of
research has indicated widespread support for sex education that includes accu -
I» !
j,
rate information about contraception . For example, one survey using a nation -
=! ally representative sample of U.S. adults found that only 36% of respondents
!i supported abstinence-only programs, 50% specifically opposed them, and
J
82% supported programs including information about contraception in addi-
tion to abstinence ( Bleakley et al., 2006 ). Studies focusing on specific areas
of the country, including southern Alabama ( Millner et al., 2015 ), Minnesota
( Eisenberg, Bernat, Bearinger, & Resnick, 2009 ), California ( Constantine,
Jerman, & Huang, 2007), North Carolina ( Ito et al., 2006 ), and Indiana ( Yarber,
—
j •
= Milhausen, Crosby, 8c Torabi, 2005 ), have found similar patterns even when
: the states mandate abstinence-only sex education.
"
Sex education approaches that include information about contraception typ-
ically fall into two categories: abstinence-plus sex education and comprehensive
-
286 Chapter 7 Sexuality and Sexualization
!
j
aging abstinence. For example, a review of more than 100 different program
evaluations led to the conclusion that abstinence -only programs don’t seem to
delay initiation of sexual activity or reduce reported numbers of sexual partners
»
( Kirby, 2007 ). In the same review, one surprising finding was that sex edu-
i
cation programs that included information about contraception were related r
:
Learning about Sex 287
:
>
.
I 30
*
25
«1
20
15
i; 10
5
. i sai
FIGURE 7.1 Teen birth rate per 1,000 girls, ages 15 to 19, in 2016.
Data from http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.ADO.TFRT.
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ( CDC ) reports that the rates of
HIV diagnoses among Black women are particularly high ( Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, 2016 ).
Providing adolescents with information about how to prevent pregnancy and
reduce the risk of contracting STIs is clearly a central component of successful sex
education, but many people, including many feminists, argue that this is only part
of what comprehensive sex education should include. As far back as 1988, psy-
chologist Michelle Fine talked of die “missing discourse of desire ” ( Fine, 1988,
p. 29 ), specifically female desire, in school- based sex education. In other words,
:
.
:
sex education typically fails to talk about how pleasure and enjoyment are often
J i part of sex. When they are mentioned or alluded to, it’s almost always in terms of
-
:
male, rather than female, desire. Often , sex education focuses only on the nega -
tive consequences of sexual activity ( Allen, 2007; Bay-Cheng, 2003 ), and when
i pleasure is discussed, it’s in the context of negative outcomes such as regretted
1
sex and pregnancy, so pleasure gets associated with danger ( Lamb, Lustig, &
Graling 2013). Moreover, the bulk of the responsibility for avoiding negative
consequences of sex is placed on girls (Allen, 2007; Bay- Cheng, 2003; Tolman,
2004 ). For example, teen pregnancy is often discussed in terms of girls getting
!
pregnant ( with no partner referenced ) rather than boys impregnating girls.
School- based sex education has also been criticized for foiling to provide infor-
{
f.
-
mation about many sex- and sexuality related topics ( Bay-Cheng, 2003; Fine &
McClelland, 2006; Lamb, 2010 b ). For example, most programs only discuss
1. intercourse involving a woman and a man or only briefly mention other sexual
;
& 288 Chapter 7 Sexuality and Sexualization
=
orientations or sexual activity involving same-gender partners.
=
They typically assume that all participants are cisgcnder, and
since some sex education programs arc organized around
your turn
gender-segregated groups, educational practices can further
What were your experiences with school-
marginalize transgender individuals. The programs also don’t
based sex education? At what grade
typically discuss sexuality concerns that might be relevant for
level( s) was it integrated into the school
individuals with disabilities. One study showed that health - curriculum? Would you describe the focus
care providers, caregivers, and educators reported avoiding as abstinence-only, abstinence-plus, or i>
frank discussions about sexuality with people who have dis- comprehensive? What, specifically, was
:
:
abilities because of anxiety about the topic (Travers, Tincani, covered? Search for information online
Whitby, 8c Boutot, 2014 ). Further, other studies have shown about sex education in Sweden and the
that, because of role confusion regarding who should initiate Netherlands-two countries with especial-
such conversations ( e.g., health -care providers, family mem - ly progressive programs. Based on what
bers, teachers ), people with disabilities had less knowledge we've discussed, what you learn about the ‘
about important topics related to sex ( e.g., STIs, safer sex prac- programs in Sweden and the Netherlands,
and your own experiences, what approach
tices, sexual rights ) than the general population ( Galea, Butler,
would you take if you were going to design ‘
Iacono, & Leighton, 2004; McCabe, 1999 ). In these various
a school-based sex education program?
ways, individuals with disabilities may be particularly harmed What would and would not be included?
by the limited information given in abstinence-only programs.
Concerns such as these have led some people to call for
comprehensive sex education curricula that have an explicit
social justice approach and are organized on a human rights framework ( Berglas,
Angulo-Olaiz, Jerman, Desai , 8c Constantine, 2014; Lamb 2010 b ). These pro-
grams would move beyond providing information about sex, sexuality, safety, and
communication. They would also cover principles of and values associated with
human rights and would include discussions and activities addressing equality and
access. One suggested approach is to include a focus on sexual ethics to help teens
examine their own moral positions on what they do and do not find acceptable
( Lamb, 2010 b ). Such programs would also ask students to consider how their par-
ents, peers, and the media affect their personal opinions. According to advocates of
this approach , truly comprehensive sex education is complex and multifaceted and
could serve to educate people not only about their own sexuality but also about the
diverse array of beliefs, behaviors, and identities that constitute sexuality as a whole.
Despite formal and informal sex education, many people are still uncomfortable
talking about sex. The language we use ( and don’t use ) provides information
"Down There"
Because diere’s so much diversity in terms used, in this section we’ll review what
really is “down there,” where these body parts are located, and how they work.
Women’s external genitals are collectively referred to as the vulva; this
includes hair, folds of skin , and the openings of the urethra and the vagina
(see Figure 7.2). The labia majora are the outer lips of the vulva. Made up
of fatty tissue covered in pubic hair, they begin next to the thigh and extend
inward to surround the labia minora as well as the urethral and vaginal open -
ings. The labia minora, sometimes referred to as the inner lips of die vulva, are
hairless and sensitive folds of skin diat extend from the clitoris past the urinary
and vaginal openings.
We can’t talk about female sexuality without talking about die clitoris, a
Si highly sensitive genital structure that has the sole function of providing sexual
i f
pleasure. Actually, the clitoris isn’t a single structure; rather, it’s part of an
interconnected network of internal and external structures collectively known
as the clitoral complex (see Figure 7.3). The common use of the term clitoris
-i
j
i
—
refers to the clitoralglans the head of the clitoris that contains a huge num -
ber of nerve endings, resulting in great sensitivity. However, the glans is really
>
just the most visible part of the clitoral complex, as it may protrude from the
clitoral hood, particularly when aroused. The glans is the tip of die clitoral shaft,
which extends from the glans into the body under the clitoral hood . Most
I
women achieve orgasm through direct or indirect stimulation of the clitoral
4
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I
- .- .
-Q Q .
'
I
ry
-.
iV
\
!
: T;
^
V , JL m Clitoris
!
Labia -
majora •
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V '; ,.
4’ r
wpm~ Urethral
opening
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Labia - i Vaginal
minora
opening
• V ;
V .
W' .
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>! V !
•* » ’
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glans and shaft ( e .g., through manual or oral stimulation , or through rubbing
against a partner’s pubic bone ) . When aroused , the clitoral shaft and glans
become engorged with blood (similar to the way a penis becomes erect ). Other
portions of the clitoral complex also become enlarged due to increased blood
flow during arousal . The clitoral crura, or the legs of the clitoris, extend from
eidier side of the clitoral shaft where it meets the body, and just below the crura
Clitoral shaft
Clitoral hood
Clitoris glans
v'
Clitoral crura
IV
Urethral
opening
r Vaginal
opening
Vestibular
Labia bulb
ii
are vestibular bulbs. These structures surround the vagina , and they become
more sensitive to touch, pressure, and vibration when swollen due to arousal.
This can also play a role in women’s orgasms, along with stimulation of the
clitoral glans.
.
Contraception: Staying Safe
What types of birth control are available, how effective are they, and how
do they relate to disease protection?
i
292 Chapter 7 Sexuality and Sexualization
to an increased likelihood of actually using it ( Manlove,
Franzetta, 2007 ).
There are several types of contraceptives. Hormonal
spotlight o n . . I
i
5
awareness methods involve some or all of the following: The availability of birth control benefits
tracking menstrual cycles, tracking body temperature, women who wish to control their reproduc-
and monitoring for changes in cervical mucus. There are tion. However, the origins of the wide avail-
also non - hormonal IUDs and sterilization ( e.g., tubal ability of birth control go back to the eugen-
ligation for women and vasectomy for men ) . Abstaining ics movement in the United States during :
from penetrative sex or engaging in outercourse ( i.e., the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
forms of sexual activity that don’t involve penile -vagi - This movement focused on " improving "
the human population by encouraging
nal penetration ) are also contraceptive practices. Finally,
educated, "intelligent" people to have more
women may make use of “emergency contraceptives”
children and discouraging "inferior " people
( e.g., Plan B ) after a sexual encounter. The most com -
from having children. In 1927, for exam -
monly adopted forms of contraception are birth con - ple, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Buck
trol pills ( 16% of women ), female sterilization ( 15.5% ), v. Bell that states could force mandatory
male condoms ( 9.4% ), and long- acting reversible con - sterilization on women in institutions who
traceptives ( i .e ., IUDs and implants; 7.2% ), but rates of were considered "feeble minded" (Diekema,
adoption do vary by age ( Daniels, Daugherty, &: Jones, 2003). However, many of those women had
2014 ). For example, female sterilization is most com - been institutionalized only because they
monly chosen by women age 35 and older. were "promiscuous or had become preg -
Many factors can influence women’s choice of con - nant out of wedlock" (Roberts, 1997, p. 69 ).
Carrie Buck, the defendant in the case, was
traceptive methods. For example, if one wants to have
sterilized because she was poor and had a
children in the future, reversibility may be a key fac-
child without being married.
tor. Access to contraceptives is also important to con -
Black and Mexican American women also
sider. Many forms of contraception require visits to frequently experienced forced sterilization
health -care professionals and prescriptions; odiers can ( Stern, 2005a, 2005b), and not just in the
be purchased over the counter. Some, like male con - distant past. In 1965, 60% of Black women in
doms and vasectomies, need cooperation from a partner. one Mississippi county were sterilized with-
Cost is also a concern . For example, without insurance, out consent after they had children (Roberts,
hormonal implants cost around $800, and IUDs cost 1997). In 1975, a class action lawsuit against
around $1,000, although these can be effective for years two Los Angeles hospitals resulted from
( Kosova , 2017 ). The annual cost of birth control pills is the forced sterilization of Mexican Ameri-
between $240 and $600, injections cost approximately can women ( Stern, 2005b). It ' s estimated
$240 per year, and die birth control ring costs about that 100,000 to 150,000 poor women were
sterilized annually under federally funded
$1,000 per year.
programs during this time (Roberts, 1997).
. Contraceptive options also vary in effectiveness at pre- Thus, while birth control can allow
venting pregnancy, and the effectiveness of most methods women autonomy over their bodies, it can
is decreased with incorrect or inconsistent use (Trussel,
: 2011; see Table 7.1 ). Disease prevention is also a key
also be a tool to control their sexuality and
reproduction .
293
n!
' il
Abstinence* 0% 0%
Outercourse* 0% 0%
Withdrawal 4% 22%
No contraception 85% 85%
i
concern, and abstinence, outercourse, and the use of female and male condoms
are the primary options available to reduce the likelihood of disease transmission.
Although women don’t have worries about unintended pregnancy as a result of
sexual activity with another woman, disease transmission is a concern, so some use
dental dams, which are thin sheets of latex (originally intended for use by dentists
during dental procedures) that can be stretched across the vulva to reduce risk.
-
Having (and , Ideally, spotlight o n . .
Enjoying ) Sex
What are common beliefs about having sex and the The HPV Vaccine
rates at which others are having sex?
In 2006, the U.S. Food and Drug Administra -
Women can engage in sexual activity and have body parts tion approved a vaccine for the human pap-
illomavirus (HPV ), initially for young women
that serve no purpose other than to provide sexual plea -
and subsequently for young men. HPV
sure. However, as with all behavior, there’s a great deal of
causes genital warts and is a leading cause
variability in the experiences of individual people. Some
of cervical cancer. However, despite recom-
women may choose not to engage in sexual activity at mendations for the widespread adoption of
all, some become sexually active at young ages, and some i-
this vaccine, in 2016 only 49.5% of girls and
i
wait to engage in some or all sexual activity until they’re 37.5% of boys age 13 to 17 had completed
married or in a committed , long - term relationship. the series of vaccinations (Walker et al.,
Data from one nationally representative survey in 2017 ). In contrast, rates of completing other II
die United States indicated that the average age of first vaccinations were above 80%. Why are the
intercourse was 15.5 years ( Halpern & Haydon, 2012 ). HPV numbers relatively low? ••
Data from another nationally representative survey show Some people are concerned about the
that 55% of women reported having had sex by age 18 lack of data on the vaccine ' s long- term
safety. Others argue that HPV is less of a
and 75% by age 20 ( Abma & Martinez, 2017 ) . How- i
risk than highly contagious diseases like
ever, there were differences depending on the race/
measles. Still others argue that HPV vacci-
ethnicity of respondents. Data from White respondents nation may increase engagement in risky
were consistent with the overall data . Latinx respon - sexual behavior, although research has
dents reported a similar pattern of sexual activity by age found no such relationship ( Liddon, Leich-
18 ( 55% ) and a slightly higher rate by age 20 ( 79% ), and liter, & Markowitz, 2012; Mayhew et al.,
Black respondents reported higher rates of having initi - 2014; Al Romaih, Srinivas, Shahtahmasebi,
ated sexual activity at both ages ( 62% and 82%, respec- & Omar , 2011). Low rates of vaccination
tively ) . These surveys were largely focused on vaginal might also be related to lack of awareness,
intercourse, but there are other ways that people can lack of physician recommendation, and
be sexually active. Rates of oral and anal sexual activity, cost (Chan, Chan, Ng, & Wong, 2012; Kester,
for example, have been found to be lower than rates for Zimet, Fortenberry, Kahn, & Shew , 2013).
Have you been vaccinated against HPV ?
vaginal sex among women ( Halpern & Haydon, 2012).
Did you or your parents make the decision,
and what factors went into it ? If vaccina -
tion was never brought up , why do you
The "First Time" think that was? If you are, or plan to be, a
parent, how will you decide if your child
—
First times in many contexts receive a lot of attention we
can think about first steps, first days of school, and so on.
should receive the HPV vaccine?
295
r .
!
often referred to as losing one’s virginity. There is, however, great variability in
;l how people define losing virginity. In one study of participants with diverse edi-
nicities and sexual orientations, although 100% indicated that vaginal - penile inter-
course for die first time would constitute losing virginity, there was less agreement
about whether odier forms of sex would do so ( Carpenter, 2001 ). For example,
28% of young women and men interviewed believed that engaging in oral sex
with a partner of die odier sex could constitute losing virginity, and 56% believed
5 diat engaging in anal sex could result in losing virginity. Recognizing that sexual
II activity can involve same-gender participants, 80% of those interviewed indicated
that virginity could be lost with a same-gender partner, but 47% felt that the defi -
nitions for virginity loss would have to be different in this case. Other research
has indicated that women have broader definitions of “ having sex ” than do men
(Trotter 8c Alderson, 2007 ) and that lesbians have broader definitions than do
heterosexual women and men ( Horowitz & Spicer, 2013 ). Also, many LGBTQ
participants in one study reported that die coming-out process is a more import -
ill ant rite of passage dian losing virginity ( Averctt, Moore, 8c Price, 2014 ).
!! The focus on virginity can be considered a holdover from
a patriarchal past where a woman’s value was centered on
her status as a sexually chaste woman. For example, in one
early study, researchers found that Latinx women described
holding on to their virginity as a sign of honor for their family
( Gil 8c Vazquez, 1996 ) . Other studies have shown that girls
with strong religious tics also value virginity status ( Bersamin ,
Walker, Waiters, Fisher, 8c Grube, 2005; Brewster 8c Tilman ,
2008; Orgocka, 2004 ). For those holding these attitudes,
the “ loss” of one’s virginity could be perceived as harming
a woman and /or making her less valuable and desirable.
Virginity can be perceived as a gift to give ( typically from a
woman to a man ) or as a stigma to shed as soon as possible
( Carpenter, 2002 ). Virginity loss can also be seen as simply
part of the process of growing up.
TV show's aimed at teens typically use one of three sexual
scripts when portraying virginity loss ( Kelly, 2010 ). These
are ( a ) an abstinence script, according to which virginity loss
should be delayed , ( b ) an urgency script, in which virginity
People have complex and diverse is a stigma diat must be shed in order to gain and /or main -
expectations about what their first tain status among peers, and ( c ) a management script, which
sexual experiences will be like.
portrays sexual behavior as inevitable and the managing of
First - time experiences vary, and
women have a wide range of feelings
related risks as important. Teens do report being influenced
•! afterward. What advice would you by media narratives about virginity, and when they feel that
give to a young woman to prepare their own virginity loss experience is “imperfect” in contrast
her for her first time having sex ? to what they’ve seen in die media, they report higher levels of
distress about their experience ( Carpenter, 2009 ).
j
296 Chapter 7 Sexuality and Sexualization
1:
When researchers examine women’s accounts of their own experiences of . i
i:
II;
—
always the case. In fact, women’s involvement in casual sex sex outside
i
—
of the context of a committed relationship has been on the rise ( Garcia,
Reiber, Massey, & Merriwethcr, 2012 ) . Casual sexual encounters are often
described as “ hooking up,” and studies indicate that this is a common prac -
tice for both women and men . Between 72% and 85% of participants in var-
ious studies report having engaged in at least one hookup ( c .g., Armstrong,
England, & Fogarty, 2012; Currier, 2013; Lambert, Kahn , & Apple, 2003;
Paul, McManus, & Hayes, 2000 ), with men reporting slightly higher rates
of hooking up than do women ( Bogle, 2008; Fielder & Carey, 2010; Paul
et al ., 2000 ) .
It isn’t clear what exactly constitutes a hookup, although most people agree
that it involves sexual activity between two people with no expectation of
commitment. In one study, participants described hookups as “anything from
kissing to having sex” and as being “ in the eye of the beholder,” although
some were adamant that hookups had to include vaginal - penile penetrative sex
•• •i ( Currier, 2013, p. 713 ). Moreover, some equated hooking
up with a one- time encounter with a stranger or acquain -
tance; others identified hooking up as something they do
try it for yourself multiple times with the same partner ( c.g., a “ friends with
benefits” arrangement ). This ambiguity isn ’t much differ-
How do you define sex? What about
i
ent from the ambiguous definitions as to what constitutes
virginity and virginity loss? What about
sex or virginity loss discussed above. Moreover, it’s import -
hooking up? Ask others you know how
they define these terms. Where do you
ant to recognize that hooking up doesn’t only happen with
see overlap, and where do you see differ- heterosexual - identified individuals, although comparatively
ences Does
? age, gender , sexual orienta - little attention has been paid to hooking up among LGBTQ
tion, or any other aspect of identity seem individuals ( Watson, Snapp, & Wang, 2017 ). It has, how-
to influence people's definitions? Does ever, been suggested that hookups provide women the
anyone report that their definitions have opportunity to explore same -gender attraction , often before
changed over time? explicitly identifying as bisexual , lesbian, or queer ( Rupp,
Taylor, Regcv- Messalem, Fogarty, & England, 2014 ).
People don’t just have different understandings as to
what sex is or what a hookup entails. There’s also inconsistency in beliefs about
who is engaging in sexual activity, how often, with how many partners, and in
which contexts. In general, most people tend to think that everyone else is doing
it more than they are. In one study of first-year, heterosexual-identified college
students who primarily identified as White, women reported having had lower
numbers of oral and vaginal sex partners than they believed was true for the typ-
ical female first-year college student ( Zelin, Erchull, & Houston , 2015 ). Male
first-year students similarly reported having fewer sexual intercourse partners
i than they thought the typical female or male college student did (see Table 7.2 ).
Moreover, perceptions of others’ behavior was a predictor of participants’ own
—
sexual behavior in other words, those who thought “everyone is doing it”
were more likely to do it themselves.
Note. Data arc from Zclin ct al. ( 2015 ). ( No data were collected about women’s perceptions of men’s
1!
numbers of sexual partners. )
.
Having ( and. Ideally Enjoying) Sex 299
! Hi
t;
i i
i!
f
i i . .:.i i
However, the way questions are asked and when participants are surveyed does
i
i
3
•
seem to impact responses. Specifically, when researchers ask participants if
they’ve ever experienced regret about a hookup, reported rates arc higher than
i
:
when participants are asked about either their typical hookup experience or their
most recent hookup. Whether one feels positively or negatively about a hookup
m
I
«
may depend on why one had it. In one study, researchers explored the role of
;'
!
ii motivations for hooking up in relation to outcomes ( Vrangalova , 2015 ). When
ii i
!! women hooked up because they wanted to, they didn’t experience negative out -
{ ’ ji
•
!ij! comes. However, when they hooked up because they were pressured or felt they
had to because everyone else was doing it, they experienced lower self-esteem
and increased depression and anxiety.
Enjoying Sex
What are women's experiences with masturbation and orgasm, and how do
these compare to men's?
r
!
.t :
i!
Women engage in sexual activity for many reasons, and pleasure is an important
*
;
; one. Whether engaging in sexual activity with a partner or alone, sex can feel
* I; . : '
i good physically. Of course, not everyone reports die same degree of satisfaction
jj
!! :
• ; widi dieir sexual encounters, and not everyone defines sexual satisfaction in the
l
M
I
li same way.
I
\ :t
!
!» 1; •: ( Masturbation Although many women have conflicting feelings about sex, ide-
!i \
'i ally it’s supposed to be pleasurable. While pleasurable sexual activity can involve
i i
i
J
a partner, it doesn’t have to. One other way to experience sexual pleasure is
:
i through masturbation. Masturbation involves stimulating oneself sexually, usu -
l
ally through touching one’s genitals, to result in sexual pleasure. Meta -analyses
:
i
I
i
, i have consistendy shown that men are more likely to report masturbating than
I
{
i ! |
1
•|
'
women, although there’s inconsistency in the extent of this difference, as the
i
effect sizes from these studies vary from large ( d = 0.96; Oliver & Hyde, 1993)
I
i
li to moderate ( d = 0.60; Petersen 8c Hyde, 2010 ) . It’s important to note, how-
;
» i
ever, that many women do masturbate. In fact, in one nationally representative
!
! 8II sample from the United States, 48% of teenage girls ( as compared to 73% of
:
fi teenage boys ) reported having masturbated ( Robbins et al., 2011 ). In another
!j study, approximately 85% of women in their 20s ( as compared to 94% of men
l
\
M
»
it
this age ) reported having masturbated ( Herbenick et al., 2010 b ). Research -
ers found gender differences in masturbation to be smaller in countries with
• :
l
I;
egalitarian gender attitudes ( Petersen 8c Hyde, 2010 ), and meta-analyses have
r . !ii.
'
—
not found gender differences in attitudes toward masturbation in other words
both women and men find masturbation equally acceptable ( Oliver 8c Hyde,
1-
i »
i
* 1993; Petersen 8c Hyde, 2010 ).
l '
;i
•
300 Chapter 7 Sexuality and Sexualization
;I :
i - ‘ *
'
;!
i!
Wliy would women think masturbation is acceptable but be less likely than
men to do it ? It may be that women have lower sexual desire than men. It may
also be that women are less familiar with their bodies and signs of their own .
sexual arousal than men are. It’s difficult for a man to miss the fact that his penis
is erect, but a woman may or may not know when she’s aroused ( Petersen &
Hyde, 2011 ) . Women may also be uncomfortable about masturbating because
they’ve been taught that it’s dirty or smelly “down there ” ( Fahs, 2014 b ). Inter-
—
nalization of sexual scripts can also play a role after all, if cultural messages
imply that sexual activity should prioritize men’s pleasure, then what purpose
would female masturbation serve ?
Regardless of differing attitudes, masturbation is a sexual act with benefits
and no known negative consequences. It can provide women with a greater
understanding of their own anatomy and pattern of sexual response; it can
also provide information about what they actually enjoy in sexual encounters
( Coleman , 2002; McCormick, 1994 ). i!
>
Orgasm Many people regard orgasm as the ultimate sign of sexual pleasure. if
As discussed earlier in this chapter, men’s orgasm is typically considered the
marker for the end point of a sexual encounter. And men do report higher -
rates of orgasm when engaging in sexual activity with partners than women do 1
( c.g., Garcia, Lloyd , Wallen, & Fisher, 2014; Herbenick et al., 2010a ) . Research i
i
with a large U .S. sample, for example, showed that women report having fewer
orgasms than do men ( Frederick, St. John, Garcia, & Lloyd , 2018 ). Heterosex - }
i
ual men were the respondents most likely to say they usually or always orgasmed
when engaging in sexual activity (95% ). Gay men ( 89% ), bisexual men (88% ),
and lesbian women ( 86% ) also reported fairly high rates. Bisexual women ( 66% ) •i
and heterosexual women ( 65% ) reported the lowest rates of orgasm. • I
absence isn’t the only reason a sexual encounter may or may not be deemed 1
'
with their sexual encounters than men are ( Petersen & Hyde, 2010 ). This may ;
be largely due to expectations. For example, if women believe that satisfaction
in sexual relationships results from pleasing one’s partner sexually, they would
likely report sexual satisfaction whether or not they orgasm. However, if women i
1i;
expect to have an orgasm, they’ll be dissatisfied if they don’t. Research has shown i
that both women and men feel that both they and their partner are entided to : :
I I.
Not Enjoying Sex
I
What are some reasons women may not find sex enjoyable?
.
Having (and Ideally. Enjoying) Sex 303
'!• <I
Dysparcunia, or painful intercourse, is the third category for women’s sex-
ual dysfunction ( American Psychiatric Association , 2013; Basson et al., 2004;
.
Walsh & Berman , 2004 ). The specific experiences of pain ( e.g., location, inten -
sity, frequency) can differ, but individuals with this dysfunction all report pain
•
i
during at least some instances of vaginal penetration . Arousal disorders result -
ing in decreased vaginal lubrication can contribute to pain during penetration.
1 1<
! Commercially available lubes can help alleviate discomfort and make penetra -
tion more enjoyable. A particular sexual pain disorder that results from strong,
involuntary spasms of vaginal muscles is vaginismus. This disorder can make
— —
penetration even by a finger or a tampon painful or, in some cases, impos-
sible. Vaginismus is most common among those who have experienced sexual
trauma or have strong fears about sexual intercourse.
Women’s sexual dysfunctions haven’t been well studied , as most research
attention has been on male sexual dysfunctions ( Berman, 2005; Walsh &
Berman, 2004 ). Among studies that have been done, the focus has largely been
on heterosexual women’s experiences with and desire for vaginal intercourse.
r Little research exists on sexual dysfunction among women who have sex with
women, although one study indicates similar levels of sexual desire and orgasm
disorders, as well as lower levels of pain disorders, among lesbian women as
|!
! compared to heterosexual women ( Matthews, Hughes, & Tartaro, 2006 ) . It’s
also important to note that women who seek treatment for these issues are
1
likely to have insurance that makes it easier to obtain this type of care, a fact that
!•
reflects social privilege.
j:
Body Concerns: The Mirror in the Bedroom Although many physiologi -
r cal and psychological factors can contribute to sexual dysfunction in women ,
body concerns are an underlying factor reported by many women ( Sanchez
& Kiefer, 2007 ). As we discussed in Chapter 6, body dissatisfaction is very
common among women ( Bcarman, Presnell, Martinez, &: Stice, 2006; Smo -
lak, 2012; Tantleff- Dunn, Barnes, & Larose, 2011 ). When they’re concen -
trating on how their bodies look rather than on how sex feels, it’s hard to
enjoy sex. In other words, these women worry about looking sexy rather than
being sexual. Engaging in body surveillance during sex is typically called body
image self-consciousness, or body image self- consciousness during physical
f intimacy ( Sanchez & Kiefer, 2007; Steer & Tiggemann , 2008; Wicdcrman,
2000, 2001 ). Like general body surveillance, this often goes hand in hand
with body shame ( Claudat & Warren , 2014; Steer & Tiggemann , 2008 ) .
Body shame is also linked with sexual displeasure for transgender women , and
— —
body modification in particular, gender- affirming surgery has been found
to significantly improve both body image and experiences of sexual pleasure
(Sammons, 2010 ).
Women with body image self-consciousness also worry about how their
partners perceive their appearance. Cognitive distraction occurs when a person
:
their genitals rather than on more meaningful aspects of their lives ( Mock , 2014 ).
•\ For example , the trans actress Lavcrne Cox was asked by daytime talk show host
Wendy Williams if she had breast implants and was later pushed by show host and
news anchor Katie Couric to discuss her “private parts.” Cox responded by say-
ing, UI do feel there is a preoccupation with my private parts. The preoccupation
with transition and surgery objectifies trans people . And then we don ’t get to
really deal with the real lived experiences” ( McDonough , 2014, para. 3 ) .
Sex Work
Women’s sexuality is more directly commoditized through sex work . Sex work
is an umbrella term that refers to the exchange of sexual services, performances,
or products for compensation ( Gerassi , 2015; Weitzer, 2010 ) . This can include
*
in - person sexual interactions such as oral sex or sexual intercourse , often referred
to as prostitution . It can also include pornography, stripping, webcam models ,
and the like . Although prostitution is legal in some parts of the world — most
notably in much of Europe and South America , Canada, and Mexico ( http://
i
i
chartsbin .com/vicw/snb ) —prostitution , and even legal forms of sex work , arc
•
i widely considered to be immoral ( Weitzer, 2007 ) . As such , it’s hard to know
1
:
: how many women , and men , arc involved with sex work because it's not some -
thing most people talk about openly.
• I
Sex work is big business. One study of the illegal commercial sex economy
in just eight U .S . cities in 2007 estimated that it generated between S39.9 and
$290 million ( Dank ct al . , 2014 ) . When die scope is broadened to include por-
nography, researchers identify a S 10-S 12 billion industry in the United States
and a $97 billion industry worldwide ( Morris , 2015 ) . These estimates probably
don’t include stripping, webcam work , and myriad other forms of sex work .
Moreover, the returns for women who engage in sex work aren’t always equita -
ble . In one study of Black and Latinx dancers, researchers found that Black and
dark -skinned Latinx women received less money than White or lighter-skinned
Latinx women for their erotic services ( Brooks , 2010 ) . This was attributed to
I
marginalization due to patrons’ racialized stereotypes of such women being
i
hyperscxual or aggressive .
i
Although some women do watch pornography ( Hald , Seaman, & Linz, 2014 )
and visit strip clubs ( Montcmurro, Bloom , 8c Madell , 2003; Wosick - Corrca 8c
Joseph , 2008 ), this sort of sex work disproportionately provides sexual and enter-
tainment services to men (Weitzer, 2010 ) . As discussed in the Empowering or
Oppressing feature , some women choose to engage in sex work , but for others
it’s a “choice ” of last resort. For example, pervasive workplace discrimination
•i i
can make sex work the most viable option for transgender women to support
• n themselves ( Nadal , Davidoff, 8c Fujii - Doe, 2014 ) . In one study of 48 transgen -
ri : der women of color who were sex workers, researchers found that although there
sex work and violence. For example, Black sex workers report
high levels of harassment from law enforcement ( Porter 8c
Bonilla , 2000; Raphael 8: Shapiro, 2004 ). According to one \
f t' M "
EMPOWERING
OR OPPRESSING?
have. Even in countries where prostitution is illegal, other Although sex work may have the potential to be em-
legal forms of sex work exist that may involve fewer neg- powering and oppressing, research suggests that the
ative perceptions and consequences. For example, you oppression is greater when such work is criminalized. In
might have heard people talk about "a friend who worked these cases, women who experience violence or coer-
.
her way through college as a stripper " From this perspec- cion can’t seek assistance from law enforcement. How -
.
tive the choice to participate in sex work as a viable source .
ever decriminalization can make sex work safer for all
of income and/or personal expression can be seen as em- involved. Research on the effects of decriminalization
powered (Weitzer, 2009). Even though people who hold of sex work in New Zealand shows that condom use is
il
this perspective recognize that sex work isn't always em- high and sex workers feel able to impact their personal
powering (because not all sex workers voluntarily engage safety by choosing where, when, and with whom to work
in it), they claim it can be safe and empowering when .
(Abel Fitzgerald, Healy, & Taylor, 2010). In fact, the United
women choose to engage in it and it is not criminalized. Nations has called for the decriminalization of sex work
Some aspects of sex work have gone mainstream. For so that the health and safety of sex workers can be pro -
example, well-known porn stars have written best-selling .
tected (Godwin 2012). Nevertheless, decriminalization
books, modeled in mainstream ads, launched fashion wouldn't inherently eliminate the stigma for engaging in
lines, and acted in mainstream movies. These are un- .
sex work (Abel et al. 2010).
usual examples, but some women do transition from sex Do you think sex work is empowering or oppressing?
I .
work to other careers Of course, that's not the case for If it can be empowering, whom does this apply to and .
all sex workers. Those who enter sex work through hu- what factors should be in place for this to be true? If it’s
man trafficking (see Chapter 12) may be unable to buy oppressing, what can be done to help those who do en-
their way out of servitude to those who paid their way gage in sex work—at least, those who don’t want to? Do
4I
into the United States and/or provide for their ongoing you think sex work should be decriminalized? Why or
support (Gerassi, 2015). Even women who do sex work why not?
310
self-sexualization as a result of informed choices about how they want to express
their sexuality, or just as a result of being taught that it’s the only way women can
be sexual.
Researchers have, in fact, found that some women do enjoy feeling sexy and
being admired by others, particularly men ( Liss, Erchull, & Ramsey, 2011 ).
Studies also have shown that women do, at times, engage in self -sexualization
( Nowatski 8c Morry, 2009; Smolak, Murnen, 8c Myers, 2014 ) and that when
women feel attractive and embrace their sexuality, self-esteem can increase
( Breines, Crocker, 8c Garcia, 2008; Helminiak, 1989 ). In fact , one way women
can verify if they meet traditional standards of beauty is to receive sexualized
attention from men, so they may actually enjoy this experience ( Liss et al.,
2011 ). For example, when a woman dresses in revealing clothing and then
receives admiring stares from men , it may make her feel good about herself.
Essentially, sexualized attention signals approval, so when it’s received , it sug-
gests to women that they’re “ looking good ,” and when it’s not received, it
can signal “ hardly worth looking at.” Earlier in this chapter, we presented the
idea that compulsory heterosexuality helps maintain patriarchy by encouraging
women to focus on gaining power through sexuality rather than through other
means ( Rich , 1980 ) . Research has, in fact , demonstrated that some women do
view female sexuality as a source of power ( Erchull 8c Liss, 2013a ). In this con -
text, it has been suggested that women use their “erotic capital ” to successfully
compete in the male - dominated business world ( Hakim , 2011, p. 1 ) .
Despite the potential for boosting self-esteem under certain circumstances,
there’s also a negative side. As discussed earlier in this chapter and in Chapter 6,
body focus can lead to self-consciousness, dissatisfaction, and shame. So look-
ing sexy and “strutting your stuff’ may feel empowering, but it may also
—
make women self-conscious and ashamed especially if their “stuff’ doesn’t
live up to society’s standards of beauty and sexiness. Also, research finds that
consuming large amounts of sexualized media is associated with engaging in
self-sexualization , and self- sexualization has been shown to predict negative
feelings about one’s sexuality and sexual experiences ( Ward, Seabrook, Manago,
8c Reed, 2016; Ward , Seabrook, Grower, Giaccardi, 8c Lippman, 2018 ). So
women may be engaging in these behaviors because they feel it’s typical and
expected rather than because they derive benefits from doing so. Moreover,
several studies have shown that women who self-sexualize may be viewed as
less competent than those who don’t , particularly if they’re being considered
for high -status positions ( Fasoli, Durante, Mari, Zogmaister, 8c Volpato, 2018;
Glick, Larsen, Johnson, 8c Branstiter, 2005; Peluchette 8c Karl, 2013; Smith
et al., 2018; Wookey, Graves, 8c Butler, 2009 ).
Although some people may consider using one’s sexuality as a source of
power, most women who embrace sexualization aren’t doing so because of fem-
inist values about disrupting patriarchy and valuing women’s sexuality. In fact,
research has shown that enjoying sexualized attention was related to holding
II
traditional views about gender among women ( Liss et al., 2011 ). This pattern
:! was also found with women who self- identified as feminists ( Erchull & Liss,
2013b ). Even if courting and receiving sexualized attention is empowering,
power in sexual domains may not transfer to power in other domains ( Lamb,
2010a ). For example, women who feel empowered through scxualization may
not be more likely to negotiate for high salaries, seek promotions, clearly express
!«
their sexual desires, and so on. Furthermore, telling women they can gain a
I sense of empowerment by feeling sexy puts die focus on what individual women
can do to feel empowered rather than on how people can collectively work to
empower all women ( Gill , 2012 ).
Scxualization and self-scxualization become especially problematic when they
involve girls, and research confirms that sexuality is being increasingly imposed
on ever-younger groups of girls ( American Psychological Association Task Force
on die Scxualization of Girls, 2007 ). For example, girls are more likely to be
shown in sexualized clodiing, like low -cut tops, in magazines now than in the
past ( Graff, Murnen, & Krause, 2013 ). One study of girls’ clothing available
i
on websites for major retailers in the United States showed that scxualization
was a feature for nearly 30% of the options ( Goodin , Van Dcnburg, Murnen ,
:
& Smolak, 2011 ). This included bikinis, push - up bras, and thong underwear
( items associated with sexiness ), as well as clothing printed with sexualizing
writing ( e.g., sweatpants with “cute butt ” written on them ). With these types of
iS! l:
!
messages being directed at girls from an early age and these expectations being
1
—
—
reinforced frequendy even by parents through the clothes they buy for their
daughters it’s not surprising that many women embrace or internalize aspects
of sexualization.
'
!
.
i
i
i -
sexual agency, like empowerment, has often been co-opted to sell products and
this is not a new pattern . For example, in a 1994 ad for the Wonderbra, model
—
M; !
ii.
Eva Herzigova displayed her breasts in a Wonderbra with the tag line “ hello
boys” ( “ Eva Herzigova: Wonderbra,” 2014 ). Even though representations such
as this challenge existing norms of women as passive recipients of sexual atten -
tion, they still place limits on women’s sexuality. These representations arc typ-
ically more about men’s enjoyment ( and selling products ) than women’s. Such
ads generally portray women as choosing to be as sexually enticing as men want
313
I
!|
i,
! norms and practices doesn’t happen quickly, and there continue to be different
•i cultural expectations associated widi women’s sexuality compared to men’s; but
when people engage in both individual and collective efforts, change can happen .
i
Conclusion
As is true of all people, women can benefit from the freedom to express and
enact their sexuality in ways with which they are comfortable . This is, however,
hard to do in a culture that considers information about and discussions of
sexuality to be taboo, while also prescribing which women can be sexual and in
I
i
.
which ways, with w'hom, and when . The w'ays in which women experience their
!
sexuality are constrained by our sexualized culture, which objectifies women
!
and limits their options for sexual expression. The idea of the sexually agentic,
empowered woman must be understood within these constraints, which influ -
! ence both attitudes and behavior. That said, feminist psychologists and other
I
sex- positive advocates seek to change norms surrounding sex and sexuality so
I !•' that all people have a chance to experience and express dieir sexuality more freely.
I:
•I
'
I
• Chapter Review
ill
I:
I SUMMARY
i
:
i
!• Sexual Scripts Sexual scripts imply diat only thin, young, White,
Sexual scripts provide information about what able- bodied, heterosexual individuals are sexual.
I
I
is considered “normal ” sexual behavior in a
given culture. Learning about Sex
1
Heterosexual sexual scripts are dominant, and Parents are a key source of sexual socialization,
they contribute to compulsory heterosexuality. which begins in early childhood. Mothers
Non-heterosexual scripts tend to signal tend to be the primary providers of sex
deviance. education in the home, but tiicy generally feel
| Sexual scripts center on men’s experiences and uncomfortable with this role and dieir own
pleasure, telling us that men desire and initiate knowledge.
sex, while women should be sexual gatekeepers. Given the lack or inadequacy of information
This reflects a sexual double standard , and coming from parents, children often look
there can be negative social consequences when to peers as a more important source of sex
iM
women violate it. information.
I! KEY TERMS
sexual scripts ( p. 276 ) hookup ( p. 298 )
performative bisexuality ( p. 277) pluralistic ignorance ( p. 299 )
sexual double standard (SDS ) ( p. 280 ) masturbation ( p. 300 )
slut shaming ( p. 280 ) body image self- consciousness ( p. 304 )
sexual socialization ( p. 282 ) cognitive distraction ( p. 304 )
safe sex ( p. 285 ) spectatoring ( p. 305 )
abstinence -only sex education ( p. 285 ) sexualization ( p. 306 )
abstinence- plus sex education ( p. 287) sex work ( p. 308 )
comprehensive sex education ( p. 287 ) self-sexualization ( p. 309 )
B
!!
sex positivity ( p. 287) sexual agency ( p. 312 )
outercourse ( p. 293 ) sexual assertiveness ( p. 313 )
casual sex ( p. 298 )
r
THINK ABOUT IT
1. Given the limitations of dominant ideas 3. Evaluate the merits of abstinence-plus and
about sexual scripts, devise a more inclusive comprehensive sex education , and decide what
it
definition of sex. Do you think most people option you think is best for students. How
would agree with this new version ? Why would you convince school personnel and
.
• t<
or why not? If not, what could you do to parents that your option is worthy of school
convince them ? funding?
:• ;
2. Compare the research findings on how people 4. Imagine you’re talking to a friend about
I learn about sex to your own experience. In research on self -sexualization . What would
what ways does the research reflect your you say to your friend ? Would you encourage
experience? In what ways docs it differ? or discourage self-sexualization ?
ONLINE RESOURCES
:
—
Advocates for Youth access to sexual health
information and resources for girls and young
—
Rewire commentary, analysis, and
investigative reporting on issues related to
adults: advocatesforyouth.org sexual health: rewire , news
—
Guys We F* *ked anti -slut-shaming and
sex - positive conversations: soundcloud.com/
—
Scarleteen inclusive, comprehensive , and
supportive information on sexuality and
guyswefuckcd relationships for teenagers and emerging adults:
r scarleteen .com
l.
lii
people have a hard time understanding why those who are " merely " friends
would choose to spend so much time together and maintain a relationship
for so long. The public nature of the two women's friendship, in contrast to
the more private nature of Oprah's relationship with her long- term romantic
:
.
partner, Stedman Graham, may also play a role in this The fact that Oprah and
Stedman have never married has further ignited questions. Apparently, some
people can't imagine being in a romantic relationship for 30 years without
getting married.
In this chapter, we'll explore some of the relationships that women have
•! throughout their lives, including friendship, dating, marriage, and other long-term
relationships. We'll discuss how all these relationships play key roles in women's
lives and can enrich them. We'll also talk about the challenges of relationships;
i
{
318 Chapter 8 Relationships
not all relationships are positive, and even positive ones can bring a lot of
demands. Relationships also don ' t happen in a vacuum. They’re influenced by
cultural expectations and values, and these can shape what women look for in
relationships and what they accept as typical and desirable.
!
Friendship
How do women benefit from friendships?
In 1980, the poet and radical feminist Adrienne Rich put forth a theory sug-
gesting that close female friendships are threatening to patriarchy because they
reduce women’s focus on heterosexual relationships and might cause women
to need less male attention ( Rich, 1980 ). Indeed , Oprah and Gayle’s friend -
ship has often been mentioned as an explanation for why Oprah isn’t married
( Dries, 2014 ). The fact that the two are Black women may also play a role in
their affection for each other. According to one study, there’s a long tradition of
Black women bonding together in a way that has been necessary for success in
a White, male , heterosexual dominant society (Smith , 2000 ). Yet many factors
influence the degree to which women can sustain friendships. When in school,
girls arc around other girls, and they can connect over common interests. As
girls age, however, connecting can become more difficult (Stevens 8c Van Til - -
burg, 2011 ) . For one thing, they stop meeting new potential girlfriends. Also,
women may move to new locations ( e .g., for school for employment ), removing
themselves from an existing network of female friends. Moreover, women’s
jobs, and commuting to them , can take up large amounts of time, reducing the
time available for social activities. Finally, as Rich also suggested, when women
enter into romantic relationships and start having children, there’s less time to
dedicate to female friendships.
A strong friendship network is something all people can benefit from :
throughout their lives. Research has shown that, among children, hav-
ing friends is associated with being sociable, cooperative, and self-confident
( Hartup, 1996 ), and a study of more than 25,000 adults showed that satis-
faction with friendships predicted life satisfaction ( Gillespie, Lever, Frederick,
8c Royce, 2015 ). Having a good friend offers a sense of connection and can
even improve health and well - being ( Marmot 8c Wilkinson, 2006 ). For exam -
ple, in a study of predominantly White Americans, participants with larger
friendship networks were shown to have lower levels of fibrinogen, a physio-
logical marker for inflammation and cardiac disease ( Kim , Benjamin, Fowler,
8c Christakis, 2016 ). Having supportive friendship networks is also related
Friendship 319
ilj
I?
1 to engaging in positive health behaviors, such as higher likelihood of seeking
i preventive health care, as a study of low- income Black women showed ( Pullen ,
Perry, & Oser, 2014 ).
]
i
Friendships can help improve academic achievement too . Studies have
J shown that, among adolescents, friendships can improve a sense of belong -
ing and academic success ( Juvonen, Espinoza , & Knifsend , 2012 ; Kingcry,
Erdley, 8c Marshall, 2011 ). In a study of Latinx adolescents, those who had
the most friends, both by their own report and by their peers’ reports about
them , were the most likely to feel they belonged at school and , in turn , had
improved academic achievement ( Delgado, Ettekal, Simpkins, 6c Schaefer,
I •
2016 ).
Friendships also buffer the effects of discrimination . For example, in one
study, friendships among lesbians were shown to reduce their discomfort with
their sexual identity (Stanley, 2002 ) . Several other studies have shown that teens
with disabilities use their close ties with one another to combat discrimination
« and ableism ( Kennedy, 2009; Low, 1996; Salmon , 2013 ). Further, there is exten -
sive research showing that friendships between different groups of people can
reduce racial, religious, and sexual prejudice ( Davies, Tropp, Aron , Pettigrew, 6c
Wright, 2011; Pettigrew 6c Tropp, 2008; Turner 8: Feddes, 2011 ) . For exam -
ple, a study of college students showed that women with
cross- racial/ethnic friendships were more likely to develop
your turn positive feelings toward racial /ethnic groups that are dif-
ferent from their own ( Levin, van Laar, 6c Sidanius, 2003 ).
Reducing prejudice through friendship can occur quickly.
What sorts of friendships do you have?
In one experiment, researchers paired heterosexual students
Do they enrich your life? Do you have
friendships across lines such as religion,
with an instant messaging partner whom they believed to be
:
sexual orientation, or racial/ethnic back- gay or lesbian ( Lytle 6c Levy, 2015 ) . After only 45 minutes
ground? If not. why might that be? In of interaction , the heterosexual undergraduates felt close
what ways can such friendships help to to their talking partners and had more positive attitudes
reduce prejudice? toward the LGBTQ community than they did at the start
of the study.
!!
Social Support
--
*
; What is social support, and how does gender relate to giving and receiving
social support?
|!
•1 '
S•
—
One key benefit of friendship is social support a feeling of being cared for
and having support and assistance from people around us, including family,
ill
friends, and romantic partners. This support can take many forms, but it’s
typically classified as informational, instrumental, or emotional support ( Taylor,
2011). Informational social support involves others giving advice or ideas to
Friendship 321
; !i
! i
it !
( e.g., “ I’m so excited for you ” ) and asking follow- up questions to prolong
i
;
.
the conversation and sense of excitement. How relationship partners respond
to positive events has been found to be more predictive of well - being than
how they respond to negative events ( Gable, Gonzaga, & Strachman , 2006 ).
Enthusiastic active responses ( e.g., “That’s so exciting, tell me more about it ” )
provide better social support than passive ones ( e.g., “That’s nice ” ). Responses
that either shift the focus ( e.g., “ Let me tell you what happened to me today” )
or undermine success (e.g., “Arc you sure you’re going to be able to handle the
increased work ? ” ) are related to negative outcomes.
Additionally, certain kinds of emotional support in response to bad news can
i have negative consequences (Taylor et al., 2000 ). For example, emotional sup-
I port can sometimes cross over into co-rumination, which involves extensively
.
1! discussing problems and dwelling on negatives in conversation with another
person ( Rose, 2002 ) . In giving a friend emotional support after she has a bad
;
I
I
date, you may commiserate and remind her that there arc other potential part -
) , •. ners out there. If, however, this discussion devolves into a rehash of many other
bad dates and even spills over into other negative aspects of life, it becomes
co-rumination . In one study, pairs of female college students who identified
I
as close friends were asked to discuss a problem chosen from a list as they nor-
1 .
mally would ( Byrd -Craven, Geary, Rose, &: Ponzi, 2008 ). After doing this, die
•I women had increased levels of stress hormones as compared to those in a con -
\
trol group who were asked to design a recreation center.
Overall, although emotional support can make us feel cared for, it doesn’t
necessarily always help us reduce stress, and it can even lead to more stress
for both parties in the conversation if it involves co- rumination . Despite these
challenges, there are real benefits to both giving and receiving social support, as
discussed earlier.
If you think about your closest friends, it’s likely that they share some of your
1 social identity characteristics. Both classic and more recent research indicate
r- that we tend to be friends, particularly close friends, with people who share
! f
! « our social identities and our interests ( e.g., Kupersmidt, DeRosier, & Patter-
son , 1995; Vatamanescu , Andrei, & Pinzaru, 2018; Verbrugge, 1977 ). This
occurs, in part, because we tend to spend more time with people who share
—
our social identity characteristics such as people with the same race or reli -
gion ( McPherson, Smith - Lovin, & Cook, 2001 ). Although cross- identity
Friendship 323
:
that, in contrast to stereotypes, White, working- class men were more likely to
socialize at home than through shared recreational activities. The men also were
likely to talk about their feelings with their friends; in fact, 75% of the men
interviewed reported doing this regardless of social class. White, middle -class
women , in contrast, reported lower levels of emotional intimacy in their friend -
ships because their lives were busy and demanding: “ You don’t have time to talk
to people about anything but die essentials ” ( p. 259 ) . It’s unclear how other
social identity variables such as age and sexual orientation may have contributed
to these patterns, and this is an area for future research .
Friendships aren’t always gender segregated , and as we’ve discussed previ -
ously, there arc more than nvo gender identities. Most people, regardless of sex -
ual orientation, have both same -gender and cross- gender friendships, although
most people do tend to have more same - gender friends ( Calupo, 2007;
Lenton & Webber, 2006; Monsour, 2002 ) . For example,
participants in one study reported that , on average, just
try it for yourself under 42% of their friends were of another gender and that
30% of their close friends were ( Lenton 8c Webber, 2006 ).
Can people ever just be friends? In Also, people hold overlapping expectations for friendships
what ways do you think cross- gender with those of the same gender and other genders ( Felmlee,
If friendships are the same as or different Sweet, 8c Sinclair, 2012 ), but some small differences have
from same-gender friendships? How
been found as well. For example, women reported expect -
are platonic friendships the same as or
ing emotional closeness in both types of friendships in one
different from romantic relationships?
study with predominately Latinx and White participants,
Talk to a number of people you know
about their views on these topics. Try
but they expected more companionship from same-gender
to talk to people with different gender than other-gender friends ( Fuhrman, Flannagan , 8c Matam -
identities, sexual orientations, ages, and oros, 2009 ).
so on. What themes emerge? What do Despite the fact that both same - and cross - gender
people agree on? What do they disagree friendships are typical , a common cultural assumption is
on? Do social identity variables seem to —
that women and men at least, heterosexual women and
influence people's responses? Try asking men an’t be “ just ” friends because romantic and /or sex -
if they think two lesbian women or gay ual attraction will get in the way. A quick Google search
men can "just" be friends. What themes brings up an overwhelming number of links to popular
i. do you see here?
i; press articles and blog posts considering this question , and
the inevitability of sexual / romantic relationships among
friends is a common plot point for TV shows and mov-
ies. Research shows that friends, regardless of sexual orientation , do sometimes
flirt with each other, although not in the same overt ways that they do with
romantic partners ( Egland, Spitzberg, 8c Zormeier, 1996; Diamond , 2002;
Weger 8c Emmett, 2009 ). In one study, 58% of heterosexual participants
reported feeling physical attraction to a friend ( Kaplan 8c Keys, 1997 ), and
51% of heterosexual-identified college students in another study reported being
sexually active with a friend (Afifi 8c Faulkner, 2000 ). Among racially/ethnically
!
—
“ I don’t even know what I did . But somehow, my friend I guess I should
—
call her my ex-friend got it in her mind that I was talking to her boyfriend or
something and then the next day at school the entire group ignored me. They
conveniently didn ’t have an extra seat for me at the lunch table, and then at
volleyball practice they would not even make eye contact with me ” ( Hinkelman,
2013, p. 36 ).
Friends help us feel connected , loved , and supported . At the same rime, some
people can make us doubt ourselves and feel disconnected. Usually, the people
who do this aren’t those we consider to be our friends. But relationships can
be complicated , and sometimes our friends can also act like our enemies. While
boys and men tend to engage in more physical aggression , girls and women are
more likely to engage in indirect forms of aggression ( Archer, 2004 ) . These acts
—
constitute relational aggression that is, they involve damaging others’ exist-
ing or potential relationships and /or social status. Making someone a social out -
cast, calling someone a slut, or drawing attention to the non -designer nature of
a peer’s clothes are examples of relational aggression. It’s a way to bully others,
and it’s a common way for girls to bully other girls.
Relational aggression can be non -verbal or verbal and can be directly aimed
at an individual or be done behind someone’s back. Non -verbal interactions
such as glaring to show contempt, rolling eyes to be dismissive or show dis-
—
—
gust, or turning away to exclude someone are all ways of being relationally
aggressive, and girls typically aggress against one another through such actions
( Underwood, 2004 ). Generally, those who are socially powerful ( e.g., pop-
ular ) use these tools against those who are less powerful ( Jeuken, Beersma,
ten Velden, & Dijkstra, 2015 ) . Relational aggression can also occur among
Friendship 325
i
!
friends, and as illustrated in the above quote,
sometimes friends can turn into enemies. In
fact, researchers have suggested that the very
intimacy and closeness that describe female
same-gender friendships may actually make it
easier to aggress in this way ( Murray- Close ,
Ostrov, & Crick, 2007 ). Essentially, by know-
ing people better, it’s easier to know what to
target to hurt them , and some women explic-
itly report emotionally manipulating their
same - gender friends ( Abell, Brewer, Qualter, &:
Austin, 2016 ). Relational aggression is also one
Not all relationships are positive. Bullying way of maintaining social position and status at
is common, and a typical way for girls the top of a friendship group, and those more
to demonstrate aggression is through concerned with popularity are more likely to use
gossiping and social exclusion. it ( Adler & Adler, 1998; Duffy, Penn, Nesdale,
& Zimmer-Gembcck, 2017; Dumas, Davis, &
Ellis, 2017 ).
,•
Psychologist Lyn Mikel Brown ( 2003 ) has
!
argued that there are many reasons why girls tend to aggress against other girls
and often do so through relational aggression. According to Brown , girls have
less power than boys, so their only viable targets for aggression are other girls.
This ultimately reinforces patriarchy by increasing conflict among girls, rather
than directing their anger at the oppressive patriarchal system and those who
contribute to it. Girls learn to behave in ways that conform to societal expecta -
tions of girls being “good,” so they aggress in subtle ways that don’t obviously
violate the “ good girl ” expectation (Simmons, 2009 ) . This maintains the status
quo because when girls ( and women ) fight with each other about boys, beauty,
and status, the indirect result is that they aren’t addressing the cultural and
structural forces that keep them in a position of decreased power.
! It’s important to note, however, that relational aggression ( or physical
aggression ) can take the form of identity-based bullying when it’s directed
toward people who are actual or perceived members of a devalued social group
because of that group membership ( Brinkman , 2015 ). People who are likely
to be targeted in this way include individuals with sexual minority identities
( Cenat, Blais, Hebert, Lavoie, & Guerrier, 2015 ), individuals with disabilities
( Rose, Simpson, & Moss, 2015 ), and transgender individuals ( Kosciw, Greytak,
Bartkiewicz, Bocsen, & Palmer, 2012 ). For example, in a survey of 705 racially
i i diverse transgender middle school and high school students, 75% reported
<
1 .: being regularly verbally harassed , 32% reported being physically harassed, and
17% reported being physically assaulted ( Kosciw et al., 2012 ). These results are
notably higher than the reports of bullying in the general adolescent population ,
h
326 Chapter 8 Relationships
which was estimated to be 22% in 2015 ( United States
Department of Education, 2015 ) . spotlight on .
—
Of course, people can be targeted for any reason for
example, for being poor; for being a member of a par-
ticular racial , ethnic, or religious group; for being over- Cyberbullying
weight; or for being considered a slut. As we discussed
When we (the authors of this book ) were
in Chapter 7, the sexual double standard can result
growing up, the Internet was not a part of
in girls and women being labeled as sluts for engag -
our daily lives, so relational aggression was
ing in ( or being perceived to have engaged in ) sexual largely a face- to-face experience. Today,
activity (Armstrong, Hamilton , Armstrong, & Seeley, however, cyberbullying— bullying
2014 ). Slut shaming seems to be an effective tool in through electronic communication such as
the relational aggression toolbox, as research has shown texts, emails, social media posts, and the
that some people have less desire to be around those like— has become an increasing concern
labeled as sluts and are more likely to marginalize them ( Jones, Mitchell, & Finkelhor, 2013).
327
I
i
!
work to create a cultural shift whereby popularity and social status become
related to kindness rather dian aggression .
When most people hear the word relationship, they probably don ’t think about
friendship; instead , they probably think of romantic relationships. Love and
affection , from short -term or long- term partners, can be wonderful . However,
!. I cultural beliefs about romance may create fairy- tale expectations. The psycho-
therapist Irvin Yalom ( 2013 ) famously claimed that he was “ love’s executioner”
because he often challenged and changed many of his clients’ unrealistic expec -
tations about their romantic relationships.
We’re not born with an understanding of romance. Rather, we learn about
it from those around us. Through personal interactions and the media, we’re
exposed to messages about love and romance and are socialized to understand
—
what it is at least, within our particular cultural context. Yet if you were to ask
20 people, you’d probably get 20 different definitions of romance. Nevertheless,
researchers have identified core romantic beliefs that predominate in the United
States: that people have one true love, that love can happen at first sight, that
love will allow couples to overcome obstacles, and that one’s partner will be
perfect (Sprecher & Metts, 1989 ). Although these ideas may seem outdated ,
!
i
idealized, and unrealistic, they also probably sound familiar, and more recent
!
research indicates that they continue to be endorsed by study participants
( Hefner & Wilson, 2013; Regan & Anguiano, 2010 ). Gender socialization can
I
«
influence the way people view and understand romance. Researchers have found
that romantic relationships are seen as central to femininity, along with being
nice and investing in one’s appearance, among other factors ( Mahalik ct al.,
:
2005 ). However, they’ve also found that valuing relationships is not seen as a
central part of masculinity, but that factors like taking risks and pursuing status,
among others, are ( Mahalik et al., 2003 ) .
The media play an extremely important role in how we understand romance
( Bachcn & Illouz, 1996 ). One consistent message is that it involves a woman and
a man, reinforcing the idea of compulsory heterosexuality ( see Chapter 7 ). And
1 these messages start young. In a study of financially successful G - rated movies
from 1990 to 2005, only two had no heterosexual romantic references ( Martin
V.
& Kazyak, 2009 ). Mary- Lou Galician ( 2004 ), a professor of journalism and com -
k munication, has extensively studied how the media affect beliefs about romance.
Using the acronym PRESCRIPTION ( as shown in Table 8.1 ), she has identified
12 stereotypical beliefs about romance that are perpetrated by the mass media.
;
.
1 J
328 Chapter 8 Relationships
!
!,
Belief Example
While people may believe that media portrayals of romance have no effect on
public opinion because they’re works of fiction , the opposite appears to be true.
Research shows that those w ho consume more romantic media arc also more
likely to endorse unrealistic beliefs about relationships, including beliefs that
partners should be able to read each other’s minds and that romantic partners
will be perfect ( Haferkamp, 1999; Hefner 6c Wilson , 2013; Lippman, Ward, 6c
Scabrook, 2014; Shapiro 6: Krocger, 1991 ). Such expectations can influence
people’s actual relationships. In one study, researchers
found that greater consumption of TV show's focusing on
romantic relationships w'as related to decreased satisfaction your turn
in viewers’ own romantic relationships as well as a greater
tendency to report conflict in the relationships ( Reizer 6c
What are your favorite movies and televi-
Hctsroni , 2014 ). Moreover, people, women especially, tend
sion shows? Which romantic themes do
to believe that the way love is portrayed on television is
these show (if any)? Do any characters
realistic ( Punyanunt- Cartcr, 2006 ) . Of course, in romantic challenge the stereotypical themes of ro-
media, people rarely engage in unromantic behaviors that mance? What happens to these characters?
—
happen daily in real life like flossing their teeth, blowing
their noses, or going to the bathroom . As a result, in com -
How do you think the media you consume
now. or consumed in the past, have influ-
parison to media images, one’s own partner or relationship enced your views on love and romance?
can seem quite imperfect.
!
• i! »
• I Dating Scripts
i
i What are common characteristics of dating scripts, and what does research
say about online dating and hooking up?
i
The lessons about romance that we absorb from popular culture influence our
h beliefs about what should happen when people date, known as dating scripts.
i Like the sexual scripts discussed in Chapter 7, dating scripts arc descriptions of
!I supposedly “ normal ” behaviors in this context, and they are overwhelmingly
! heteronormative. Although dating and sexual scripts can overlap ( since dating
can involve sexual activity ), dating scripts focus primarily on what happens
I 1 .i before sexual contact.
, .
An interesting exercise is to imagine how you would describe a date to
someone who has no understanding of the practice. Maybe you ’d talk about a
i man coming to a woman’s home to pick her up for die date. Maybe he brings
;
flowers. He probably takes die woman out to dinner, followed by some kind of
shared activity such as watching a movie togedier. It’s likely that you imagine
the man driving, paying for dinner, selecting where they go, and so on . At the
end of die evening when die man brings the woman home, he might kiss her.
) ;
—
Despite its probable familiarity, does this script sound unrealistic or outdated
like something that belongs in a 1950s sitcom rather than in real life in the
21st century?
Hi
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j
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330 Chapter 8 Relationships
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Are Traditional Scripts Still Relevant? Despite claims of increasing egali -
tarianism in heterosexual dating practices, dating scripts still generally conform
to traditional expectations ( Lancr & Ventrone, 2000 ) . For example, psycholo-
gists Asia Eaton and Suzanna Rose ( 2011 ) reviewed all research on heterosexual
dating published in the journal Sex Roles between 1975 and 2010. Although
they identified some examples of behaviors that challenged this traditional
script ( c .g., women initiating dates ) from more recent research, the traditional
gender- typed script was found to remain largely unchallenged and unchanged.
The researchers also reviewed popular dating advice books and found that the
traditional script still dominates there as well. Men are portrayed as active and
women as passive. For example , women are advised to get men to ask them out
rather than doing die asking themselves and to let men feel like leaders in the
relationship.
Research with lesbians has indicated that they don’t typically adhere to
traditional gender roles in dating ( Klinkenberg 8c Rose, 1994; Rose 8c Zand,
2000 ), so the dominant dating scripts and the gendered culture of romance
might not be as relevant to women who don’t identify as heterosexual. However, !
sometimes LGBQ individuals model their dating practices after those in the
dominant culture ( Klinkenberg 8c Rose, 1994; Patterson, Ward, 8c Brown,
2013 ). When this occurs, LGBQ individuals may encounter legal, social, or
practical barriers to demonstrating relationship seriousness ( e.g., disclosing their
relationship or their marriage ). For example, in one study of mostly White,
sexual minority women in their 20s ( Patterson et al., 2013 ), researchers found
that differing levels of outness between partners often slowed relationship
progression ( c .g ., delaying the start of sexual activity ) or caused relationship
stress ( c .g., pretending to just be friends in public ).
Other research has shown more diversity of dating scripts among lesbian
girls and women, including a romance script, a friendship script, and a sexually
explicit script ( Rose, Zand, 8c Cini, 1993). Of these, the romance script was
identified as the one most likely to involve dating, although
the dating phase may be short and a more serious rela-
tionship may evolve quickly. The friendship script involves your turn
i becoming friends, then falling in love, and then establishing
a committed relationship. The sexually explicit script focuses
on sexuality and attraction, but there may be no intent of a Do you date? Do you know people who
—
future commitment essentially, it reflects hooking up. In a
subsequent study, the friendship script was identified as the
date? If so. what are the expectations
around dating? Who does the asking?
Who pays? Do traditional dating scripts
most widely used script, and the sexually explicit script as ( e.g., men ask and pay) still apply among
the least popular one ( Rose 8c Zand , 2000 ). you and your peers? Is hooking up the
In a popular TED Talk, psychologist Danielle Shey- only alternative to traditional dating, or
puk discussed how traditional dating scripts can make is there a more egalitarian dating script
dating particularly challenging for people with disabilities within your social circle?
! (TEDx Talks, 2015 ). There’s a widely held, stereotypical
i!I
1 1
assumption that women with disabilities do not, and should not, date ( Howland
8c Rintala, 2001; Liddiard, 2018; Rintala et al., 1997 ). Because of this, many
people believe that women wadi disabilities should be grateful for the attention
of any partner or potential partner ( Howland 8c Rintala, 2001; Liddiard , 2018 ).
However, attention can be inappropriate or intrusive. For example, Sheypuk
:
recalled a frequent experience on Tinder in which a potential male match would
ask, “Can you have sex ? ” Sarcastically, she’d respond , “Yeah, can youV' Indi -
viduals with disabilities may have more difficulty finding and forming personal
relationships that lead to intimacy because of social and environmental barriers
I
! such as lack of opportunity to find partners, although this situation is changing
!
with the wider availability of online dating options ( Mazur, 2017; Roth 8c Gillis,
r 2015; Saltes, 2013; Wada, Mortenson, 8c Hurd Clarke, 2016 ).
—
they aren’t expected to pay or drive actions that can be
apps or websites as of April 2017 ( " Online
Dating — Statistics & Facts , " n.d.).
i
challenging for those who can ’t get a driver’s license or Online dating is especially helpful
find a job that provides a regular income ( Pila , 2015 ). for those who are looking for partners
For most women , though , the traditional dating script with certain identities, interests, or
i!
doesn’t carry the same benefits. Given this, feminist characteristics — for example, people of a
psychologists, among others, support the development certain age ( SeniorPeopleMeet ), sexual
of a more egalitarian script in which a woman can feel orientation (GaySinglesOnline) , religious
as comfortable as a man in both initiating a date and orientation (JDate), race (BlackSingles) ,
planning for and paying for an activity. or ability status (DatingforDisabled). As
one example, teens who identified as
LGBTQ were shown to be more likely to
find romantic partners online than were
What Are People Looking For in heterosexual - identified teens, in part
Romantic Partners? because it was harder for them to meet
potential partners in their daily lives
What patterns are there to characteristics that ( Korchmaros, Ybarra , & Mitchell, 2015 ) .
women desire in romantic partners? Have you, or people you know, had expe-
rience with online dating ? If so, what were
What determines whom we fall in love with ? According those experiences like? What do you see as
to cultural myths, there’s one soul mate out there for advantages and disadvantages of online
each of us, and we’ll fall in love with that person at first dating ? Will it ever replace meeting people
sight. That, however, is not how love works. Instead, we in person? Why or why not?
make choices and set priorities about what we’re looking
for in our partners. In Chapter 3, we explored sexual
strategies theory (SST ), which holds that women and
333
men approach mating, and therefore relationships, differently in order to best
ensure reproductive success ( Buss & Schmitt, 1993 ). In addition to addressing
how evolutionary pressure may have influenced mating practices, this theory
addresses mating preferences. According to the theory, men arc attracted to
young, physically attractive partners because, in our evolutionary past, these
partners had the best chance of producing healthy offspring ( thereby carrying
on the man’s genetics ). Women, in contrast, are attracted to slightly older part -
ners who have status and access to resources because, in our evolutionary past,
such partners were most likely to help both the woman and her offspring to
survive ( thereby carrying on the woman’s genetics ).
Research has shown support for some of these ideas. For example, even in
extremely egalitarian Norway, men prefer partners younger than themselves,
with the age gap widening as men age, and women show a stable preference
for men slightly older than themselves ( Grontvcdt & Kennair, 2013 ). Also, in
a study of nearly 10,000 people from 37 cultures, women placed more value
on social status than men, and men placed greater value on physical attrac -
tiveness (Shackelford, Schmitt, & Buss, 2005 ). Other research , however, has
not shown support for SST ( e .g., Pedersen , Putcha - Bhagavatula , & Miller,
2011 ). For example, a meta -analysis showed that physical attractiveness and
earning potential both predicted positive romantic evaluations and that there
were no significant gender differences ( Eastwick, Luchies, Finkel, & Hunt,
2014 ). It’s also possible that women’s desire for men who arc older and
financially secure may have to do with the fact that women generally have
[ less power and need financial security. One study showed that women and
men in more egalitarian countries were more similar to each other in terms of
what they wanted in a partner than those in less egalitarian countries ( Eagly
& Wood, 1999 ). Therefore, what might be seen as evolved gender differ-
'
ences might, today, actually be responses to social roles and differential access
to power.
Research hasn’t always taken into account the effect that die desired type of
relationship might have on partner preferences. For example, what someone
might desire in a partner for a one- night stand may be very different from what
. i
that person wants in a long-term partner. This idea has led researchers to begin
exploring preferences for partner traits within specific types of relationships.
Regardless of gender or sexual orientation, studies have shown that participants
valued attractiveness when evaluating potential short -term partners and placed
greater importance on similarity and characteristics like intelligence and hon -
.
| i:
esty when considering potential long-term partners ( Regan, Levin, Sprecher,
Christopher, & Gate, 2000; Regan, Medina, & Joshi, 2001 ). Of course, not
all women ( or men ) are looking for the same things in short - or long- term
partners. For example, in a study of primarily White, heterosexual women,
researchers found that some women seemed particularly concerned with how
attractive their partners were, while others were more interested in partners who
at what different women want in partners. For example, one study showed
that both Black women and men valued the income of a potential partner and
seemed to desire an income that would allow the family greater upward social
mobility ( King 8c Allen, 2009 ) . In contrast, in a study of primarily White female
undergraduate and graduate students at a large university, researchers found a
relationship between intelligence and partner preferences in terms of income
and status (Stanik 8c Ellsworth , 2010 ). Those who scored higher on an IQ test
were less interested in a potential partner’s wealth and status. The authors sug-
gested that these women may have been less concerned with partners’ wealth
because they felt confident in their own ability to financially support them -
selves and their families. Another study examined personal ads placed by Muslim
individuals living in the United States, and the women’s ads were particularly
likely to emphasize seeking partners who were religious ( Badahdah 8c Tiemann,
2005 ). A similar study of personal ads placed by lesbians showed that honesty
was a particularly valued trait for partners (Smith , Konik , 8c Tuve, 2011 ). I
Some women arc concerned that they won’t be able to find the partners they
want because of expectations of gendered roles in a relationship. For example,
in one study of heterosexual , Mexican American college students, women were
concerned that their level of education would be seen as a threat to die mascu -
linity of potential Mexican American partners ( Gonzalez, 1988 ). More recent
research showed diat Latinx women thought having more education would make
it harder to find a partner of the same race/ethnicity, but Latinx men didn’t hold
this perspective ( Niemann, Romero, 8c Arbona , 2000 ). Concerns about finding
a desirable partner can result in being eidier highly selective or not selective at all,
and this mix of patterns was found in a qualitative study about the dating expe-
riences of women with physical disabilities ( Howland 8c Rintala, 2001 ). Some
participants felt they couldn’t be selective: “If some guy would show me affection,
I kind of felt like I’d better grab him because I probably wouldn’t get anyone
else” ( p. 53). Other participants reported being non -selective because they felt the
need to prove that they were desirable. Those who reported being highly selective
had more variability in their reasons for this pattern.
Cos . : . KiiSilonships
In 1985, psychologist Suzanna Rose asked, “Is romance dysfunctional ? ” ( p. 250 ).
She argued that because media portrayals of romance primarily address court -
ship, they don’t provide information about maintaining long- term relationships.
:i
EMPOWERING
OR OPPRESSING?
Jealousy in Relationships
ealousy within a relationship might seem to be a that telling a girlfriend how to dress is an indication that
1
it
.,
1'
I !
336
In fact, for many people, the reality of long- term relationships is far from the
“ happily ever after" that ends most of the romantic scripts permeating popular
culture. So what actually happens after the couple walks off into the sunset
together ? In this section , we’ll talk about marriage, divorce, committed rela -
tionships outside of marriage, and power dynamics within relationships. Even
though cultural messages about love, romance, and relationships can be prob-
lematic, there arc also real benefits to being in committed relationships.
When most people think about long- term relationships and living “ happily ever
after,” they usually think about marriage. Indeed , the vast majority of people
marry at some point in their lives. Estimates are that 90% of women in the i
United States will marry at least once ( Goldstein Sc Kenney, 2001 ) . But not
everyone is married . Data from the United States Census Bureau ( n.d . ) indicate
that, in 2017, approximately 51% of women and 54% of men were married , 29%
of women and 35% of men had never been married, 11% of women and 9% of
men were divorced , and 9% of women and 3% of men were widowed. These
rates vary by demographic group. For example, women who identified as Asian i;
American were most likely to be married ( 62% ), and women who identified as
Black were least likely to be married ( 32% ).
Marriage status also varies by age . On average, women and men in the
United States get married ( for the first time ) at 27 and 29 years of age, respec-
tively ( U .S. Census Bureau , n .d . ). These numbers show an increase from 1950,
when women got married at age 20 and men at 23. Although the average age
at first marriage varies from country to country, worldwide there’s a trend for
women to delay their first marriage ( from age 22 to age 25 between the 1970s
and die mid - 2000s ) . The 2015 World Marriage Data from the United Nations
indicate that men, on average, tend to be older than women when they marry,
and this is true in all countries for which data were available. However, the size
of the age difference varies. For example, in Egypt the gap is five years, as com -
pared to a two-year gap in the United States.
Marriage, like romance, carries a lot of cultural expectations. In fact, for many
people, marriage is synonymous with weddings ( Auchmuty, 2012 ). Weddings
have historically been associated with formalizing a commitment between a
woman and a man. However, on June 26, 2015, this standard officially changed
-
in the United States when the Supreme Court ruled that same sex marriage was
a legal right. Although it had already been legal in many states, there was a con -
stant threat of changes in legal status, so the Court’s decision signaled a significant
Benefits of Marriage
What benefits are associated with marriage?
—
There arc many interpersonal benefits from marriage at least, if the marriage is
a healthy one ( Robles, Slatchcr, Trombello, & McGinn, 2014 ). Marriage offers r
a stable source of social support from one’s partner. Regardless of sexual ori-
entation , married individuals report a sense of shared commitment, emotional
connection, and support ( Ducharme & Kollar, 2012 ). In some ways, women
partnered with women may be better off in this regard than women partnered
with men . For example, one study showed that married lesbian women, com-
pared to married heterosexual women, received more social support from their
spouse and were better able to communicate with their partners about family
matters ( Brashicr, Hughes, & Cook, 2013 ) .
Research has also shown that , overall, married individuals earn more, on aver-
age, than those who are divorced, widowed, or never married (Waite, 1995 ).
However, this is largely due to the fact that married men generally earn more
than unmarried men, not that married women earn more than unmarried
women. Married men benefit from having wives who do more at home ( Chun
& Lee, 2001; Dougherty, 2006 ). We’ll discuss this topic later in the chapter.
Since women generally earn less money than men ( Institute for Women’s Policy
— —
Research, 2017 ) a topic we’ll discuss in Chapter 10 they experience a greater
financial boon with marriage since they have partners bringing greater income
into the family. Moreover, other research shows that married individuals have
better mental and physical health than those who aren’t married ( e.g., Guner,
:
Divorce
What are positive and negative outcomes of divorce for women?
There’s a common saying diat 50% of marriages end in divorce. In fact, a report
written for the U.S. Department of Healdi and Human Services ( DHHS ) indicated
that 48% of first marriages among women and 44% of first marriages among men
The reasons for divorce aren’t particularly different from the reasons why
other romantic relationships, or friendships, end. People’s commitment to any
: given relationship is lower when they believe better potential alternatives are
i
• available, they aren’t satisfied with the relationship, and they haven’t invested a
great deal in the relationship ( Rusbult, 1983) . One study showed that the most
commonly reported causes for divorce were incompatibility and growing apart
i
( Amato & Preveti, 2003). Another study identified poor communication and
the inability to resolve conflict ( Bewino & Sharkin, 2003 ). Of course, larger
issues can also lead to divorce, such as infidelity, abuse, and drug and alcohol use
I (Amato & Preveti, 2003; Bewino & Sharkin, 2003 ). Other risk factors include
! experiencing stress, such as being unemployed, having experienced rape, and
having unwanted children ( Clarke-Stewart & Brentano, 2006 ).
!
Reasons for divorce in lesbian couples are similar to those in heterosexual
. couples. Like heterosexual relationships, lack of satisfaction with , investment in,
—
<
Not all long-term relationships happen within the context of marriage. Even
if most people marry at some point in their lives, they may experience other
long-term committed relationships. In fact, data indicate that an increase in
——
cohabitation that is, living together in a committed relationship without being
%
married is one reason the age for first marriages is increasing ( Copen et al.,
2012). Approximately 3% of women were cohabiting in 1992, and this figure
rose to 11% by the time data were collected for the 2006-2010 National Survey
; of Family Growth ( Copen et al., 2012 ). Cohabitation sometimes is a precursor to
marriage, but not always. For example, one study showed that 68% of women’s
marriages were preceded by cohabitation with that partner ( Kennedy & Bumpass,
2008 ). In another study, researchers found that, within three years of beginning
to cohabit, approximately 40% of women married their partners, 32% continued
•!
to cohabit, and 27% ended the relationship ( Copen, Daniels, & Mosher, 2013 ).
The transition to marriage may occur for a number of reasons. For some peo-
ple, it’s a way to formalize the relationship through a public commitment; for
'
'
i
! : others, having or planning to have children may lead to the decision to marry;
• •
and still others report having experienced social pressure to do so ( Baker &
Elizabeth, 2014 ). As discussed earlier, there are also legal and financial benefits
associated with marriage. However, even when cohabitation transitions to mar-
riage, for some couples die relationships that follow aren’t perfect. Data from
several studies indicate that a higher proportion of marriages that were preceded
by cohabitation end in divorce than those in which couples did not first cohabit
( Dempsey 8c De Vaus, 2004; Duncan, Barlow, & James, 2005; Lichter, Qian,
8c Mellot, 2006 ). However, this trend may be changing ( Manning 8c Cohen,
2012; Reinhold , 2010 ). Some researchers suggest this may reflect die fact that
it’s becoming much more common for couples to cohabit before marriage
( Hewitt 8c De Vaus, 2009 ) . It may also reflect the fact that fewer cohabiting
relationships are transitioning to marriage than in the past ( Guzzo, 2014 ).
With or without cohabitation, not everyone marries, and this can be a con-
scious choice . For example, Carol Smart ( 1984 ), a feminist sociologist, called
for the abandonment of marriage. Instead, she argued, we should “devise a
system of rights, duties, or obligations which are not dependent on any form
of ‘coupledonT or marriage or quasi - marriage ” ( p. 146 ). She saw marriage
as a broken , patriarchal system that couldn’t be fixed and would continue to
oppress women . Marriage hasn’t gone away since the early 1980s when Smart
made her argument . In fact, marriage is being embraced by more people.
However, being married is no longer considered the only role for women it —
has become a lifestyle choice ( Auchmuty, 2012 ). This means that women can
choose to engage in casual sexual relationships, date, cohabit , or remain single.
Of course, there arc still social pressures to marry ( DcPaulo 8c Morris, 2005 ),
but they’re less intense than in the past. Moreover, as we discussed in Chapter 4,
some people may opt out of marriage and other forms of committed relation-
ships because they identify as aromantic.
ii i
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Power Dynamics in Relationships
What is the principle of least interest, and how does it relate to power and
: relationship satisfaction?
I *i
it
In traditional, monogamous, heterosexual relationships, dynamics of power are
ii: extremely important to consider. In Chapter 2, we discussed how men have more
•:
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344 Chapter 8 Relationships
: i
i
power than women and how their greater power and privilege can be difficult to
see. Within heterosexual relationships, there are many manifestations of men’s
greater power, although couples may not be Hilly aware of how power dynamics
shape their relationships. While some couples hold traditional values and think that
men should lead the household, other couples value egalitarian relationships. Even
in the latter case , though , men’s greater power can find its way into relationships.
In the 1930s, sociologist Willard Waller (1938 ) described the principle of least
interest, which states that the person who wants a relationship less has greater
power within that relationship. You might have intuitively experienced this dynamic
—
yourself; it's why people don 't text back immediately after a date they don’t want
to be perceived as too eager and , therefore, be placed in the less powerful position.
Longitudinal studies exploring the balance of power over time between partners in
heterosexual couples support the idea that the least emotionally invested partner
is the one who has more power in the relationship ( Fclmlcc, 1994; Sprccher &
Felmlcc, 1997; Sprccher, Schmcekle, & Felmlec, 2006 ). In contrast, couples with
equal levels of emotional involvement were found to be more satisfied with their
relationships, and their relationships tended to last over time ( Sprccher & Felmlec,
1997; Sprccher et al ., 2006 ). This dynamic isn’t limited to heterosexual couples.
Equality of power within lesbian relationships has also been found to relate to
greater satisfaction with that relationship ( Pcplau , Padcsky, & Hamilton , 1982 ),
and power sharing continues to be seen as a relationship ideal for many lesbians
( Kurdck, 1995; Pcplau 8c Fingcrhut, 2007; Reilly 8c Lynch , 1990 ).
The principle of least interest is related to gender because it’s generally
assumed that women arc the ones who more strongly value relationships. For
example, in one study of primarily White college students, researchers found
that a typical woman was perceived as wanting both marriage and children more
than a typical man ( Erchull, Liss, Axelson, Staebcll, 8c Askari, 2010 ) . However,
other data suggest that this belief may be incorrect. In the same study, when
college students were asked about their own desire for marriage and children ,
female and male participants reported desiring them equally. Given these results,
the researchers concluded that men may have power in relationships because it’s
—
assumed that they’re less interested even if this isn’t actually the case.
Furthermore, the principle of least interest isn’t die only source of power
dynamics. In one study, researchers found that, among married lesbian couples
with children who lived in states that legally restricted the rights of non - birth par-
ents, the biological mothers tended to hold more power and the non - biological
mothers tended to feel insecure ( Butterfield 8c Padavic, 2014 ). One non - biologi -
cal mother expressed: “Since the moment I looked into my daughter’s eyes I have
been overwhelmed, thinking how powerless I am. They could walk out of my life
and there is nothing I can d o. . . . I need constant reassurance from Karen. And it’s
starting to affect our relationship, which makes me worry even more” ( p. 761 ).
Moreover, as we’ll discuss next, the partner with the greater earning potential I
and status ( most frequently the man in heterosexual couples ) usually holds the
Division of Labor
What is the second shift, and what types of labor are women more likely to
engage in than men?
Maintaining a house takes a lot of work. Chores, or household labor, include cook -
ing, cleaning, laundry, shopping, household repairs, and yard work . However, not
:
all household labor is the same. Some tasks, like cleaning up messes, doing laun -
dry, shopping, cooking meals, and doing dishes, have to be done frequently on a
!
—
regular schedule often, every day; sometimes, multiple times per day. This kind
of labor is called routine labor. It’s also called low-control labor because the per-
son doing it has little control over when and where it gets done ( Coltrane, 2000 ).
Other types of chores, such as taking out the trash or fixing things around die
: house, are considered intermittent labor because they’re only done occasionally
and there’s usually some leeway as to when they need to get done. Dinner has
I to be on the table and the dishes cleaned up every night . However, the trash can
»
I
•i
H
'!
i
.
Inequity in the division of labor has changed over time ( Bianchi, Sayer, Milkie, .
8c Robinson , 2012 ). As Table 8.2 shows, married women did 7.2 times the total ’
housework of men and 16.6 times the routine housework in 1965. By 1998-1999,
the division of housework was considerably more equitable; women were doing
1.4 times men’s total housework and 2.5 times the routine housework. However,
progress stalled after that. Data from 2009-2010 show that women actually did a
greater proportion of the routine, core housework than they did in 1998-1999.
Overall, while there has been some progress toward equality, it hasn’t been fully
achieved . Furthermore, while the statistics reported in Table 8.2 end at 2010,
more recent data indicate that the trend continues. The U.S. Bureau of Labor
Statistics ( 2016 ) reported that, in 2015, men spent an average of 1 hour and !
.
25 minutes on housework while women averaged 2 hours and 15 minutes a day. !l j
Inequality in the division of household labor becomes more pronounced when
couples have children ( Gjerdingen, 8c Center, 2005; Yavorsky, Kamp Dush, 8c
Schoppc-Sullivan, 2015 ). One study of mostly White, high-income families in
I
TABLE 8.2 Ratio of Married Women ' s Time to Married Men' s Time Spent on Housework,
1965-2010
I
16.6:1 12.3:1
Other housework* 1.2:1 0.6:1 0.6:1 0.5:1 0.5:1 0.6:1 0.6:1
Note. Data from Bianchi ct al., 2012. ‘‘‘Other housework” includes intermittent labor such as home repairs or financial planning.
> »!|
::
:
which both adults worked full-time showed that women and men were doing equal
•I
levels of housework during die diird trimester of pregnancy (Yavorsky, Kamp Dush,
& Schoppe-Sullivan, 2015 ). Wlicn the baby came, bodi members of the couple
returned to work at somewhat reduced hours, although women worked three
'
; ;
hours a week less than men. However, women did considerably more work in the
home. Including paid work, household work, and child care, women were working
77 hours a week compared to the men’s 69 hours. The eight - hour weekly differ-
ence translates into women working one hour more dian men every day. Interest-
ingly, diis study showed equality before children, when most other research has not
(see Bianchi ct al., 2012, for a review). The authors suggested diat diis may have
i
reflected die men doing more because the wives were far along in their pregnancy.
In general, mothers report doing about twice as much child care as men
J
( Bianchi ct al., 2012; Fillo, Simpson , Rlioles, Sc Kohn, 2015 ) . According to
the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics ( n.d . ), in 2016 mothers with children
under age six spent 2.56 hours per day caring for children as their main activ -
ity, while fathers with children under age six spent 1.47 hours caring for them .
-
Anodier study showed that, on non workdays, fathers engaged in leisure activ-
ities 47% of die time while mothers did child care ( Kamp Dush , Yavorsky, Sc
Schoppe-Sullivan, 2018 ). Mothers, however, only did leisure activities 16% of
i
the time while fadiers engaged in child care. In lesbian couples, although there’s
: t
generally more equality, one study found that inequality in the division of labor
was related to who served as the child’s biological mother, in part because bio-
, !!
logical mothers are more likely to engage in intensive parenting ( Downing Sc
Goldberg, 2011 ). We’ll return to the topic of intensive parenting in Chapter 9.
i Another aspect of the division of labor generally gets overlooked in research
studies. Aside from tasks such as cleaning, cooking, doing dishes, and taking
care of children, a great deal of planning and organizing is required, and this
invisible work is sometimes called the mental load . For example, someone needs
to ask: What will we have for dinner? Do the pets need to be taken to the vet ?
i When was the last time the air conditioner filters were changed ? Once chil -
dren are added to the mix, the planning and organizing get more complicated:
Who organizes the doctor’s appointments ? How about the playdates? Who
|) enrolls children in extracurricular activities and summer camps ? According to
one study, although men do considerably more routine labor around the house
now than they did 40 years ago, women still bear the vast majority of the mental
load ( Gager, 2008 ). When the women who participated were asked what they
:
wished their husbands would do to make the division of labor more equitable,
' by far the most frequent response was that they wanted help with managing
and organizing the household. Only a minority of participants whose husbands
!
.! did very little around the house wanted more help with routine chores such as
!
- i i doing dishes. Women didn’t want household helpers; they wanted co- leaders.
it
I ! Women are also more likely to do emotion work . This encompasses tasks that
1
i
make other people feel loved and cared for ( Erickson, 2005 ), such as sending
« J
348 Chapter 8 Relationships
birthday cards to relatives, writing thank you cards for presents, and coordinat -
ing the purchase of gifts by various members of the household. Emotion work
—
also occurs within the marriage relationship for example, when the husband
has a bad day and the wife helps him feel better ( Pederson , 2017 ). Given the
gendered association between femininity and caring for others, it’s not surpris-
ing that women do the majority of this work , and research has suggested that
both women and men who have more traditionally feminine traits are more
likely to do emotion work ( Erickson, 2005 ). Women arc also more likely to
suffer negative consequences if emotion work isn’t done, especially if it involves
reaching out to extended members of the family to make sure that their emo-
tional needs are met. For example, if the family forgets to call an aunt on her
birthday, the husband isn’t usually blamed for the oversight ( Erickson , 2005 ).
There arc a number of theories for why women do more chores around the
house . The relative resources theory states that the person who brings more
resources to the relationship gets to use those resources in order to avoid doing
chores. In this view, couples view relationships as a social exchange between
—
partners that is, one person provides the bulk of the financial resources and the
other does the bulk of the domestic labor ( Lachance -Grzcla & Bouchard , 2010;
Mannino & Deutch, 2007 ). A related theory involves time availability. This
theory holds that the person with the most available time should do a larger
proportion of housework ( Fuwa, 2004; Lachance -Grzela & Bouchard, 2010 ).
Women who stay at home or work part - time, for example, have more time
available at home. As we’ll discuss in Chapter 10, women often reduce their
work hours after having children . One factor in the decision to have the mother,
rather than the father, work less is that men typically earn more than women
( Stone, 2007 ), another topic we’ll explore in Chapter 10. Another possibility
is that some women who out -earn their spouses choose to reduce their work
hours and spend more time on domestic chores in order to maintain the notion
of the male breadwinner, which can be important to the identity of many men
( Bertrand, Kamenica , & Pan, 2015 ) . Of course, when women work less in order
to spend more time with children , this reduces their future earning potential. As
a result, women may have more time available to do household chores and child
care, but at a cost to their own careers and future finances.
Data generally support die idea that the person with more time and fewer rel-
ative resources does the most household labor. For example, two studies found
that women who are more highly educated and earn as much as their husbands
do less housework ( Cunningham , 2007; Kroska, 2004 ). Among lesbian couples,
!
. ! If women do more around the house because they earn less, then one might
expect greater equity if the wife were to earn more than the husband . However,
;
i
! some data suggest that, when waves out -earn their husbands, the women actually
! . do more housework ( Brines, 1994; Greenstein, 2000 ). One study showed that
|
earning more money was correlated wdth doing less housework up to the point
!
l
at which a wife earned 51% of what her husband earned ( Bittman, England,
:
Sayer, Folbre, & Matheson, 2003). At that point, earning more was actually
related to doing more housework. Although this finding may be counterintui -
i •
tive, it has been hypothesized that wives who out -earn their husbands engage in
j gender deviance neutralization ( Greenstein, 2000 ). In other words, because
i
they’re acting in a way that’s gender atypical in one domain ( i.e., out -earning
their husbands ), they overcompensate by acting in a stereotypically feminine way
in another domain ( i.e., doing more domestic labor ) . This behavior may also
help husbands maintain their sense of masculinity, which may be threatened by a
high -achieving wife (Atkinson & Boles, 1984; Bittman et al., 2003 ). The pattern
may be particularly true in blue-collar families when husbands with particularly
traditional attitudes about gender experience unemployment ( Sullivan , 2011 ) .
More recent research suggests that gender deviance neutralization may be
less of an issue now than in the past ( Van Bavel, Schwartz, & Estevc, 2018 ).
For example, some research shows that when women have large salaries ( not
|
|
. I necessarily compared to their husbands’), they do less housework ( Gupta, 2007;
lit i!
Sullivan, 2011). This may happen because women with high salaries outsource
domestic labor. Also, according to another study, the dynamics appear to vary by
; racial group ( McLoyd et al., 2000 ). This research showed that White and Latinx
•i
men do more work around the house when they’re unemployed , but that
i
Black men do more work around the house when they’re employed .
Women also may do more work around the house than men because they’re
t .i socialized to believe that these tasks are part of what it means to be a woman
1
*
( Mahalik et al., 2005). The fact that routine, low-control chores ( e.g., cooking,
cleaning, laundry) are seen as part of the feminine role was supported in a study of
r
r
.
—
lesbian couples those who identified as more masculine did fewer routine chores
( Civettini, 2016 ). As we saw in Chapter 5, women are socialized from an early age
to play with domestic toys such as toy kitchens and dolls. Daughters are also asked
when the mother is under stress ( Croutcr, Head , Bumpus DID YOU NOTICE I MADe THE !l
& McHalc, 2001 ). Gender ideology influences division
of labor in more subde ways. For example, women report ?
_
6CD AND FIXED THE COFFEE
THIS MOFNIN& ?
^I
feeling greater responsibility for housework, say that they
enjoy it more, and often report higher standards for .
Yest 1 DID AND DID I
]
cleanliness dian their husbands do ( Poortman 8c Van der YOU NOTICE xi / e BeeN E
Lippe, 2009 ). Since girls do more chores from a young DOING THAT PLUS
age, they’re likely to enter a relationship with a greater
EUEFYTHING ELSE
sense of competence about how to do them ( Alberts,
Tracy, &:Trcthewey, 2011; Babcock Sc Laschcver, 2003 ). FOF THE OAST
Nevertheless, it’s notcvvordiy that women may be more IS- YEAFS ? A
responsible for household chores because they’re more
likely to feel judged by others if they don’t maintain a
clean home ( Liss Sc Schiffrin, 2014 ). ...
Yes SOT X
There is considerable variability in people’s views of DID A GOOD
what constitutes an appropriate division of labor. Some JOB, D /DNTl f
endorse traditional norms according to which men are
die breadwinners and women arc in charge of the house -
work, while others have more egalitarian beliefs and
think that responsibilities should be shared ( Lachance -
''
-
. ‘- V : V:y
Grzcla Sc Bouchard, 2010 ). Egalitarian beliefs tend to
Not everything that' s done around the
increase over the life span and have been found to relate house gets noticed or appreciated.
to greater education and women’s employment ( Fan Sc
Marini , 2000 ), and these beliefs play an important role in
die division of labor. In one study, women wadi more egalitarian beliefs reported I
doing less work around the house, and men with egalitarian beliefs reported that
their waves do less ( Bianchi , Milkic, Saycr, Sc Robinson, 2000 ). Egalitarian beliefs
about gender have also been found to influence how college students would like
to divide labor when they’re in committed relationships ( Askari, Liss, Erchull,
Staebcll, Sc Axelson , 2010 ). Female participants wdth liberal feminist beliefs
wanted to do less around die house, and male participants wdth these beliefs
w'anted to do more. However, these college women also expected that they would
have to do more household work and child care than they w'ould ideally like to,
indicating an anticipation that desired equality wouldn’t necessarily be achieved.
Research has also pointed to the importance of gender ideology on a national
scale. In countries where people have egalitarian gender attitudes, women do
less housework ( Fuwa, 2004; Fmva Sc Cohen, 2007 ). Furthermore, in more
egalitarian countries, women’s level of education and income more easily trans-
lates into doing less housework ( Fuwa, 2004 ). Additionally, countries that don’t
have discriminatory laws about the kind of w'ork that women can do ( e.g., pro-
hibit women from heavy lifting or working at night ) also have more egalitarian
division of labor at home ( Fmva 8c Cohen, 2007 ). In fact, in countries where
!
,
( Treas & Tai, 2016 ). The authors of this study suggest that this may occur
1
I because of a general decline in die standards of housekeeping in these countries
j!
i and because people diere generally appreciate housework less as an activity. A
country’s level of poverty also makes a difference; women do a particularly large
amount of housework in countries that have substandard housing ( Treas &
Tai, 2016 ). This may occur because lower- qualitv houses require more work to
maintain and may not have time-saving devices such as dishwashers.
i
.
i Consequences of Inequity
i
What consequences does an inequitable division of labor have for
relationships?
—
( Kurdek, 2007 ) . In contrast, inequity especially for those doing more of the
—
routine, traditionally feminine chores has been linked to lower satisfaction
( Marecck, Finn , 6c Cardell , 1982 ). Inequity in the division of labor is also
related to lower levels of sexual satisfaction. In one study, when mothers felt dis-
satisfied with the division of household labor when their children were 6 months
old , they were likely to feel dissatisfied with their sex lives when their children
were 12 months old ( Maas, McDaniel, Feinbcrg, 6c Jones, 2018 ).
'
!
SUMMARY
Friendship Stereotypes suggest that women engage in face-
Receiving social support is one way people to-face friendships while men’s friendships follow
benefit from friendships. a side- by-side pattern, but there’s actually a lot
Women provide more social support than of individual variability, especially when other
do men, so same- gender friendships can be aspects of people’s social identities are considered.
particularly important for women. Women tend to have both same-gender and
We often share social identity characteristics cross-gender friendships, although many people
with our friends, but cross-group friendships believe that ( heterosexual ) men and women
can help us better understand others. can’t be just friends.
THINK ABOUT IT
1. Imagine that you’ve been asked to develop an 3. What advice would you give to a friend who
anti - bullying campaign at a local high school. is setting up a dating profile ? What theories
Using the research findings described in this would best help guide your advice? How
chapter, what topics would you include ? What would dominant dating scripts help or hinder
potential barriers would you anticipate ? How the dating process?
might you address them ? 4. As you learned in this chapter, progress
2. Google “Valentine’s Day cards” and explore toward equal distribution of household labor
the different messages that are conveyed stalled around 1998-1999. Think about what
!! about romance. What themes emerge ? might have caused that shift . What types of
Can you think of a way to write a card that social and interpersonal things would need to
doesn’t include some of die more problematic change in order to increase and sustain gender
if messages associated with the romantic script ? equity in all households?
Hi
' :»
ON LIME RESOURCES
—
Call Your Girlfriend a podcast featuring
the conversations of three unapologetic feminist
—
Role Reboot articles on sex, relationships,
and family: rolercboot.org
friends: http://www.callyourgirlfriend.com/
—
Freedom to Marry contemporary and
—
Stop Bullying information regarding
bullying and prevention strategies:
archival resources about the campaign to secure stopbullying.gov
marriage equality for LGBTQ Americans:
frecdomtomarry.org
« Reproductive Justice:
*
A Question of Choice
&v
Not Being a Mother
Becoming a Mother
V, Being a Mother
V
Conclusion
Chapter Review
I
.
There can be many rewards
associated with mothering,
but the transition to
motherhood can be a complex
and difficult process.
a In 2009, journalist Polly Vernon, a young White woman, wrote about not
wanting children. She described the baby craziness around her and said she
felt as though she was sober while everyone else was drunk. She 'd never
wanted children, and her life was fulfilled without them. She enjoyed being
i |
I
.
able to eat sleep, read, binge watch HBO, and travel on her own schedule.
But her article sparked anger and vitriol. After being denounced as " bitter,
selfish, un-sisterly, unnatural, evil," she wrote that Tm now routinely referred
.
to as 'baby-hating journalist Polly Vernon"' ( Vernon 2009, para. 14 ).
a Casey Berna, a White social worker and community activist, spent months
peeing on ovulation predictor and pregnancy testing sticks and charting her
basal body temperature and cervical mucus. She then visited a reproductive
endocrinologist fearing she couldn't be "fixed." She had undergone three
i
intrauterine insemination procedures, tried three in vitro fertilization pro -
s . i .
cedures and had 34 embryos tested. " For years, my life consisted of daily
hormone injections and vaginal ultrasounds, speaking with surgeons and
.
geneticists, and fighting with insurance companies" ( Berna 2014, para. 8 ).
•. t
Cherisse ( last name not given), a Black paralegal, had an unwanted preg-
> I
nancy. She made an appointment with an organization that she thought
was a clinic that provided abortions, but it wasn ' t. The woman there tried to
convince Cherisse to keep the baby and sent her home with a onesie and a
i
.
rattle. She was inaccurately told, "If you have an abortion now you'll rupture
job and couldn't afford my COBRA, utilities, rent, food" (para. 8).
Laura Browder, a Black college student who had recently moved, had a job
interview at a Starbucks. Being new to the area and lacking child care, she I
brought her two young children to the mall and settled them at the food court
while she had her interview 30 feet away, attempting to keep an eye on them
.
throughout the interview. She was offered the job but as she walked back to
.
her children, she was arrested for child abandonment ( Associated Press 2015).
i
expectations of motherhood, the process of becoming a mother isn't easy. We'll
also discuss the challenges associated with getting and staying pregnant, the
.
changes in women 's bodies and their sense of self during pregnancy, and the i
It is important to note that despite the use of female pronouns and the term
mother throughout this chapter, not everyone who becomes pregnant and births
a child is a woman. Transmen and non- binary individuals can also become preg-
i •
nant and birth children. ii
p
ii
Reproductive Justice:
A Question of Choice?
How does the reproductive justice movement differ from approaches to
motherhood that focus solely on the choices women make?
A lot of people frame the discussion of motherhood in terms ot personal choice .
Will a woman choose to become a mother or not? When will she start “trying”?
Once she has a baby, will she choose to work or not? However, many women !|
aren’t able to make free choices about these topics. For example , if a woman I
! decides she must have an abortion because she can’t afford to have a child, this
isn’t really a choice. Some women may want to combine motherhood and work
but can’t due to lack of adequate child care. Odier women may wish to stay at
home with their children but can’t due to financial constraints. In general, women
with more power and privilege have more choices about their reproduction.
The reproductive justice movement, led by organizations supporting the
health of indigenous women and women of color, acknowledges that many
women experience interlocking sources of oppression that can limit their choices
(Silliman , Fried , Ross, & Gutierrez, 2004 ) . Essentially, women who are less
privileged have fewer reproductive choices than do privileged women. For exam -
ple, certain economic, social , and political forces limit many women’s ability to
freely make personal decisions about mothering. Those with more resources based
on factors such as class, race, ethnicity, or immigration status have greater auton -
omy and choice in terms of their ability to have and raise children . This unequal
situation is known as stratified reproduction ( McCormack, 2005 ).
The reproductive justice movement acknowledges the inequalities of strat -
ified reproduction and advocates for all women to be able to make informed
choices about motherhood and to raise their children in environments that are
safe and free of fear. The movement centers around four basic rights: ( a ) to have
children, ( b ) to not have children, ( c ) to parent one’s children in safe, healthy
environments, and ( d ) to express one’s sexual and gender identity free from
oppression and fear ( Silliman et al ., 2004 ) .
21% of those in Switzerland , and 20% of those in Italy and Finland arc childless
( Beaujouan , Sobotka, Brzozowska , & Zeman , 2017 ).
Childlessness may be rising in the United States too. According to U .S.
Census data, the percentage of women ages 30 to 34 who were childless in 2006
was 26.2 %, and by 2016 that number had risen to 30.8% ( “ Childlessness Rises,”
2017 ). However, Pew Research Center data for 2016 show that older women
were , overall, wore likely to be mothers than a decade earlier: 86% of women
ages 40 to 44 were mothers in 2016, compared to 80% in 2006 ( Livingston,
2018 ). The fact that older women are now more likely to be mothers while at
the same time younger women are less likely to be mothers indicates that women
may be waiting longer to have their first child . The choices younger women will
make about motherhood are still unclear, but there’s evidence that millcnnials
are less interested in having children than previous generations were. Stewart
Friedman , a professor at the Wharton business school , interviewed Wharton
graduates in 1992 and again in 2012. In 1992, 78% said they wanted children ,
but only 48 % said so in 2012 ( Friedman, 2013 ).
There are many reasons a woman may choose not to have children. In one
study, 79% of childless women and 83% of childless men reported simply being
happy without them ( Debest 8c Mazuy, 2014 ). Other reasons include prioritiz -
ing other aspects of life, like career aspirations, and feeling that having children
would compromise personal freedom ( Debest 8c Mazuy, 2014; Park, 2005 ).
One woman noted , “ I would never say ‘childless’ because it implies missing
something. No, it’s ‘child -free.’ I’m free from that burden ” ( Peterson , 2015, ::
p. 186 ) . In 2015, the cost of raising a child between birth and age 17 in the
United States was estimated to be $233,610; in this context, having a child can
be a significant financial stressor ( Lino, Kuczynski, Rodriquez, 8c Schap, 2017 ) .
There arc, however, strong pressures in our society to have children
something called the motherhood mandate ( Russo, 1976 ). In 1949, feminist
—
scholar Simone de Beauvoir asked “What is a woman ? ” ( de Beauvoir, 1949,
p. 3 ). She noted that many people equate womanhood with motherhood such 1
that woman = mother = womb ( de Beauvoir, 1949; Shapiro, 2014 ). Also, when
women menstruate for the first time, they’re often told they’ve “ become a
woman,” indicating that womanhood reflects the ability to bear children . The
motherhood mandate also operates in divorce cases, in which women become
custodial parent five out of six times ( Grail, 2011 ). Women who choose not to
have children are often portrayed in the media as bitter career women or selfish
individuals who don’t care for others ( Graham 8c Rich, 2014 ). Women without
children are often asked who will care for them when they’re older, and they’re
told they can’t fully understand love until they have a child, they won’t leave a
I
all women can make. For example, as studies have confirmed, in many coun -
tries women don’t have adequate access to birth control (Sedgh, Ashford, &
Hussain, 2016 ), and marriage is seen as giving husbands the right to have sex
anytime they please ( Mugxvcni , Pearson, & Omar, 2012 ).
Abortion
How common is abortion, what are the social consequences of limiting
abortion, and what are the psychological consequences of having an
abortion?
If a woman becomes pregnant but doesn’t feel she’s able to birth and/or raise
—
the child , she may consider having an abortion the ending of a pregnancy
by removing an embryo or a fetus. In 2011, half of pregnancies among U.S.
women were unintended, and 4 in 10 unintended pregnancies were terminated
by abortion ( Guttmachcr Institute, 2016 ) . Most people who seek abortions i
—
are already mothers to at least one child 59% of U.S. women obtaining the
procedure in 2014 were mothers ( Guttmachcr Institute, 2016 ). In one study
of a diverse group of women in the United States, the most frequent reasons
:
for having an abortion included desiring to continue with education , not being
able to afford a baby, not wanting to be a single mother, and having relationship
problems ( Finer, Frohwirth, Dauphinec, Singh , 8c Moore, 2005 ) . An earlier
international study showed similar reasons ( Bankole, Singh, & Haas, 1998 ).
the term pro -life doesn’t accurately reflect the views of the
reported encountering negative attitudes from repro - decision myself . Now I am one face of late-
term abortion. Terminating my pregnancy
ductive health -care providers and, especially, the belief
was the right thing to do for my situation
that they shouldn’t be sexually active because they might and especially for our sweet baby girl, who
become pregnant (Ahumuza, Matovu, Ddamulira, & was born into peace rather than suffering.
Muhanguzi, 2014 ). Also, a legal guardian of an individ - In order to make her heart whole, we had
ual with a disability might seek a court -ordered abortion, to irrevocably break our own .
365
particularly after a rape ( Dhillon 5c Lefebvre, 2011 ). A major goal of the dis-
ability rights movement is to affirm the right to make reproductive decisions,
regardless of one’s ability status (Saxton, 2013 ).
Women in the United States generally have access to safe and legal abor-
tions, although some states have multiple restrictions and few abortion centers.
In other countries, many women don’t have access to safe and legal abortions,
but they have the procedure anyway. For example, an estimated 49% of the
abortions performed globally in 2008 were unsafe, and countries with restrictive
abortion laws generally had higher rates of abortion than those with less restric-
tive laws (Sedgh ct al., 2012 ). The researchers speculate the findings reflect the
fact that countries with restrictive abortion laws also don 't provide access to
effective contraception .
Mental Health Outcomes One factor in the abortion debate is whether the
procedure negatively affects women’s mental health. Some opponents assert
that having an abortion leads to psychological problems, a condition they call
post- abortion syndrome ( Kelly, 2014 ). In fact, counselors at pregnancy centers
generally tell women that having an abortion is likely to negatively influence
their mental health ( Dadlez & Andrew, 2010; Kelly, 2014 ) . However, some
scholars have argued that telling women they’re likely to develop psychological
problems after having an abortion can make them feel scared and ashamed ,
which may actually contribute to psychological distress ( Dadlez 5c Andrews,
2010; Kelly, 2014 ).
Some studies do suggest that women who have abortions show signs of
decreased mental health ( e.g., Fergusson, Horwood, 5c Bidder, 2006; Reardon
et al., 2003 ), but these studies have methodological flaws. Notably, they gener-
ally compare women who’ve had abortions to women who have carried wanted
pregnancies to term. Further, women who’ve undergone abortions may have
—
other, unrelated risk factors lower socioeconomic status, less education, or
—
a history of violence compared with women who carry planned pregnancies
to term ( American Psychological Association , 2008; Steinberg, McCulloch , 5c
Adler, 2014 ).
In a 2008 report, the American Psychological Association ( 2008 ) concluded
that abortion did not result in negative mental health outcomes but that having
an unplanned pregnancy is a significantly stressful life event. The APA noted
that, among women who have an unplanned pregnancy, the mental health
risks of a first - trimester abortion are no greater than the risks of carrying the
pregnancy to term . When controlling for prior history of mental health prob-
lems, women who had an abortion were found to have no greater mental health
risk than those who didn’t (Steinberg et al., 2014 ). Another study indicated
that the most frequent emotional response after abortion was relief, and most
participants said they had benefited more than they were harmed ( Major et al.,
Higher- cost
procedures
FIGURE 9.1 The negative outcomes of abortion stigma. Abortion stigma can
.
Hessini, & Mitchell 2009 )
.
negatively influence both the mental and the physical health of women. (After Kumar
2000 ) . In another research population , even among those who felt regret about
having an abortion , 89% still thought it was the right choice ( Rocca, Kimport, i !
2013 ). They also reported resorting to secrecy and selective Do you think there's stigma about
disclosure to avoid stigma. See Figure 9.1 for a flowchart of having, or even talking about, abortions?
negative outcomes associated with stigma about abortions. If so. do you think the stigma should be
Abortion, although common , is rarely discussed. Most reduced? How could this happen?
women think the procedure is rare and that they’re deviant
!i
Becoming a Mother
During the early years of sexual activity, young women usually worry more
that they might accidentally get pregnant rather than that they might not
get pregnant . Given this concern, a woman hoping to actually become a
mother may imagine that, after some well - timed intercourse, she’ll pec on a
• i .
pregnancy- testing stick, celebrate, and nine months later enjoy the birth of
I a baby. However, becoming and staying pregnant can be challenging for some
women.
i
!
;; Fertility
How can women learn to manage their fertility? What specific issues about
.
fertility must be considered by lesbian women transgender individuals, and
women with disabilities?
According to one study, 95% of U .S. women either had children , planned
to have children, or didn ’t have children but wished they did ( Newport &
Wilke, 2013 ). If a woman wants to become pregnant, it’s useful for her to
know something about her fertility. Individuals with childbearing capaci -
ties have monthly cycles in which they ovulate, and if they don ’t become
MKWB35wn
Pictured here while pregnant
is Try.star Reese, a transman:
* .
with his husband Biff
Chapfow. and their adopted
Infertility
How common is infertility, why do many women feel distressed by it and .
what are common methods of treating infertility as well as ethical dilemmas
associated with them ?
rience it . In fact , the Mayo Clinic estimates that men are a contributing factor
in about one third of cases ( Mayo Clinic Staff, n.d . ). However, women arc i|
more likely than men to initiate consultation and treatment ( Fairweather-
Schmidt, Leach , Butterworth , 8c Anstcy, 2014 ). Age is a factor too. Accord -
ing to the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists ( 2014 ),
women’s fertility declines gradually beginning at age 32 and more rapidly
after age 37. Those who delay childbearing arc at increased risk of infertility,
although many women don’t realize this ( Mac Dougall, Beyene, 8c Nachtigall,
2012 ). Male age can also increase the risk because older men produce sperm
that are less mobile and have lower volume than the sperm of younger men
( Kidd , Eskcnazi, 8c Wyrobck , 2001 ) . When couples seek treatment for infer-
tility, they’re more likely to be successful if the man is under 40, particularly
I if the female partner is younger ( Dodge, Penzias, 8c Hacker, 2017 ). Fur-
thermore, between 1973 and 2011, a significant decline in sperm counts ( by
around 50%-60% ) occurred in men throughout North America, Europe,
Australia, and New Zealand ( Levine et al ., 2017). The cause is unknown and
age ( success rates decrease with age ), whether they’re smokers ( which decreases
.
:
!
Reproductive Tourism
.
B
ecause surrogacy costs can be prohibitive, and (Deonandan et at 2012) . However , poor women who en-
because surrogacy is outlawed in some U.S. states gage in surrogacy to earn income may see this activity as
and Western European countries, individuals may making a free choice about the use of their bodies. Some
engage in reproductive tourism , traveling to other feminists argue against the practice; others embrace it
countries to obtain reproductive treatments and. often, a but advocate for it to be used in ways that benefit peo-
lower-cost surrogate (Deonandan. Green. & van Beinum, ple’s lives. However, the fact that people with more power
2012). Between 2002 and 2015, India was a common loca- pay people with less power to have their children raises
tion for reproductive tourism (The Guardian. 2015). The cost complex concerns that cannot be ignored ( Parks. 2010).
of surrogacy there was approximately $30,000—about one In one study, researchers determined that the demands
third the cost in the United States. The surrogate received of the parents who wanted the baby took priority over the
up to $8,000 of this money, although many received less. health and safety of the surrogate (Tanderup. Reddy. Patel.
The fact that wealthy women, or gay male couples, & Nielsen, 2015 ). Furthermore, in order to maximize their
from one country pay poor women from another coun- reported success rate, doctors made decisions about how
try to carry their children can be seen as exploitative many embryos were implanted without fully disclosing the
risks involved. One woman described signing the surrogacy
contract: ’’They just told that like you have a drop of water,
we will keep that and grow it by means of injection. You
will have to keep it in your womb for nine months and then
deliver the child No benefit, no risk was told" (p. 494 ).
In 2012, India banned gay couples and single people from
seeking surrogates; in 2015. it banned all foreign couples
from seeking surrogates (Sugden & Malhotra , 2015 ). Al-
though some people applauded the decision, it was particu-
larly devastating for couples who had started the process and
paid considerable money, some of whom had eggs stored in
Mumbai that they were attempting to retrieve. The decision
was also questioned by some Indian surrogates who wanted
to continue because they were comfortable, received three
» I 9
.
hot meals a day and made more money than they would
be able to otherwise. One surrogate who earned $1,797
.
when she delivered noted "What my husband earned in
Some people use international surrogacy to have children, four years, I managed to earn in the one year that I carried a
as the cost can be lower than in their home country. child" (Kumar, 2015, para. 21). Overall, while many critics may
However, there are complicated concerns surrounding the see such women as being exploited by rich foreigners, the
use of other women's bodies for reproductive purposes. women themselves often see their decision as a free choice.
The woman shown here is resting at a temporary home Do you think international surrogacy is empowering
for surrogate mothers in western India. or oppressing for women? What policies could be put in
? place to make this practice more empowering?
376
A common theme among women experiencing stillbirth was a sense of over-
whelming emptiness when they had to leave the hospital ( Lindgren, Malm , 6c
Radestad , 2013/ 2014 ). One woman said, “ I think that was the worst thing of
all, it was sick to leave your own baby, to leave it at the hospital. To return home
empty handed. You just do not leave your baby” ( p. 340 ). Since most people
know that a woman is pregnant by 20 weeks, parents arc in the uncomfortable
position of having to tell friends and colleagues what happened . Many women
grieve for up to two years or more, and the process of deciding to conceive
again can be highly anxiety provoking ( Hughes 6c Riches, 2003 ). Social sup-
port, especially from family members, can decrease depression and anxiety after
a stillbirth ( Cacciatorc, Schncbly, 6c Froen, 2009 ).
Adoption
What are some of the psychological factors involved in adopting a child and
placing a child for adoption ?
—
the agency. These adoptions can be expensive in 2012-2013, the average
cost was approximately $40,000 ( “ Comparing the Costs,” n .d . ). Instead of
working through an agency, families may organize an independent adoption
with a birth mother and her lawyer. Finally, families may consider international
i
i adoption.
In all public and agency- based private adoptions, as well as most international
adoptions, prospective families undergo a home study by a social worker ( Child
Welfare Information Gateway, 2015 b ). This investigation typically includes par-
enting classes, background checks, examination of health and financial records,
reference checks, submitting an autobiographical statement, an interview, and
i
a home visit to assess the safety of the home and the neighborhood . All the
scrutiny can be highly stressful for potential parents. One woman who’d been
|
through several failed IVF cycles said: “ Haven’t I gone through enough already
to prove that I deserve to be a parent ? ” ( Davenport , 2010, para. 1 ) .
Once a family adopts a child , the transition can be stressful ( Goldberg, 2010 ).
They may experience declines in relationship satisfaction and mental health as
1 well as lingering legal complications ( Goldberg, Moyer, Kinkier, & Richardson,
2012; Goldberg & Smith, 2011; South, Foli, &: Lim , 2013 ) . Post -adoptive
depression is more likely if a mother’s post -adoption realities don’t meet her
pre-adoption expectations ( Foli, South , Lim, & Jarnccke, 2016 ) . In one study
done in the United Kingdom and Ireland, adoptive mothers reported feeling
:
1 labeled as either “ desperate ” or “ heroes,” and many felt pressure to be perfect
parents and felt stress when their children acted out ( Weistra & Luke , 2017 ) .
:
Social support appears to reduce the stress associated with post -adoption tran -
sition, particularly when children had unexpected characteristics, such as behav-
ioral concerns ( Foli et al ., 2016; Moyer & Goldberg, 2017 ).
Women who place their children for adoption can experience great loss. In
one study, birth mothers’ mental health improved over time, but 75% described
their mental health as poor, very poor, or neutral ( Brodzinsky & Smith ,
! 2014 ). Because such research doesn’t include a control group of women with
unwanted pregnancies who didn’t place their children for adoption , it doesn’t
clarify whether adoption, per se, is related to negative outcomes or whether
I; the women would have had mental health difficulties anyway. Openness in the
' . •
adoption process and contact between the birth mother and the adoptive child
have been found to improve satisfaction and positive mental health for birth
i,
mothers ( Gc et al., 2008 ).
Open communication can also benefit the adopted child. One study, focus-
i'
ing mainly on interracial adoptions, found that the ability to have contact with
' the birth parent predicted increased self- esteem and fewer behavior problems
. 1i *'
. in adopted children ( Brodzinsky, 2006 ). In another study, lesbian couples
reported preference for open adoption , since it ensured that they wouldn’t
i
have to hide their sexual identity ( Goldberg, Kinkier, Richardson , & Downing,
i
2011). They also were more likely than heterosexual couples to sec birth
;
:
parents as part of their extended family. Regardless of sexual orientation, cou -
ples who pursue open adoption often develop meaningful relationships with
birth parents.
Mothering an adopted child , especially one whose racc/cthnicity is differ-
ent from one’s own, presents joys and challenges. Children adopted into tran -
sracial families are generally psychologically well adjusted ( Boivin & Hassan,
2015; Mohanty 8c Ncwhill, 2006 ) . Such families do best if the adoptive parents
neither deny nor overstate the differences between themselves and their child.
However, children in transracial adoptions may experience discrimination that
their family members do not. It’s noteworthy that while White parents often
adopt babies of different races or nationalities, parents of color rarely adopt
White babies ( Lee, 2003 ) . One reason is that approximately one third of chil -
dren in the foster system are Black , so Black families have a greater chance
of adopting a same- race child ( Dokoupil, 2009 ) . Public reaction to the rarity
of non -White families adopting White children was evident in the experience of
—
one Black family strangers would ask their White daughter if she was “okay”
and even follow her to make sure she wasn’t being kidnapped ( Dokoupil, 2009 ) .
Unequal access in the adoption process is another example of stratified repro-
duction , and the negative reactions to Black families that adopt White babies
reflect continued racism .
Pregnancy
How does pregnancy affect the body, women' s view of their bodies, and the
way women are treated by others?
Pregnancy can bring profound physical, social, and emotional changes. In early
stages, approximately 85% of women experience morning sickness, which
includes nausea and vomiting. Morning sickness is actually associated with
—
lower miscarriage rates in other words, it can be a sign of a healthy pregnancy
( Flaxman & Sherman, 2000 ) . It’s usually triggered by the smell or taste of
specific foods, including meats, some vegetables, cigarette smoke, and alco-
hol. Researchers hypothesize that morning sickness developed as an adaptive
mechanism to keep women from ingesting potentially harmful substances while
pregnant ( Flaxman & Sherman, 2000 ) . Although symptoms generally subside
after the first 12 weeks, some women experience them throughout the preg -
nancy ( Tiran, 2014 ). Morning sickness can be particularly stressful at work
or in social settings, especially if the mother doesn’t want to share that she’s
pregnant .
Pregnancy and Body Image One challenge is adjusting to body changes —
particularly weight gain, since Western culture values the thin ideal. Some women,
.
however, may feel liberated from that ideal and sec their bodies as functioning
to give life rather than as objects to be viewed and judged . Research reflects
these contradictory perspectives. Some studies have shown that pregnant
women arc dissatisfied with their bodies ( e.g., Skoutcris, Carr, Wertheim,
—
Paxton, 8c Duncombe, 2005; Strang 8c Sullivan, 1985 ) especially early in
the second trimester as they begin to gain weight but don’t look obviously
pregnant ( Goodwin , Astbury, & McMeeken , 2000; Skoutcris et al ., 2005 ).
However, other research has shown that pregnant women are more satisfied
with their bodies than non- pregnant women are ( Loth , Bauer, Wall , Bcrgc, Sc
Neumark -Sztainer, 2011 ).
Although pregnant women may feel less pressure to conform to the thin
ideal, they can still experience pressure to remain physically fit . One study of
a pregnancy- focused fitness magazine showed an emphasis on fitness before
and during pregnancy in order to prepare the body for delivery and to facili -
tate weight loss afterward ( Dworkin & Wachs, 2004 ) . Following pregnancy,
women were repeatedly encouraged to “ get their body back.” Media expo -
sure to celebrities who’ve “ gotten their bodies back ” only weeks after delivery
( ignoring the roles of chefs, personal trainers, and nannies ) reinforces these
unrealistic ideals. In fact, exposure to such celebrity images has been shown
:
i
to decrease body satisfaction even among non - pregnant women ( Hopper 8c
Aubrey, 2016 ).
The fear of gaining weight during pregnancy and looking awkward ( “ Docs
: my bump look big in this? ” ) can detract from a woman’s positive experience of
pregnancy and lead to anxiety ( Johnson , Burrows, 8c Williamson , 2004 ). Fur-
thermore, body dissatisfaction during pregnancy can predict other negative psy -
chological states, such as depression and a decreased commitment to mothering
( Fuller-Tyszkiewicz, Skouteris, Watson , 8c Hill, 2012 ). In one study, women
reported feeling better when they focused on what their bodies were doing
•i rather than how their bodies looked , as well as when they received positive
If: feedback about their appearance from partners ( Watson , Broadbcnt, Skouteris,
;
i!I it
•
How Pregnant Women Are Treated People treat women differently when
—
they’re pregnant for example, with unwelcome belly touching. In one study,
fill
.E
most participants reported that others routinely touched
—
their bellies without permission “ You become public
property and anyone can touch you ” ( Johnson ct al.,
spotlight o n . .
2004, p. 365 ). Strangers also tend to talk to pregnant
women and give unsolicited advice. In a project where Pregnancy and
Black women were asked to list acts of kindness that
they wished would happen when they were pregnant , Alcohol
many said they wished strangers would stop talking There are significant risks associated with
to them and stop touching their bellies ( Jones ct al ., alcohol consumption during pregnancy
2010 ) . ( Williams, Smith , & Committee on Sub - \
Pregnant women often experience benevolent sexism. stance Abuse, 2015 ) . The American Acad - -
Some people give up seats or help them carry boxes, and emy of Pediatrics notes there is no known
these gestures can be a welcome form of help ( Jones safe amount of alcohol consumption
et al., 2010 ) . However, as discussed in Chapter 2, benev- during pregnancy and recommends com-
plete abstinence during pregnancy, yet in
olent sexism is generally directed toward women who
many parts of the world, consumption of
conform to gender roles. In one study, when women
small amounts after the first trimester is
who appeared to be pregnant ( but were actually wear- widely accepted (Shawe et al., 2015 ). And
ing pregnancy prosthescs ) asked for help, they received research has shown that although heavy
responses such as smiling, nods, and over- helpfulness alcohol consumption is related to low birth
( Hebl, King, Click , Singletary, & Kazama, 2007 ) . But in weight , pre- term birth, and childhood
the same study, when women who appeared to be preg - behavioral problems, the same patterns
nant applied for a job ( a violation of traditional norms ), aren' t found for children of mothers who
people were generally rude to them . Other researchers engage in light drinking — less than one
have found that individuals holding benevolent sexist drink daily or one to two drinks weekly
( Kelly et al., 2008; Patra et al., 2011) .
beliefs are more likely to stop a pregnant woman from
In 2016, the U . S. Centers for Disease
engaging in a behavior that they deem risky (Sutton
Control and Prevention (CDC) recom -
ct al ., 2011 ) .
mended that all sexually active women of
White, able- bodied , uppcr- middlc-class women who
child- bearing age refrain from any alcohol
arc pregnant are generally treated with kindness and use unless they ' re using birth control
!
benevolent sexism , but pregnant, poor, single, Black, (Centers for Disease Control, 2016 b ) .
and teen mothers are generally negatively stereotyped . Because this recommendation views any
In one survey of mostly White and Asian undergraduate sexually active woman as potentially
students, researchers found that a Black woman who was pregnant , feminist activists criticized it as
described as pregnant was seen as less likely to have the patronizing and condescending. Writer
child’s father involved and more likely to need public assis- Alexanda Petri ( 2016 ) quipped, "No alcohol
tance than a White woman who was described as preg- for you, young women ! The most important
nant ( Rosenthal & Lobel , 2016 ). Teen pregnancy is also fact about you is not that you are people
but that you might potentially contain
often seen as a problem . Most people perceive teen moth -
people one day " ( para . 15 ). Furthermore, al -
ers as deviant, and many social policies aim to decrease
though binge drinking and chronic alcohol
teen motherhood ( Wilson & Huntington, 2006 ). How- use by men affect sperm and can contrib-
ever, research suggests that negative outcomes associ- ute to fetal alcohol syndrome ( Abel 2004;
ated with being a teenage mother arc almost entirely Ouko et al., 2009 ), the CDC recommenda-
due to the increased likelihood of poverty rather than tions didn ' t address male drinking.
381
I
:
i
i
i Childbirth
How do women's experiences in childbirth often differ from their expectations?
In the movies, a woman usually cries “The baby is coming!” and is rushed to
the hospital . She briefly pushes and screams, and the baby pops out. In reality,
though , childbirth can take a very long time. During labor, the cervix becomes
dilated , widening to allow the mother to push the baby through . Before the
baby can come out, the cervix must be dilated 10 cm , and this can take many
.
i
— —
hours even several days after contractions begin . Although it’s generally rec-
ommended that labor proceed on its own , in some cases labor needs to be
:
induced, or sped up through medical intervention.
Women may choose interventions to decrease their pain during labor and
!
delivery. One common intervention is an epidural, which involves a health -
care provider administering anesthesia to the base of the spine with a needle .
Although an epidural provides effective pain relief, it can disrupt the labor pro-
cess and increase the likelihood that the woman will need additional interven -
tion, including drugs, to speed her labor ( Lothian , 2014 ) . Also, if the baby’s
n
Si head doesn’t have enough room to exit the vaginal opening, a provider may
recommend an episiotomy, a cut between the vagina and the anus to create a
I larger opening for delivery (see Figure 9.3). Although an episiotomy may speed
up delivery, it may increase pain compared to unassisted tearing. Furthermore, it
» !*
can contribute to urinary or anal incontinence after childbirth , although stichcs
ii I generally minimize this risk. As a third intervention, if labor isn’t progressing or
i
the baby is in breech position ( i.e., with feet rather than head facing the vaginal
m -
opening ), the woman may need a cesarean section ( C section ). During this pro-
1 :i cedure, the baby is delivered through incisions in the abdominal wall and uterus.
! Advocates for healthy childbirth suggest that induced labor, epidurals, episi -
•
i» otomics, and cesareans are overused. For example, in 2015, 32% of women in the
i
United States had cesarean births ( Martin , Hamilton , Osterman, & Matthews,
2017 ), although other research finds that only approximately 10% of such births
Ii
382 Chapter 9 Reproduction and Mothering
ii
I
: Tv 4
t
9
't
/ - •<
'
A;
•
• •
;. r a i
4
'•
Fetal head
/
bulging /
r
V
0
Vaginal - Operating
opening scissors
Medio-lateral
episiotomy am
/
//
Anus
Midline
episiotomy
FIGURE 9.3 In an episiotomy, a cut is made between the vaginal opening and the anus
to widen the area for the baby ’ s head to pass through during birth. Episiotomies are
fairly common procedures, and the size of the cut varies by situation. Current guidelines,
.
however, do not recommend them in every case.
arc medically necessary ( Yc, Betran, Guerrero Vela, Souza, Sc Zhang, 2014 ). ;•
Prc-schcduled cesarean births arc convenient for medical providcis, and hospi -
)
tals can charge higher fees for cesarean births as opposed to vaginal deliveries
( Gcirrson, 2016 ). An analysis by the World Health Organization concluded that
nations with cesarean birth rates above 15% were performing many unnecessary
cesarean births and were over- utilizing global resources ( Gibbons et al., 2010 ).
Women in industrialized countries who are healdiy and having no birdi compli
canons arc routinely encouraged to select interventions such as labor induction, epi -
durals, and episiotomies ( Dcdcrcq, Sakala, Corry, & Applebaum , 2007; Johanson,
Ncwburn, & Macforlane, 2002 ). One reason is diat for many years praennoners
operated under the belief that labor should progress by 1 cm an hour and that
slower labor required speeding up dirough medical interventions. Ho^ exer, rec-
ommendations are shifting to acknowledge the fact that slower labors reflect natural
variations and diat doctors should have more patience (Caughey, Cahill, Guise, &
Rouse, 2014). Practice, though, is often slow to catch up with recommendations.
. 1. Let labor begin on its own , rather than through induction, to decrease
risk of prematurity as well as risks of other medical interventions.
2. Walk, move around , and change positions during labor to promote
pain relief.
3. Bring a loved one or a doula for support . A doula is a trained , paid
professional who provides emotional and physical support before,
during, and after birth .
! !: 4. Avoid interventions unless they’re medically necessary, and medical
• ! professionals should acknowledge that labor can take a long time .
; 5. Try not to give birth on your back, and push only when your body
i
tells you it’s ready. Standing, squatting, or sitting takes advantage of
"
gravity, but lying down may be convenient for a doctor who can easily
1
see what’s going on .
1
!
?i
6. Keep mother and baby together, and let them experience immediate
skin -to-skin contact.
i? ;
i ;J ; Although these guidelines arc useful, one study found that only 2% of partici -
pants experienced births that follow them ( Dcclcrcq ct al ., 2007 ) . For example,
!
39% of participants had babies taken away by staff for routine, non -emergency
!'
interventions ( e.g., being cleaned and weighed ) immediately after birth
( Dcclcrcq et al., 2007; Ondcck, 2014 ). Also, immediate skin - to-skin contact
was less common in public hospitals, where women of low socioeconomic status
' arc more likely to give birth ( Rowc- Murray & Fisher, 2002 ).
Being a Mother
When a woman becomes a mother, she experiences a great deal of change. Many
of the changes are positive, but there’s also a lot of stress, including a sense of
identity loss and the possibility of post - partum depression and anxiety.
Identity Changes
How does becoming a mother affect women psychologically?
First- time mothers experience a huge shift in identity. No longer defined solely
as their own person , they’re now someone’s mother. And the process of becom -
ing a mother involves many complicated emotions. Some women adjust easily,
especially if being a mother was a role they’d valued throughout their lives. For
example, in a study of identity change during the motherhood transition, one
woman said: “Anyone who’s had a positive preg -
nancy test, you’re a mom. You love that child
more than anything the moment you see that
positive pregnancy test ” ( Lanev, Hall , Anderson ,
&: Willingham, 2015, p. 131 ) . Other women
don’t feel instant love: “ When he first came out
I didn’t have this 100 percent overwhelming
feeling of, T love you , I will do anything for
you’” ( p. 132 ) . Some mothers describe anxiety:
“ It was kinda scary really; this baby is just going
to depend on me” ( Cronin , 2003, p. 264 ).
Many women have reported a loss of identity
because they have to give up their own needs in
order to care for their child: “ It almost feels like
a loss of self at the beginning with the first child ,
Motherhood can be a time of profound identity shift just because newborns basically need you 24/7”
for women It 's common for women to experience ( Lancy ct al., 2015, p. 132 ). This feeling can
some sadness and anxiety as they adjust to their new improve over time, though . One woman noted,
role and the demands associated with parenting. “ It makes me a better mom to find that balance
[ between doing things for myself and spending
time with kids] because, if I only am focused on motherhood , the other part of
you . . . can be lost and forgotten and you go, ‘Wait, well, who am I?’” ( p. 132 ).
However, women who felt they were born to be mothers had difficulty figuring
out how to define themselves as their children grew up. Transitioning to a mother
identity is further complicated for women who don’t give birth to their children .
For example, lesbian co- mothers may struggle over how to identify themselves and
what to call themselves and be called by their children ( Dahl & Malterud , 2015 ).
Women who have a disability face unique changes. For many, the transition
to motherhood is positive in that other people may see them not simply as a
woman with a disability, but as a mother ( Lawler, Begley, 8c Lalor, 2015 ). This
can promote an increased sense of belonging and acceptance in a society that
generally stigmatizes people with disabilities. However, women with disabilities
often encounter stigma about their ability to mother, which can create anxi -
ety or self- doubt . One woman who used a wheelchair described: “This woman
[ midwife ] pulled my mother aside and said ‘Your daughter is not fit to look after t •
this baby, this baby is going to end up being taken away by social services,’ after
that I was always afraid that someone would ring social services” ( Lawler et al.,
2015, p. 7 ) . Another woman , who was hard of hearing, noted: “The nurses 11
were very judging . . . they were going around to all the other mothers in the i «
How common are post- partum depression and anxiety, and what forms can
these disorders take?
The difficulty of caring for an infant is rarely discussed in public; instead, media
images of women holding babies glorify motherhood as a time of pure joy
and love. Yet women have identified a “conspiracy of silence ” in which no one
!
talks about die extreme difficulty of infant care, particularly in environments with
few financial or structural supports ( Mercer, 2004, p. 230 ). Most women, in
fact, experience some negative feelings during the transition to motherhood . The
J baby blues occurs in 80% of women and involves crying, poor sleep, irritability,
and anxiety. However, baby blues generally ends within 10 days after the birth.
l
Some women experience more significant difficulties after giving birth,
including clinical levels of depression and anxiety. These combined difficul -
I ties are called post - partum mood disorders, an umbrella term that includes
post - partum depression as well as post - partum anxiety. Post-partum depres-
sion involves symptoms including feelings of sadness, anxiety, exhaustion, guilt ,
I worthlessness, and suicidal ideation . Post - partum depression occurs in 7% to
> -
i . 20% of women and is often undiagnosed and untreated ( Gavin et al . , 2005 ).
Although post- partum depression is defined as beginning in the weeks after
i'
'
nant women who are depressed receive accurate diagnoses less frequently than
i • non - pregnant depressed women ( Ko, Farr, Dietz, 8c Robbins, 2012 ) .
Several factors can contribute to post - partum depression , especially a pre-
vious history of depression or anxiety, a perceived lack of social support, and
stressful life events during pregnancy or early motherhood ( Robertson , Grace,
:
Wallington , 8c Stewart, 2004 ). Furthermore, after giving birth , a woman’s
f
: progesterone and estrogen levels drastically decrease, which may contribute to
i
both the baby blues and post - partum depression ( O’Hara 8c McCabe, 2013 ) .
i
Research suggests that women who are particularly susceptible to hormone fluc-
. tuations may be more likely to develop post - partum depression even without
a previous history of depression (Schiller, Meltzer- Brody, 8c Rubinow, 2015 ).
ii Also, sleep deprivation in the early months of caring for an infant can trigger
•i
depression ( Dorheim, Bondevik, Eberhard -Gran, 8c Bjorvatn , 2009 ) .
Men , too, may feel depressed after the birth. One 23- year longitudinal study
.• : found heightened depression levels in men during the first five years after having
. !
children ( Garfield et al., 2014 ). As noted earlier, the stresses of parenting young
V!
children are related to a decline in relationship satisfaction , which may contrib -
:! ute to this depression in men. Transmen who birth children may be particularly
} at risk for post - partum depression because of the lack of social support for their
!i
pregnancy ( Light et al., 2014 ).
J
Although investigated less frequently than depression , anxiety is a common
II component of post- partum mood disorder ( Bclluck, 2016 ). In fact, one study
; showed that post - partum anxiety was actually more common than depression
( Wenzel, Haugen, Jackson , 8c Robinson , 2003 ). Post-partum anxiety involves
worry, a sense of dread, obsessive checking, difficulty sleeping, and other symp-
toms such as dizziness, nausea, and headaches. In a study of new mothers
drawn from a large urban center, every mother reported fear that her child
. would be accidentally harmed ( Fairbrothcr 8c Woody, 2008 ). Also, thoughts of
I!
intentionally harming the infant were unexpectedly common. When the infants
were four weeks old, 49.5% of the sample had unwanted intrusive thoughts about
intentionally harming their child. Such thoughts may be triggered by hearing
the infants’ crying; in fact, in a different study, 24% of new mothers reported
thoughts of harm after being exposed to ten minutes of crying ( Fairbrother,
Barr, Pauwels, Brant, & Green, 2015 ). Mothers who have intrusive thoughts
of harm don’t usually act on these impulses, but they may withdraw from their
infants and experience shame and guilt about their feelings. The shame can also
-
contribute to post partum depression . Moreover, mothers may not tell others
about their symptoms because they fear judgment about being a bad mother.
In this way, post partum anxiety and depression are understood as interrelated.
Perhaps a key factor contributing to both post - partum depression and anxi -
ety is the social pressure from media , family members, and peers about what it
i -
means to be a mother. Mothers generally expect they should feel nothing but
happiness around their children, so if they experience negative emotions, they
may worry that something is wrong with them ( Held & Rutherford , 2012 ).
Sensational media reports about women with post - partum depression who kill
H;
-
their children contribute to this dynamic ( Martinez, Johnston Robledo, Ulsh,
& Chrislcr, 2001 ). Moreover, social media provides an outlet through which
mothers can compare themselves to others, and many women use it to commu -
nicate an identity of being a good mother ( Bartels, 2015 ). Because people don’t
generally post images of screaming and crying children, most everyone’s family
looks happy and well behaved . As a result, some women can experience a sense
of isolation about their mixed emotions and insecurities about parenting. Lately,
however, some blogs and websites are becoming increasingly confessional, and
mothers on these sites are sharing the challenges of parenting ( Howorth, 2017).
Breastfeeding
What are the advantages of breastfeeding, and how do cultural views
about breastfeeding affect women?
The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends exclusive breastfeeding for
six months and continued for a year or as long as is comfortable for mother and
child in combination with other foods ( Eidelman et al., 2012 ). In developing
countries, only 37% of children under six months are breastfed ( Victora et al.,
2016 ). Reasons for not breastfeeding include mothers’ perceptions of fathers’
attitudes, concerns about milk supply, and the need to return to work ( Arora,
Mcjunkin , Wehrer, & Kuhn, 2000 ). Women who are married , older, well edu-
cated, non -smokers, and of a higher socioeconomic status are more likely to
breastfeed ( Mathews, Leerkes, Lovelady, & Labban, 2014; Oakley, Renfrew,
Kurinczuk, & Quigley, 2013). In die United States, 81% of infants born in
i•
iiiu often stems from the fact that Western society generally views breasts as
having sexual, rather than functional, connotations. Furthermore, in one
.
i
study, benevolent sexist beliefs were found to relate to disapproval of public
breastfeeding, especially by men ( Acker, 2009 ). Women who self- objcctify
i may be especially concerned about breastfeeding because the appearance of
1 '
their breasts might change ( Johnston - Robledo & Fred , 2008; Johnston -
Robledo, Wares, Fricker, & Pasek, 2007 ). Furthermore, respondents in one
: study saw breastfeeding women as less competent, especially in a work envi -
ronment (Smith, Hawkinson, 8c Pauli, 2011 ). Overall, then, while breast -
feeding may benefit the health of the child and the mother, there can be real
social costs.
die responsibility for feeding onto the birth mother. Since newborns require
feedings every two to three hours for several months, botdc feeding can be a
way of involving both parents and giving birth mothers a period of welcome, !
uninterrupted sleep.
Clearly, women experience pressure from both directions in terms of breast -
feeding. Those who breastfeed are often discriminated against and viewed as less
competent. Those who don’t breastfeed may feel guilty about their decision and ij
may be viewed as less adequate.
I
!F
children and a partner, how have you Another study showed that a mostly White sample of
and your partner handled dividing these same - gender couples tended to share child care and house-
responsibilities? If you identify as a wom- work more equitably than heterosexual couples ( Goldberg,
: an. why might you do more child care Smith , & Perry- Jenkins, 2012 ).
than you expect? If you don't identify as It’s unclear why heterosexual women do more child care
a woman and anticipate having a female than they expect. It could be that fathers are unwilling to
>
j
partner, why might you end up doing less do as much as mothers would like. However, in one study,
child care than you expect? What might researchers found that, while college women and men ideally
I
help you to avoid an unexpected slide wanted an equitable division of labor, college men expected
toward inequality?
i
to do 47% of child care while college women expected to
do 70% ( Askari , Liss, Erchull, Staebell, Sc Axelson, 2010 ) .
i
The data show diat the women were anticipating inequality
!t‘
; :
but may also have been anticipating reality. That said , some of the inequity may
result from maternal gatekeeping, in which mothers limit the extent of fathers’
!.
i involvement in child care. For example, women may set high standards for par-
i:
enting and assume that husbands arc unable to meet them ( Allen Sc Hawkins,
£
1999 ). Women may engage in this behavior because the mothering role pro -
: vides an important source of identity and esteem that they don’t want to have
i threatened ( Gaunt, 2008 ).
The expectations that mothers are more engaged with their children than
fathers continue as children grow. For example, parental involvement in schools
1 <|
'
is beneficial for children’s outcomes, but research on such involvement focuses
almost exclusively on modiers. One study whose title indicated it addressed
!I. parental involvement in schools actually was based on a sample diat was 90%
mothers ( Barnard, 2004 ).
)
;
I i.
Mother Blaming
How are mothers, especially those outside of the mold of what is
J
traditionally considered a " good mother, " blamed for anything negative
that happens to their children?
.
n
• «
Mothers may feel compelled to take more responsibility for child care because
I they’re generally considered responsible for how their children turn out.
i
I
s
—
Mother blaming the idea that mothers should be held responsible for the
—
actions, health , behavior, and well - being of their children is pervasive in
! >1
392 Chapter 9 Reproduction and Mothering
j :
•
i
I
Western society ( Allan , 2004; Jackson & Mannix, 2004 ). In one study, almost
all mothers reported feeling it was their fault if their children misbehaved, acted
against social norms, or became ill ( Jackson Sc Mannix, 2004 ) . Fathers were not
interviewed.
The discipline of psychology itself has a history of blaming mothers. In one
study, when researchers reviewed clinical psycholog)' journals from the 1970s
and 1980s, they found that mothers were blamed for 75 “ problems,” includ -
ing agitation , arson , fetishism, homosexuality, incontinence, schizophrenia,
school phobia , sibling jealousy, sleepwalking, transexualism, tantrums, timid -
ity, and ulcerative colitis ( Caplan 8c Hall - McCorquodalc, 1985, p. 348 ). As
one researcher pointed out , it was easier to blame mothers for their children’s
behavior than it was to look at the ways in which social policy and inadequate
community services contribute to strain on families ( Burrows, 2001 ).
Mothers who don ’t conform to expectations for being a “good mother”
( c.g., White, heterosexual , married , middle class ) are more likely to be blamed.
Poor mothers, for example, are often blamed for their bad “choices” if they have
low- birth - weight babies, but the health -care system’s inadequacy is rarely chal -
lenged ( Colker, 2015 ) . In contrast , there’s a notable lack of blame on wealthy
women who have low - birth -wcight babies due to carrying multiple fetuses as
a result of IVF. Also, poor, Black women who arc addicted to drugs have been
arrested and prosecuted at higher rates than White women . One study showed
that White and Black women had similar rates of drug use during pregnancy,
but Black women were ten times more likely to be reported to government
authorities ( Roberts, 1997 ) . In 2012, the New York Daily News reported that
women in public hospitals mainly serving minority and low-income populations
were being routinely tested for drugs, while women in private hospitals were
only being tested if they were obviously intoxicated ( Yaniv, 2012 ). Test results
were turned over to child protective services, and family courts were seeing
dozens of low - income mothers face neglect proceedings because of a positive
marijuana screening .
Some people also perceive single mothers as neglectful , immature, irresponsi -
ble, promiscuous, insecure, pessimistic, making poor choices, and having mental
health challenges ( Haire & McGcorgc, 2012 ). This attitude was evident in die
case of the woman, mentioned at the start of this chapter, who was arrested for
child abandonment after leaving her children in a food court while she attended
a job interview nearby. Single fathers in a similar situation, however, are gen -
erally seen as struggling with a difficult situation rather than acting irresponsi -
bly ( Haire 8c McGcorgc, 2012 ). Moreover, in the United States, mothers who
don’t speak English may be subject to mother blaming ( Colker, 2015 ). If diesc
women can’t complete paperwork in English, they may be accused of not caring
about their children’s education.
Mothers of children with disabilities have a long history of being blamed and
criticized ( Colker, 2015 ). Psychologists once claimed that “ refrigerator moms,”
Intensive Parenting
How have parenting norms changed in the last few decades to put
increased pressure on mothers?
Pressures on mothers have increased in all domains. Today, women are expected
to liveup to the ideal of intensive parenting ( Arcndell, 2000; Hays, 1996 )
they’re expected to be fully immersed in the parenting experience, seek expert
—
394 Chapter 9 Reproduction and Mothering
is
advice on how to parent, engage their children in cognitively stimulating activ-
ities to ensure optimal brain development, and feel fulfilled in their role as
mothers. Furthermore, parents are supposed to monitor and supervise their
children’s actions and activities in a way that wasn’t common a generation ago.
Back then, young children were routinely told to “ go play” and were allowed
to walk independently to school. Today, though, a culture of fear and anxiety
prevails ( Warner, 2006 ), bombarding parents with messages about dangers and
risks to their children. This culture continues even though crime has gone down
since the 1990s, and most of us live in a safer world than the generation before
us ( McGill, 2016 ).
Intensive parenting began as a middle - to upper- middle-class phenomenon
as parents attempted to “cultivate ” their children’s brain development and build
up every possible talent or skill they may have ( Ginsburg, 2007; Lareau, 2002 ).
However, the idea that one must parent intensively has become more widely
accepted as the “ proper” mode of parenting ( Arendell, 2000 ), despite evidence
that children actually benefit from playing without adult supervision instead of
always being scheduled into organized activities supervised by adults ( Ginsburg,
2007 ). Lower- income mothers also feel the pressure to parent intensively,
resulting in guilt because they cannot afford activities that they believe will pro-
mote achievement, such as enrichment lessons and extra classes ( Romagnoli &
Wall, 2012 ).
Feminist Mothering
What does it mean to be a feminist mother?
People often stereotype feminists as being anti- motherhood and anti -family.
For example, feminists have been accused of destroying the family and of
hating children ( Dillaway & Pare, 2008; Faludi, 1991; Feder, 2006 ). More
recently, a radio talk show host was quoted as saying, “ I believe history will
go back to this period of time and will look at feminism and say there was a
time in which women lost the love of their children ” (Steiger, 2013, para. 11).
Although these false accusations reflect inaccurate stereotypes, feminists do
report a lower desire to have children than non -feminists ( Hartwell, Erchull, &
Liss, 2014 ).
Feminists have had a conflicted relationship with mothering. A few decades
ago, many second wave feminists saw motherhood as a source of oppression
for women (Snitow, 1992; Umansky, 1996 ). However, around the same
time, cultural feminists who emphasized women’s special characteristics
viewed motherhood as a source of women’s enhanced empathy and strength
( Ruddick, 1989 ). Today, many feminists recognize that Western society
doesn’t adequately value or compensate motherhood and care work in general
oppression ( Mack - Canty 8c Wright, 2004 ). Finally, one study showed that
having a feminist mother predicts identifying as a feminist when the child is i
< .
What makes the choice about whether or not to work challenging for
mothers? i
;
One of the most important decisions many mothers face after childbirth is
whether to continue in the paid workforce . Acceptance and support of work-
i
ing mothers now represents the majority position in the United States. For
example, only one third of survey respondents in 2012 thought that mothers
of pre - school children shouldn’t work, while more than half of survey respon -
dents believed this in 1988 ( Donnelly et al ., 2016 ). Furthermore, for many
i ••
families, the decision isn’t a real choice; they simply need two incomes. In other i
cases, mothers can’t work due to forces outside their control, such as a poor
economy or a disability that precludes working. Despite the increased accep-
tance of working, women of different social classes may receive conflicting
messages in terms of whether working is beneficial. Poor Black mothers may
be stereotyped as welfare queens and encouraged to go back to work ( Foster,
2008 ), while middle - class, White stay-at - home mothers are likely to be praised
( Dillaway 8c Pare, 2008 ) . Some people assume that maternal employment
is bad for children , but research shows that, overall, children do just as well :
— —
cognitively and emotionally in some cases, slightly better when their moth-
ers work as when they stay at home ( Goldberg, Prause, Lucas-Thompson, 8c
Himsel, 2008 ). ;
In particular, girls whose mothers work can benefit because working mothers
provide a positive role model ( Goldberg et al., 2008 ). A meta -analysis indi-
cated that maternal employment was related to higher levels of achievement and
fewer problems with depression and anxiety in daughters ( Lucas-Thompson,
Goldberg, 8c Prause, 2010 ). However, this study did indicate small negative
effects ( on formal test scores) of maternal employment very early in chil- i
dren’s lives ( e.g., the first year ), especially in White and middle-class families.
Such research results point to the importance of generous maternal leave poli -
cies ( which we’ll discuss in Chapter 10 ). However, one study with low-income
Black and Latinx families found that when mothers worked during the first eight
i months of their children’s lives, the children had enhanced social and emo-
tional functioning at age seven, especially in Black families ( Coley & Lombardi,
2013). Another advantage of maternal employment is that fathers are likely to
spend more time with their children in families where mothers work ( Hsin &
Felfe, 2014 ).
!
In sum, the findings indicate that after children are one year old, maternal
;
employment has beneficial effects. The effects in children under one year of age
appear to vary and depend on the specific family situation.
The joys and challenges of mothering continue as children grow, and parents
adjust not only their expectations for the children but also their own level of
involvement. As children enter middle childhood and , especially, adolescence,
they develop more independence from their parents, have more interactions
with peers, and are expected to become more autonomous in terms of school -
,
work (Steinberg & Silk, 2002 ).
Adolescence can bring particular challenges for mothers. One study suggests
that parenting an adolescent is actually more difficult than being an adolescent
(Steinberg, 2001). In fact, for parents, both life satisfaction and marital satisfac-
.
tion have been found to decline when children are teenagers, and parent -child
conflict continues to be a source of stress throughout a child’s adolescence
. (Steinberg & Silk, 2002 ). In a study of mostly White, highly educated mothers,
i
i'
the ages 12 through 14 were identified as the most stressful period of parent -
i!
ing ( Luthar & Ciciolla, 2016). This is when parents report the most negative
;>
feelings toward their children and the lowest levels of life satisfaction; however,
mothers of daughters reported slightly higher levels of parenting satisfaction
and felt closer to their child.
Sr
Parenting doesn’t end when children reach late adolescence and young
adulthood. Lately, there has been attention to the phenomenon of helicop-
1'
i
! I .
:iiji
!
•
i
»;
•
—
ter parenting an intensive parenting style targeted at high-school- age and
college-age students. One can think of it as intensive parenting for older chil -
3
dren. Helicopter parenting has been shown to relate to depression and reduced
satisfaction with life among college students (Schiffrin et al ., 2014 ). Intense
over-parenting of older children has also been linked to anxiety in parents as
well as narcissism and poor coping skills in children (Segrin, Woszidlo, Givertz,
- ,
t •
Conciusion
The transition to motherhood is a huge change in women’s lives. It can be a i
source of both intense stress and intense joy. One source of stress is the domi- i
nant ideology that links womanhood with motherhood . Because of this, those
who don’t wish to or are unable to have children are marginalized . Further, the
notion that women are natural mothers means that women are generally held I
responsible for the majority of child care, expected to engage in time-consuming
and intensive parenting practices to maximize their children’s outcomes, and are
blamed when anything goes wrong with their children . Mothers who don’t fit 1!
into dominant ideologies of motherhood are stigmatized. Although much of
the discourse about motherhood focuses on choices that women are supposed
to be making, the social pressures around motherhood mean that many of those 11
choices are actually limited .
The reproductive justice framework introduced at the beginning of the chap-
ter provides one way of conceptualizing what women need in order to have a
healthy relationship with motherhood . They need to be able to choose if and
when they will have children . They also need supports in order to raise their
children in safe and peaceful environments. In Chapter 10, we wall further dis-
cuss the supports women who have children do and do not receive as they try
to combine having children with work roles. In Chapter 14, we’ll re-visit some
of what mothers and those who support a reproductive justice framework have
done in order to advocate for themselves.
Conclusion 399 i
.
!
Chapter Review
;
SUMMARY
Reproductive Justice: A Question of Choice Miscarriage is very common , and many women
Many women who are less privileged have suffer grief in isolation . Stillbirth, while rare,
limited choices about whether and how can be psychologically devastating.
to parent. Adoption is a meaningful path to motherhood
The reproductive justice movement supports for many women, but private adoptions
the ability of all women to be able to make are expensive, and more affordable
informed choices about motherhood . public adoptions rarely facilitate adoption
of newborns.
Not Being a Mother Women experience a range of feelings about
Most women feel pressure to have children , their body while pregnant, and women can
but some choose to be child - free and generally have body image concerns both during and
have high levels of life satisfaction. after pregnancy.
There are decreasing negative attitudes Pregnant women often experience unwanted
: toward voluntary childlessness, except in touching and benevolent sexism .
pro- natalist countries.
«
During childbirth , many women receive
Most people have views about abortion that are unnecessary medical interventions that may
nuanced and complex. make them feel a lack of control over the
i
Many women have abortions; most women birth experience.
l who have abortions are already mothers and
i come from diverse backgrounds. Being a Mother
! i Abortion is related to a range of emotions, but Women may embrace the role of mother but
.
i
there is no evidence that having an abortion may also feel a sense of identity loss.
increases the risk for negative mental health Post- partum depression and anxiety arc
II outcomes more than bringing an unintended common, but women arc often ashamed to
i:
•
« pregnancy to term. admit their feelings and seek treatment.
!t :3
Although breastfeeding is recommended for
Hi Becoming a Mother infants, there arc inadequate social supports to
Understanding their bodies’ fertility signs can help mothers breastfeed and negative attitudes
1 help women if they wish to become pregnant. toward breastfeeding in public.
11
* Women who have difficulty conceiving can
become distressed, especially if they value the
Those who arc unable to breastfeed can
experience social disapproval .
role of motherhood as central to dicir identity.
i; Assisted reproductive technologies can help
Inequality in the division of household labor
: t. and child care increases after children arrive.
!
i ’* |
women with fertility challenges become
mothers. However, use of these techniques can
This is often unanticipated and can lead to
decreased marital satisfaction .
bring up ethical and moral dilemmas.
|
KEY TERMS
reproductive justice movement ( p. 360 ) miscarriage ( p. 375 )
stratified reproduction ( p. 360 ) stillbirth ( p. 375 ) i
voluntary childlessness ( p. 360 ) morning sickness ( p. 379 )
motherhood mandate ( p. 361 ) doula ( p. 384 )
!
post -abortion syndrome ( p. 366 ) baby blues ( p. 388 )
infertility ( p. 371 ) post - partum depression ( p. 388 )
social mothers (p. 372 ) post- partum anxiety ( p. 388 )
'
assisted reproductive technologies ( ARTs ) ( p. 372 ) maternal gatekeeping ( p. 392 )
intrauterine insemination ( IUI ) ( p. 372 ) mother blaming ( p. 392 )
in vitro fertilization ( IVF ) ( p. 372 ) intensive parenting ( p. 394 )
-
surrogacy ( p. 374 ) attachment parenting ( p. 396 ) i
THINK ABOUT IT
1. In what ways has a focus on choice helped 3. Are there any places in your community where
i
mothers, and in what ways has it harmed women can openly discuss abortion ? If so,
them ? Using the tenets of reproductive what helps to promote openness ? Based on
justice, what is a better way to talk about the research, what actions can you take to
motherhood ? decrease stigma around abortion ?
2. What arc the benefits and costs for women to 4. How do the dominant narratives of childbirth
have children ? Based on the research, what promote or undermine positive birthing
things should women consider if they are experiences for women ?
I
contemplating having children ? 5. How would you address inequality in the
division of household labor and child care?
:•
i
1
ONLINE RESOURCES
:
i
.i —
Guttmacher Institute information
regarding the reproductive choices of people of
—
Planned Parentliood reproductive
health care, sex education and information:
:
. all genders: guttmacher.org pIanncdparenthood .org
:
—
La Leche League International information
and support for mothers who breastfeed: llli.org
—
Sister Song a women of color reproductive
justice collective: sistersong.net
i
momsrising.org
—
MomsRising activism specific to mothering:
:
'
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i !
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:
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I I?
.
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1( 5
;
- I
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j
402 Chapter 9 Reproduction and Mothering
I
ON A TYPICAL DAY, Machelle Diemart, a high school English teacher at Tulsa
•
Memorial High School, wakes up at 4:30 a.m. and exercises for 30 minutes before
heading to school (Covert, 2018). When she gets home at 4:00 p.m., she grades
papers until 7:00. After dinner, she turns to lesson planning before going to bed.
She also carves out time to teach online courses and classes at her synagogue
just so she can "make close to what my husband makes, who' s a manager at a
Stanley Steemer" ( para. 24). However, it wasn't the long hours or low salary that
motivated her to join thousands of colleagues in a statewide strike. It was the
school condition and her overall concern for the children in her classroom. She
.
said "The last three years have been horrendous My classes have 36 kids in
them — so many that there aren't
enough seats, especially since some chairs are
broken" ( para. 23). She uses her own money to buy pencils for her students.
It has been a long time since the United States has had massive teacher strikes,
but in 2018, teachers walked out in West Virginia, Oklahoma , Kentucky, Colorado,
and Arizona (Dastagir, 2018). These strikes indicate that some teachers are be-
!
ii coming fed up with their challenging working conditions and are demanding
change. Their efforts seem to be successful. In West Virginia, for example, the
teacher ' s union achieved all of its legislative goals, including pay raises and bet -
I! ter funding for health insurance (McAlvey, 2018).
.
^ LCCA - _
JUSTKJ
404 Chapter 10 Work
1'
r.
Since three quarters of U.S. public school teachers are women (Tale. Goldring.
& Spiegelman, 2017 ), it ' s not surprising that teachers are facing low wages and
=
») .
:
M
are working long hours ( Bhattacharya , 2018 ). The fact that the kind of work that's {>
mostly done by women is both undervalued and underpaid is one of many work-
I
place barriers that women face. In this chapter, we’ll explore this as well as other
barriers to women ' s workplace equality. We'll discuss how women and men tend
to cluster in different occupations, and we 'll review the many explanations for
the pervasive pay gap in which women — especially women of color — consistently !
make less than White men. We ' ll explore sources of gender discrimination in the
workforce, the double bind that women face in evaluations of their leadership,
I
and harassment at work. Finally, we' ll discuss challenges that many women face
when they combine working with caring for a family. '
I'
I
1'
A /elution?
{
Why do some researchers say that the gender revolution is stalled?
i
Since the 1970s, women have made great strides in the paid workforce. In
2016, women constituted 46.8% of the paid labor force, compared to 38% in
1970 ( U.S. Department of Labor, n .d. ) . However, as Figure 10.1 shows, most
of the gains occurred in the 1970s and 1980s, and women’s participation in the
labor force has remained at essentially die same level since then . Nevertheless,
in terms of total participation in the workforce, women are within a few points
of total equality.
Furthermore, most people today support the idea that women should
work , and this support has increased since the 1970s. For example, in
1970, 51% of survey respondents indicated believing that it’s better if a
man achieves and a woman takes care of the family, but only 32% indicated i 'i
this in the 2010s ( Donnelly et al., 2016 ). Moreover, a Gallup poll released
in 2017 showed that, globally, 73% of women and 71% of men felt that
women should work outside of the home, but this varied widely by country i
( Farber, 2017 ).
However, overall employment rates and general attitudes about women and
—
work tell only part of the story in reality, equality has not been achieved. Some
researchers have called the gender revolution stalled and uneven ( England,
ii
2010; Sullivan, Gershuny, & Robinson, 2018 ). For example, while women have
increasingly entered the workforce, men have not been contributing to family
life at the same rate as women ( Goldscheider, Bernhardt, & Lappeg&rd, 2015 ). j.
<
;
i i
Men E8 Women
p
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2 60
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40
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zo 20
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as
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1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
1 Furthermore, as the teacher strikes demonstrate, care work ( which is the kind of
work that teachers do ) continues to be largely done by women and is especially
devalued and underpaid ( England & Folbre, 1999 ).
Continued inequality in the workforce is evident from the top to the bottom
i
: of the income and status hierarchy. For example, at the top of the hierarchy, as
v\ of December 2017 only 25 women ( 5% ) were CEOs of Fortune 500 companies
J:
(Wiener-Bronner, 2017 ), and only 22 of the 100 U.S. senators were women
! !I ( United States Senate, n .d.). For another high- profile example, only 18% of
I all directors, producers, editors, and cinematographers of the 250 top-grossing
i;
ill films from 2017 were women (Women and Hollywood , n .d . ).
I While women are under-represented in high-status jobs, they are over-
-
represented in low-status and low pay jobs. As the teacher strikes indicated,
many women struggle to get by from day to day. In 2016, 12.8% of all women
K in the United States lived in poverty, but only 9.3% of men did ( Patrick, 2017 ).
Other than Asian women, women of color had yet higher rates of poverty:
21.4% of Black women, 22.8% of Native American women, and 18.7% of Lat-
i
4' inx women lived in poverty in 2016 (10.7% of Asian women did ). Also, 30.7%
Jiii of women with disabilities lived in poverty. So progress toward equality in
work has been made, but gender inequality continues to harm women and
T’ their families.
How wide is the gender pay gap, and which groups of women are !!
particularly affected by it?
It is widely known that men earn more than women overall. In 2016, women
working full - time in the United States earned 80.5% of what men earned ( Insti -
t
tute for Women’s Policy Research, 2017 b ). In other words, if a man earned a
dollar, a woman earned 80.5 cents. This is an improvement over the 59 cents
that women earned for every dollar men did in 1974. However, most progress i
i
-
t
in this area occurred before 1990, so it’s possible to say that the march toward
financial equity has stalled . Moreover, overall numbers misrepresent variability
in die pay gap . As Figure 10.2 shows, when the pay gap is broken down by
race, it’s evident diat women of color experience a much wider gap, especially in .t
i
comparison to White men’s wages.
Further, women with disabilities earn about 73% less than women without
disabilities and 19.2% less than men with disabilities ( Jans & Stoddard, 1999;
U.S. Department of Labor, 2015 ). This discrepancy contributes to the high i
rates of poverty among women with disabilities ( Patrick, 2017 ). Statistics also
show that women with disabilities are far more likely to experience involuntary
unemployment ( DeLoach, 1995; Smith, 2014; Wu & Eamon, 2011 ) and typ-
ically receive less money than men do through federal disability benefits pro-
grams ( Ruffing, 2018 ). This is largely because, for those who worked prior to
II
80
;
60
40 *.
.
i
t!
i
20
0
White Black Asian Latinx
. !
FIGURE 10.2 Pay gap by race. Women earn less than men across racial/ethnic groups. 1
Women also earn less than men sharing their racial/ethnic identity. Black and Latinx women
are particularly disadvantaged in terms of earnings, compared to those of White men. :
.
Note Data from the Institute for Women’s Policy Research (2017b ).
i
j,
The Pay Gap 407
.
'
i
developing a disability that restricts ability to work, benefit amounts arc calcu-
lated according to one’s lifetime earnings, and women are more likely to have
worked in jobs that pay lower wages. Women with disabilities are also less likely
than men with disabilities to have had jobs at all, so their benefits arc often
through a separate program that provides less money.
The pay gap is particularly devastating for low- income women . Although
i
men make up 53% of the workforce, women make up 62% of the people who
earn minimum wage or lower ( Krogstad , 2014 ). However, the minimum wage
( which was $7.25 an hour as of 2018, although it’s higher in some states ) is
insufficient to pay for die needs of a family. It has been estimated that, in the
United States, a single mother with two children earning minimum wage would
have to work 138 hours per week in order to make enough to meet her family’s
basic needs, including housing, food , child care, health care, and transporta -
tion ( Glasmcier, 2016 ). That would mean working almost 20 hours every day,
seven days a week!
:
What are the two forms of occupational gender segregation, and how do
>
;•
ji they relate to the pay gap?
I
.
I One important reason for the pay gap is that women and men generally cluster
. in different jobs, and those dominated by women tend to be lower paying. The
tendenq' for women and men to cluster in different professions is known as
:
;
occupational gender segregation ( Hegcwisch &: Hartmann, 2014 ). There are
1' two types of occupational gender segregation, both of which contribute to the
i!
pay gap. Horizontal occupational gender segregation reflects the fact that men
and women tend to cluster into different professions. Vertical occupational
I
: :: gender segregation reflects the fact that men tend to hold positions with higher
status, authority, and pay than women within any given field . Both horizontal
r and vertical segregation contribute to the pay gap, but we’ll focus on horizontal
.!)
segregation here. Later, when we discuss issues that keep women from being
promoted into leadership positions, we’ll more fully discuss vertical segregation.
According to a report from the Institute for Women’s Policy Research
•i .
!
( 2017a ), women are more highly represented than men in low- paying jobs. For
'
example, in 2016, some of the jobs where women considerably outnumbered
.•
men included secretaries, receptionists, nurses, and elementary/ middle school
teachers. All these jobs are relatively low paying. Men were more likely to be
software engineers, managers, and executive officers. They were also more likely
to hold blue-collar jobs such as auto mechanics, truck drivers, electricians, and
carpenters. Women were three times more likely than men to hold jobs that had
poverty- level wages. Further, when jobs require similar levels of education, those
where men dominate tend to be higher paid. For example, teaching and software
V.
i
engineering require a similar amount of education , but the median weekly earn-
ing for male software engineers in 2016 was SI ,863, while female teachers only
earned S981 . In 2016, janitors, who arc mostly men, earned around S50 more i
!
per week than maids, who are mostly women, despite the fact that the educational
requirements are very similar ( Institute for Women’s Policy Research, 2017a ).
Research shows that the higher the number of women in a profession , the
lower the salary of that profession ( Cohen 8c Huffman , 2003; Hcgcwisch 8c
Hartmann , 2014 ) . This is the case across all skill levels, and although peo-
ple tend to work a greater number of hours in male-dominated occupations,
the differences arc evident when looking just at hourly wages ( Hegewisch 8c f '
Hartmann , 2014 ) . For example, women in low-skill, female-dominated occu -
pations ( where more than 75% of workers arc women ) earned 88% of the hourly
wage of women working in low-skill, male -dominated occupations. The dis-
crepancy was even more extreme for high -skill occupations; women in high-
skill, female-dominated occupations earned 71% of what women in high -skill,
male-dominated occupations earned. These findings show that women make
more money if they work in traditionally male - dominated occupations. Men s
who work in female-dominated occupations experience a discrepancy as well .
For example, men in high -skill, female -dominated occupations earned only 66% i;
1
The fact that female-dominated jobs tend to pay less is even evident within I ;
I .
the same general profession . For example, one study found that civil service (i
positions dominated by men were paid 30% more than civil service positions
dominated by women ( Cohen 8c Huffman , 2003 ). Likewise, managers of I: >
ress over time. For Asian women , having a higher level of education tends to
.
move them into occupations that pay more. However, for women of color from
other groups, those with a college degree tend to remain clustered in occupa- Ki
tions that generally pay less ( del Rio 8c Alonso-Villar, 2015 ). l ,
Horizontal occupational gender segregation also intersects with other aspects
of one’s social identity, such as sexual orientation . LGBTQ individuals may
avoid certain fields, such as education and health care, because they fear nega -
tive attitudes or prejudice ( Chung, 1995 ). For example, some gay men avoid
jobs in early education or remain closeted for fear that the “creepy pedophile ”
stereotype might harm their careers working with children ( Artavia, 2013, r i1
p. 1 ). In one study, researchers found that LGBTQ participants were more
likely than their heterosexual peers to work in the non - profit sector because .
: ''
!;\
The Pay Gap 409 :i
they perceived this work environment to be less discriminatory than the pri-
vate sector ( Ng, Schweitzer, 8c Lyons, 2012 ). This finding aligns with other
research showing that job candidates who mention previous experience with
LGBTQ campus organizations faced discrimination during the hiring process
in certain jobs (Tilcsik, 2011). Workplace environments that require gendered
uniforms or job duties can be particularly challenging for transgendcr individu -
als ( Grant et al., 2011).
pations, diis shift has been most clear for individuals with a four-year college degree
rather dian for diose with less formal education ( England, 2010 ). There has been
considerably less integration in traditionally male-dominated, working-class posi-
tions such as construction, plumbing, and truck driving. Further, women of color
continue to experience greater horizontal occupational gender segregation. One
study showed diat highly educated women of color are less likely to work in highly
paid, male-dominated fields such as law dian are highly educated White women . •
( Alonso-ViUar & Cotal, 2013 ). According to another study, highly educated Black
women are more likely to work in management, sales, and the sendee sector, such
as education or health care ( Hardy & Jones-DeWeever, 2014 ). ill!
However, a decrease in horizontal occupational gender segregation may not
lead to equalization of salaries. In fact, a comprehensive analysis of 50 years
of U.S. Census data revealed that the salaries and prestige of male-dominated S'.
professions tends to decrease as women move into them ( Levanon, England,
& Allison, 2009 ). For example, between 1950 and 2000, working in parks iSi
and being ticket agents changed from being predominandy male to predom-
inately female professions, and salaries dropped by 57% and 43%, respec-
tively. A similar pattern happened when women became designers in large
One reason women have lower salaries than men is that women’s starting sala -
ries tend to be lower. In many jobs, especially lower- wage jobs, starting salary
isn’t negotiable. However, for other jobs, especially professional jobs, starting
salary is often negotiated. In one study, researchers found that undergradu -
ate men expected their starting salaries to be $4,000 more than undergraduate
women did ( Hogue, DuBois, & Fox-Cardamone, 2010 ). They also expected
their peak salary to be $33,000 more than women did . Expectations are import -
:
S
ant because expecting a high salary means that one is likely to negotiate for it. In
another study, researchers found that those who negotiated received an annual
i salary $5,000 higher than those who didn’t negotiate ( Marks & Harold , 2011 ).
Assuming a 5% increase in pay per year over a 40- year career, for example, a
$5,000 difference in starting salary can translate to over a $600,000 difference
in lifetime earnings ( Marks & Harold , 2011 ). Furthermore, retirement benefits
are often tied to salary, so a lower salary means less in retirement benefits.
Research on gender and negotiation has shown that, compared to men ,
women expect to make less, are less likely to ask for higher salaries, and are less
confident in their negotiation abilities ( Kolb, 2009 ). In one study, researchers
found that male MBA students felt they were worth more than their female
MBA peers and that they would prove their worth through the negotiation pro-
cess ( Barron, 2003). Women, in contrast, were more likely to be unsure of their
I I.
Women are less confident
in their salary negotiating [
: l
i i
i
worth , felt they were only entitled to the same salary as their peers, and hoped ti
are more negatively evaluated than men if they negotiate assertively ( Bowles,
Babcock, 8c Lai, 2007 ). This finding can be explained through common gender
schemas about what it means to be a woman: Women are supposed to care for
others more than themselves, and they’re not supposed to think about their 1 .
own self- interest. In other words, women are supposed to exhibit communal
and caring traits, and when they violate expectations they’re perceived in a '
i
5
negative light ( Kolb, 2009 ). In diis context, women can find themselves in
another double bind : There are social costs if they negotiate and financial ones
if they don’t.
The reality is that women don’t have a skill deficit in terms of negotiat-
ing; in fact, they are excellent at negotiating for other people. In one study, II
3
researchers found that women were able to obtain higher starting salary offers t
than men were when asked to negotiate for someone else ( Bowles, Babcock,
& McGinn, 2005 ) . When asked to negotiate for themselves, however, women
received lower starting salary offers. The researchers suggested that women . t
behalf of other people. Instead , they were seen as caring for others which is
consistent with the expected feminine gender role and, therefore, not evaluated
negatively. For example, two other studies showed that female lawyers who were i > ],
assertive on behalf of their clients were not rated negatively (Schneider, 2002; <
Tinsley, Cheldelin, Schneider, & Amanatullah, 2009 ). Also, when women acted
i•! i assertively to advocate for a raise for their entire work team,
;
i
your turn they weren’t perceived negatively ( Tinsley et al., 2009 ).
|
Apparently, women are only negatively evaluated for
! negotiating when the negotiation is seen as self-serving and
Have you ever negotiated a starting salary
as violating feminine gender roles. Given these pressures,
or a raise? If so, was it for a professional
position? How about for babysitting or
it’s understandable that women end up with lower starting
i.
lawn mowing? No matter what the job . salaries. In this way, the pay gap can be partially explained
by the fact that women are less likely to negotiate than men .
were you concerned about appearing
self -interested? Have you ever noticed the Of course, for many women who work jobs that pay die
double standard in how people respond minimum wage and cannot be negotiated, these challenges
to women and men who are negotiating? do not apply.
gap between women and men ( Crittenden, 2001). The motherhood wage penalty
varies internationally. For example, in the United Kingdom, the wage penalty for
.: i
having two children is 25%, while it’s only 15% in Germany ( Grimshaw & Rubery,
2015 ). In developing countries, die motherhood wage penalty can be as high
as 51%. Moreover, the motherhood wage penalty shows no sign of decreasing
( Avellar & Smock, 2003 ), and it is likely one reason why so many women live in
poverty. In odier words, it most affects diosc who can least afford it.
There arc many reasons why mothers may make less money than non-mothers. r
For one thing, there’s evidence that employers discriminate against mothers a —
topic we’ll return to later in the chapter. It’s also possible that modicrs are unable
I
I
I
to advance in their jobs because they’re doing so much care work at home ( Goldin
et al., 2017 ) . For example, they may not apply for a promotion that would
involve a lot of travel or increased work hours. They also lose job experience if I
they take leave from work or switch to part - time work for a period ( England,
I
Bearak, Budig, & Hodges, 2016 ) . In fact, research indicates that time away from
the workforce explains a great deal of die motherhood wage penalty, especially I
! I
among highly educated and high -achieving women ( England et al., 2016 ). I
While one could argue that these are choices that women make, their deci- I
sions must be understood within the context of the fact that women still do i :
most of the housework and child care ( see Chapters 8 and 9 ). In this way, the ! .
motherhood wage penalty and inequity in the division of labor reinforce each i
other. For example, women are more likely than men to reduce work hours
because their salaries are often lower than their husbands’, but one reason their
salaries tend to be lower than their husbands’ is that they’ve cut back at work
( England et al., 2016; Goldin et al., 2017 ).
—
In contrast, fathers out -earn non -fathers by approximately 11% although the pay
bump for fathers is largest for White men and is nonexistent for Black men ( Hodges I
& Budig, 2010 ). Researchers partially explain this pay bump by noting that fathers
are more likely to be married than non -fathers and that, as we saw in Chapter 8,
married men are paid more ( Dougherty, 2006). There may be several reasons for
mothers’ and fathers’ different experiences. First, research suggests that women are
seen as warmer but less competent when they become mothers ( Cuddy, Fiske, &
Giick, 2004 ). However, when men become fathers, they’re seen as warmer and more
likeable as well as still perceived as competent. Furthermore, the fatherhood wage
bonus only affects married, heterosexual men who live with their wives. This may !.) : !
reflect the feet that heterosexual men have internalized the provider role and increase
their work hours or productivity in order to facilitate having wives who reduce their
work hours in order to focus on caring for the children ( Killewald, 2013).
t
This may reflect the perception that they probably have a wife at home to take
care of family matters. Furthermore, lesbian couples are more likely to share
household labor and child care with their partners in the transition to child care, ;
,i
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so a lesbian mother would be less likely to be the sole family member changing
work patterns in order to care for a new child ( Goldberg 8c Perry- Jenkins, 2007 ).
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women of color. Numerous barriers make it challenging for some women to rise
to the top of their profession and keep other women stuck at the bottom . Men
also have some advantages when they seek to advance, especially if they do so in
traditionally female - dominated professions.
Corley, 2017 ) . The glass ceiling is even more significant for women of color. * :
Although these women represent around one third of the female workforce in
the United States, they constitute only 3.9% of senior- level managers at Fortune • <
'
i
500 companies. Furthermore, as of 2017, after the departure of Ursula Burns,
who had been CEO of Xerox, there were no Black women who were CEOs of
Fortune 500 companies ( Warner 8c Coley, 2017 ). ( !
One could argue that these statistics should change as more and more women
receive high levels of education and enter the workforce . However, women
—
have been reaching higher levels of education than men for 30 years they’ve
received more bachelor’s degrees than men since 1988, have earned more than
one third of law degrees since 1980, and have outnumbered men in receiv-
ing business degrees since 2002 ( Warner, 2015 ). The World Economic Forum
( 2017 ) found that, compared to other countries, the United States ranked first
in gender equity in educational attainment but 19 th in gender equity in eco-
nomic participation and opportunity. These findings suggest that factors other
—
than education are in play there are invisible barriers that hold women back.
Some researchers argue that the glass ceiling analog)' is inaccurate. They prefer
to think of women’s pursuit of leadership positions as navigating a labyrinth. In
this view, some women do find their way out of the maze and achieve high levels iii .
of leadership, but many others find themselves stymied by the twists, turns, and
obstacles ( Eagly & Carli, 2007 ). Obstacles include die fact that men are seen
as “ natural ” leaders and the fact that informal social networks and mentoring
for women are lacking. Another obstacle is the fact that, when women have
male partners, their husbands’ careers often come first . Moreover, women arc
expected to be helpful at work but aren’t rewarded for their help, and women —
—
especially mothers can be targets of discrimination at work. These specific
issues will be addressed later in this chapter.
!:
Although the labyrinth metaphor acknowledges that not all women arc con -
strained by barriers to advancement, the few women who do advance tend to
be exceptional because of the difficulties the labyrinth imposes. Many of these
!; i; ;
i*
women are tokens ( as we discussed in Chapter 3 ), and their presence in visi -
, :i ble, high - power positions can lead to false conclusions that equality has been
achieved (Schmitt, Spoor, Danaher, & Branscombe, 2009 ).
The metaphors of the glass ceiling and the labyrinth that keep women from
I
reaching the highest levels of success arc only relevant for women in higher-
i status positions. Women at the lower end of the pay and status scale are likely
i
i
I
—
to experience a sticky floor that is, the tendency to remain at the bottom of
an organizational hierarchy. The sticky floor also involves being in jobs with
limited opportunities for advancement. Research has shown that men are more
i
likely than women to be offered promotions from low- level positions and that
ill the stick)' floor is a problem for both White women and women of color ( Yap &
;!
i;
!’
i>
.
—
Konrad , 2009 ). Men tend to move up the ladder faster for example, they’re
likely to be promoted to management in fast food and retail settings, while
women are more often stuck on the stick)' floor as cashiers and salespeople.
b
li
The Glass Escalator
How does the glass escalator advantage men at work, and what contributes
to its existence?
While women face the glass ceiling and the sticky floor, some men arc advan -
taged by the glass escalator. This term refers to the tendency for men to be
.
418 Chapter 10 Work
promoted to leadership positions very rapidly when
they work in traditionally female-dominated fields
( Williams, 1992 ). For example, even though there are
spotlight o n . . l!
few male librarians, they represent a large proportion
of library directors ( Snyder Sc Green, 2008 ). Similarly, Leaning In
even though diere are few male nurses, they’re much
more likely to be promoted to administrative positions In 2013, Sheryl Sandberg, the chief oper-
ating officer of Facebook, wrote the book
than are female nurses. Male teachers are more likely | t
example, White male nurses who participated in one children and face making that decision.
At leanin.org women can create "lean
study reported that they were often mistaken for doc-
in" circles to support one another as they
tors; in contrast , Black male nurses reported that they
climb the corporate ladder.
were often mistaken for janitors ( Williams, 2013 ). Other However, critics claimed that Sandberg' s
research has demonstrated that men of color are half position only addressed the concerns of
as likely to be promoted as White men and that men privileged White women and that this
with disabilities arc four times less likely to be promoted movement focused on individual women
than men without disabilities ( Woodhams, Lupton, & changing themselves rather than on
Cowling, 2015 ). changing broad social practices (hooks,
Some men in female -dominated professions may 2013; Slaughter , 2012, 2015). Indeed,
gravitate toward more masculine specializations in order Lean In didn' t discuss the problems of
to affirm their masculine identity. For example, a male women in lower social classes who struggle
to support a family with low wages, largely
nurse may gravitate toward administration because he
because traditionally feminine work is
sees it as a more “ masculine ” form of nursing, and he
undervalued and underpaid. Nor did the
may feel uncomfortable in a stereotypically female-
book address other social problems such as
dominated profession or experience pushback about inflexible work environments and the lack
his career choice from friends and family members of affordable child care.
(Snyder & Green, 2008 ). However, another reason What do you think of the "lean in " Ie
for the glass escalator may be that men are automati- movement? Is feminism advanced when
cally seen as having leadership qualities, simply because privileged women break the glass ceiling
j .
—
they’re men a phenomenon we’ll discuss below. At the
same time, though, some scholars argue that the glass
and become corporate leaders? Is asking
women to "lean in" the right solution to
I
escalator is only applicable in jobs that have job security,
consistent schedules, and the expectation that one can
rise through an organization. Many men, such as those
discrimination and injustice in the work-
place ? Is it part of the solution? - # • —
•
419
Hi
'
schedules or a clear way to be promoted dirough the ranks, don’t benefit from
glass escalators ( Williams, 2013).
': and then as women, from a young age. This includes absorbing messages that
•! they shouldn’t be too assertive or aggressive. Those who are assertive are called
J
1 ...
—
bossy a word that’s not a compliment. Women in leadership positions who
are seen as being too assertive are called a different, less flattering, b -word.
: Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign provides a good example. Because
ambition is considered a masculine quality, the fact that Clinton was seeking
the highest public office in die nation could certainly qualify her to be consid -
;• ered ambitious, which the popular press portrayed in a negative way ( Tannen,
!1 2016 ). In fact, in early 2016, if one googled Bernie Sunders ( Clinton’s rival
!
:
had expected a woman in power to be a kinder and gentler leader than a man
( Hall Sc Donaghue, 2013 ).
How do women negotiate this double bind ? One solution is to combine
)! -
feminine communal qualities with masculine agcntic qualities. For example,
11 !
it’s been suggested that “ a woman can finesse the double bind to some extent t
r
t
M
i
(
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tr-fi =
f fi Women often face a double
bind in which they're either
Respected liked by others when they
Liked, but not Respected, and liked
respected but not liked behave in traditionally
(men only)
\ li feminine ways, or viewed as
I
.
v /
&
The irony of the negative perceptions of women as leaders is that research has
suggested that women may actually be better leaders than men . A meta - analysis
of 49 years of research revealed that women are rated as more effective than men
-
in a variety of contexts ( Paustian Underdahl, Walker, & Woehr, 2014 ) . This may
occur because women are more likely to exhibit qualities of
a transformational leader ( Eagly, Johanncsen -Schmidt, &
how they've reacted to female, male, or impact their leadership skills ( Mandell & Pherwani, 2003 ).
transgender bosses. Talk to people of dif- One reason that women may exhibit emotional intelli -
'
ferent ages , in different professions, and gence and transformational leadership at work is that they
: so on. What patterns do you notice? have learned to navigate the tightrope of being both nice
and competent.
:
I
Networking and Mentoring
How does access to mentors affect women at work, and what is the
difference between a mentor and a sponsor?
I i
People often say that it’s not what you know, but who you know. In reality,
it’s harder for women than men to access informal social networks that lead to
connections for getting ahead . Some groups of people, for example, have lunch
;
;
or play golf together. In these settings, diose involved engage in networking,
I I in which they interact in order to make contacts to further their careers. One
problem for women, though, is that a great deal of networking takes place in
T! informal settings, some of which may be explicitly unfriendly to women. For
I ij
example, a woman working in the financial sector noted , “There was a big social
I
network there that revolved around men’s sports and men’s activities, and to be
i '4 on die outside of that really impacted my ability to develop relationships with
people ” ( Eagly & Carli, 2007, p. 145 ). Liz Feathcrstone ( 2004 ), an investi-
gative journalist, interviewed Walmart employees and discovered that middle
si managers often met at strip clubs or Hooters, and one female executive was told
she probably wouldn’t advance because she didn’t hunt or fish .
s i
Women may also have a difficult time because the events central to net-
working, whether formal or informal, often take place after work hours or on
=r<
422 Chapter 10 Work
i
1-
•:
i *
v
weekends ( Eagly & Carli, 2007 ) . Men arc better able to take advantage of • Mi
these opportunities because, as discussed in Chapters 8 and 9, they’re likely to I
have partners who take more responsibility for the household and children . In
contrast, when women work, they’re often still responsible for family life and , i
therefore, have less flexibility to attend informal social work events or to take ;i
survey found that only 19% of women who responded had a mentor ( Williams,
2011 ). Also, research has suggested that women don’t benefit from formal
mentoring programs as much as men do. A study of women and men who
i
had received MBA degrees found that mentorship corresponded to a salary
bump of S9,260 for men in their first post - MBA job, but having a mentor only I
corresponded to a bump of S661 in women’s salaries ( Carter 8c Silva , 2010 ). •
! ii
Two reasons for this discrepancy were identified. First, men’s mentors were r
more likely to be at a senior level and , therefore, in a better position to advocate
for their protegees. Second, men were more likely to have mentors who also
acted as sponsors who actively advocated for them . There’s a tendency for peo-
ple in high - power positions to advocate for those who remind them of them -
selves when they were younger and whom they feel they have a lot in common
with ( Carter 8c Silva, 2010 ) . Because there are fewer women in top positions,
it’s more likely that a high - powered mentor wall be male. And even though a
-
high powered man may be walling to mentor a woman, he may be more com-
fortable sponsoring another man . iii •
The problem of access to successful mentoring relationships is enhanced for i)
women of color. Because the majority of people in power are not only men
but also White men, women of color face a double challenge ( Kay 8c Gorman, ii
m
2012 ). It’s noteworthy that research in die field of law has found that for- : ;
mal mentoring arrangements do little to help people of color succeed ( Kay 8c
Gorman, 2012 ). In one study of female Latinx lawyers, researchers found that
these women often felt ignored or left out socially due to their outsider status in ]
the workplace ( Garcia- Lopez , 2008 ). Equally important, though, is that when i; i
workers with racial/ethnic minority identities have a good relationship with . if !
1 •
11
.if
ii
: a mentor, there are fewer negative effects if they also experience discrimination
at the workplace ( Ragins, Ehrhardt, Lyness, Murphy, Sc Capman , 2016 ). Being
!
I
:
trained to mentor across difference is an important component in successfully
i . mentoring diverse groups of women and is one goal of intersectional feminist
i psychologists ( Chin, Desormeaux, Sc Sawyer, 2016 ).
!i
Another way women can support women is through amplification . This
•
occurs when one woman makes a comment in a meeting and another woman
repeats the idea and gives credit to die original speaker ( e .g ., “ I think Susan’s
point about XYZ was excellent, and we should consider moving forward in the
i direction she suggests” ). This strategy became popular among female staffers
in President Obama’s administration ( Eilperin, 2016 ) . After the women began
1
intentionally speaking in this way, President Obama began calling on women
more frequently in meetings.
;
i
i
:
:
i Unpaid Work at Work
i• What else are women expected to do at work other than their work ?
!:
1
In the office, women are often expected to go above and beyond in ways that
aren’t expected of men. As described in a Washington Post article, women are
!
(
“expected to bring cupcakes for a colleague’s birthday, order sandwiches for
!
i
!
'
'
office lunches, and answer phones in the conference room , even if their job
!
description is far up the ladder from such administrative tasks” ( Williams, 2014,
para . 5 ). Women aren’t rewarded for these activities, which take time and atten -
!
tion away from tasks that may lead to greater rewards. After all , the person
i taking notes generally is not able to simultaneously concentrate on making a
!; :: •
;
ii ing. However, when female employees were described as helping, they were
! evaluated at the same level as women in scenarios where no information was
:
given about helping. Conversely, female employees were rated less favorably
when they were described as not helping, but male employees who didn’t help
were rated no differently from men for whom no information was given about
helping. The researchers suggested that women are negatively evaluated for
:
1
424 Chapter 10 Work
j
h :i
not helping because helping is seen as part of the feminine role and not doing
so violates a gender norm . Conversly, men are praised for helping because it’s
unexpected from them . Given this situation , how are women supposed to pro-
tect their work time without being perceived as unhelpful ? One strategy is to
ii
frame their inability to help as reflecting a desire to help their team rather than
themselves. For example, a woman in a consulting firm learned to say no to
unreasonable requests by saying it would take her team past its breaking point
( Grant &: Sandberg, 2015 ) .
ll
<I
! picks a woman to lead it and then fails, the female leader is generally blamed.
t
This occurs even though the problems plaguing the company existed before her
appointment. The pattern can, however, lead to an incorrect perception that
women arc incompetent leaders.
i
There arc many high - profile examples of the glass cliff. For example, Yahoo
president and CEO Marissa Mayer was hired after the company lost significant
; market share to Google ( Hass, 2012 ) . In another case, two weeks after the
appointment of General Motors’ first female CEO, Mary Barra , the company
recalled 1.6 million cars due to faulty ignition switches that had been linked to
deaths ( Covert , 2014 b ). Barra then spent her early days as CEO testifying in
front of the U.S. Congress about mistakes made long before she was placed in
charge. The glass cliff occurs outside of the corporate world as well. For example,
Katie Couric was asked to be the first female anchor of the CBS Evening News
when the broadcast was already in third place in the ratings ( Covert , 2014 b ).
Also, Julia Pierson , the first woman to lead the U .S. Secret Service, was hired in
I
i
—
2013 when the organization was in the midst of a high - profile scandal some
of its agents had been accused of hiring prostitutes, and uninvited guests had
crashed a state dinner under the previous ( male ) director ( Covert, 2014a ).
!
Pierson’s leadership of die Secret Service was short lived ; she resigned in 2014.
One may consider the phenomenon of the glass cliff to be a compliment to
women . Maybe they’re seen as particularly skillful at leading during precarious
times. In fact, some researchers postulate that women arc seen as ideal leaders in
;! a crisis and have supplemented die “think manager-think male” stereotype with
.i a “ think crisis-think female ” one ( Ryan , Haslam, Hersby, 8c Bongiorno, 2011 ).
Hiring a woman may be regarded as a sign that the company is going in a new
direction, and women may be seen as interpersonally skilled and able to take
the blame for failed companies ( Ryan et al., 2011 ). Nonetheless, the glass cliff
means that women are particularly likely to be promoted to leadership positions
i
just before a company ultimately fails, and some women who do can find that
their careers are destroyed .
i
Further, female CEOs face other barriers that men do not. For example,
i while male CEOs are also likely to be promoted to chief business officer ( CBO ),
women are considerably less likely to get this kind of dual appointment ( Glass 8c
Cook, 2016 ). As a result, they’re less likely to have die support of the board
of directors and other senior personnel throughout the organization . More -
over, female CEOs are subject to greater levels of scrutiny than are male CEOs.
. In one study, women in executive positions described feeling they had to be per-
fect in every way because every move they made was evaluated ( Glass 8c Cook,
2016 ). This included looking perfect and dressing accordingly. Many noted that
a great deal of attention was paid to their clothing and weight, while no atten -
tion was given to the male executives’ weight and appearance.
Another study showed that female CEOs were more likely than their male
counterparts to come under scrutiny from activist shareholders ( those who own
I;
it
jjK!
more than 5% of the company ) who wish to change aspects of the company i.
( Gupta, Han , Mortal , Silveri, & Turban, 2018 ). Dealing with the demands of
activist shareholders can be a source of stress for female CEOs and take up a
great deal oi their time. The researchers suggested that women come under fire
from activist shareholders because these shareholders see women as less effective
leaders than men and , therefore, feel compelled to provide unsolicited advice on
how to run the company ( Gupta, Mortal, & Turban, 2018 ). In all these ways, «i ;
even women who break the glass ceiling or successfully navigate the labyrinth
face barriers and discrimination .
-
the workplace, but many women also face explicit sexual harassment at work.
There are two types of sexual harassment. Quid pro quo harassment occurs
when a supervisor requests sexual favors in exchange for workplace benefits
such as a raise or a promotion or to prevent negative events such as being fired
or demoted . Hostile work environment occurs when the atmosphere at the
workplace is hostile, intimidating, and /or offensive. Examples of hostile work
environments include sexual comments and jokes, comments about women’s
bodies and clothing, unwanted touching, and sexual advances. Harassment can
happen in any work setting and is surprisingly common. A nationally representa-
tive survey of women in the United States showed that 81% of participants had
experienced some sort of sexual harassment in their lifetime and 38% had expe- I
rienced it at work ( Chatterjce, 2018 ). A survey of female union members from
die United Kingdom showed that over 50% of participants had experienced
sexual harassment at work ( Trades Union Congress, 2016 ).
A report by the British trade group Trades Union Congress mentions
one woman who anonymously reported on everydaysexism.com that she
• i
“ used to work in a law firm . Whenever [she ] won a case in court, [she ] •:i |
would be lambasted by a particular male colleague who would leer at [ her ] I( >
and make such inane comments as ‘You only won because you’re wearing a • •
skirt’, and ‘Did you sleep with the judge then ? ”’ (Trades Union Congress, m :
2016, p. 11 ). Despite experiences like this, harassment often goes unreported, ;
'i l
and when it is reported , colleagues often minimize it. Another woman com- l !|
l ;
mented , “ I went to HR about a sexist and flirty CEO. I was told to put up with !) •
it as I’m ‘young and pretty and they’re men, what do you expect?’” ( p. 11 ).
il 1
Targets of Harassment Research shows that women of color are more likely
:
I to be harassed at work than White women ( Berdahl 8c Moore, 2006 ) . For
example, in a study of Black female firefighters, researchers found that these
women experienced a great deal of harassment and hostility at work ( Yoder 8c
Aniakudo, 1996 ). Most of the women interviewed reported being called a wade
variety of negative names, including “ troublemaker,” “ bitch ,” “ witch ,” “dyke,”
“rebel,” and “militant ” ( p. 257). Another study suggested that Black women
find sexual harassment by White men to be particularly disturbing, offensive,
and frightening, and it is more strongly related to symptoms of trauma than
—
linked both attempt to punish those who violate tradi - men resigned, were fired, or weren't elected.
tional gender norms ( Konik 8c Cortina , 2008 ). More- The Me Too movement has contributed to
over, a review of the literature found that 27% to 43% changing culture so that sexual assault and
harassment aren 't so easily accepted or
of LGBTQ people have experienced workplace harass-
dismissed. It hasn 't been an entirely positive
ment or discrimination based on their sexual orientation
process, however. For some people, the in- j
(Scars 8c Mallory, 2011 ). Only one third of participants
creased attention on sexual harassment and
said they were “out ” at work to all their co- workers, and assault has triggered upsetting memories
.i *
25% described not being out to anyone at work. Some of ( Seales, 2018) .
the documented incidents of harassment included call- The Me Too movement is an important
ing individuals “ homo,” “ pervert,” or most commonly conversation that can be considered part
“fag,” as well as instances of physical violence ( p. 11 ). of a broader feminist movement (Seales, M
!i :
Transgender individuals can experience even higher 2018 ). Whether this will promote wider
rates of workplace discrimination and harassment. In conversations about sexism at work that *; 1
one review of the literature, between 52% and 78% of could benefit women across the job and
income spectrum remains to be seen.
transgender individuals across various studies described
such experiences based on their gender identity (Sears 8c
429
ji
iii
-r
f 430 Chapter 10 Work
!!!
|11
—
predominance of “ brogrammers” that is, men who
combine technology prowess with masculine, fraternity spotlight o n . .
boy behavior and a desire to get rich quick ( Kumar,
2014, p. 28 ). Although brogrammers may not recog- r
nize that they exclude others because they sec them - Transgender
selves as “ nerds” and , therefore, as socially excluded
themselves (Tufekci, 2014 ), the brogramming culture Individuals Informing
can be very hostile toward women . For example , Ashe Workplace
Drydcn, a consultant about diversity in technology,
said , “ I’ve been a programmer for 13 years, and I’ve Discrimination
always been one of the only women and queer people Some transgender people are uniquely i
in the room . I’ve been harassed ; I’ve had people make positioned to observe gender discrimina - ;
1
suggestive comments to me; I’ve had people basically tion in the workplace because they stay in
dismiss my expertise . I’ve gotten rape and death threats the same job after they transition (Budge,
just for speaking out about this stuff ’ ( Miller, 2014, Tebbe, & Howard, 2010 ) . As a result, they
para. 11 ) . can compare how they 're regarded as both
I
Culture change is a necessary part of reducing work - a woman and a man. Ben Barres, a biolo - I
I
gist at Stanford University who spent most
place harassment. As society becomes less accepting of
of his life living and working as Barbara
hostile work environments and those who contribute to
Barres, noticed that people took him more
them , toxic workplaces will become less common . While seriously after he transitioned to a man.
individuals may continue to engage in harassment, if the For example, a colleague who didn ' t know
environments and organizations they find themselves in that Ben and Barbara were the same per -
don’t tolerate this behavior, harassment will decrease. son commented: “Ben gave a great seminar
In workplace environments that do not tolerate harass- today— but then his work is so much better
ment it is the harasser, rather than the individual being than his sister 's" ( Nordell, 2014, para . 5 ) . ji
harassed , that will experience negative consequences as a In interviews with transgender men , ! i
1
J
I
i\
shown that women who stayed in the work-
place after they had children enjoyed greater
physical and mental well - being than those
who interrupted their careers, worked part -
time, or stayed at home after having children
( Freeh & Damaske, 2012 ) . This finding may
seem counterintuitive because many people
believe that mothers who work experience
work-family conflict, which occurs when work
interferes with family obligations or family life
interferes with work. Although many women
do experience work-family conflict, it isn ’t an
inevitable consequence of combining work
Parents can find it challenging to balance the and family. Instead , some women experience
demands of their job with the demands of their benefits associated with being involved in mul -
family — particularly as related to child care. Since
tiple roles. Role enhancement theory states
women typically do more child care than men.
this is an especially important issue for women.
that when people are engaged in multiple roles
However, with the right structural supports, work ( e.g., worker, mother, sister, friend ), they actu -
can enhance family life, and family life can enhance ally find that they have more energy and their
one' s experience at work. well- being is enhanced by being so involved
and engaged ( Castro & Gordon , 2012 ) .
Ji One way in which role enhancement occurs
if is through work - family enrichment, a two- way process in which what hap-
pens at work benefits family life and what happens in the family benefits work
( Grccnhaus & Powell, 2006 ). For example, the money earned at work can help
provide opportunities for one’s children. The social support received at work
can help manage family stress; for example, if one’s children have been difficult,
f
t telling a supportive colleague can reduce stress. Family life can also positively
benefit work. Organizational or planning skills honed at home can be applied
I
. in the work setting, and patience learned at home can help if one is managing
others at work ( Ruderman, Ohlott, Panzer, & King, 2002 ) . For example, a
! therapist reported that learning how to deal with her toddler’s tantrums helped
her also deal with tantrums from her adult clients ( Liss & Schiffrin, 2014 ).
A Question of Choice?
How does framing work-family balance as depending on women's choices
constrain the ways people can approach this topic?
:
People commonly think about work-family balance as involving choices that
women make. The conversation is often framed around women’s choice to stay
• in the workforce, opt out, or work part- time. However, as we’ve seen throughout
this text, women don’t make free and unconstrained choices. Their choices sur-
rounding work-family balance are often limited by discrimination, inflexible
work environments, and /or low pay that doesn’t cover the cost of child care i( fi;
( Stephens Sc Levine, 2011; Stone, 2007 ). Furthermore, very few people discuss
with the same level of attention the choices that men have to make about how
to balance work and family.
When women’s decisions about work are framed within the language of
“choice,” people are less likely to pay attention to sexist practices that constrain
those choices. In one study, undergraduate students were shown posters about
a book titled Choosing to Leave: Women s Experiences away from the Workplace,
’
while others saw an almost identical poster about a book titled Women at Home:
Experiences away from the Workplace that didn’t mention choice (Stephens 8c
Levine, 2011 ). Those who saw the poster about choices were significantly more
likely to report believing that women and men have equal opportunities and that
gender discrimination no longer exists. Interestingly, other research has shown
that priming the idea of choice in odier contexts decreases empathy toward
members of marginalized groups, increases victim blaming, and decreases sup-
i ,
port for policies that increase the common good , such as reducing pollution
(Savani, Stephens, 8c Markus, 2011 ) .
Women’s choices around work and family are constrained for many reasons
that we’ll discuss in detail in the following sections. First, women continue to be
more responsible for household responsibilities and child care ( Coltrane, 2010 ).
Second , the workplace generally isn’t designed for people who want to balance
work and family ( Blair- Loy, 2003 ). Further, modiers and caregivers experience
discrimination within the workplace ( Williams Manvell, 8c Bornstein, 2006 ).
Finally, the lack of parental leave and inadequate child care makes it extremely
difficult for many workers to combine their work and caregiving roles (Stone,
2007; Williams et al., 2006 ).
These constraints make balancing work and family difficult, especially
in the United States. In fact , the United States ranks in the bottom eight of
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development ( OECD ) countries
in terms of work-life balance ( OECD, n .d .- b ). Countries that rank lower are
Turkey, Mexico, Chile, Korea, Israel , Japan, and Australia ( OECD, n.d .- b ).
: E M P O W E R I N G|
I • i
OR OPPRESSING?
1
Having It All
H
M
any young women have heard that they're bed 'til midnight so I don't get behind at work, then do it
supposed to try to “have it all" and seamlessly all again tomorrow on 5 hours sleep" ( para . 26 ). It's possi-
balance a successful career and a blissful ble that the goal to "have it all" has increased the extent
family life. This may sound like an empow- to which women who work outside the home are over-
ering message—women can (and should) be able to have burdened and overwhelmed. In fact , some conservatives
both a fulfilling career and a family life. However, en- have blamed the feminist movement for putting too much
couragement to "have it all" has made many chafe at the pressure on women by telling them they're supposed
pressure it puts on women. In the Huffington Post article to "have it all" and then failing to deliver ( Szalai, 2014 ).
"Having it all kinda sucks," journalist Amy Westervelt In fact, after Anne-Marie Slaughter quit her job in the
. i! (2016) noted sarcastically that "no woman (or man. for State Department to spend more time with her family,
that matter) ever said, hey. you know what would be she famously wrote an article for The Atlantic noting that
IK great? If I could get up at 5 a. m.. make breakfast for every- women actually could not have it all ( Slaughter. 2012).
.
one then get dressed (with heels, natch ), drop my kids off Have feminists let women down by selling them a bill
at daycare, go to work for 10 hours, pick the kids up, come of goods that they can’t cash, or is there a greater need
home, cook dinner, clean up, put the kids to bed, work in for feminism in order to finish the march for equality? As
i Gloria Steinem said, "The idea of having it all never meant
doing it all. Men are parents too and actually women will
never be equal outside the home until men are equal in-
side the home" (quoted in Fine, 2010, p. 89 ). As we have
seen, gender equity has yet to be achieved. Although
women have made strides in the workforce, as we saw
in Chapters 8 and 9. men haven't taken responsibility at
home in equal measure.
Instead of telling women they ' re supposed to have
it all and admonishing them if they don ' t, perhaps it
would be more empowering to change the narrative so
that both women and men can have fulfilling careers
and family lives. What do you think? Is it empowering or
It can be hard to have it all when you' re being told to oppressing to encourage women to " have it all " ? More-
go in four different directions at the same time. over. why do you think people never talk about men
"having it all"?
;ii
• »
unpaid work, including cooking, cleaning, and child care double what men
spend ( OECD , n .d .-a ). Men spend more time on paid work and in leisure
activities. As discussed in Chapter 8, the practice of women coming home
from their jobs and doing another round of work in the home is called the I .
second shift.
11
Research indicates that patterns of domestic behavior can have inter-
generational effects. For example, when fathers do more domestic work around ,
the house, their daughters have been found to hold higher, and more non-
traditional, career aspirations than daughters in families where fathers do less
domestic work ( Croft , Schmader, Block, & Baron , 2014 ). In other words, the
daughters don ’t assume that having a family means they’ll have to do all of the • i
household work. . ii i
Another source of unpaid work for many women is caring for elder relatives.
Adult daughters ( as opposed to sons ) are often primarily responsible for the
care of their parents. For many women, elder-care responsibilities begin while
they’re still raising their children ; this has led to the term sandwich generation
to describe individuals, primarily women, whose work and hobbies need to fit
between these two care -giving demands. For some women, elder-care respon - Ft
sibilities begin just as their children are becoming more independent, so these
women may have had an opportunity to focus more fully on their careers if they
didn ’t have to take on elder-care. Research has suggested that informal care pro-
vided to adult relatives greatly influences women’s time available to devote to
work. One study showed that women ages 55 to 67 who provided care to their
parents reduced their work hours by almost half in order to do so ( Johnson 8c
Lo Sasso, 2006 ) .
The fact that women have more responsibilities at home contributes to
inequality at work. Many workplaces function under an outdated model in which
an ideal worker is assumed to have no responsibilities at home because a partner
( i.e., wife ) takes responsibility for the home and children ( Blair- Loy, 2003 ).
Studies have, in fact, shown that having a stay-at - home spouse, which is more f
likely the case for men, is related to career success ( Kirchmeyer, 2006; Schneer 8c
Reitman, 2002 ). One executive noted how inequity in home life makes it easier
for men than women to advance: “ I saw that the older white, male partners
who mentored the younger white, male associates were able to work long days
and excel professionally precisely because their stay-at - home wives took care of
everything else; I saw that virtually none of the female partners had a similar
setup” ( Filipovic, 2016, para . 13 ). Id: 1
ifi:.
Having someone stay at home and take charge of domestic tasks is invaluable .
if one wants to reach the highest levels of success at work. In fact, in 2012, i: )
-
7 out of 18 female CEOs of Fortune 500 companies had stay at - home husbands i is
a full - time schedule at Starbucks, workers must make themselves available for 70%
—
of the hours the store is open in other words, about 80 hours a week ( Gross,
2008 ). Yet when the stores aren’t busy, they may send workers home unpaid.
Furthermore, work hours at retail stores are often late in the day and on week-
ends, when typical child -care centers aren’t open ( Kantor, 2014 ). This can cause
problems for working mothers. For example, a woman who worked as a manager
at Walmart was called to work on an inconsistent, as - needed basis. As a result, she
had to have her mother move in with her in order to be able to work and care for
her child . In fact , low- income workers often rely on a patchwork of care from fam -
ily members, friends, and community organizations ( Williams 8c Boushey, 2010 ).
were mothers, participants said they would have to receive a higher score on a
f! !! management exam to be recommended for a job, and they would be allowed to
i
miss fewer days ofwork before they would no longer be recommended . Fathers, in
contrast, suffered no such penalties and were actually accorded some advantages.
They were offered higher salaries than non -fathers, were seen as more commit-
'1
!' -
ted than non fathers, and were allowed to miss work significantly more often
i
than non - fathers. One study of women in a law firm showed that more than half
:
•i said they felt their co-workers treated them differently after they had children,
t and one fourth said they had been demoted, taken off of work assignments, or
'
.
lost out on promotions after having children ( Richardson , 2013 ) .
Women can also experience discrimination while they are pregnant. The
Pregnancy Discrimination Act of 1978 prohibits discrimination based on preg-
nancy and requires employers to treat pregnant women in a similar manner to
a non - pregnant employee with a similar ability to work ( Siegel, 2018 ). It does
not, however, require that employers accommodate pregnant women by, for
example, changing the job so they don’t have to lift heavy objects, allowing for
rest times, adjusting work stations for comfort , or allowing time off for pre - natal
exams since these accommodations are not given to other workers. In one case
that went to the U .S. Supreme Court, a UPS worker was told by her doctors
i
that she was not able to lift more than 20 pounds, so she was fired because her
job required her to lift up to 70 pounds. However, UPS gave other workers
i
in different situations ( e.g., those with disabilities or injuries ) other jobs that
involved lighter lifting. Although the district court ruled for UPS, the ruling
was overturned when the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the UPS worker
i!
i
(Spiggle, 2015 ). It is also noteworthy that while the Pregnancy Discrimination
Act does protect some women , it doesn’t protect transgender men who become
M
I! pregnant because the language of the act refers to “ women ” ( Currah, 2008 ).
it
•i Women who become mothers are also often treated poorly at work when they
I
:
return after giving birth. According to one report, a woman returned to work and
faced consistent warnings not to get pregnant again as well as complaints when
i she had to take her child to medical appointments ( Williams 8c Boushey, 2010 ).
Eventually, her ( female ) supervisor asked her to find a pediatrician who had hours
:
available after work. According to the same report, it’s common for women to
•
be passed over for promotions and to see men with considerably less experience
'
get promoted ahead of them . Court records indicate that women from a variety
i
: :
»
if ;. i
IL !
train for a marathon or observe a religious holiday, they were given more respect :
T ,
than someone who had to leave in order to care for a child.
.i
!
:
I;
Parental Leave
How do inadequate parental leave policies make it difficult to balance work
*
and family? .
Another reason it is difficult to balance work and family is that, in the United
:
States, there are fewer social policies that support families than in other coun-
tries. One important example of this is the lack of paid leave for parents. As of
2015, the United States was the only industrialized country without a national
policy to give paid parental leave ( Livingston , 2016 ) . In the United States, the ;
i
2016, only 14% of civilian U .S. workers were offered paid family leave ( Desilver,
2017 ); 88% had access to unpaid leave. Low- wage workers are the least likely
to have access to paid leave ( Adema, Clark , 8c Frey, 2015 ), and the lowest rates i
of leave are in the construction and leisure/ hospitality sectors ( Desilver, 2017 ).
Data suggest that most Americans ( 82% ) do, however, believe mothers should
get paid leave after the birth or adoption of a child ( Stepler, 2017 ) . if , i
The United States does have the Family Medical Leave Act ( FMLA ). This i
legislation provides 12 weeks of unpaid leave for the birth , adoption, or foster i
care placement of a child. It can also be used for personal illness or to care
for a sick family member. However, many workers cannot afford leave without
pay. Additionally, in order for FMLA to apply, the company must employ over
50 workers, and a person must have worked over 1,250 hours at the organiza - I
tion . Given these requirements, FMLA doesn’t apply to approximately 40% of
the workforce ( Adema et al ., 2015; Walsh, 2011 ).
Paid leave provides enormous benefits to mothers, children, businesses, and
the economy. It increases women’s ability to continue working, which allows
them to provide for their families, stimulates economic growth, and saves
businesses the costs of hiring and training new workers ( Adema et al., 2015 ).
Paid leave is extremely important for the mental and physical health of both
:
mothers and children. Research has indicated that being in a job with little or no i
1
Pasini, 2015; Chatterji 8c Markowitz, 2012 ). Paid leave has also been linked to a
decrease in infant mortality ( Tanaka, 2005 ), perhaps due to decreased maternal i
.!i
stress, as well as to positive physical and mental health in children. i
.
When women return to work before their children are 12 weeks old, the
babies are less likely to be breastfed, less likely to make it to their regular checkups \
i .,
!I
at the pediatrician, and more likely to have behavioral problems ( Berger, Hill, 8c i, !!
i
i
•
'1 .
Balancing Work and Family 439 i ,
if
:
V
1i
Waldfogel , 2005 ). In fact, women who must return to work early often have
difficulty breastfeeding. In interviews with Human Rights Watch , women
described inadequate support at work for pumping breast milk such that they
i
pumped in “ bathrooms, copy rooms, shared kitchens, bulk closets, a gymna -
sium , a phone booth, an equipment storage room , a photography studio, a mail
;!
truck, and an exam room ” ( Walsh , 2011, p. 55 ).
•!
Fathers as well as mothers can benefit from paid leave . In contrast to the lack
: of paid paternity leave in the United States, most countries in the European
—
Union have paid leave policies that are quite extensive for example, 3 months
paid paternity leave in Sweden , 90 paid days off in Iceland, 2 weeks paid leave
in the United Kingdom, 15 paid days off in Spain , and 11 paid days off in
France ( Kelly, 2016 ). There is also paid leave in countries throughout Africa,
—
Latin America, the Middle East, and Asia for example, 4 days in Rwanda and
Uganda, 5 days in Brazil and Chile, and 1 day in Saudi Arabia ( International
Labour Office, 2010 ) .
Research in Sweden has indicated that when fathers take leave , they spend
more time interacting with their children and have a better relationship with
them ( Haas & Hwang, 2008 ). In a different study, fathers in the United States
who took at least two weeks off from work to help care for their infants were
i
i
found to be more involved in all aspects of child care nine months later, including
feeding, bathing, diapering, dressing, and getting up with the baby during the
i night ( Nepomnyaschy 8c Waldfogel , 2007 ). This is important because fathers’
!il.; involvement in child care has been found to relate to marital stability and happi -
ness, including more satisfying sexual relationships ( Carlson , Hanson , 8c Fitzroy,
! 2016; Kalmijn , 1999 ). It also benefits children as those with involved fathers
i
are likely to develop faster as infants and to have greater well - being, higher
'
cognitive skills, greater social competence, and fewer behavioral problems than
those whose fathers are less involved ( Amato 8c Rivera, 1999; Cabrera , Tamis-
t
LcMonda, Bradley, Hofferth , 8c Lamb, 2000; Kim, Kang, Yee , Shim , 8c Chung,
2016 ). These effects are above and beyond those of other factors such as income
and maternal involvement.
Fathers in the United States rarely have the opportunity to take leave. Accord -
i: ing to a national study of employers, only 14% of companies in the United States
offer any leave for fathers ( Matos 8c Galinsky, 2014 ) . Moreover, men report
being hesitant to use paternity leave because the practice is uncommon , so those
who take it are very noticeable ( Lieber, 2015 ). Yet when women take leave but
'
i
men do not, women are penalized and perceived as less committed to their job.
It should be noted that some countries have extremely long maternal leave
policies and that diis may not be the best option if one hopes to achieve gen -
der equality. For example, in Hungary, women are paid 70% of their wages
for three years in order to take care of their children ( Mandcl 8c Semyonov,
;j 2005; Weller, 2016 ). However, in countries like this with very long maternity
I •, leave, women earn considerably less money than men and arc less likely to be
f
:?
fi ,
i
.
j]
a
Child Care
How does the high cost of child care make it difficult to balance work
i
i !:
and family?
Parents who work need child care. In the United States, 11 million children are
in some sort of child care every week ( Child Care Aware of America, 2017 ) .
Center- based child care is extremely expensive, although it varies tremendously
from state to state . For example, a year of center- based care for an infant in
2016 was the most expensive in Massachusetts at $20,125 and was the least
expensive in Mississippi at $ 5 ,178 ( although this was still more than the average
cost of a mortgage in Mississippi ). In the Northeast and Midwest, child care
was the highest family expense; in the West and the South, it was only exceeded
by housing costs. To give a different perspective, the average annual cost of
center- based care for an infant was higher than tuition and fees at a four-year
public college in 28 states.
A single mother of an infant and school -age child described her financial
situation: “ Almost half of my paycheck goes to daycare. I pay $208 a week
t.i
i «
<i .
five days a week. As she described, “Mothers and daughters i
i
11;
=
have time to do” ( p. 3 ) . This practice has led some scholars
dren and work. Try to speak with people
to note that immigrant women are often the ones helping
with different social identity characteris-
wealthy women to “ have it all ” ( Furtado, 2016 ). In fact, tics, including gender identity, who work
fertility rates of upper-class, U .S.- born women are higher in a variety of occupations with different ii .
in areas with a large population of female immigrants work expectations. Ask them how they
( Furtado, 2016 ) . Thus, issues of work-family balance can balance work and family responsibilities.
exacerbate inequality between different groups of women. What barriers to work-family balance
Social policies designed to improve the work lives of all do they talk about? Do you notice any
women would help to alleviate these disparities. consistent themes? Do barriers cluster ac-
cording to gender or type of employment •I i 1
18. !
• r
»;•
i
Siii
;
i
I
*
Conclusion 443
; i
..
Chapter Review
!
:
1
:! SUMMARY
A Stalled Revolution? Gender Discrimination at Work
l
Although women have made great strides in Women are less represented in higher- power
die workplace, some researchers have called positions, and this is particularly true for
die progress toward gender equality stalled and women of color.
uneven. Women in low - wage jobs are less likely to be
promoted from the lowest levels than arc men .
The Pay Gap
Men who work in predominantly female -
Women, on average, are paid less than men,
dominated fields arc more likely to be
and women of color experience a larger pay
promoted to management and leadership
gap. The pay gap is particularly devastating for
positions than arc women .
low- income women .
! Leadership is seen as a masculine trait , but
One explanation for the pay gap is diat women
women who lead in traditionally masculine
tend to cluster in different occupations than do
ways are generally disliked .
men , known as horizontal occupational gender
i segregation. Women have a harder time than men finding
mentors and sponsors to help them advance in
Horizontal occupational gender segregation
their careers. Networking often takes place in
interacts with aspects of social identity, such
hypcrmasculinc environments and during times
as race and sexual orientation, in addition to
when many women need to attend to family
gender.
needs, limiting their ability to participate in
Women cluster in occupations involving care networking events.
work, and these jobs have lower salaries dian
i
jobs with comparable training and education Women are expected to be helpful around
the workplace, and they arc disliked if they
requirements.
don’t help.
One cause of die pay gap is a history of
discrimination that took place when the wages Women arc more likely than men to be
:
of many jobs were initially set. promoted to positions of leadership at times
when companies are at the edge of failure.
Women are generally paid less even in the same Compared to men , female CEOs receive more
field as men, and when women move into unsolicited advice from activist shareholders
traditionally male occupations, the pay tends to about how to run the company.
go down.
jl
Workplace harassment is a common experience
Women are less likely than men to negotiate among women specially for those who
for higher starting salaries, and they are judged also have other devalued social identity
more negatively than men when they do. characteristics such as race, sexual orientation,
There is a significant wage penalty for women or immigration status. Workplace harassment is
. when they become mothers, but fathers particularly problematic in masculine workplace
generally receive a wage bump. environments.
•
KEY TERM.
horizontal occupational gender segregation ( p. 408 ) sponsor ( p. 423 )
vertical occupational gender segregation ( p. 408 ) amplification ( p. 424 )
comparable worth ( p. 411 ) glass cliff ( p. 425 )
motherhood wage penalty ( p. 414 ) quid pro quo harassment ( p. 427 )
glass ceiling ( p. 417 ) hostile work environment ( p. 427 )
sticky floor ( p. 418 ) heterosexist harassment ( p. 429 )
glass escalator ( p. 418 ) work-family conflict ( p. 432 )
“ think manager-think male ” bias ( p. 420 ) role enhancement theory ( p. 432 )
transformational leader ( p. 422 ) work-family enrichment ( p. 432 )
networking ( p. 422 ) sandwich generation ( p. 435 )
mentor ( p. 423 ) maternal wall ( p. 437 )
THINK ABOUT IT
1. Imagine you’re advising a woman who is is it? If it is hard to locate or unclear, what
negotiating a salary for a new job. Based on recommendations would you make to change
the research, what things would you tell the that ?
woman to say? What would you advise her to 4. Imagine that a friend who has two small
avoid ? children decides to go back into the
2. Using the research in this chapter, what workforce. What types of stressors do you
specific actions can you do in your work think she will encounter? What advice would
environment to address inequalities? you offer her?
3. Locate the sexual harassment policy at your
school and /or workplace. How accessible
Chapter Review 445
I
>
I
:
i ONLINE RESOURCES
!i
J
i
i
Equal Rights Advocates — information
that protects and promotes economic and
—
Girl Boss conversations with women who
are leaders in die paid workforce: girlboss.com
i
educational access and opportunities for
women and girls: equalrights.org
National Women’s Law Center — policies
and laws that help guide women and girls, with
i
—
Fairy God Boss advice about pay and
workplace culture, with attention to gender
particular attention to women who face some
of the toughest challenges: nwlc.org
equality in the workplace: fairygodboss.com
!•
;
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:!! ! '
t;
•I
.
s£
'i
;
i :
i?
o Oseola McCarty, a Black woman from Hattiesburg, Mississippi, retired
i at age 86 in 1995. Since dropping out of school in sixth grade, she had
i
worked full-time as a "washerwoman" doing laundry for people to help
support herself, her aunt, and her grandmother ( "Oseola McCarty " n.d.). .
She had also saved some of her earnings, resulting in $280,000 in the
.
bank when she retired. After setting aside enough to live on she donated
$150,000 to the University of Southern Mississippi to fund scholarships for
students seeking the type of education she had been unable to pursue,
n .
At age 50 Carol Masheter, a White epidemiologist from Salt Lake City .
Utah, began climbing mountains (Henetz, 2012). She did most of her train-
ing and climbing during her yearly three- week vacations.
In 2012, the then 65-year -old, retired Masheter became the
oldest woman to climb the tallest mountain on each of the
4 seven continents —something she managed to do in a span
L\ of four years.
r,« In 2017, Alla lllyinichna Levushkina became the world’s oldest
III
n
..s
-
' 3 \
working surgeon at age 89 (White, 2017). She has performed
'
IV '
*
more than 10,000 surgeries and has had no fatalities. In
.
t Russia, where she lives, it's typical to retire in one's mid-fifties,
(N
.’ but Levushkina can't imagine her life without her work. She
—
A
! u
A] 7M s
still performs at least four surgeries per week.
;• ! : yr
• f
Pinup calendars with naked or nearly naked women are noth-
?!
ing new. However, in 1999, when the Rylestone Women's
K
Institute in England made such a calendar as a fund-raiser
; X
(
i
for leukemia research in honor of a member's late husband,
A ;
: .
the women made waves (Hoge 2000). That's because all
.
* Older women contribute to society the nude, but strategically blocked, models were between
in diverse ways. LaDonna Brave the ages of 45 and 60. This effort inspired a movie, Calendar
si -
Bull Allard, pictured here, has
Girls, starring Helen Mirren. It also inspired many other calen-
:i worked as an activist to both
preserve tribal lands and protect dars in this vein, such as one featuring 16 women in their 70s
the Missouri River from the and 80s from the Riderwood retirement community in Silver
!
development of an oil pipeline. Spring, Maryland, to fund-raise for community residents who
However, women such as this
aren ' t usually the first to come to .
were struggling financially (Rosenwald 2012).
mind when people think of older n In 2016, LaDonna Brave Bull Allard, a member of the Stand-
: women. Why do you suppose ing Rock Sioux tribe in her 60s, founded the Sacred Stones
these women are viewed as the
exception rather than the rule?
camp on her property in North Dakota ( Deerinwater, 2016;
Merlan, 2016). This became the first of numerous camps for
struction of the Dakota Access Pipeline to both preserve sacred lands and :
protect the Missouri River. Allard, who also identifies her name as Ta Maka
Waste Win, meaning " Her Good Earth Woman," became a spokesperson !
for the water protectors at Standing Rock ( "Standing Rock Sioux Historian ". >
2016). She spoke on their behalf at the United Nations (UN) in October
2016 to urge intervention since the proposed Dakota Access Pipeline vio- I I
•
!
lated treaties between the U.S. government and the Lakota people as well «
i
the first that come to mind when you think of older women. your turn
Instead of active women working to make a difference in the
iii
world, you may think of frail women who can't care for them- When you think of older women, what !!
selves, or women in nursing homes living with dementia, or comes to mind? What do these women
white- haired grandmothers rocking on a porch while knit - look like? How do they spend their time?
What are their concerns? Now ask the
ting, or widows living alone in a small apartment struggling
same questions of others. Are there I
to pay the monthly bills. Those experiences are the reality patterns to the responses based on the
for some older women, but they aren't the only ones. In this age or gender of those you talk with? How
chapter, we' ll explore both the assumptions about and the about sexual orientation or race/ethnicity?
communities.
:» »
people who arc 40 or 50 may seem old . Many birthday cards associate both these .. .
j j
Regardless of the specific age at which “ old ” begins, it’s common to expect
different things from people as they grow older. Throughout this book , we’ve
explored stereotypes of women and the way these stereotypes change when
other aspects of women’s social identities are considered . Older women consti -
tute one more group for whom stereotypes abound . As with general stereotypes
of women, stereotypes of older adults reflect a mix of positive and negative attri -
butes ( Levy & Macdonald, 2016 ). For example, older people are perceived as
warm, caring, and communal, but they’re also seen as as frail, forgetful, and less
competent. Meta -analyses indicate that, overall, attitudes toward older adults are
more negative than those toward younger adults ( Kite & Johnson , 1988; Kite,
Stockdale, Whitley, & Johnson, 2005 ) . Ageism is prejudice related to a person’s
!.
actual or perceived age, and the stereotypes given above reflect ageist views.
Do people judge older women and men in different ways ? The answer
appears to be yes. For example, a sample of predominantly White college stu -
dents generally evaluated older adults positively and evaluated older women
more positively than older men ( Narayan, 2008 ). Flowevcr, older women were
rated more positively in traditionally feminine domains of having friends and
participating in religious or leisure activities; older men were evaluated more
positively in traditionally masculine domains related to competence and work.
In another study whose participants ranged from 20 to 92 years old , older men,
as compared to older women, were evaluated more positively in domains of
finances and work ( Kornadt, Voss, & Rothermund, 2013 ) . These findings indi-
cate that gendered expectations continue as people age.
Stereotypes become more complicated when other aspects of social identities,
such as race or sexual orientation, are taken into consideration . For example, a
sample of largely White undergraduates was asked to rate groups of people on
traits related to agentic or communal orientations ( Andreoletti , Leszczynski, &
Disch, 2015 ). The groups were described as either Black or White, female or
male, and between 15 and 95 years of age ( e.g., Black 35 -year-old women ).
When the researchers looked just at gender, women were perceived as more
communal and men as more agentic. When looking just at race, White individu-
als were perceived as more communal and Black individuals as more aggressive,
'
I
i
i
1
I
i
as ability status and sexual
orientation. What image do
you picture when you think
i
about an older lesbian? What i:
about an older heterosexual i
competitive, and dominant. When looking just at age, older adults were gener-
ally seen as less agcntic and more communal. A more complex picture emerged
when the researchers considered how gender, race, and age interacted . For
example, older Black and White women were evaluated differently. Specifically,
older Black women were rated as similar in competitiveness to older Black and 1
•!
White men and as more competitive than older White women . Older White :
women were rated as more devoted to others than were older Black women.
i
Although little research has explored it , there’s evidence that sexual orienta - • >1
tion may also influence perceptions of older adults. In a study of college students
who predominantly identified as heterosexual and White, older adults were, ,i » i
overall, perceived as being more frail but also more judicious ( c.g., wise, mature, I i
patient, and cautious ) than younger adults, consistent with general aging ste-
reotypes ( Wright & Canetto, 2009 ) . Moreover, heterosexual women and men
were perceived as being traditionally feminine and masculine in line with gender
stereotypes. Older lesbians, however, were perceived as more similar to hetero- t.'ii
Bi
What is stereotype embodiment theory, and how do stereotypes influence • I;. •
the way older adults see themselves?
ii ; i
Stereotypes don’t just influence how others perceive older adults; they iiir
also influence how older adults see themselves and the choices they make. <
» •
Nevertheless, other research shows that not everyone who might be consid -
ered “old ” is affected by negative stereotypes about older people. In one study,
many participants who held negative stereotypes about older people didn’t actu -
ally sclf-identify as old, even at age 70 and above ( Kornadt 8c Rothermund ,
2012 ). If people don’t view themselves as old , then negative stereotypes about
aging will have a lesser effect on them. In fact, other researchers have found
! that when participants encountered negative stereotypes about aging, they were
actually less likely to see themselves as old ( Weiss 8c Lang, 2012 ). In a study on
the conceptualization of aging among women from Quebec ( age 65 and older ),
most participants didn’t identify as old , or did so only grudgingly ( Queniart 8c
Charpenticr, 2012 ). One 91-year-old woman said , “I think it [ the label of old
woman ] best described some else, not me,” and another said , “ I told you my age
[ 85], but I don’t feel that age ” ( p. 992 ). This was largely due to their awareness
Some women may also have a positive view of their own aging. For example,
one study showed that older lesbians perceived the aging process as positive
(Schope, 2005 ) . This was attributed to the fact that the participants reported
diverse social networks consisting of both younger and older friends. Also, older I« : !
lesbian women reported feeling revered by younger lesbian women because of
their wisdom and increased engagement in politics.
Overall , the findings just described suggest that people view “ old ” in dif-
ferent ways and that it may only be a state of mind . Apparently, age stereo-
types don’t have the same effect if one doesn’t view oneself as old . No matter
how old one may actually be in years, not seeing oneself as “ old ” means a
lower likelihood of worrying about memory loss, physical frailty, or loss of
independence .
!
I
The Av : i g Body i
Many stereotypes about aging involve the body and how it changes as we get !
older. If you imagine an older woman , you may think of someone with gray hair
and wrinkles. Perhaps you think of someone who uses an assistive device to help i :
with mobility or who has other health concerns. It’s true that bodies change
as we age, in terms of both physical appearance and function. It’s also true
—
that eventually all of us will see our bodies fail that’s part of being human.
Women , however, face added pressures related to their aging bodies because
i
societal beauty standards are narrower and more harshly applied to women than
to men.
Appearance
How do older women feel about their appearance, and what role does
beauty work play in their lives?
Age stereotypes aren’t just about how people act and what they can do. They’re
also about how people look. As we saw in Chapter 6, women in Western society
are under particular pressure to conform to largely unachievable beauty ideals.
Although appearance expectations and pressures to meet them do change as
women grow older, they don’t go away. This means that older women may 5i -
have different concerns as compared to younger women. One reason is that
_
• .
j:
*
i :; '
Noll , Quinn , Sc Twengc, 1998; Hebl, King, 8c Lin, 2004 ). Thus, older women
may be less likely to experience these negative consequences of feeling dissatis-
fied with their appearance.
If
.
Older women also have varying perspectives on attractiveness ( Krekula,
2016 ) . This research suggests that older women are sometimes influenced A 1
by youthful beauty standards, but they also draw on a different set of beauty '
1
pare themselves to other older women . This comparison with simi - INGREDIENTS: Aqua (Water ) ViUs .
Vmilera (Grape ) Seed Extract .
lar-age peers may help them maintain a positive self-image. Cyclomothlcone, Glycerin PEG . -
!
.
100 Stearate Propylene Glycol
Prunus Armeniaca (Apricot ) Kernel
. f
i
.
Oil Butyleno Glycol, Aesculus I
Beauty Work Because aging brings body - and appearance-related Hippocastanum (Horse Chestnut )
Extract .Symphytum Officinale
women , and it includes practices such as wearing makeup, shaving Upoic Acid, Citrus Medica Umonum
( Lemon) Peel Extract Macrosystis .
legs, and dying hair. It can also involve invasive procedures such
Pynfera ( Kelp ) Extract Panax .
Ginseng (Ginseng) Root Extract
Cymbopogon Schoonanthus
.
as Botox injections or cosmetic surgery. Studies have shown that (Lemongrass) Extract Rosa Camru
( Dog Rose ) Fruit Extract .
Equlsitum Hiomale (Horsetail)
some women feel beauty work is necessary in order to hide the Re -Sto ration 1'W Extract . Chamomilla Recutita
( Matricaria ) Extract, Sodium
signs of aging and to “ pass” as younger than one’s chronological DEEP REPAIR .
Hyaluronate Glyceryl Unoleate.
!
age ( Hurd Clarke, Griffin, & Maliha, 2009; Winterich , 2007 ). This FACIAL SERUM V , .
Hydrolyzed Soy Protom Retinyl
.
Palm tato Daucus Carota Sativa
.
(Carrot ) Root Arginine, Superoxido
. t
2007 ). So, when anti-aging ads target men, they’re more likely offices, spas, and premium
to promote products such as dietary supplements. Even in adver- retailers. The product pictured
tising for appearance- related products targeting men, a different here retails for nearly $200 ( for
tone usually prevails. For example, Touch of Gray hair dye mar- 1 ounce). ‘it -
keted to men conveys the message that it’s alright for men to have * j! •
try it for yourself life experience. Can you imagine a similar product being
marketed to women ?
When women in research studies have been asked about
Go to a drug store or the health and
their appearance - related body concerns, they’ve mentioned
beauty section of a big box store. Look at
graying hair, wrinkles, sagging skin , facial hair, and weight
the products on the shelves as well as the
advertising throughout the section and the gain ( Hurd Clarke ct al., 2009; Winterich, 2007 ). As noted
product packaging. Are products aimed previously , it’s generally expected that most women will
at women, at men. or at all people? Which attempt to conceal their age, but they actually receive con -
products seem marketed explicitly toward flicting messages about whether or not they should . For
older adults? Do you see any gender differ- example, primarily White participants of diverse ages judged
ences in these products? What about the older individuals described as using age concealment more
products marketed as anti-aging? Are they negatively than those described as not engaging in such
for women, for men. or for everyone? Who practices ( Harris, 1994 ). However, women in another study
! is depicted in the ads or on the packaging? reported receiving negative reactions if they didn ’t take
Do those people look “old"?
steps to conceal their age ( Hurd Clarke & Griffin , 2008 ).
These women reported feeling that they were invisible, that
others assumed they weren’t knowledgeable or competent,
and that it was challenging to keep or attract the interest of a sexual and /or
ii : romantic partner.
I: Overall, then , older women face a “damned if they do/damned if they don’t ”
I
situation. Consequently, many try to conceal their age in subtle ways in
order to achieve a “ natural ” look ( Hurd Clarke & Griffin , 2007 ) . Moreover,
older women themselves often set and enforce appearance standards, as with
“age-appropriate ” dress ( Hurd Clarke et al., 2009 ). Clothing identified as inap-
propriate included revealing items ( e.g., low- rise jeans, short skirts ), garments
in bright or bold colors, and clothes that were “ too fashionable ” and youth
—
oriented as opposed to those that were “classic” or “ traditional ” in style and
the older women who participated in the study made negative judgments about
those whom they perceived as violating these standards ( p. 715 ).
Women respond in various ways to the pressure for beauty work. A group
of 46- to 71-year-old women, diverse in terms of race and sexual orientation,
shared an array of perspectives ( Winterich, 2007 ) . One White lesbian woman
said that when her hair began to gray, “students started to treat me differently
. . . they started to talk to me like I was an old woman . . . I started dyeing my
hair and that was the end of that ” ( p. 63 ). Other women embrace their gray
;
hair. A Latinx lesbian said, “ I worked for every single one! . . . Besides, I think
it looks pretty cool,” and a Black lesbian said, “ I want to put that stuff to make
the gray shine!” ( p. 63).
i One age-related change that most women find unacceptable is the growth of
facial hair. Although a minority of women in one study reported experiencing
this change, the majority of those who did engaged in practices to remove the
:i unwanted hair ( Winterich, 2007 ). As discussed in Chapter 4, people are often
!
i 'i
456 Chapter 11 Older Women
uncomfortable with the fact that sex /gender distinctions aren’t as clear as they
may have believed to be the case. The presence of facial hair is associated with
masculine identity and violates norms of femininity in addition to youthful norms
of attractiveness. As a result, facial hair as a body change associated with aging til
Menopause
What is menopause, what are women's experiences of menopause like,
and what role does medical intervention play in women' s experience of
menopause?
to be dreaded and feared , they may actually experience more severe symptoms.
Cultural context can also influence experiences of menopause. In one study, a
!•
sample of women in Canada and the United States reported more body changes I)
than did a sample of women in Japan ( Lock, 1994 ). Another study showed
that country of residence was related to reports of body changes associated !
with menopause in samples of women from Lebanon, Morocco, Spain, and
die United States ( Obcrmeyer, Reher, & Saliba, 2007). Overall, body changes If
associated with menopause are found among women worldwide, and rates vary
—
within every sample of women with some reporting few changes and little to
no distress, and others reporting much more ( Obermeyer, 2000 ). I;
In a study of 50 - year- old women and their mothers ( all of whom identified
as White ), even though the participants’ physical experiences were similar across
generations, mothers generally viewed menopause as a natural stage of life while ;
daughters regarded it as a mcdicalized experience of symp- ii
toms that needed to be treated and/or cured ( Utz, 2011).
One mother said , “ Menopause just happened. We didn’t do
! ii
much about it” ( p. 147); but one daughter said, “I will treat
try it for yourself Hi
it [ menopausal symptoms], or better yet, stop it before it ever
—
starts” ( p. 148 ), reflecting a more negative view as if meno-
pause were something to be delayed or avoided at all costs.
When you think of menopause, what
comes to mind? Do you think of it as one
H
r•
more aspect of life to be experienced,
This view was generally associated with a fear of aging and a or as a medical issue to be managed
discomfort with die body changes associated with menopause. with the help of health-care providers?
In talking about their own experience with body changes, one Take a minute to google menopause . ii
daughter shared that she was “ no longer able to lose weight, What comes up as the initial links? Do <
no matter how much I diet” ( p. 148 ), and another said, “I these sites talk about body changes or i
began to notice skin changes, it just wasn’t as tight as it used to symptoms? Are the pages from medically
b e. . . . And weight gain, well, not really weight gain, my body oriented sources? How can the differ- ill
just changed. It is a different shape now” ( p. 147). Because the ences in language and the sources of
older women saw menopause as natural, it didn’t bother them information shape the way people view 5:
l:!!
|
reported greater distress.
make skin and breasts sag. As estrogen declines, testosterone in women’s bodies I
can produce facial hair and a deepening voice. Vaginal tissues become thinner, and :i
vaginal lubrication often decreases. The last two changes can contribute to some ii
ii
of the changes in women’s sexual experiences as they age (discussed in Chapter 7).
These changes may be particularly impactful for heterosexual women, as they’re
likely to define sex in terms of penile-vaginal penetration. In one study, hetero-
ii - •’
because their male partners complained about die dryness impacting their own
experience of sex ( Winterich, 2003). In contrast, lesbian women reported that
vaginal dryness ( their own or dieir partner’s ) led to more communication about
how to adapt dieir sexual activity so diat bodi partners were satisfied .
i!j ?!
For years, menopausal and postmenopausal hormone therapy ( HT; also
! known as hormone replacement therapy, or HRT) was considered the best way
il : to treat and prevent symptoms associated with menopause. In fact , in 1966 the
I
r
gynecologist Robert Wilson published the book Feminine Forever promoting the
i use of HT to “cure ” menopause, which was considered a hormone deficiency
.
:
.
disease. The book contributed to large numbers of women being prescribed
(
estrogen supplements, and later estrogen / progestin supplements. The shift to
die latter occurred because a link between estrogen -only HT and endometrial
cancer was identified in 1975 (Smidi, Prentice, Thompson , 3c Hermann, 1975;
Zicl & Finkle, 1975 ). Rates increased from approximately 1% of peri - and post -
menopausal women using HT prior to 1980 to approximately 4.4% of women in
the 1980s and 8.8% of women in the 1990s ( Jewett, Gangnon, Trentham- Dietz,
j
8c Sprague, 2014 ). By the early 2000s, researchers and doctors alike were inter-
!j ested in HT as a preventive treatment for problems ranging from heart disease
to osteoporosis to dementia.
!
However, the enthusiasm for HT ended abrupdy when it became clear that
i1 diis therapy actually increased, radier than decreased, the risk of many odier
diseases. In fact, in 2002, a large study of postmenopausal estrogen / progestin
!:
use was stopped 2.5 years early because the results indicated that taking HT was
! doing harm to the participants. Specifically, it was linked to increases in heart
:
,
i '!
!'
Even though people of all
ages utilize health - care
services, chronic illnesses
increase as people age. Given
: ! this, older women are greater
consumers of health - care
'
L
ig
!
i
disease, stroke, breast cancer, and pulmonary embolism a blood clot in the—
lungs (Writing Group for the Women’s Health Initiative Investigators, 2002 ).
i
A related study of estrogen -only HT for women who’d had hysterectomies was
stopped two years later because of the increased risk of stroke ( Women’s Health
Initiative Steering Committee, 2004 ). Current medical recommendations for
HT center on short - term use during perimenopause to address hot flashes and
vaginal dryness ( de Villiers ct al., 2013 ). In line with changing recommenda -
tions, prescription rates have fallen substantially in recent years. For example, I
l
Physical Health ! .
One reason HT seemed to be a potential wonder drug was that researchers spec- !!
ulated it could help prevent diseases for which women are at increased risk. As
Table 11.1 shows, heart disease and cancer are die two most common causes of death
for women , followed by respiratory diseases ( e.g., COPD, or coronary obstruc-
tive pulmonary disease ), stroke, and Alzheimer’s disease ( Heron, 2016 ). The rates .
Si
aren’t the same for all women , however. For example, diabetes is among the most
common causes of death for all groups of women other than White women. •.
.
For years, heart disease was considered a men’s disease. Even today, this idea
—
remains common possibly because the disease tends to develop about 10 years
later in women as compared to men ( Finnegan et al., 2000; Maas 8c Appelman,
2010 ). Because the onset in women usually occurs after menopause, many research -
I: ers and health-care providers thought that estrogen might protect against heart
disease (Writing Group for the Women’s Health Initiative Investigators, 2002 ). In
i! fact, this theory was a major contributor to the trend of prescribing long-term HT
for postmenopausal women. However, as mentioned earlier, this view was incorrect.
! li
;!
Researchers have begun to view die potential roles of endogenous estrogen
i:
!; ( produced within die body ) and supplemental estrogen and testosterone in
the development of heart disease as being even more complex than previously
thought. For example, one study indicated that transwomen receiving estrogen
supplements have a higher risk for heart disease than transmen ( whose ovaries
produce endogenous estrogen ) receiving testosterone ( Gooren, Wierckx, 8c
Giltay, 2014 ). In fact, transgender individuals, both those who do and diosc who
do not use supplemental hormones, have the potential to provide valuable and
unique data about the influences of endogenous and supplemental hormones.
I Regardless of why the onset occurs later, heart disease is now known to be
. common among women . Yet they’re still less likely than men to receive proper
! diagnosis. For example, a study in Britain showed that women were signifi -
W\
cantly less likely to be correctly diagnosed with a heart attack than men ( Wu
'
;!
et al., 2018 ). One explanation may be that women are less likely to have severe
fi .!r chest pain as a key symptom ( Finnegan et al ., 2000 ) . They’re more likely to
experience pain in other parts of the body ( e.g., jaw, neck, arm, back ) as well
as lightheadedness, breathlessness, and nausea . If women don’t know they’re
: having the symptoms of a heart attack, they’re likely to delay seeking treatment.
:
Moreover, if doctors don’t recognize heart attack symptoms in women, then
women probably won’t receive proper treatment ( Wu et al ., 2018 ). In fact ,
research suggests that doctors often misdiagnose heart problems in women as
anxiety, depression, stress, or panic, which can delay necessary treatment and,
i
ultimately, lead to women having worse outcomes than men ( Carnlof, Iwarzon,
s . ii
Jensen- Urstad, Gadler, & Insulander, 2017 )
'
.i
In contrast to heart disease, many people do associate cancer especially breast
—
cancer with women. Breast cancer is the most commonly diagnosed cancer
—
among women (see Table 11.2; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, n.d.),
-
: i
and it receives considerable attention and research funding from both public and
! private sources ( Gander, 2014; Thompson, 2010 ). This occurs despite the fact that
lung cancer is the leading cause of cancer death for women, except for Hispanic
!
women. Men can be, and are, diagnosed with breast cancer too but at much lower
rates than women ( Giordano, Cohen, Buzdar, Perkins, 8c Hortobagyi, 2004 ).
—
:
. *Authors* note: Because the U.S. government collects data using the term Hispanic, you will sec us use this term
at various points throughout this chapter in contrast to our typical use of the term Latinx.
.1.
-
•
Lung cancer and lung diseases like COPD ( the third lead -
ing cause of death for women ) are related to rates of smoking
among women ( U.S. Department of Health and Human Ser-
vices, 2014 ). Risk for both heart disease and stroke ( the latter
is the fourth most common cause of death for women ) is also
increased by smoking, as is the risk for diabetes ( one of die most
common causes of death for all groups of women except White
women ). In fact, according to die U.S. Department of Health
and Human Services ( 2014 ), women’s risks for these diseases
have increased dramatically over the past 50 years, and the pat -
tern is linked to an increase in women’s smoking rates over the i
:;
same period . Neverdieless, lung cancer receives signifkandy ’ . .- - -T - i
Note. Data drawn from Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ( n.d.). 1 I;:
PI
E M P O W E R I N G|§|
OR OPPRESSING?
ir
!
Breast Reconstruction Surgery
promoting acceptance of bodies with differences. For ex -
A
Ithough lumpectomy (removal of breast tissue
from around a cancerous tumor), or breast- ample, instead of seeking reconstruction, some women
conserving surgery, is the more common sur- opt for tattoos around their mastectomy scars to celebrate
gical treatment for breast cancer today ( 62%), their lives and decorate their bodies ( Conger, 2014). One
some women, particularly those with more advanced can- woman summed up her comfort with her mastectomy
cers, have mastectomies to remove the entire breast (38%; (without reconstruction) in this way: "When you are older,
ii .
Mahmood et al. 2013). Any cancer treatment can affect imperfections count for less .. . you actually should have
!• body image, but breast surgery offers special challenges .
some rips in your sails when you get older " ( Fallbjork et al.
because breasts are often considered a uniquely feminine .
2012, p E44).
aspect of appearance and can be connected to women's Further, while breast surgeons strive to produce breasts
. .
gender identity As one woman reported "I would die with- that "will 'feel' like a natural breast," this "feeling" is from
I
;
out breasts; I could never live without breasts" (Fallbjork. the perspective of an observer or sexual partner rather
11
Salander, & Rasmussen, 2012, p. E45). than the women themselves (Rabin, 2017, para. 7). One side
i.v Slightly more than half of women who experience mas- effect of reconstruction is decreased sensation in the breast,
l! Ii tectomy undergo breast reconstruction , which involves so women's breast(s) go from being a source of pleasure for
creating a new breast with implants and/or other tissue themselves to being a source of pleasure only for others.
. .
from the body (Connors Goodman Myckatyn, Margen - Also, breast reconstruction isn't a choice that’s avail-
thaler, & Gehlert, 2016). Women may opt for reconstruc - able to all women. One study showed that older women
tion to better meet societal beauty standards, and one and those without private health insurance are less likely
'
I study showed that those who chose reconstruction had to receive breast reconstruction, and Black women are
better body image following cancer treatment than those 30% less likely to have reconstruction than White women
ii .
who didn’t (Nano et al. 2005). Moreover, other studies (Connors et al., 2016). Although some of these differences
show that women who have delayed as opposed to imme- may reflect different values, they're also indicative of
diate reconstruction report more body concerns (Metcalfe systemic barriers, including financial ones, that influence
.
et al. 2012) and that feeling uncomfortable about one’s and constrain women's options.
body after a mastectomy predicts seeking breast recon- Ultimately, breast reconstruction is a personal choice
.
struction later (Metcalfe et al., 2017) Given these findings, that's connected to larger expectations about femininity .
reconstruction may indeed help women feel better about Overall, women who do and do not have reconstruction
i -
.
themselves (Fallbjork et al., 2012) .
have no differences in quality of life (Sun et al. 2014).
However, one could argue that breast reconstruc- Do you think breast reconstruction is empowering or op-
tion reinforces a narrow standard of beauty rather than pressing for women?
;|
-;l
5 464
providing research funding. While one may argue diat
cancers that kill more women should get more research
funding, it would be hard to find anyone who thinks that
spotlight o n . .
funding research on all cancer is a good thing.
—
breast cancer research should be defimded after all,
Pinkwashing
A number of years ago, while teaching a class, one of
We've all seen them — pink ribbons on car
the authors of this book noticed a student’s breast cancer- magnets, on yogurt containers, as graph -
related shirt with a pink ribbon as part of the design and ics on water bottles, and so on. These
die slogan “save the ta-tas” printed on it. Well - intentioned are examples of pinkwashing , which
T-shirts like this increase awareness about breast cancer, occurs when a company or organization
encourage breast self-exams and mammography to pro- highlights its concern for breast cancer by
mote early detection , and help raise funds for research. promoting pink or pink ribbon products.
However, the sexualized nature of the slogan and its Although these efforts seem admirable,
placement over the wearer’s breasts seemed to imply that the organization Breast Cancer Awareness
the T-shirt campaign was about saving breasts rather than runs a Think Before You Pink campaign that
prompts people to consider why companies
saving women’s lives. This point may sum up why breast
align with breast cancer awareness, and to
cancer, in particular, receives so much attention and fund -
ask how much money from those products
ing. Breasts arc a symbol of femininity and sexuality, are actually goes toward breast cancer research, !I
linked to standards of beauty, and are seen as a source of treatment, and/or education. Moreover, the
—
sexual pleasure particularly for male partners.
Unlike breast cancer, many diseases that dispropor-
organization is troubled by the fact that the
focus has largely been on individual aware-
tionately affect women receive very little attention . For ness and screening instead of on systemic
example, osteoporosis, osteoarthritis, and dementia all changes that could promote a decrease
present significant risks. Osteoporosis is a disease of in breast cancer, and other cancers, for
bone loss. Everyone loses bone density as they age, but all. Some of the organization's initiatives
for some people this happens at a greater and /or faster involve identifying hazardous chemicals
that may contribute to the development of
rate, resulting in osteoporosis. This is a particular con -
breast cancer and pointing out that many
cern for women , as estrogen plays a role in bone devel -
companies that pinkwash either manu-
opment and maintenance, and the decrease in estrogen
facture or use products associated with
at menopause is linked to decreased bone density, par- increased cancer rates or have partnerships
ticularly for White women ( U.S. Department of Health with companies that do. Some critics have '1
and Human Services, 2014 ). Many women who have even suggested that pinkwashing obscures
osteoporosis don’t know they have it, however. In one the discussion of environmental contribu-
study, only 11% of women age 65 and older who were tors to breast cancer (Lubitow & Davis, 2011).
surveyed reported having osteoporosis, but testing indi - Do you own any pink or pink ribbon
cated that 26% actually had the disease ( U.S. Depart- products with a link to breast cancer char-
ment of Health and Human Services, 2004 ). Consistent ities? Do other people you know? Research
with these data , the Centers for Disease Control and .
some companies that pinkwash find out
how they allocate money from these prod-
Prevention estimate that 25% of women in die United
ucts, and identify their corporate politics.
States over age 65 have osteoporosis ( Looker & Frenk, Do your findings make you reconsider
2015 ). This is a concern because it contributes to frac- supporting pinkwashing campaigns?
ture rates and, subsequently, hospitalizations and place -
ment in nursing homes. Hip fractures, in particular, are
465
I:
i• ;
•
M
.k
)
I ;
associated with an increased risk of deadi in die initial year after the fracture
occurs ( U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2004 ) .
While osteoporosis is a bone disease, ostcoardiritis ( OA ) is a joint disease. It’s
a degenerative condition that occurs when cartilage in joints breaks down, so
] there’s nothing left to cushion die movement of bones against one another. This
r can result in pain , stiffness, and swelling. It can occur in any joint, but the knees,
i
. hips, lower back, and fingers arc among die most common sites. Anyone who
lives long enough wall eventually develop OA, and greater wear and tear on joints
[
;;
(e.g., due to physical labor or athletic activity ) can be a contributing factor. OA is
a leading cause of chronic pain and disability for both women and men ( United
t; States Bone and Joint Initiative, 2014 ). Although there’s great variability in the
5
experience of OA from person to person , die pain and physical limitations associ -
ated with it can interfere with individuals’ ability to work and engage in preferred
!! leisure activities. Because women generally live longer dian men (see Table 11.3;
| Arias, Heron, & Xu , 2016 ), they have more opportunity to develop and live with
h
OA, and research indicates diat women are at higher risk (Srikanth et al., 2005 ).
Anodier disease that disproportionately affects women is Alzheimer’s disease
( Mazure & Swendsen, 2016 ). This is the most common form of dementia, and
it involves progressive declines in cognitive abilities that typically begin with
memory loss. Women are at 30% greater risk than men ( Tejada -Vcra, 2013 ),
* and while women’s higher life expectancy can explain part of this, it doesn’t
M:\i
explain die entire gap, particularly in people ages 60 to 80 ( Vina & Llorct,
2010 ). Non - Hispanic White women appear to be at higher risk compared to
1m:1.? non - Hispanic Black women and Hispanic women of all races ( Tcjada -Vera,
;h
U
8
2013 ). Although some treatments seem to slow the progression of the disease
in certain individuals, there is no cure, and women tend to live longer with
0' Alzheimer’s than do men ( Mazure & Swendsen , 2016 ). As a result, women
with dementia often live for extended periods in assisted living and long- term
care facilities. It’s noteworthy that women not only have the greater burden of
" I living with this disease, but they also often serve as care providers for loved ones
; i
TABLE 11.3 Life Expectancies in 2012 for Women and Men in the
United States
!
Women Men
I
All 81.2 years 76.4 years
White 81.4 years 76.7 years
:
i! Black 78.4 years 72.3 years
Hispanic (all races) 84.3 years 79.3 years
:
Note. Data drawn from Arias et al. ( 2016 )
.
i
I
How can differing social identity characteristics, ageism, and other prejudices
impact older women's experiences within the health-care system?
Even if a woman has no chronic illnesses such as high blood pressure, diabe-
t
-
<
I
tes, or osteoarthritis, she’ll almost certainly utilize health - care services at some
point. Whether she has access to high-quality health care depends on where she
lives and what type of health insurance, if any, she has. People’s experiences with
the health -care system are different depending on their social identity character-
istics. There arc, for example, significant racial disparities in access to adequate
care. The American Medical Association ( AMA ) reviewed the existing research
i
in 2002 and concluded that the evidence for racial disparities was overwhelming
and unacceptable ( Nelson , 2002 ). These disparities lead to higher death rates
for cancer, diabetes, and heart disease among people with racial/ethnic minority
identities. The AMA also concluded that , beyond economic factors, inequities i
sionals bring their personal assumptions and biases into their interactions with !
patients, with the result that ageism plays a role in the care that many older t
adults receive ( Chrisler, Barney, & Palatino, 2016; Nemmers, 2005 ). For those
who also identify as belonging to other marginalized groups, this experience can
be compounded by racism , heterosexism, transphobia, ableism, and other biases
(Spring, 2015 ) . For example, a transwoman who has long lived as a woman and
is publicly recognized as such may find herself needing more health services !
as she ages. If she hasn’t had genital surgery, she may have to “out ” herself to
providers. In doing so, she may experience an array of reactions ranging from
surprise and discomfort, to misgendering, to humiliation and refusal to treat.
Researchers have found that older LGBTQ adults often feel the need to “ go
back into die closet” because of fears of mistreatment by health-care providers
( Bradford et al., 2016; Czaja et al., 2016; Gendron et al., 2013).
/:
One challenge that older adults, and older women in particular, encounter is
infantilization. Because of negative stereotypes about older adults being frail and
experiencing cognitive decline, some people, including those within the health-
—
care system, are likely to treat older adults as if they were children for example,
through clderspeak. Elderspeak involves simplified speech , a high pitch, and an
! : |: exaggerated tone similar to baby- talk. Some people might think that address-
ing older women as “sweetie” and “dear” is an appropriate way to connect and
!) doesn’t belitdc them ( Lcland , 2008 ), but those on the receiving end of clderspeak
I
*: perceive it as a sign that die speakers see themselves as superior ( O’Connor &
'
Changing Relations
si
.i
I
•i
^
Positive experiences with aging are related to having successful relationships and
a sense of belonging. In Chapter 8, we examined the importance of friendships
across the life span. Strong social tics with family members and friends are espe -
i: cially important predictors of positive mental and physical health among older
i
. adults ( Cornwell 8c Waite, 2009 ). However, as women age, their relationships can
If
change. As is true throughout our lives, changes can be positive or negative. More-
over, the same change can be experienced in varying ways by different people.
r
Among married women and men, older men have been shown to be more sat-
I
isfied with their marriage than older women ( Boerner, Jopp, Carr, Sosinsky, 8c
Kim, 2014; Bulanda, 2011; Jackson, Miller, Oka, 8c Henry, 2014; Umberson 8c
Williams, 2005 ). This is largely because men see their wives as nurturing and car-
ing, and they report that their wives treat them better than the wives report about
their husbands ( Boerner et al., 2014 ). These findings may reflect the fact that
li
; ii
s •:i! 468 Chapter 11 Older Women
I j 1
: i
=
=
the current cohort of older adults was raised at a time when women were more
encouraged to be caring and nurturing than may be true of younger women
today. It remains to be seen if these patterns will continue in future generations. t
& Galena , 2004 ) . Although rates of sexual activity do decrease with age, one
: \» i
study showed that the majority of women who were married or cohabiting
remained sexually active, with rates ranging from 92% for those in their 40s to
44% for those age 80 and older (Thomas, Hess, & Thurston, 2015 ). Two of die
most common reasons that older women provide for decreased sexual activity are !
their partners’ poor health and the lack of a partner ( McHugh & Intcrligi, 2015 ).
!
Moreover, research with older women indicates that they experience sexual
desire and sex in diverse ways and that their conceptualizations of what constitutes
a satisfying sexual encounter can change throughout dicir lives. In a study of
Australian women ages 55 through 81 ( all but one of whom identified as hetero-
sexual ), participants reported a wide range of attitudes about sex ( Fileborn et al., f)
2015 ). Some reported that sex was “ really important and it’s a lot of fun achieving
it too,” while others expressed sentiments such as “We don’t have it. It doesn’t i
worry me” ( p. 120 ). Among women not having, or not often having, penetrative
sex, most still reported engaging in odicr types of sexual intimacy with their part- i
in vaginal lubrication and the thinning of the vaginal walls. These changes can
make penetrative sex less comfortable and potentially less satisfying for women . i!
However, one study indicated that poor or nonexistent communication between
partners may also contribute to lack of sexual satisfaction in older women
( Fileborn et al ., 2015 ), and another showed that older women who talked about till
sex with their partners reported higher rates of sexual satisfaction (Thomas et al.,
2015 ). The latter study also showed that those who enjoyed sex when they were
younger were more likely to continue enjoying it as they got older.
Thabane, Foster, & Bedard , 2009; Strang, Koop, & Peden, 2002 ). In the
United States, older adults receive care primarily through family caregiving
Caregiving is a common
—
depression , fear, anxiety, and anger especially among women
( Bookwala 8c Schulz, 2000; Brazil , Bedard , Willison , 8c Hode,
experience for women of all ages, 2003; Strang et al., 2002 ). There is also an increased risk for
but it ' s often part of changing
loss of income, social isolation, and chronic illness ( Cheung 8c
relationships as partners age —
particularly if one partner needs
Hocking, 2004; Pinquart 8: Sorensen, 2007 ). Because of die
ongoing assistance and care. time demands and stress associated with providing care, caregiv-
Although many couples adapt ers are less likely to seek out positive experiences, social support,
their relationship in response to and opportunities to acquire or develop new skills ( Mausbach
their changing roles and abilities, et al., 2012 ). Long- term caregiving also has been shown to
caregiving can also serve as a increase physical health risks, such as the likelihood of develop-
source of stress. ing heart disease ( Vitaliano, Young, 8c Zhang, 2004; von Kanel
et al ., 2008 ). In one study that followed those caring for part -
ners with dementia , researchers found that 24% of participants
had an emergency room visit or a hospitalization within a six - month period
(Schubert et al., 2008 ).
However, for many people, family carcgiving is the only viable option . Other
options, including hiring a caregiver or having a family member move to an
assisted living facility, can be prohibitively expensive. For example, the median
cost of an assisted living facility in the United States was $45,000 per year in
2017; in some states ( e.g., Delaware, New Jersey, Massachusetts ), the cost was
over $65,000 per year ( Heckler, 2017 ). The cost of hiring someone to help in
the home varies, but according to payscalc.com in 2018, an in - home caregiver
—
makes a median of $23,893 ( “ Live-in Caregiver Salary,” n .d . ) a salary that’s
barely above the poverty line but still out of reach for many families to afford .
i
I Bereavement Because women have a higher life expectancy than men , most
I women with male partners will outlive them ( DiGiacomo, Davidson, Byles, 8c
Nolan, 2013). The death of a life partner is extremely stressful, and several
studies show that almost half of all women over age 65 have lost their partner,
with married women from lower socioeconomic backgrounds being the most
likely to become widowed ( Richardson et al., 2015; Zivin 8c Christakis, 2007 ).
Following the death of a spouse, people are more likely to engage in high - risk
behaviors, such as smoking and drinking (Wilcox ct al., 2003; Zisook, Shuchtcr,
& Mulvihill , 1990 ) . They also tend to experience a decline in physical and men -
tal health ( Burns, Browning, 8c Kendig, 2015; Lee & Carr, 2007; Williams
et al., 2011 ) . In fact, a 48% increase in mortality risk occurs when people arc
widowed (Sullivan & Fenelon, 2014 ). This pattern, called the widowhood
effect, is most pronounced immediately following the death, especially if the
death was unexpected and if it results in a loss of financial resources ( Manzoli,
Villari, Pironec, 8c Boccia, 2007; Sullivan 8c Fenelon, 2014 ).
Bereavement is grief associated with losing a relative or a close friend through
death . Although bereavement can occur at any time in a woman’s life, it’s most
common in later life ( Stahl Sc Schulz, 2014 ). In Chapter 8, we discussed social
support, and such support can help in coping with grief ( e.g., Jacobson, Lord, 8c
Newman, 2017; Stroebe, Zech, Strocbc, 8c Abakoumkin, 2005 ). However, rela-
tionships may change when a loss occurs, and the change can affect support. For
example, those in one’s support network may also be experiencing grief related to
the shared loss ( Moss 8c Moss, 2014; Stroebe 8c Schut, 2015 ). Some people may
also feel it’s important to grieve on their own . In one study of Black and White
widows, most of the w'omen wanted to remain autonomous and independent
and, therefore, didn’t rely on family members to help process emotions ( Moss 8c
Moss, 2014 ) . For example, they avoided discussing their sadness with their adult
children because they thought the children wouldn’t understand dieir experience.
The ability to openly mourn the loss of a partner is also related to bereavement
experiences ( Bristowc et al ., 2018; Deevey, 2000; Ingham , Eccles, Armitage, i
!
8c Murray, 2017 ). For example, one study showed that lesbian women who
were unable to disclose the nature of their relationship with a deceased partner
received less social support and experienced more prolonged feelings of grief
as compared to those who could disclose ( Bent 8c Magilvy, 2006 ). Older les-
bian and bisexual women are vulnerable to experiencing disenfranchised grief,
or the inability to openly grieve a loss because the loss isn’t acknowledged by
those around them . This type of grief occurs because, compared to those from
younger generations, they’re less likely to disclose their relationship status out I
of fear of economic insecurity, personal safety, familial and cultural relationships,
and child custody issues ( Beals 8c Peplau, 2001; Jenkins, Edmundson, Averett, i:
8c Yoon, 2014; Keppel, 2006; Whitman, Cormier, 8c Boyd, 2000 ). Further,
!
inclusion in one’s family or religious community may be contingent on keeping
silent about one’s sexual orientation ( Hughes, 2009 ). II
Following the death of a romantic partner, one difficult decision is whether
to date or remarry. There appears to be a gender gap in late- life remarriage:
Men are more likely to remarry than women ( Livingston, 2014 ). There are
I it
ill
'
Mothers don’t stop being mothers when they and their children get older, and
many mothers subsequently become grandmothers. Changes in relationships
between women and their children can add both beneficial and challenging
aspects to older women’s lives. Similarly, grandparenting can be very rewarding;
but for some, it also brings significant carcgiving responsibilities that women
i might not have expected to be taking on in their older years.
An Empty Nest The term empty nest became popular in the 1970s to describe
r
!
—
the post - parental period the time when children are grown and no longer
live at home ( Dcnncrstein, Dudley, & Guthrie, 2002 ). Because of changes in
: :
birth control that have allowed for smaller families, the post - parental period is
now lasting longer than ever before ( Bouchard, 2014 ) . Among couples with
children, nearly half of marriage is now spent after the children leave home
( Vespa, Lewis, & Krcider, 2013 ), yet for many people the term empty nest still
conjures an image of a sad and lonely mother ( Sheriff & Weatherall, 2009 ).
This pessimistic view perpetuates an ageist and sexist understanding of life with -
out children .
Overall, research shows that experiencing an empty nest is actually benefi -
cial for most adults, and especially for women ( Mitchell 8c Lovcgrccn, 2009; I
Schmidt, Murphy, Haq , Rubinow, 8c Danaceau, 2004 ). One explanation
is the role strain relief hypothesis, which suggests that parents, particularly
-
mothers, have an increase in well being after children leave home because
of a decrease in daily demands, time constraints, and work-family conflicts
( Erickson , Martinengo, 8c Hill , 2010 ) . In several studies, women reported that
the post- parental period allowed for reconnection with partners, improved self-
care, and increased freedom ( Bouchard , 2014; Grover 8c Dang, 2013 ). Further,
both women and men have been shown to experience increased marital and
sexual satisfaction after their children leave home ( Gorchoff, John , 8c Helson ,
2008; Hagen 8c DeVries, 2004 ).
Although most women describe positive experiences post - parenting, some
do report a sense of ambivalence ( Dare, 2011 ) . This is especially true for women i
i,
with limited social relationships or roles outside of carctaking and for those who
became parents earlier in life ( Bouchard , 2014; Mitchell 8c Lovegreen , 2009 ) .
Empty- nest syndrome occurs when a person experiences depression, loneliness,
identity crisis, or emotional distress after children leave the home ( Mitchell 8c
Lovegreen , 2009 ). Scholars suggest that such experiences may be connected
to the role loss hypothesis, which proposes that parents, particularly mothers,
•I
will experience a decrease in well - being when their role as caregiver is no longer
needed (Sheriff 8:Wcatherall, 2009 ) . The post - parental period may also present "
unique challenges for women with chronic illnesses and disabilities ( Murphy, il
Roberts, 8c Hcrbeck, 2012 ). HIV- positive mothers, for example, have reported < t
that their “ mother role ” was helpful in distracting them from their illness, so •i
they had a particularly hard time adjusting when their children left home.
Of course, a lot has changed since the 1970s, when the idea of an empty
nest became popular. Many mothers now work outside the home, which gives
i
them a role beyond that of parent ( Pew Research Center, 2013 ) . Further,
the process through which children leave home has become more dynamic i:
(Sandbcrg-Thoma, Snyder, 8c Jang, 2015 ). For example, die term launching
phase now refers to the period during which children are in the process of
leaving the parental home; the oldest may have left, but younger children
continue living with the parents ( Hagen 8c DeVries, 2004 ). As a result, the
nest doesn’t empty at one point in time. Further, because of recent economic i.
changes, the term boomerang kids has been coined to describe adult children i !
who leave but then return home again (Sheriff 8c YVeatherall, 2009 ). In one
study, parents appeared to understand the economic pressures that contribute
to this pattern and reported stronger familial bonds when their adult children
returned home ( Cherlin, Cumberworth, Morgan, 8c VVimer, 2013). Other
—
studies show a more complex picture the return of adult children contributed
II
Changing Relationships 473
I . )
i
to conflict between parents, decline in marital satisfaction, and decreased sexual
i
intimacy between parents ( Bouchard, 2014; Lodge &: Umberson, 2016 ).
i
i
i Grandmothering New relationships and roles enhance women’s lives as they
— —
age, and one of them becoming a grandmother can bring tremendous hap-
piness and fulfillment (Shlorno, Taubman - Ben -Ari, Findler, Sivan, & Dolizki,
2010; Thiele & Whelan, 2008 ). Although becoming a grandmother is often
viewed as a sign of aging, it can also enhance social status for older women ( Arm -
strong, 2003 ). Grandmothers can act as caregivers, mentors, and teachers, and
!} the practical and emotional support they provide has reciprocal benefits ( Moore
8c Rosenthal, 2015 ). For example, a grandmother’s involvement contributes to a
!! grandchild’s positive health and resilience ( Barnett, Scaramella, Neppl, Ontai, &
Conger, 2010; Greve & Bjorklund, 2009 ) while simultaneously improving the
II
grandmother’s mental and physical health ( Grundy ct al., 2012 ). Engagement
i .i with grandchildren has also been found to relate to overall life satisfaction among
grandmothers ( Moore & Rosenthal, 2015 ). Moreover, periodically visiting and
.
: providing caregiving can promote positive, affirming, and loving relationships
ii
i '
•' I I!
with their adult children as well as their grandchildren ( Armstrong, 2003 ).
1
Other research, however, shows that grandmothers who are very involved
HI :
in child care experience greater levels of depression and health problems
:
!r
i
J> than their non-caregiving peers ( Fuller-Thomson, 8c Minkler, 2000; Whitley,
lijl: : j
Lamis, & Kelley, 2016 ). This is most true for grandmothers who live with their
i:
i* .
h r
Many women look forward
to grandmothering ,
. and it can be a way
!!: !! to form and maintain
rich, intergenerational
! i relationships. However, some
!
grandmothers also find
1
' ill themselves in the role of part -
u'1 time or full- time caregivers
ft! Ill for their grandchildren —
something that may not
. :l! have been part of their
.'
S " I.
. expectations for this role.
a '
I:
.
v
i •'
- 1
i
i
474 Chapter 11 Older Women
;
i
i
grandchildren , and especially for those who are primary caregivers. According
to a report from the United States Census Bureau , nearly 4.6 million house-
holds ( 4% ) included grandparents and grandchildren, and of these, 33% had no
parent present ( Ellis 3c Simmons, 2014 ). In 63% of these households, grand -
mothers reported being responsible for the care of their grandchildren. Multi -
generational homes often occur when a teen or adult child has a baby or when
a parent experiences health problems, divorce, or job loss ( Musil 8c Ahmad,
2002; Pruchno 3c McKenney, 2002 ) . These multi generational households can
be found nationwide and among families with diverse demographic profiles, but
they’re more common for those who live in the South, arc of lower socioeco-
nomic status, or identify as people of color ( Ellis 8c Simmons, 2014 ).
Some grandparents assume a custodial role and become full - time, and often
permanent, guardians of a grandchild . In 2006, for example , 2.6 million grand -
parents in the United States had legal custody of their grandchildren ( Living-
ston 3c Parker, 2010 ). Because becoming a primary guardian often occurs as
a result of unexpected stressors such substance abuse, incarceration, or death,
grandparents may already have feelings of depression and
anxiety when they take on this new role ( Minkler 8c Roe,
1993; Standing, Musil, 3c Warner, 2007 ). Furdier, becom - your turn
ing a primary caregiver disrupts retirement plans, reduces
social and leisure time, and creates financial strain, which
Do you know any children who were
further contributes to distress ( Ludwig, Hattjar, Russell, raised by their grandmothers? If so, how
3c Winston , 2007 ). This role is especially demanding for did this affect the grandmother's quality
grandparents who have chronic illnesses or physical disabil- of life? How would you feel about being
ities ( Marken , Pierce, 3c Baltisberger, 2010 ). Nevertheless, a primary caregiver to your own grand-
research shows that grandmothers with strong support sys- child? How might the different circum- !
!
tems report less depression and feel positive about their care -
giving role ( Doley, Bell, Watt, 3c Simpson, 2015; Gerard,
stances that could contribute to this
situation impact your feelings? 11u !
Landry- Meycr, 3c Roe, 2006 ).
gap among 30- to 40-year-olds ( Goldin & Katz, 2016 ). These data indicate
that, although women may leave the workforce during their mothering years,
older women continue to vigorously participate in it. This may be a healthy sign
of job engagement among older women , but it may also indicate that many
women aren’t financially able to retire. In fact, one study showed that some
older women are working longer than in previous generations because they have
:
more debt and cannot afford to retire ( Lusardi & Mitchell, 2016 ) .
•
i!
i
Age Discrimination
In what ways do women experience workplace age discrimination, and how
does this interact with other forms of discrimination they may experience?
•i
Even though older women are participating in paid work more than ever, they
i still face job discrimination . In 2016, die Harvard Business Review profiled several
women who experienced age discrimination at work ( Rikleen, 2016 ). One was a
60- year-old who had worked for years in the insurance business. Despite outstand -
it
ing performance evaluations, her situation became difficult when a new manager,
20 years younger than her, was hired. Suddenly, she was assigned the most diffi -
i cult cases, and the manager was harsher on her than her younger colleagues. She
received a bad performance review, was told she had 90 days to improve, and then
was fired after only a few weeks. Another profile was of a 64 - year-old bartender
who had worked at a neighborhood bar for over a decade. When the bar was sold,
;
the new owners told her she was too old for the job. They made fun of her age and
gender in front of the other workers, and she was eventually fired .
111 Both women ultimately sued for age discrimination, something that’s not easy
!
!i to do. Although the Age Discrimination and Employment Act ( ADEA ) of 1967
i makes it illegal to discriminate against older adults ( defined as over age 40 ),
discrimination can be difficult to prove. In 2009, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled
i ,i
that tiie burden of proof for age discrimination cases should fall on workers.
;
!
Before this ruling, if age was just one of several factors, it was the employer’s
1,ii! responsibility to prove that the worker was fired for a reason other than age. In
ji
other words, workers must now provide proof that age was the reason they were
fired or demoted, and this type of clear-cut evidence is hard to come by.
i:
Although age discrimination may be noticed when one is being fired or
demoted, it’s much harder to notice when being hired. After all, it’s usually
If impossible to know why one isn’t being offered a job. However, several studies
have demonstrated that age discrimination can be a factor in hiring. The general
design of such studies involves submitting resumes matched on experience and
!
I: skills in response to job ads, varying only the applicant’s age. Although peo-
>!
.
• it
1 ple typically don’t indicate their age on their resume, it can be inferred from
information such as the high school graduation date. In one study of female
!
J
; -
job applicants, those ages 35 to 45 got offered interviews 46% more frequently
than those ages 50 to 62 ( Lahey, 2008 ). Another study explored both the age i
and the gender of applicants and , again, showed age discrimination ( Ncumark,
Burn , & Button , 2015 ) . Older workers, especially those near retirement age ( 64
to 66 ), were called for interviews less often than younger workers, but the gap
;
was much larger for women than for men . For example, for retail sales, the gap
i
between older and younger workers was twice as large for women as it was for t
men . Older men were also called more often than older women for administra -
tive jobs. The researchers were actually surprised at how little age discrimination !l
was found for men .
i W
Intersecting Factors There are many other reasons an older worker may i
workers who can be paid less. In these cases, the employers could argue that i
i
:!
: ,
i
disability, but approximately 35% of those age 65 and older do ( Kraus, Lauer,
Coleman , & Houtenville, 2018 ). Of those adults with disabilities, only 36%
were employed as compared to just over 76% of adults without disabilities.
•i Given this context, ableism may interact with ageism. It may, similarly, be
difficult to identify the source of discrimination for older women of color,
given that they may experience discrimination along a number of dimensions
:
( e.g., age, gender, race ).
i
i Research has identified several negative stereotypes about older workers that
Q may contribute to workplace age discrimination . These include the stereotypes
It that older workers are less motivated, less willing to participate in training or
i career development, less willing to adapt to technology and change, less trust -
:
| ing, less healthy, and more likely to have work-family conflict due to greater
!t
interest in family and leisure activities than work ( Ng & Feldman , 2012 ).
l However, when the researchers explored the reality of
older workers’ attitudes and behaviors, their meta - analysis
your turn showed no evidence to support most of these stereotypes.
Older age was actually associated with being somewhat
more motivated, being more interested in change at work ,
What are your attitudes toward older
i i' -
:'•
j 478 Chapter 11 Older Women
I
While older workers may face unfounded discrimination in general, physical
appearance is an especially relevant issue for older women. In one study, women
across all age groups reported more discrimination at work based on physical
appearance than did men, but this discrimination increased as women got older
( Duncan & Loretto, 2004 ) . In another study, a receptionist in her mid - fifties
described her difficulty getting work: “On the telephone I can sound animated
and I would often get called in for jobs, and then they would see me, and not
that I looked bad, but I looked my age, and they instantly weren’t interested ”
( Handy & Davy, 2007, p. 91 ) . Consultants placing women in jobs often admit-
ted that clients weren’t interested in hiring older women because of physical
appearance, especially for front -of- housc receptionist positions: “They always
want good looking at reception ” ( p. 93 ).
Older women experience discrimination based on both age and gender, but
discrimination based on a combination of the two is especially hard to prove.
Although age discrimination is illegal under the ADEA and gender discrimina-
tion is illegal under Title IX, no agency exists that can defend against a combi -
nation of gender and age discrimination, so older women who arc discriminated
against have little recourse. If a company shows that older men were retained, the
women will have a difficult time proving that age discrimination took place (Sped -
ale, Coupland, & Tempest, 2014 ). If younger women were retained, the older
women will have a difficult time proving that gender discrimination took place.
Age and gender discrimination particularly affects women who are trying to
re -enter the workforce ( Hardy, 2006 ). As discussed earlier in this book, women
are more likely than men to leave the workforce in order to care for children .
These women then face a difficult situation when they attempt to return to work
once their children arc older. Similarly, women who weren’t working might
find themselves needing to find a job after a divorce or the death of a partner.
Even among women who’ve maintained ongoing employment, smaller periods
of unemployment may be especially detrimental for older women. For exam -
ple, older women were particularly hard hit after the recession of 2007-2009.
In one study, older women ( over age 65 ) were more likely than older men to
report long- term unemployment of more than six months ( Monge- Naranjo &
Faisal, 2015 ). Further, women over age 50 made up almost half of the long-
term unemployed .
The situation becomes more complex when other aspects of social identity
also play a role, as is the case for older women of color. Research typically focuses
on a single type of discrimination ( e.g., sexism ) or sometimes a combination of
two ( e.g., sexism and ageism ). Much more research is needed to understand
the role of intersecting aspects of social identities as well as overlapping forms
of discrimination. For example, future research would benefit from explor-
ing the triple threat of ageism, sexism, and racism in the work environment.
At the moment, in more general research on discrimination, older women of
color have reported difficulties associated with a lifetime of discrimination and
i!
'
!i
marginalization. For example, in a study of older Black lesbians and gay men,
researchers found a common “uneasiness” among participants arising from their
i
life-long experiences with stigma and stereotypical assumptions ( Woody, 2014,
J p. 158 ). Participants reported often being the only person of color in their les-
!
bian/gay circle of friends and being the only lesbian /gay person in their Black
group of friends. This resulted in chronic feelings of being “ othcrcd ” within
i
: both groups based on the participants’ distinctiveness related to another aspect
i
of social identity ( p. 159 ).
Even though experiencing multiple sources of discrimination can enhance
stress, other research docs suggest a buffering effect by which someone expe -
riencing additional discrimination can be less negatively affected by it than
(5
.
someone who has rarely experienced discrimination in the past ( Raver 8c Nishii,
i!
2010 ). For example, if someone has experienced bias related to race, they may
I
!i
—
be more prepared for the experience of bias in the future even if it’s related
to a different aspect of their social identity ( e .g., gender or age ) . They may
also have developed coping strategies used for one type of discrimination, like
reaching out to their support networks for emotional support and /or practi -
cal suggestions, which can be applied to the additional type of discrimination.
Consistent with this idea, research has shown that White individuals are more
negatively affected by age discrimination than Black individuals, presumably
because the White individuals have had less need to develop coping mechanisms
J
f against discrimination ( Foley 8c Lytle, 2015 ) .
I* f
I .
K
• fc
>
!1 Retirement
il
Mil
What are women's positive and negative experiences of retirement?
itM Women face conflicting messages in deciding when to retire. On the one hand ,
Mil
l
society tells them they should be able to rest and focus on their relationships and
'
. . !!
i
leisure activities. On die other hand, there are a few high - profile media images
Ml
‘illi i
of vibrant older women ( e.g. die late poet Maya Angelou and Supreme Court
Justice Sonia Sotomayor ), which imply that older women should stay in the
workforce and remain productive into late life ( Lips 8c Hastings, 2012 ).
Women decide to retire for many reasons. Retirement may be a response
to being phased out of work or feeling no longer valued . It can also reflect a
Mi
i positive desire to relax and enjoy leisure time. Further, women are more likely
>
than men to retire due to the need to care for others, such as a spouse, a grand -
•t
child, or an older child ( Duberley, Carmichael, 8c Szmigin, 2014 ). In a study
conducted in Canada, researchers found that women age 55 and older who
M: had to engage in intensive caregiving ( more than 15 hours a week ) were espe-
v;
i cially likely to be out of the labor market, be working part - time, or retire early
• ji: ( Jacobs, Laportc, Van Houtvcn, 8c Coyte, 2014 ).
. *
:
Mi
work, and these can serve as an important transition on die way to full retirement.
identified risk factors that affect women as they plan for retire - your parents and other working adults
ment ( WISER, 2014 ). Financially, dicy’re less secure dian men. about how they saved or are saving for
They tend to have less in savings, receive lower Social Security retirement . Are they comfortable with
payments, and are less likely to hold a job covered by a pension. their choices ? Why or why not?
a
Moreover, because women have a longer life expectancy than
men, they’re at significant risk of outliving dieir assets. The latter
risk factor is compounded by die fact diat health-care costs can be extremely high — ill
»
median health-care costs for older adults were estimated to range from S40,000 to
S80,000 a year in 2014, depending on die level of care needed (WISER, 2014 ).
In one study of primarily White, retired women, participants reported that
much of their stress derived from die fact that dicy hadn’t planned for retirement
appropriately ( Price & Ncsteruk, 2015 ). One woman noted, “My financial con -
dition is a disaster. I have no savings. I was always working day and night and that
is why I kept putting off saving for retirement. I think your study should [ tell ] I
women to get financial training in high school so they would know how to make
good decisions about money when dicy arc single retired women ” ( p. 427). The ; :
study participants also hadn’t anticipated die level of caregiving they were doing
during retirement. They were caring for their spouses, their adult children, their
aging parents, and sometimes even dieir grandchildren.
Hi ,
ii ' In the United States, 10.6% of women over the age of 65 live in poverty, as
II i
i
compared to 7.6% of men ( Patrick, 2017 ). These financial concerns are com-
pounded for women of color. At 22.4%, 20.6%, and 19.8%, respectively, the
poverty rates for Native American, Black, and Latinx women arc more than
1! double those of White women ( 8.2% ). One factor causing these high poverty
rates is the gender wage gap ( discussed in Chapter 10 ), which translates into
:
a retirement savings gap. For example, Black women earn $421 ,000 less than
White men over the course of their careers and are less likely to be in jobs cov-
i
Joys and Challenges Even if a woman is financially able to retire, there are
i certain challenges stemming from retirement that she may not anticipate. For
i. i \
i
example, although work can be a source of stress, it can also be a source of social
connections and provide a feeling of competence. In one study of primarily
.;
•• t
•
White women, researchers found that many were bored when they retired ( Price
i & Nesteruk, 2015 ). One woman stated: “The one thing I did not plan for and
that has caused me the most problem, is die lack of mental challenge ” ( p . 424 ) .
In fact, data from anodier study indicate that television viewing increases and
'
physical activity decreases once people retire as compared to their pre- retirement
ii ' levels ( Barnett, van Sluijs, Ogilvie, & Wareham , 2014 ). Research shows that
i those who had been in more physically demanding jobs prior to retirement are
the ones who experience larger decreases in activity level ( Barnett et al ., 2014;
Berger, Der, Mutric, & Hannah, 2005; Chung, Domino, Stearns, & Popkin,
2009 ). Their leisure activities, even when active in nature, couldn’t compensate
. lj.
for die overall decrease in work- related activity.
To cope with the boredom that can come with retirement , many women
'
engage in volunteer work or civic/community engagement, which can bal -
i
:
ance the loss of one’s identity as a worker and can also help develop and main -
tain social connections (Tavener et al., 2015; van den Bogaard , Henkcns, &
:i
. Kalmijn, 2014 ). Another positive way to cope with die possible social isolation
>i
and lack of mental stimulation is to engage in new leisure activities ( Liechty,
-! •»
!'{ Yarnal, & Kcrstcttcr, 2012 ). Leisure innovation, or trying new leisure activities,
' has been identified as very important in having a successful retirement. One
v
White woman said, “ I want to experience everything. . . . I’ve never felt that
ii! way before, but as you get older, I think you kind of think, cmy time’s running
j;
Si?
482 Chapter 11 Older Women
out here. I want to do everything! ( p. 397 ). Leisure innovation can promote
a sense of autonomy, fulfillment, and new friends and connections.
Much of die research on women in retirement, like research on leisure inno-
vation, focuses on White women . The experiences of women of color are largely
studied in the context of increased risks of poverty ( e.g., Sullivan & Meschede,
2016 ) rather than the joys they may also experience when they retire. However, i,
one study on positive retirement experiences among women of color identified
their role as caretakers, their participation in spiritual activities, and their status
as keepers of the family history as beneficial aspects of aging and retirement
( Nettles, 2016 ).
Another challenge of retirement is the changing relationship with one’s
spouse . Although many couples plan to retire at the same time in order to
pursue leisure activities together ( Blau, 1998; Loretto & Vickerstaff, 2013),
retirement can put a strain on relationships. One woman reported: “ It took a
lot of attitude adjustment, patience, and love to deal with having my husband
under my feet constantly ” ( Price & Nesteruk, 2015, p. 432 ) . Another said: “I
think that maybe we can get a bit on top of each other” ( Loretto &: Vickerstaff,
2013, p. 76 ).
v.
Moreover, while men generally see retirement as a chance to pursue recre -
ational activities, women more often see it as a break from juggling the demands i .
of work and family life ( Loretto & Vickerstaff, 2013 ). However, in some cases,
the demands of caring for the home and other family members can actually
—
intensify and exacerbate gender inequality in the home as one study partic-
ipant exclaimed , “Housewives never retire!” ( Loretto & Vickerstaff , 2013,
p. 77). Yet there’s evidence of some men participating more in household labor
after retirement. In one study that followed couples in Germany from ten years
before to ten years after the husbands’ retirement, the men’s contribution to
household labor doubled after retirement ( Leopold & Skopek, 2015 ). Their
activities included spending a little more time cooking, cleaning, and doing
i other traditionally feminine chores and considerably more time gardening and
doing household repairs.
!
ill':
health and socioeconomic status ( Orth , Trzesniewski , & Robins, 2010 ). Inter-
Mi! estingly, additional research shows that retirement is actually linked to decreased
: !l
antidepressant use ( Oksanen et al., 2011 ) and is beneficial for mental health over-
all (see van der Hcide, van Rijn, Robroek, Burdorf, & Proper, 2013, for a review ).
!•! Finally, there’s evidence that one’s health after retirement may be related to
It whether one expects retirement to be a positive or a negative experience . In one
study, researchers followed more than 1,000 participants over age 50 for a period
! ui- of 23 years ( Ng, Allorc, Monin & Levy, 2016 ). At the beginning of the study,
iff ]
they assessed participants’ beliefs about whether retirement was associated with
~ :
:«
|:i
positive or negative mental health ( e.g., hopeless or hopeful, meaningless or
meaningful ) as well as positive or negative physical health ( e.g., sick or healthy,
!
mobile or immobile ). The researchers then followed the participants through
their retirement years to determine how long they lived. Those whose general
beliefs reflected positive stereotypes about physical health in retirement lived
4.5 years longer than those whose beliefs reflected negative stereotypes. Those
with positive stereotypes about mental health in retirement lived 2.5 years lon -
ger than those with negative mental health stereotypes. These findings reflect
stereotype embodiment, a topic discussed early in this chapter. In fact, most
participants in this study had negative attitudes toward retirement: 76% were
negative about physical health and 77% about mental health. The researchers
‘
Aging "Successfully"?
What is “ successful aging," what are the problems with this perspectivet
and how can perspectives on aging be broadened to more positively frame
aging and being old?
-
—
There is no right way or perfect way to age there are as many experiences of
aging as there are people. In the same way that there’s no one path through
s
«1;
—
nity although this framework has also been criticized for focusing too much
on employment-related activity ( Foster & Walker, 2015 ). A third approach is
a focus on “ resilient aging,” since resilience is something that everyone can
• develop and it acknowledges that one can have strength despite challenges or
K
hardships ( Harris, 2008 ). Another advantage of this model is that it can high-
|
! '
i light the resilience of those within marginalized communities who have not
''
i been a key focus of research in this area ( Wild , Wiles, &: Allen , 2013 ).
i
In Chapter 6, when talking about beauty norms, we discussed the problems
associated with replacing one narrow set of norms with another set, because
!I
doing so still involves establishing a standard that many people won’t be able to
•I meet. The same is true with aging. Focusing on individual choices that people
ill make about aging won’t be useful without also considering systemic factors that
i: may influence the choices available to them ( Katz & Calasanti , 2015 ). Ulti -
': mately, regardless of the language used , any “ideal ” model of aging is inherently
exclusionary. Instead of trying to identify how best to age, it has been suggested
1 that the focus should be “on creating the conditions in which people can thrive,
:
on their own terms, as they age ” ( Martinson & Berridge, 2015, p . 66 ).
' .
Creating this type of social change will require more than replacing negative
i
ii
h* - stereotypes of frail, dependent, older women with positive ones of active women .
r
A broader focus will recognize that there are many ways to age successfully and
be empowered ( Chrisler et al., 2015 ). For example, a woman with decreased
| physical mobility because of osteoarthritis may still focus on her power to con-
: ii trol her thoughts and emotions even if she has less control over her physical
;;;ij
* i! body. Similarly, a woman experiencing the onset of dementia may recognize that
"i
•• she still can choose the activities with which she fills her days and the people
• ;
—
with whom she spends time. These women do live with limits this is true of all
people at all ages, but they can still be viewed as active, successful, and resilient
by focusing on what they are doing rather than on what they are not doing.
‘ 1
1! Also, experiences, even challenging ones, from earlier in life can help during
1
one’s older years. For example, older women alive today lived through die civil
i
i|
rights and gay rights movements. They’ve generally experienced stereotypes and
discrimination in different ways than younger women have ( Harley & Teaster,
j*;
2016; Woody, 2014 ). These experiences can be a source of strength as in
developing coping skills and strong social networks (Witten, 2014 ). Of course,
—
access to resources and social support can be key for older adults, and those in
marginalized groups who lack such resources are particularly at risk ( Bradford
et al., 2016; Czaja et al., 2016 ). For example, one study showed that older
transgender individuals who experienced stigma and victimization were particu -
larly at risk for mental and physical difficulties ( Fredriksen- Goldsen et al., 2014 ).
I 'i .
Il
I
Department of Labor, 2016 ) . Some older women chose to focus their energies h
Conclusion
Research on stereotype embodiment demonstrates that our experience of aging .'
has a lot to do with what we think will happen to us as we age. If we anticipate
that getting older will be a depressing and lonely experience, it may come to pass.
However, if we expect to still rock and rage through our golden years, that’s
more likely to happen . Women’s experiences of aging are influenced by their
own beliefs, societal stereotypes, and changing roles and relationships. There are
also life challenges that are more common in older age, such as chronic health
conditions and bereavement. There are, in fact, choices that we can make about
how to approach aging, both as individuals and as a society, but there are also
constraints on how aging can happen, on individual and societal levels. Much like
other stages of development, the experience of aging isn’t the same for everyone. i'
M.
Conclusion 487 ii
!•
•
.I I 1
J•
i
'
' :
!
l
Chapter Review
i
SUMMARY
: Stereotypes of Older Women More health concerns can mean greater use of
People hold a mix of positive and negative health -care services, but disparities in access
stereotypes of older adults, but all arc to high - quality care arc related to factors such
||! connected to ageist beliefs. as social class, race/ethnicity, and language
Older women and men arc judged differendy, proficiency.
fl
and this becomes more complex when Increased, age - related use of health -care
I looking at other intersecting social identity
characteristics.
services can be especially challenging for lesbian
and transwomen , who may feel the need to
Internalizing negative aging stereotypes can hide their sexual and /or gender identities from
!'! . lead to poor outcomes for older adults. health -care professionals.
t ;i
Infantilization from health - care providers is a
it
The Aging Body common experience for older women .
1
Older women , like younger women, often
report body dissatisfaction . Body changes
Changing Relationships
: associated with aging can be a cause of distress Many older women remain sexually active,
•i
; 5 ; and dissatisfaction, and older women often although the ways in which they arc sexual may
M ii - report feeling invisible.
Many older women feel pressure to engage in
change.
Older women often serve as caregivers for
beauty work to conceal their age and conform partners or other family members with chronic
to societal beauty norms. Others reject youth - or terminal health conditions, and this can lead
ii oriented beauty norms typically associated with to relationship strain and impact the women’s
; White and/or heterosexual women . own mental and physical health .
id While some experience menopause as a Mental and physical health decline after losing
i
challenging medical event, other women view a partner. This includes an increase in mortality
it as one of many transitions that happen risk , particularly for the period immediately
;
i; throughout their lifetimes. following the death .
6 Experiences with grief can be more complicated for
Women’s likelihood of developing chronic or
terminal health conditions increases with age. women with female partners, as their relationship,
P and their grief, may not be publicly recognized.
Heart disease and cancer arc the most common
;!i! causes of death for women in the United Some women experience an “empty nest ” as
til States. Breast cancer receives a great deal of challenging because they identified primarily as
!i .'!. mothers, but others welcome the freedom that
attention , but lung cancer causes the most
If cancer-related deaths among women each year. comes with reduced care- giving responsibilities.
•!
Osteoporosis, osteoarthritis, and dementia Being a grandmother is a welcome experience for
are health conditions that also present many older women. For some, grandmothering
i: significant risks for women. involves being a primary caregiver.
C
KEY TERiV
ageism ( p. 450 ) widowhood effect ( p. 471 )
stereotype embodiment theory ( p. 452 ) bereavement ( p. 471 )
i
beauty work ( p. 455 ) disenfranchised grief ( p. 471 )
age concealment ( p. 455 ) role strain relief hypothesis ( p. 473 )
menopause ( p. 458 ) empty - nest syndrome ( p. 473 )
pcrimcnopausc ( p . 458 ) role loss hypothesis ( p. 473 )
postmenopause ( p. 458 ) launching phase ( p. 473)
pinkwashing ( p. 465 ) custodial role ( p. 475 )
i
H
cldcrspcak ( p. 468 ) bridge work ( p. 481 )
family caregiving ( p. 469 ) leisure innovation ( p. 482 )
THINK ABOUT IT
1. Go to a local store, explore magazines, and 2. Do you think older women should be
look for images of older women. What types compensated for their carcgiving work? If
of things do you notice ? Are your observations so, who should fund this? How much should
consistent with the research presented in this women receive in compensation ? What
chapter? If so, think of alternatives that might barriers do you think would prevent women
counter ageist and sexist stereotypes. from receiving compensation ?
.
3. In what ways could our society’s health - care in planning for this transition ? Who is more
system be improved to better provide for older likely to have the resources to retire ? What
! I women ? can be done to ensure that all people have an
4. Imagine that you’re advising someone about opportunity to retire ?
:
I retirement. What should that person consider
,; j
i 1'
. i
i ,
i
ONLINE RESOURCES
»
American Association of Retired Persons Women’s Institute for a Secure Retirement
III
—
(AARP ) provides information and services
to support and enhance the quality of life for
( WISER) — resources to improve the long-
term security of all women: wiserwomcn .org
I*
people as they age: aarp.org
—
Raging Grannies International international
—
WomensHealth.gov resources and
information regarding top women’s health
network of older women who promote peace, issues: womcnshcalth .gov
.
it * justice, and social and economic equality
through song and humor: raginggrannies.org
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law, Deah, at their condominium close to campus (Talbot . 2015). She hadn't been
!
i U there long when an enraged neighbor knocked on the door. Within seconds, he
took out a gun and repeatedly shot Deah. He then killed Razan and Yusor. An
hour later, Craig Hicks turned himself in to police.
After the killings, two competing speculations about Hicks' s motive emerged
| (Talbot,2015). The first was that the shootings were related to a longstanding
I
;;
dispute over parking. The second was that they were triggered by hate. Hicks's
I! anger had intensified when Yusor moved in with Deah. Yusor wore a hijab, and
!! her father remembered Yusor worrying about Hicks's escalating anger. " Daddy,"
r .
she'd said "I think it is because of the way I look and the way I dress " ( para. 31).
i
Jack McDevitt, a criminologist, believes this was a hate crime, one that is moti-
i
: .
vated by bias. According to the FBI anti-Muslim hate crimes in the United States
t! multiplied after the terrorist attacks of September 11, and Muslim American wom-
li
en were more often attacked than their male counterparts ( Abu - Ras & Suarez,
2009 ). Researchers believe that attackers more readily identify and target
r 1
Muslim women who wear headscarves ( Allen, 2015; Chakraborti & Zempi, 2012 ).
!
*1!
;
M
.: ,
: :r Pictured here are Deah
! •
Barakat, Yusor Abu-Salha .
and Razan Abu -Salha. Some
people argued that their
'
P murders were hate crimes,
but the crimes weren ' t
prosecuted as such. However,
in the same year that these
three young people were
Mi * killed, the U S . Department
of Education did classify
!
860 criminal incidents that / .
1« iww
.' .-
(
V «
*#
J,
occurred on college campuses **
ill V »
as hate crimes, using criteria . „„ .*
W J U
in
. it
developed by the FBI.
1
•!
ii
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'
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'
!
other people with a similar identity may experience fear and subsequently re-
strict their behavior to avoid becoming another target. In other words, one could
think of the political and social goal of identity -based violence as putting people
"back into their place " ( Hodge, 2011, p. 12). Hate crime legislation acknowledges
that some crimes have ripple effects beyond the individuals involved.
Crimes motivated by gender bias are technically classified as hate crimes. How- ! '
ever, prosecutors rarely get hate crime convictions because it's difficult to prove
beyond a reasonable doubt that gender bias was a motive for a crime against a !
woman ( McPhail & DiNitto, 2005). Because of growing recognition that violence
.
against girls and women isn’t random but rather, is bias-related, some feminists
want prosecutors to more frequently seek hate crime convictions as a way to
signify the seriousness of this issue ( Lieberman & Freeman, 2017; Lynch 2012; . I
.
McPhail 2002).
In almost every society, violence related to gender is both hidden and under -
I reported. It 's rarely identified as a social problem; rather, it's usually seen as the
actions of a few bad people (Hodge, 2011). For this reason, it's challenging to stop.
These types of violence happen across the lifespan, and the effects are deep and
long -lasting, making it one of the most important areas feminist psychologists
study. In this chapter, we'll examine specific types of violence, including child-
hood abuse, sexual assault, domestic violence, trafficking, and elder abuse. We’ll
i also discuss the ways in which women can be resilient by working to end the
culture of violence.
493
;
i
Types of Abuse
What types of abuse do children experience, and how is this abuse related
to gender ?
One type of abuse that children can experience is physical abuse, which is defined
as acts of physical force intended to cause physical pain. This can include hitting,
kicking, choking, burning, or biting a child. Many families believe that corporal
punishment, or the use of physical force, is an acceptable way to discipline chil-
dren ( UNICEF, 2017 ). Studies from many countries worldwide suggest that
80% of children experience spanking, which is defined as open- handed hitting
with intent to discipline ( Gershoff & Grogan- Kaylor, 2016; UNICEF, 2017).
A recent meta-analysis showed that spanking was associated with children’s
increased aggression and antisocial behaviors, higher incidences of mental health
concerns, lower self-esteem, lower cognitive abilities, and negative relationships
with parents ( Gcrshoff & Grogan - Kaylor, 2016 ). Sixteen countries have out -
lawed spanking by parents, and the American Academy of Pediatrics opposes it
. as a disciplinary technique ( Fuller, 2009 ) . As one scholar pointed out, the equiv-
t ,
alent act among adults ( e.g., one adult slapping another ) would be considered a
criminal offense ( Finkclhor et al., 2011 ) .
i
i
ill :
Another form of abuse is psychological abuse, a type of abuse in which
perpetrators act in ways that cause fear, shame, isolation , or deprivation. Psy-
I i
I
——
chological abuse may include verbal abuse speech that is denigrating or humil -
iating. It can also include emotional abuse behaviors that aim to control or
’’
I:I manipulate, such as withholding love, attention, or communication . This is also
11 a component of neglect. While this type of abuse is believed to be common,
specific rates arc unclear since researchers use different operational definitions
I I
i; and psychological abuse rarely results in criminal abuse charges ( Lecb, Paulozzi,
Mclanson , Simon , & Arias, 2008 ). However, psychological abuse can have
II
i;
—
severe consequences for example, a higher lifetime risk for clinical depression
( Infurna ct al ., 2016 ).
:ii:« Children also can experience childhood sexual abuse, defined as any sexual
I ;
i! i
activity between an adult and a minor. Girls are 2.5 times more likely to expe-
P! rience sexual abuse than adult women ( World Health Organization, 2016 ).
Whereas boys are more likely to be sexually abused by someone outside the
I.f J family, girls are far more likely to be sexually abused by a family member or
i someone close to the family, such as a mother’s boyfriend ( Freyd , DePrince, 8c
Gleaves, 2007 ). In many situations, a perpetrator first establishes a child ’s trust
by spending time together or buying the child toys. After an assault, there may
.1 be a period when the perpetrator experiences remorse and promises not to vic-
timize the child again . In this way, a cycle begins in which violent acts alternate
4.1.
II -
Children and adolescents who experience abuse have high rates of depression
and anxiety (Sachs- Ericsson, Sheffler, Stanley, Piazza, 8c Preacher, 2017 ). They
may show delays in physical growth, experience sleep difficulties and chronic
fatigue, have impaired immune function, and be medically classified as obese.
:
•:
i
!: What messages are conveyed about change. In fact, when Martin Luther King Jr. addressed psy-
whose responsibility it is to develop adap- chologists at the American Psychological Association Con -
:*• tive coping strategies and systems? How vention in 1967, he famously said, “ I am sure that there
can people develop resiliency that consid- are some things in our world to which we should never be
ers the reality of abuse and violence? adjusted. There are some things concerning which we must
:
always be maladjusted if we arc to be people of good will”
i
j' 498 Chapter 12 Gender- Based Violence
_
( “ King’s Challenge,” 1999 ). In other words, even though resiliency in the face
of violence is helpful for childhood survivors, society at large would benefit from
efforts to end childhood violence itself.
-
From Objectification to Violence
How does the cultural acceptance of objectification of girls and women
relate to violence against them? !
els of objectification of women has been associated with higher rates of mini-
mizing violence, feeling entitled to sex, and endorsing coercion to control girls
and women ( Ward , 2016 ) .
In one study, when primarily White girls and boys ( ages 11-16 ) were exposed
to sexually objectified images of female bodies, they reported stronger accep-
tance of sexual harassment ( Strouse, Goodwin , & Roscoe , 1994 ). A more recent
study showed that a racially diverse group of college men who readily associated i
women with words representing objects ( e.g., tool, device, thing ) or animals
( e.g., animals, paw, snout ) , as measured by an implicit association test, were
more willing to later expose women to sexually aggressive pictures ( Rudman &
Mescher, 2012 ) .
Given that most media sexually objectify girls and women ( American Psy-
chological Association , 2007 ), die findings mentioned above are a serious cause
for concern . Because Black and Latinx girls and women are more commonly
portrayed in a sexualized manner than are White girls and women ( Rivadeneyra
& Ward, 2005 ), this may be an even greater problem for those who identify as
or are perceived as part of these groups.
One source of sexual objectification is the adult entertainment industry a
$10 to $12 billion industry within the United States, with over 10,000 videos
— <
produced annually ( Wosick, 2015 ). Much of the material produced within this
industry depicts sexual themes with violence, dehumanization, and abuse. For
example, researchers analyzing the content of the most popular pornographic
!
!
;
videos found that 88.2% contained physical aggression and 48.7% contained
; verbal aggression ( Bridges, Wosnitzer, Scharrer, Sun , 8c Liberman, 2010 ). Per-
petrators were overwhelmingly male; targets were mostly female.
Moreover, under-age or nearly under-age actors are often portrayed in dehu -
manizing ways ( Eberstadt 8c Layden , 2010; Foubert, Brosi, 8c Bannon , 2011 ) .
“ Barely legal ” pornography depicts adult women who are made to look youth -
ful . Because the models arc 18 years or older, this type of pornography is legal;
i i
however, there’s evidence that viewing it affects adults’ perceptions of children.
; One study showed that viewing “ barely legal ” pornography resulted in stronger
associations between non -scxual images of children and words related to sex
1
f
| ( Paul 8c Linz, 2008 ). Other studies have shown that consumption of online
H child pornography is on the rise, likely due to the normalization of girlhood
i
sexualization as well as easy access through mobile devices (Steel, 2015; Wolak,
1' i
Finkelhor, 8c Mitchell, 2012 ). A content analysis of packaging for 2 ,600 ran -
domly selected, mainstream adult films produced from 1995 to 2007 found
:
that 20% had references to young pcople/youth ( Jensen , 2010 ). The increase in
|:
child pornography has also been linked to a growing illegal demand for sex with
children and a steady increase in profits made in the child trafficking industry
Ji
( Dank ct al., 2014 ).
I !
. ii
:: ,
'l l
r A Rape Culture
What is rape culture, and how common are sexual assault and rape in the
United States?
••M
i
'
!
in
The culture of objectification contributes to a rape culture in which sexual
I* violence is normalized and perpetrators don’t fear repercussions. Within the
i;
i
•I ,
United States, rates of sexual abuse are high; yet rapists are rarely convicted
ill ( U.S. Department of Justice, 2016 ). Sexual violence is often dismissed , ignored ,
I; and deemed “ no big deal .” This is evidence of a rape culture . For example, in
# 2016, a California judge sentenced Brock Turner, a Stanford University stu -
T dent, to a mere six months in jail for his rape conviction . Critics believed die
judge was influenced by the defendant’s father, who complained that his son’s
" !I .'i life had been ruined for “20 minutes of action ” ( Stack , 2016, para 1 ) . The judge
claimed that a harsher punishment would have left a “severe impact” on Turner
.
and, therefore, wasn’t warranted ( para. 4 ).
is;
It is estimated that more than a third of women ( 37.1% ) will experience some
* . form of sexual assault, a general term that refers to different types of sexual
•• abuse, including rape, attempted rape, unwanted sexual touching ( e.g., grop-
ing, fondling ), and/or sexual harassment (Smith et al., 2018 ). More specifically,
rape is legally defined as “penetration, no matter how slight, of the vagina or
Rape Myths £
What are common rape myths, and how do they correspond to the reality
of rape?
A rape myth is a false belief about how and why rape occurs. Such myths per-
petuate rape culture by inaccurately depicting reality, which then creates doubt
and self- blame among survivors ( Lonsway & Fitzgerald , 1994; Russell 8c Hand ,
2017 ). Rape myths also reflect victim blaming, a type of blame that shifts
responsibility away from the perpetrator and onto the survivor. Successfully
combating rape requires accurately understanding rape threat and both recog- i ’ ll
nizing and speaking out against misleading statements. i1
i ;
8c Ullman, 2010 ) . One study of crime victims in the United States showed that
only 38% of those who were raped reported the crime to police, in comparison
to 47% of victims of other violent crimes and 62% of victims of aggravated
!: assaults and robberies ( Harrell, 2012 ). Reporting rates appear to be even lower
among college students, with several studies finding that only 5% to 13% of rape
i
survivors reported the crime to police ( Demers et al., 2018; Wolitzky-Taylor
et al., 2011). In another study, most mid - life and older women participants felt
i
rape should be dealt with privately as opposed to being reported to authorities
! ( Rennison & Rand , 2003 ). Rape survivors’ reluctance to report may reflect
their concerns about other people’s reactions ( Egan 8c Wilson , 2012 ). Fears
'
:
I
of misbelief and retaliation also contribute to under- reporting ( Cohn, Zinzow,
i
i Resnick, 8c Kilpatrick, 2013; Heath, Lynch, Fritch, McArthur, 8c Smith , 2011 ).
i {:.i
Myth: Rape is usually committed by a stranger or scary <cother.”
ii Reality: Rape is mostly committed by intimate partners or acquaintances.
i1 In a large national study of female rape survivors, perpetrators were reported to
!i be intimate partners ( 51.1% ), acquaintances ( 40.8% ), family members ( 12.5% ),
li1 and strangers ( 13.8%; Black et al., 2011 ) . Other studies corroborate this find -
—
ing, showing that acquaintance rape rape perpetrated by an intimate partner
!
i —
or someone known to the victim is much more common than stranger rape
( Clay-Warncr 8c Burt, 2005; Fisher, Cullen , 8c Daigle, 2005 ) . For example, one
study showed that 10% to 20% of husbands or ex - husbands rape their partners
( Herrera, Dahlblom , Dahlgren, 8c Kullgrcn, 2006 ) .
S"
Nevertheless, undergraduate students generally report that they think a
i
:h i
!m
i describe the vast majority of rapes, the script is powerful because it shapes beliefs
about what to classify as rape ( Peterson 8c Muehlcnhard, 2004 ) . When an expe -
:
rience of rape doesn’t match the traditional rape script, women are less likely to
view it as rape and less likely to receive support ( Weiss, 2009 ) .
•
'
illi The traditional rape script has served to justify discrimination . In Chapter 4,
we discussed House Bill 2 ( HB2 ) from North Carolina that banned transgender
i! '
individuals from using bathrooms that didn’t align with their gender assignment
5; at birth . Legislators claimed the ban was necessary to protect girls and women
' ji:
from male sexual predators who would claim to be transgender in order to enter
.
women’s bathrooms (Steinmetz, 2016 ). But several organizations dedicated to
:
>
stopping violence against women asserted that die legislation perpetuated a rape
- i1 myth in order to justify discrimination ( National Task Force to End Sexual and
Domestic Violence Against Women, 2016 ). Partially due to this effort, HB2
was repealed in 2017.
Understanding the history and politics of rape culture can shed more light
on this myth. Over thirty years ago, feminist scholar Angela Davis ( 1981 ) dis-
i cussed how the myth of the Black rapist uses rape threat to justify violence against
1
Black boys and men . This particular myth perpetuates the idea that Black men
Ei -
are driven to assault White women, which unjustly increases fears of Black men
( Dorr, 2004 ). For example, research participants see Black male perpetrators of
2016 ). In other studies, survivors have reported being literally unable to resist
because of tonic immobility, an involuntary “frozen ” body response that occurs
in high - fear situations ( Marx, Forsyth, Gallup, Fuse, 8c Lexington, 2008;
TeBockhorst, O’Halloran, 8c Nyline, 2015 ). This paralysis makes it impossible
for a person to move or call out for help.
Women with a history of sexual assault are less likely to engage in asser-
tive resistance behaviors ( Gidycz, McNamara , 8c Edwards, 2006; Litdeton 8c
Decker, 2017 ) . Studies have shown that when responding to scenarios, college
women who had a history of sexual assault took longer to determine that a
man’s actions were sexually inappropriate and were less likely to assertively resist
than college women without a history of sexual assault (Soler- Baillo, Marx, 8c
Sloan, 2005; Stoner et al., 2007). Researchers speculate that survivors may be
less physiologically reactive to danger, which would explain their slower resis-
tance to a potential attack (Soler- Baillo et al., 2005 ). \
Even though women’s self-defense programs have been criticized for putting
the responsibility for preventing rape on victims rather than assailants, several
studies have shown that self-defense programs can help women resist sexual
assault, build confidence, and reduce their belief in rape myths ( Gidycz et al.,
2006; Ullman , 2007 ). Especially when taught from a feminist perspective,
t
I
;i
self - defense programs can be effective ( Gidycz & Dardis, 2014 ) . In such pro -
!j j grams, women are taught to accurately assess risk, acknowledge when they’re
in a risky situation , and respond quickly and assertively ( Rozce 8c Koss, 2001 ).
mi;. However, when the rape involves a romantic partner or an acquaintance, a
‘
ill;
•i
;
woman’s concern about rejecting the partner or being embarrassed may prevent
m; her from identifying risk and actively resisting ( Ullman , 2007 ) .
r
:
Myth: Sex with someone who is incapacitated or drunk is not rape.
i; Reality: If someone is not able to give consent, sex with that person is rape.
• I!
When someone rapes a person who is intoxicated, unconscious, or asleep,
1
I incapacitated rape occurs. Women who experience incapacitated rape are most
•i!
likely to blame themselves and are less likely to identify their experience as rape
• ji
1 !i
( Brown, Testa, 8c Messman - Moorc, 2009; Walsh ct al., 2016 ). People arc also
less likely to blame intoxicated male perpetrators than sober ones ( Cameron &
Stritzke, 2003; Finch & Munro, 2005 ). In some cases of incapacitated rape, the
: i:
perpetrator even sleeps in the same bed with the rape survivor, suggesting that
I!: the perpetrator doesn ’t fear repercussions ( Maurer, 2016 ) .
!
College women, particularly those with a history of sexual abuse and who
1 believe alcohol will enhance their sexual experiences, are especially at risk for
n incapacitated rape ( Carey, Durncy, Shepardson, 8c Carey, 2015b; Messman-
Moorc, Ward , 8c Zerubavcl , 2013). One study showed that 15% of first year
college students reported attempted or completed incapacitated rape, and by
-
their second year, 26% and 22% had experienced attempted and completed
incapacitated rape, respectively ( Carey ct al ., 2015a ) . Alcohol may increase
vulnerability by altering a woman’s ability to assess her risk and subsequently
fit Kahn, 8c Savillc, 2010 ). Rape doesn’t occur because a person is so turned on
i they can’t control themself; it happens when someone feels entitled to degrade
i: or harm others. Numerous studies have shown that men who have hostility
i
toward women , a strong desire to be in control , anti -social traits, high con-
i
Ij sumption of pornography, and heavy alcohol use arc more likely to rape ( Francia
il et al., 2010; Murnen, Wright, 8c Kaluzny, 2002; Turchik , Garske, Probst, 8c
Irvin, 2010 ). Most men don’t rape, yet it does appear that many men have dif-
:• :i
1
: ficulty identifying and standing up to rape culture ( Groth 8c Birnbaum , 2013 ).
|i ;
;i »
Myth: Rape only happens to heterosexual women.
Reality: Rape can happen to anyone.
Between 3% and 8% of boys and men in the United States have experienced
:* ;
i! sexual assault ( Coxell 8c King, 2010; Lowe 8c Rogers, 2017 ). Although die
. 11 majority of assaults are perpetrated by other men , between 6% and 15% involve
HI a female assailant ( Fisher 8c Pina, 2013; Russell, Doan , 8c King, 2017 ) . Many
: i.
Ill people don’t believe a woman can rape a man, especially if the man is stronger
:• or bigger than the woman ( Javaid, 2016 ). Moreover, male sexual assault by a
' il
I: female perpetrator has often served comedic purposes ( Carmon , 2010 ). The
films 40 Days and 40 Nights ( from 2002 ) and Wedding Crashers ( from 2005 )
i
-i depicted fcmalc-on -male rape as funny, and a Saturday Night Live sketch from
2015 poked fun at a female high school teacher who rapes a male high school
i student. The sketch went on to suggest that the crime was every teen boy’s
dream, a clear sign of victim blaming ( Blay, 2016 ) .
Sexual minority women may be at even greater risk for lifetime sexual vic-
timization than heterosexual women ( Coulter et al., 2017; Long, Ullman,
Long, Mason, 8c Starzynski, 2007). In a review of research about sexual assault
against sexual minority women and men, reports of sexual assault ranged from
11% to 53% across studies, with most incidents happening widi a known male
i
!
i
! i! Wanted Unwanted
!j
it Consensual Not rape Not rape
• li Wanted Unwanted
.}
!
i’: Who Endorses Rape Myths? Not everyone endorses rape myths. In fact, sev-
eral studies have shown that men as well as people who have higher degrees
- i of sexual aggression and hostile attitudes toward women were more likely to
endorse rape myths ( Bhogal & Corbett, 2016; Hockett, Smith, Klausing, &
: Saucier, 2016; Stoll, Lilley, & Pinter, 2017). Endorsement of rape myths has also
been linked to problematic drinking behaviors ( Hayes, Abbott, & Cook, 2016 ),
experiencing objectification as a woman ( Papp & Erchull , 2017 ), having authori-
tarian personality traits ( Bcgany & Milburn, 2002 ), and watching more television,
509
11
:•
.1
:
The Reality of Rape
Which groups of women are particularly at risk for experiencing rape and
sexual assault?
i
j
Now that we’ve dispelled inaccurate myths, it’s instructive to discuss the reali -
ties of rape and whom attackers most often target. Although some individuals
' j arc more vulnerable, not everyone who’s “ at risk ” wall experience sexual assault
and/or rape. Also, regardless of risk, survivors are never responsible for their
rape.
?i
I
>
College Women Sexual assault and rape occur five times more frequendy
among college women than among non -college women ( Fedina, Holmes, &
! Backes, 2018 ). During dieir first year of college, 1 in 7 women will experience
I
incapacitated sexual assault or rape, and 1 in 10 will experience forcible sexual
assault or rape ( Carey, Durney, Shepardson, & Carey, 2015a ) . Between 5% and
i
*
9% of college women are raped in a given academic year ( Testa, Hoffman, &
•It!
Livingston, 2010 ).
|
One explanation for college women’s higher risk for rape involves the social
:! scene. College hookups typically occur in settings where men control the par-
.t i —
ties and there is heavy alcohol or drug use factors that increase the likelihood
of sexual assault or rape ( Jozkow'ski & Wiersma - Mosley, 2017 ). Some research
•i
i suggests that a hookup with an acquaintance or previous romantic partner
involves a higher risk for being sexually assaulted ( Flack et al., 2016; Gross,
Winslett, Roberts, & Gohm, 2006 ), but other research indicates that a hookup
with someone w'ho is known by friends of die survivor, but not the survivor
;ii
herself, is more risk)' ( Ford, 2017).
At least 50% of collegiate assaults involve alcohol consumption , and haz-
I
•
1:
.i ardous drinking paired with casual sex increases die risk of rape ( Abbey, Weg-
’! I ner, Woerner, Pegram , & Pierce, 2014; Mcssman - Moore, Ward , Zerubavel,
; Chandley, & Barton, 2015 ). Women with a sexual abuse history are more likely
t to engage in hazardous forms of drinking, particularly before sexual encoun -
ters, which contributes to dieir risk for re-victimization ( Testa et al., 2010 ).
II Research has identified lower alcohol consumption as one reason for fewer
i!
rapes among undergraduate students at historically Black college or universities
( HBCUs ), where the rate was 9.7% compared to 13.7% among undergraduates
at non-HBCUs ( Krebs et al., 2011; Mohler-Kuo, Dowdall , Koss, & Wechsler,
2004). However, alcohol isn’t the only factor that contributes to the likelihood
of rape. Other factors, such as having rape-supportive beliefs, anti -social person -
-
ality traits, and a history of sexual abuse and/or childhood adversity, may lead
some men to drink heavily and then sexually assault ( Porta, Mathiason , Lust, &
: Eisenberg, 2017; Zinzow & Thompson, 2015 ).
-
accountability. Researchers have found that individuals who report sexual assault
in the military arc 12 times more likely to be retaliated against than they are to
see their offenders be convicted of a sex offense ( Bergman, Langhout, Palmeiri,
Cortina, 8c Fitzgerald , 2002 ) .
Civilian women in military conflict zones are also at risk for rape and assault. II
«!
We’ll return to this topic later in the chapter.
•I
.!
.
Women with Disabilities Women with disabilities are at a higher risk for sexual
i
abuse than women without disabilities ( Horner- Johnson & Drum , 2006 ). In one
(
5 study, 69% of deaf women reported having experienced one sexual assault, and 56%
reported having experienced multiple types of sexual assaults, with most assaults
8 being by a knowm male perpetrator (Smith & Pick, 2015 ). Other studies have
shown that w'omen with severe physical impairments experience the highest risk
of sexual assault ( Brow'nridge, 2006; Casteel, Martin, Smith, Gurka, 8c Kuppcr,
2008 ). Individuals with cognitive and emotional disabilities are also at risk for sex -
:
ual exploitation and rape because perpetrators may perceive these w'omen as being
11 1 especially vulnerable ( Khalifeh, Howard , Osborn, Moran & Johnson, 2013 ).
iiII! ; !
it
!:
Aftermath of Sexual Assault
i
What are the psychological consequences associated with experiencing
ji
sexual assault?
Immediately following sexual assault, survivors may seek medical attention, typ -
m ically through an emergency room . In this setting, a health -care provider can
ii j|> perform a forensic exam using a Sexual Assault Evidence Kit ( SAEK ), otherwise
:: knowm as a rape kit. This container includes a checklist , materials, and instruc -
II tions, along with envelopes and containers to package any specimens collected
during a physical exam . A rape kit can be administered up to a week post -assault.
!•
' When a survivor is a minor, the person performing the exam is a mandated
reporter. Otherwise, survivors are not compelled to formally report the crime;
however, any DNA evidence can become part of a national database that helps
connect perpetrators to other crimes.
’
Most survivors experience negative psychological consequences immedi -
=;
• ately following an assault, including symptoms of post - traumatic stress disorder
( PTSD ), depression, and anxiety ( Nickerson ct al ., 2013; Ullman, Towmsend,
Filipas, 8c Starzynski, 2007). However, most ( but not all ) survivors experi -
;!
!:! ence relief within a year ( Hyland et al., 2016 ), with only 5% to 10% devel -
:
oping PTSD ( Brewin, Andrew's, 8c Valentine, 2000 ). Variables that make an
r,
individual especially prone to long- term negative effects include prior history
li of abuse, assault severity, having close ties with the perpetrator, engaging in
.
more self- blame, and receiving negative reactions from other people ( Dw'orkin,
r Ullman, Stappcnbeck, Brill, 8c Kaysen, 2018; Pcter- Hagene 8c Ullman, 2018 ).
Further, individuals who use maladaptive coping strategies like avoidance and
8 social withdrawal and who engage in self-destructive behavior after the assault
typically have a slower recovery process ( Frazier, Mortensen , 8c Steward, 2005;
Ullman 8c Relyca, 2016 ).
Structural barriers also make recovery more challenging for some survivors
( Loya, 2014; Tjadcn 8c Thoenncs, 2006 ) . For example, there are fewer legal,
-
V'
•>
«1
A Rape Culture 513
I
EMPOWERING m
OR OPPRESSING?
1
S! Reporting Sexual Assault
t’s impossible to address rape at individual or soci- to a friend and/or family member has the potential to
etal levels if survivors don't share their experiences improve post-assault outcomes; however, this is contin-
it •
with friends, family, and formal support systems gent on receiving a supportive response.
:i .
(Ullman, 2010) When survivors do share their sto- What about formally reporting a rape? If the perpetra -
i ries, they often challenge rape myths and strengthen a tor is a current or former partner, there's a legitimate fear
shared perception that rape is a major societal problem that reporting will cause an escalation of violence (Wolf,
•r
ji ?* . .
(Ullman 2010) They also increase empathy and under- . .
Ly Hobart & Kernic, 2003). Further, because some law en-
!l standing among listeners. These are key factors in reduc- forcement personnel endorse rape myths, survivors may
ing rape. Speaking out also strengthens connections with .
get a negative response (Cook & Lane 2017; Parratt &
II!
—
other survivors, friends, and family members a process . . . .
Pina 2017; Shaw Campbell Cain, & Feeney 2017). Other
!illi ! that promotes healing and hope (Ahrens & Aldana, 2012). research indicates that reports of rape by sex workers are
jj i
However, sharing highly personal details about sexual rarely taken seriously and may place these rape survi-
:: :
assault is a daunting task, and the research is mixed on vors in greater danger of being charged and convicted of
whether telling others is helpful or harmful . .
prostitution (Sherman et al., 2015; Sprankle Bloomquist .
Some studies show positive effects for women who . .
Butcher Gleason, & Schaefer 2018). Survivors of prison
.
disclosed their rape (Milliken, Paul Sasson, Porter & . sexual assault also are less likely to report victimization
.
Hasulube, 2016; Starzynski & Ullman 2014). They were because of fear of retaliation and re -victimization ( Fowler.
more likely to seek treatment for physical and emotional .
Blackburn Marquart, & Mullings, 2010). A similar fear ex-
>, injuries and were less likely to blame themselves ( Milliken ists among undocumented immigrants, who worry that
I
i:
et al., 2016). Another study revealed that survivors who
actively sought help from friends and family members
their reports of rape will lead to deportation ( Seyler, 2012).
Despite these problems, survivors are often encouraged
*
were more likely to receive positive than negative reac- to report their assaults so criminals can be prosecuted
. .
tions (Ahrens Campbell, Ternier-Thames Wasco, & Sefl, (Paul et al., 2013). However, most survivors aren't likely to
.
2007) However, in other research, those who received receive justice. Arrests are made in only 38% of cases, only
.
a negative response (e.g , blaming statements) reported 18% result in convictions, and only 5% of convicted rapists
flj
increased self -blame, social withdrawal, reduced sexual . .
go to prison (U S. Department of Justice 2016) .
assertiveness, and greater hostility and fear (Orchowski What do you think? It is empowering or oppressing to
& Gidycz, 2015; Relyea & Ullman, 2015). Overall, disclosure report rape?
I;i
‘:
ii
!{;•
5
;
514
improving personal resources and skills (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004 ). These
survivors experience post-traumatic growth, a positive psychological change
that can occur following a struggle with highly challenging life circumstances
( Ulloa, Guzman, Salazar, & Cala , 2016 ). Individuals who experience such
growth typically have strong support networks, rely on active and religious cop-
ing, and perceive greater control over their recovery. Another study showed
that women of color, older women, and women with less education had greater
i i
post - traumatic growth ( Grubaugh & Resick, 2007 ). Some researchers suggest
this may be due to greater religious coping found among older women and
women of color ( Ahrens, Abeling, Ahmad , & Hinman, 2010 ). !
ill
I
1'
lot : Violence ;
What are the different types of intimate partner violence, and how do
abuse and control manifest within abusive relationships?
In 2009, just days before the Grammy Awards, Rihanna and Chris Brown cancelled
their performances after it was revealed that Brown had physically attacked Rihanna.
Two female police officers had leaked photos showing Rihanna with a bloody nose,
black eye, and split lip ( Goldstein, 2009 ). Brown later pled guilty to felony assault
and was sentenced to community service, probation, and counseling ( Duke &
Rowlands, 2009 ). Both Rihanna and Brown were reportedly overwhelmed by the i [
extensive public attention that followed die assault. Years later, Rihanna disclosed !
that she felt punished “over and over again ” ( Robinson, 2015, para. 9 ). Her reac-
tion wasn’t surprising, given that media coverage reflected mixed messages about |
*
her culpability. Although most of die coverage stated that die assault was wrong, t
53% of mainstream articles also included statements diat die incident wras romantic,
erotic, normal , and partially Rihanna’s fault ( Rodiman et al., 2012 ).
Domestic violence is defined as any abusive, violent, coercive, forceful, or
threatening act by one member of a family or household toward another ( World ;
Health Organization, 2016 ) . Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a particular
form of domestic violence, involving violence by one member of an intimate
couple against the other ( Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2016b ) .
It’s a sub - type of domestic violence because it doesn’t include elder or child
abuse. IPV can occur in all types of relationship configurations ( e.g., heterosex -
ual, same-gender ) and among married or dating couples. IPV perpetrators are
more likely to target younger women, like Rihanna, than older women ( Capaldi,
Knoble, Shortt, & Kim, 2012; Kim, Laurent, Capaldi, & Feingold, 2008 ).
Before the 1970s, there was almost no public recognition of domestic vio -
lence ( Circulating Now, 2015 ). Spousal abuse ( and to a certain extent, child
abuse ) was considered an unfortunate, but understandable, custom. In the
•I
United States, public opinion changed when three socially charged movements
—
women’s liberation , women’s health, and anti - rape united and formed the
—
battered women’s movement ( Jacquet, 2015 ) . Activists wanted medical and
legal systems to respond to domestic violence as a serious criminal offense radicr
than as a private matter between a wife and a husband . They worked to change
*
:, • 1•
public opinion and to create safe havens for women and children. Crisis hotlines
became available, and the first women’s shelter opened in 1973. Almost twenty
r
-
years later, in 1994, the Violence Against Women Act ( VAWA ) provided the
: i
first comprehensive federal program to combat domestic violence . In a relatively
!» short period , activists experienced considerable success.
j However, cases such as diat of Rihanna and Chris Brown indicate that much
work remains to be done. Some people still think intimate partner violence can
be deserved and is inevitable within some relationships ( Rothman et al., 2012 ).
Further, violence in romantic relationships among teenagers and young adults
remains high . According to a national survey, as many as 1 in 10 high school
students and 1 in 4 college students in the United States report being physi -
cally hurt by a romantic partner ( Vagi, Olsen , Basile, & Vivolo- Kantor, 2015 ).
H-
ii Also, although early activist work focused on intimate partner violence between
Pi women and men, IPV occurs in same -gender relationships too ( Hamby, 2009;
!
1
Hassouneh 8c Glass, 2008 ).
» . ;
i
hi
I: ! Types of Intimate Partner Violence
i There are three main types of IPV ( Johnson, 2009 ) . When conflict sponta -
. neously escalates to violence and isn’t severe, it’s classified as common couples
i
violence or situational couple violence ( Johnson, 2009 ) . This, the most frequent
V' ! form of IPV, occurs when stress is high and a couple’s normal coping strate -
gies break down (Stark, 2010 ). Common couples violence is considered to be
!I gender symmetrical, although some studies show that women report engaging
I
in it more. For example, 17% to 48% of women and 10% to 39% of men have
;
reported engaging in physical violence toward their partner ( Hickman, Jaycox,
i
:: & Aronoff, 2004; Luthra 8c Gidycz, 2006; Straus 8c Ramirez, 2004 ), and 60%
v« *
to 83% of women and 55% to 80% of men have reported engaging in psycholog-
i
; ical abuse ( Hickman et al ., 2004 ). The fact that women generally report higher
!
rates of violence than men is controversial ( Anderson, 2013 ). Some researchers
» conclude diat women are more willing to self - report, and others conclude diat
I
t women have started to compete with men over dominant status as women gain
!
status in broader society (Stark, 2010 ).
Violence that occurs with more regularity and that increases in severity over
time constitutes intimate terrorism, also called coercive controlling violence ( Jaffe,
Johnston, Crooks, 8c Bala, 2008 ). It differs from common couples violence
because perpetrators show clear patterns of emotionally abusive intimidation,
l;
.
516 Chapter 12 Gender-Based Violence
domination, coercion, and control ( Johnson, 1995, 2009; Johnson & Ferraro,
2000 ). When people, including researchers, use the term IPV to talk about
domestic violence , they’re usually talking about intimate terrorism ( Johnson,
2011 ). The power and control wheel, depicted in Figure 12.2, shows some of
the ways in which perpetrators maintain dominance and control, although not
every relationship involves all of them ( Pence & Paymar, 1993 ). Men are more
likely to perpetrate intimate terrorism , and women are more likely to experience
it ( Johnson , 2009 ). Compared to common couples violence, survivors of inti-
mate terrorism are more likely to reach out to police , hospitals, and women’s
shelters ( Johnson , 2009 ) . In some cases, control tactics can be so effective in
Domestic 1
slavery
16 2 restrictions
15 3
Of
QJ
Threats &
intimidation Isolation o
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3
14 4 3.
-Q
CD
O
Sexual
abuse
1
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Power
and e
3
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abuse
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•
P
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0)
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o -
Economic
12 6 Unklndness
\ o
£o abuse Violation
oftrust JJ i
11 7
O Using
the 10 8 Degradation
children 9
Denial
Minimising Using Separation
Blaming social abuse
Institutions
FIGURE 12.2 Power and control wheel. This diagram shows the different tactics an
abuser can use to manipulate a partner. Sometimes these tactics are used in subtle ways
and may be unrecognizable as manipulative until understood in the context of how they
contribute to the cycle of violence.
Note. From www.spcakoutloud . net © Clare Murphy Phd 2016
|
1
. s
1
I
creating fear that physical violence might not occur at all ( Johnson, 2009 ). This
has led some people to advocate for the justice system to develop laws specific
to coercive and controlling behaviors within intimate relationships, and to pros-
i
.
ecute accordingly (Stark, 2007).
The third type of intimate partner violence is violent resistance, which occurs
hi .
in response to violence from a partner ( Pence & Dasgupta , 2006 ) . In heterosex-
A
ual relationships, women are die ones most likely to engage in violent resistance
( Johnson, 2009 ). One large study of couples showed that women were more
likely than men to be arrested with their partners, and police were more likely
l-i to mention self-defense in the arrests of women than men ( Melton & Belknap,
ii* ,
2003). In another study, women arrested for IPV with their partners were less
I
1 :
likely to have initiated the violence and were more likely to have called the police
for help, have physical injuries, and need medical attention than men ( Muftic',
Bouffard, & Bouffard, 2007). In the same study, women generally reported
using violence in self-defense.
'!
.
l
—
Another study this one of Asian, Pacific Islander, and Native Hawaiian queer
—
women who experienced intimate terrorism revealed that abuse was character-
ized by deep emotional intimacy combined with fear and pain, much like in
heterosexual relationships ( Kanuha, 2013 ). One woman shared , “ I had never
i:, experienced a relationship that could be so loving and so hurtful ” ( p. 1182 ).
!••
'
: Yet, unlike heterosexual couples, participants reported that the intimacy was
Ti intensified by the fact that they were in a relationship with someone similar to
themselves. This contributed to their desire to stay in the relationship despite
clear signs of abuse.
i It’s not surprising that many survivors describe their abusive relationships
jji as mixed with intense love and violence. As we saw in Chapter 8, romance is
•• often depicted within the context of jealousy, control, and aggression ( Bonomi,
; ;
i'
i
!
518 Chapter 12 Gender-Based Violence
!•
Altenburger, & Walton, 2013; Collins & Carmody,
2011 ). In fact , popular movies and books, such as the
Twilight series, Beauty & the Beast, and 50 Shades of
spotlight o n . . ;
called a honeymoon stage because it’s a time when perpe- a study of undergraduate women, 57% to
trators apologize and provide gifts, admiration, and atten - 88% reported experiencing verbal street
harassment, and 11% to 33% experienced
i:
tion. They may also promise to attend counseling, stop
sexual forms of street harassment (Davidson
drinking, or seek spiritual guidance. These positive inter-
et al., 2016) . Women also reported more pub-
actions strengthen the relationship and can convince the
lic incivility (e.g.r pushing in crowded spaces,
survivors that they’re uniquely qualified to help the perpe - cursing, yelling ) than men did (Bastomski &
trator reform or become a better person. When Rihanna Smith, 2017 ). Because such harassment re-
reunited with Chris Brown in 2012, she told Vanity Fair, duces feelings of safety— especially at night
“ Maybe I’m the person who’s almost the guardian angel or when alone — women, more than men,
to him, to be there when he’s not strong enough, when limit their use of public spaces ( Macmillan,
he’s not understanding the world, when he just needs Nierobisz, & Welsh , 2000 ) .
someone to encourage him in a positive way and say the It ' s hard to know what to do when
right tiling” ( Robinson, 2015, para. 10 ). Believing that a stranger harassment occurs. In one study ,
only 20% of women reported confronting
perpetrator can change is called learned hopefulness, and
harassers ( Magley, 2002 ) . Women were i
it’s one reason some survivors remain committed to an
most likely to ignore or try to avoid harass-
abusive relationship ( LaViolette & Barnett, 2000 ).
ers. However , in a study of college stu -
Over time, these dynamics can have devastating dents, those who responded actively were
effects. Abusers rely on many tactics to establish coercive less likely to feel sexually objectified than
power, a type of power that leads survivors to think they’ll those who responded passively ( Fairchild &
experience negative consequences if they don’t comply Rudman , 2008 ) .
with their abusers’ demands ( Felson, 2002 ). Lately, cell In 2014, social worker and activist
phone technology, drones, and social media have inten - Feminista Jones launched # YouOkSis to
sified abuse tactics. Perpetrators now can send threaten- encourage bystanders to intervene when
ing or insulting text messages, keep tabs on a partner, witnessing stranger harassment. Anyone
check a partner’s browsing history and phone log, and can go up to a girl or woman who looks
uncomfortable and say, " Are you okay ? "
post demeaning messages on social media sites ( Dimond,
( Berlatsky , 2014, para . 13 ) .
Ficsler, & Bruckman, 2011 ). In one study of men arrested
519
: t’
I
II
I .
ij ; : for IPV, 81% admitted to perpetrating at least one act of cyber abuse in the year
prior to entering an intervention program ( Brem et al., 2017 ). Technology has
:
•l
I led to an increase of stalking, particularly among teens and young adults ( Picard,
* 2007; Southwordi, Finn, Dawson, Fraser, & Tucker, 2007 ).
:| Abusers also rely on jjaslijjbtinjj, a form of psychological abuse that involves
manipulating victims into doubting dieir memory, perception , or sanity ( Dutton,
2006 ). Gaslighting abusers respond to any conflict as if they’ve been victimized.
This leads to one-sided arguments and may even cause the survivor to apologize
or take responsibility for the abuser’s behavior. This type of psychological abuse
can lead to self-doubt, depression, anxiety, and low self-esteem ( Afifi , Boman,
.1 Flcisher, & Sareen, 2009 ). Survivors may also feel shame and guilt, which can
hinder their ability to end die relationship (Scheffer Lindgren & Renck , 2008 ).
• As one woman described , “ He almost managed to persuade me that I’m nobody.
j!
!: :
Not wordi a human life ” ( Walker, 2017 p. 71 ). In one study, over 20% of women
living with abuse wouldn’t tell anyone about their situation because of self- doubt,
i
Hi
depression, and self- blame (Spangaro, Zwi, 8c Poulos, 2011 ).
ii ! • Widiin lesbian battering relationships, tactics can be different. Compared to
i!! heterosexual perpetrators, lesbian perpetrators use emotional and psychological vio-
lence more often dian odier forms of violence ( Badenes- Ribera , Bonilla -Campos,
f ! Frias- Navarro, Pons-Salvador, 8c Montcrde - i - Bort, 2016; Matte 8c Lafontaine,
•I
2011). Perpetrators might also use die threat of disclosing lesbian identity to
.
i! J instill fear. The double stigma of being outed as a lesbian and outed as abused is
l . !
particularly distressing ( Kanuha, 2013 ). Internalized heterosexism, discussed in
Chapter 4, has been found to predict experiencing IPV, and abusers can use this
—
to exploit and control a partner for example, by direatening to “out ” a partner
who wishes to leave the relationship ( Balsam 8c Szymanski , 2005 ) . Other research ,
•j .
however, shows diat the more out a person is, die most likely they are to experi -
I
ence IPV ( Carvalho, Lewis, Derlega, Winstead , 8c Viggiano, 2011 ) .
One result of frequent and ongoing abuse is battered women’s syndrome, a type
: of post- traumatic stress disorder diat includes disruption in interpersonal relation -
ships, body image distortion, and sexual intimacy issues ( Walker, 2017 ). Contro-
l’l
I, versially, battered women’s syndrome has been used as a defense for women who
are prosecuted for killing their abusers. In these cases, the women resorted to
extreme violence as a form of self- defense, an example of violent resistance.
! i
J! ;
;!i
Using meta -analysis, researchers have found that women who were younger, had
a low income, and had more children were at higher risk for IPV ( Humphreys,
.
2007 ). In fact, women with children were three times more likely to experience
f;
<:
520 Chapter 12 Gender- Based Violence
r.
i
IPV than women without children. Other research has shown that incidents of
IPV arc the highest during pregnancy and right after the birth of a child, mak - t
ing it harder for women to mobilize and leave an abusive relationship ( James, i
Brody, & Hamilton , 2013 ). Still other research suggests that bisexual women F:
arc more likely to experience IPV than are lesbian or heterosexual women ; some f
researchers believe this is related to the high rates of early victimization among
bisexual women contributing to vulnerability to abuse later in life ( Goldberg
Sc Meyer, 2013; Roberts, Austin , Corliss, Vandcrmorris, Sc Kocncn, 2010 ) .
Transgender individuals also appear to be at higher risk. In one study, 31.1% of
transgender participants, compared to 20.4% of cisgcnder participants, reported
experiencing IPV ( Langendcrfcr- Magruder, Whitfield, Walls, Kattari, Sc Ramos, i .t
2016 ) . In another study, 54% of transgender respondents had experienced IPV
( James et al ., 2016 ). Transgender individuals who were people of color, undoc-
i
I
umented immigrants, people with disabilities, sex workers, and homeless indi -
viduals were those most likely to report IPV.
Perpetrators, regardless of gender or sexual orientation, also share similar
qualities. They’re likely to have witnessed interpersonal violence, to have experi -
enced childhood abuse, to abuse substances, and to believe in traditional gender ‘
roles ( Dardis, Dixon , Edwards, & Turchik, 2015 ). Women’s perpetration of
IPV is more strongly associated with depression , anger, and having experienced
victimization , whereas men ’s is associated with lower socioeconomic status, low
education levels, and anti -social personality characteristics ( Dardis ct al., 2015 ).
Overall , researchers identify that men perpetrate more severe forms of violence j;
and women report greater injury, fear, and psychological consequences (Swan,
Gambone, Caldwell, Sullivan , Sc Snow, 2008; Tjaden Sc Thocnnes, 2000 ) .
Regardless of ethnicity, race, or socioeconomic status, women are more likely
than men to be injured or killed by IPV ( Kelly Sc Johnson , 2008 ).
People who hear about instances of IPV may wonder, “Why doesn’t she just
leave ? ” Several factors make it challenging to do so. First, when a woman tries to
leave, the likelihood of her abuser attacking her, and even killing her, increases
( Campbell et al., 2003; Campbell, 2004; Dobash Sc Dobash, 2012; Halket, .{
Gormley, Mcllo, Rosenthal, Sc Mirkin, 2014 ). Second, abusers may threaten to
kidnap children if the relationship ends. One study found that 11% ot children i
were actually kidnapped after a woman tried to leave an abusive male partner
(Stahly, 2008 ) . Third , women often don’t tell others about the abusive situation
for fear of losing their children if child protection agencies become aware of it
( Rivett Sc Kelly, 2006; Robinson Sc Spilsbury, 2008 ).
ii
i ; •
i
health education , and support groups. However, within the United States, some
programs have stringent policies that can make women feel unwelcome and overly
scrutinized ( Glenn & Goodman, 2015; Goodman & Epstein, 2008 ). Further,
many shelters hire primarily White staff and are often located in predominandy
White neighborhoods ( Donnelly, Cook, Van Ausdalc, & Foley, 2005). Researchers
have speculated that one reason Black women arc less likely
to use shelters than White women is that they’ve experienced
racial discrimination ( Campbell ct al., 2001 ). Moreover, IPV
program staff may minimize the severity of violence within les- try it for yourself I '1
bian relationships and may have little to no training in working
with LGBTQ survivors ( Basow & Thompson, 2012; Brown Many people wonder why women don’t
& Groscup, 2009 ). This can significandy impair survivors’ leave abusive relationships. Ask three
ability to seek formal resources for help and may even cause friends with diverse social identity
additional harm. Survivors can experience humiliation within characteristics about their thoughts on !
—
IPV programs particularly low-income single women of this issue. What kind of responses do you
get? Now that you've learned more about
color, LGBTQ women, and women with severe mental illness
factors that influence decisions to leave,
( Koyama, 2006; Sokoloff & Dupont, 2005 ). However, a pos-
what would you say to a friend who won-
itive relationship with an IPV advocate has been found to be ders why a person wouldn’t "just leave"
related to reduced symptoms of both depression and PTSD an abusive relationship?
( Goodman, Banyard, Woulfe, Ash, & Mattern, 2016 ).
Sex Trafficking
: li
What is sex trafficking, and how is it similar to and different from IPV?
IPV sets the stage for even more dangerous relational situations. Human traf -
ficking is a complex , worldwide problem . Although researchers characterize IPV I
and human trafficking differently, in some ways these two types of violence inter-
sect. The Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act ( 2000 ) defines sex
trafficking as commercial sex induced by force, fraud, or coercion. Unlike indi -
viduals who voluntarily work in the sex industry, victims of sex trafficking are
sold and traded against their will. IPV and sex trafficking often co-occur, with I
one study showing that 64% of female victims reported having been roman-
tically involved with their pimp ( Raphael & Ashley, 2008 ). Sex trafficking is
the second largest criminal industry in the world , and it’s the fastest growing,
generating $99 billion annually ( Human Rights First, 2016 ). Researchers have
estimated that between 22% and 40% of adults working in the sex industry are
in trafficking situations ( Roe -Sepowitz, Hickle, Dahlstedt, & Gallagher, 2014).
Additionally, 1.2 million children are sold into the illegal sex trade inter-
nationally ( UNICEF, 2014a ). Any situation in which a person under age 18
performs a sex act in exchange for money constitutes childhood sex traffick-
ing ( Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act, 2000 ). In the United .
States, childhood sex- trafficking victims are typically 12 to 14 years old, and
i!
children who run away or are kicked out of their homes are especially vulnerable
( Mitchell, Finkelhor, & Wolak, 2013 ) . Adult male customers often know the
age of die children widi whom they’re having sex and, therefore, are knowingly
I!
!i
raping children ( Monto, 2004 ).
Similar to IPV, sex - trafficking relationships arc based on unequal power
i
dynamics and are characterized by secrecy, abuse, financial control, and fear
( Roe -Sepowitz et al., 2014 ). One study showed that street - level sex workers
experienced unpredictable violence as well as love and loyalty from their pimp/
trafficker (Williamson & Cluse -Tolar, 2002 ). As is the case within IPV relation -
ships, this confusing combination contributes to victims staying in trafficking
l!
relationships ( Roe-Sepowitz et al., 2014 ) .
Despite similarities, there arc distinctions between IPV relationships and
i
1 those that involve trafficking. For example, although IPV survivors may expe -
!• . '
ilr rience financial exploitation, it’s more common for girls and women in traf-
I
ficking situations to be used primarily for profit and revenue ( Roe-Sepowitz
et al., 2014; Williamson & Cluse -Tolar, 2002 ). Trafficking victims are forced
I II
to have sex with people outside of their primary relationship, with one study
if t
ii
:• reporting that, on average, traffickers force women to have sex with 10 people
per day ( Raphael, Reichert, & Powers, 2010 ). Although many organizations
and shelters focus on IPV survivors, trafficking survivors have fewer options.
M Only 13 states have organizations that specifically help trafficking survivors, and
;; ;; a mere handful of those offer long- term housing ( Roe -Sepowitz et al ., 2014 ).
Girls and women in sex - trafficking situations are often perceived, by both
iul, law enforcement and the general public, to be criminals rather than victims of a
crime ( Macias- Konstantopoulos & Bar- Halpcm, 2016; Vanwcscnbceck, 2017 ).
This has implications for when ( and if ) a trafficking victim tries to seek help.
I: One study of primarily White undergraduate students showed that men, but not
women, were likely to blame a victim of sex trafficking for being in that situation
:
( Cunningham & Cromer, 2016 ). Men were also more accepting of human traf-
» '
ficking myths, such as die idea that victims gain wealth, enjoy having sex with
multiple people, and either can’t be raped or deserve to be raped ( Cunningham
Hi
: & Cromer, 2016; Sullivan , 2007). These myths further justify the exploitation
i
if :
of women, increase violence against sex workers, and reduce the reporting of
girls and women in trafficking situations ( Farley, 2003 ).
!i
:
i
lii
!»;
!i
Violence against Older Women
What unique issues are faced by older women who experience violence?
Women may experience violence at any point in their lives. Moreover, some
il
women experience abuse as children , go on to experience it in their intimate rela -
tionships, and then experience it from their adult children or from a professional
• v.
ever, because the caregiver stress model still holds sway, many social service
agencies focus on reducing caregiver stress rather than assessing the power
imbalances in relationships ( Kilbanc & Spira, 2010 ). The focus on the caretaker,
without proper assessment of the dynamic between the caretaker and die elder,
continues in many adult protective services and contributes to the minimization
or ignoring of elder abuse ( Kilbanc & Spira, 2010 ).
|
Achieving Justice Scholars have noted that incarceration does not reduce
repeat criminal offenses or lead to social change ( Boots, Wareham, Bartula, &
i Canas, 2016; Will, Loper, & Jackson, 2016; Williams & Stransfield , 2017 ).
Since many incarcerated individuals are themselves survivors, some researchers
argue that prison might actually perpetuate a cycle of violence ( Wolff, Shi, &
!
| Siegel, 2009 ). Further, the criminal justice system disproportionately punishes
i; perpetrators who are people of color, those with mental illnesses, and the poor
. (The Sentencing Project, 2013; Walker, Spohn, & DcLone, 2012 ). Given this
context, scholars have called for more progressive approaches to achieving jus-
tice ( Boots et al., 2016; Karp & Frank, 2016; Zarling & Berta , 2017 ).
.i
' One such approach has been modeled on Indigenous peacemaking pro-
: cesses (Yazzie & Zion, 1996 ). Known as restorative justice, it focuses on reha-
bilitation through a process of facilitated meetings between perpetrators and
1
(•
els of justice ( Sherman , Strang, Mayo-Wilson , Woods, & Ariel, 2015 ). In this
study, victims who participated in restorative justice meetings reported reduced
self- blame and desire for revenge compared to those who participated in con-
ventional justice systems. Offenders who participated were more likely to admit
they had breached a community moral standard and were more likely to apol-
ogize. A study of youth sexual violence showed that restorative justice con-
ferences were a better option for survivors if the perpetrator admitted to the
offense ( Daly, 2002 ) . However, scholars worry that apologies are notoriously
part of the cycle of abuse, particularly among IPV situations, so a focus on this
might be inappropriate. More research is needed to understand the effectiveness
of using restorative justice among IPV survivors.
Worldwide, women and children account for almost 80% of war casualties as
well as 80% of the 40 million people who are refugees ( Kinkartz, 2015; United
Nations, 2015 ). For women living in war zones, sexual assault and rape are
estimated to be common, but actual numbers are unknown ( Cook, Wilson,
& Thomas, 2018; Simon, Nolan, & Ngo, 2013 ). One report released by
the United Nations Development Fund for Women estimated that 59% to
94% of female civilians living in a war zone experience sexual assault and/or
—
in 135 nations roughly 70% of the countries on the planet ( Tursc, 2017 ).
The proposed 2017 U .S. military budget was S 582.7 billion ( U .S. Department
of Defense, 2016 b ). Since 2009, the United States has been engaged in mul -
tiple conflicts and wars that involve violent airstrikes and robotic technology
( Carter, 2017 ).
il
—
These wars aren’t always defensive that is, they aren’t occurring because a
V
foreign government attacked the United States ( Zarkov, 2016 ). In 2002, the
i
U.S. national security strategy included the idea that preventive military action
N
i was justifiable in order to address potential future threats ( The White House,
ill 2002 ). This has been a controversial policy. Some scholars worry that preemp -
tive military intervention might be an extension of imperialism , a practice that
;
extends a country’s power through either diplomacy or war, or both ( Mohanty,
Pratt, & Riley, 2008 ). Others see military action as necessary to ensure global
safety. For example, in 2012, one U .S. national security goal was protecting the
rights of girls and women ( Pratt, 2013 ). Female empowerment ( e .g., remov-
ing prohibitions on girls’ education ) was given as justification for U .S. military
I occupation in Afghanistan and Iraq. According to a recent survey, Americans
are split over the use of preemptive military force: 12% believe it is often justified
ill and 38% believe it is sometimes justified , while 28% believe it should rarely be
'
!
,il i
Reimagining Gender
it One way to address violence against girls and women is to have candid conver-
sations with men about masculinity. Individuals, especially men , who believe in
>:
traditional gender roles are more accepting of violence toward women ( Loveland
!
8c Raghavan , 2017; Seabrook, Ward, 8c Giaccardi , 2018; Willie, Khondkaryan,
Callands, 8c Kershaw, 2018 ). Most boys and men are socialized to adopt traits
:: of traditional masculinity, which include aggression, dominance, self- reliance,
Mi• i
•
! *
See Something, Say Something
ii Violence can be prevented through a shared, community responsibility for cre-
ating a safe environment and a cultural intolerance of violence ( Flood , 2015 ).
For example, community members can hold religious and political leaders
accountable for sending clear messages against violence toward girls and women
and for creating a climate of respect ( Bryant - Davis 8c Wong, 2013 ). Commu-
! ' nities can also provide educational programs on identifying patterns of abuse
SiI . so that everyone acquires the knowledge and skills to intervene if necessary
( Flood, 2015 ).
;•
i
i!
In some ways, men are uniquely qualified to confront other men ( Flood , i
2015 ). They can encourage other men to talk about gender roles, dating :
••
!
:
norms, and issues relating to consent ( Gidycz, Orchowski, 8c Berkowitz, 2011 ).
I
Also, churches, community groups, and schools have sponsored programs that
i
encourage men to talk to one another about how to stop violence enacted by
others ( Flood , 2015; Garrity, 2011 ). For example, the White Ribbon Campaign i
i
is a global movement of boys and men working to end violence against women
and girls and to promote healthy relationships. Several studies have found that
i
such programs are effective in changing men’s attitudes and increasing their 1
— —
Many colleges have encouraged bystander intervention that is, interven-
ing when people witness a problematic situation with some success. In one
}
1
study, students who received training in bystander intervention were less likely
to be victims of violence, and men who participated were less likely to be per-
petrators ( Coker et al., 2015 ). Bystander intervention has also served to help
—
young adults intervene in situations that may lead to dating violence for exam-
ple, by helping a friend who’s in a controlling relationship realize that there may
be red flags of violence ( Storer, Casey, 8c Herrcnkohl, 2016 ).
that viewing violence contributed to aggression , even after controlling for other
variables such as having experienced prior abuse ( Anderson et al., 2017 ). Even
i brief exposure to violence can cause some people to become more aggressive
:
•i and show less empathy and fewer helping behaviors ( Anderson , Bushman,
Hi 1
Girls and women arc at particular risk for violence throughout their lives,
and many don ’t experience justice after surviving a violent act. Moreover,
gender- based violence reflects larger social issues, such as women having less
power than men and living in a culture of objectification . Experiencing violence
—
can have long-term consequences in many domains including those related to
mental health , as we’ll discuss in Chapter 13. However, it’s possible to counter a
culture of violence with activism. Each time one person speaks against rape cul -
ture, volunteers at a domestic violence shelter, or petitions local representatives
to change policies, progress is made. If enough people start seriously addressing
violence in our culture, coalitions can be built. To begin this process at any level,
it takes only one person to speak out.
Conclusion 533
. I
11
ft
111!
.
II .
Chapter Review
li
SUMMARY
KEY TERi\ |t
l
hate crime ( p. 492 ) cultural spillover theory ( p. 511)
gender- based violence ( p. 494 ) post- traumatic growth ( p. 515 ) !
physical abuse ( p. 495 ) domestic violence ( p. 515 )
psychological abuse ( p. 496 ) intimate partner violence ( IPV ) ( p. 515 )
childhood sexual abuse ( p. 496 ) stranger harassment ( p. 519 )
resiliency ( p. 498 ) cycle of abuse ( p. 519 )
sexual assault ( p. 500 ) learned hopefulness ( p. 519 )
rape ( p. 500 ) coercive power ( p. 519 )
rape myth ( p. 501 ) sex trafficking ( p. 523 )
victim blaming ( p. 501 ) elder abuse ( p. 525 )
tonic immobility ( p. 503 ) restorative justice ( p. 526 )
compliant sex ( p. 507 ) imperialism ( p. 528 )
token resistance ( p. 507 ) militarism ( p. 528 )
affirmative consent ( p. 508 ) bystander intervention ( p. 531)
belief in a just world ( p. 509 )
i
THINK ABOUT IT ;
1. Do you think hate crime legislation is helpful would communicate important prevention
in deterring gender- based violence ? If not, information to the public.
what type of policies do you think could 3. Think about a few romantic novels and/or ; }
deter and /or eliminate violence ? Can you movies that you’ve seen or a romantic song
recommend a specific policy that could that you know. What messages do they convey
be implemented in your community now ? about control and jealousy? How could you
Explain your response. rewrite them so that violent themes aren’t part
2. Using the research results discussed in this of the script? Do you think they would be as
chapter, design an infographic as part of an popular? Why or why not?
anti - rape campaign in your community that
L.
!
; • i
i
:
r: ;.
. •i 4. Have you ever witnessed behaviors that often about what you can do to stop violence?
in
i .< precede violence against a woman ( c .g., Explain your response .
controlling behavior in a relationship, a friend 5. How much do you know about U .S.
i hooking up while drunk , a peer joking about
!i ; ! involvement in military conflicts? What might
sexual conquests )? If so, did you or anyone you do to learn more to understand , and
i ••
else call out or intervene to stop the behavior? possibly reduce , the level of militarization? In
What would you do if you saw such a behavior what ways does war affect you , even if it seems
now? Has this chapter changed your views distant and far away?
I
ONLINE RESOURCES
Battered Women Support Services — INCITE! — a website featuring a network
. education , advocacy, and support services to of radical feminists of color working to end
•
!•
.
•I assist women who arc in , or have been involved violence: incite -national .org
! in , battering relationships: bwss . org Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network
i! i
I Code Pink — a women- led organization ( RAINN ) — an anti-sexual violence
I aimed at ending U .S . wars and militarization: organization that provides resources and
I
codepink . org support for survivors: rainn .org
ill'
Hollaback! — a website dedicated to Survived and Punished — resources for
creating space to understand harassment, and information about survivors of domestic
engage in public conversations , and develop violence and /or sexual abuse whose
!< strategies to ensure equality in public spaces:
l
survival actions resulted in incarceration:
. 5 ihollaback .org survivedandpunished .org
m-
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If 536 Chapter 12 Gender- Based Violence
71 *
:
I: !i
IN JULY 2015, Sandra Bland, a young Black woman, was on her way to a new job as
i*
a student ambassador for her alma mater, Prairie View A & M University in Texas,
•
i
when she was pulled over for "failure to signal" (Yan, Sanchez, & Ford, 2015). Bland
was angry and confronted the police officer. When he asked her to put out her
cigarette, she responded, "I am in my car. Why do I have to put out my cigarette?"
(para . 18). The officer then asked her to get out of the car, and when she refused,
he threatened to pull her out. The officer told Bland she was under arrest, and they
started to argue. He screamed at her: "Get out of the car! I will light you up! Get out!
Now!" (para. 25). She refused, and after a struggle, he pulled out a
.
stun gun. Bland then exited the car of her own accord, saying "Wow,
really, for a failure to signal? You're doing all of this for a failure to
signal?" (para. 26). Their struggle continued, and video footage even-
tually showed the officer slam Bland’s head on the ground. She told
him that she had epilepsy. The officer replied, " Good!” ( para. 30).
Bland was brought to jail and interviewed. She disclosed that she
had a history of mental health concerns and a prior suicide attempt.
However, there was no reason to think she'd been having mental
health struggles right before the traffic stop because she was happy
and excited about her new job. However, her experience of being
pulled over, physically attacked, and put in jail was extremely upset-
ting. She told her sister that the officer had hurt her back and that
she was afraid her arm was broken ( Lai, Park, Buchanan, & Andrews .
2015). After been in jail for three days, officials reported that
she'd
Bland was found hanging in her cell. Although an autopsy report
classified her death as a suicide, Bland's family insisted that police
Following the killing of several brutality was the cause (Sanburn, 2015 ). Her family filed a federal
Black women, including Sandra wrongful death lawsuit, which was settled for $1.9 million along with
Bland, the # sayhername an agreement to change the way people are treated in the Waller
movement and hashtag were
developed to bring attention County jail system ( Lee, 2016).
to police brutality and violence This tragedy raised many unanswered questions. To what extent
directed at Black women was the way the police officer handled this situation influenced by
within the United States. This
Bland's race? How could the officer have de-escalated the situation? To
movement strives to reduce
police brutality and anti - Black what extent did Bland's mental health history affect what happened?
violence while also empowering Clearly, the officer’s response to a minor traffic violation was extreme
and improving the quality of
and violent.In 2010, Black women in theUnited States were incarcerated
lives of those disproportionately
targeted by police violence. at almost three times the rate of White women (Mauer, 2013). Given
.
this statistic, Sandra Bland was probably more likely to be stopped for
539
.
1
;>
j
I
.
Such trauma often leads to mental health problems, and these problems are
v! — .
very common in and often exacerbated by —the prison system ( Lynch et al. 2017;
i
.
Yi, Turney, & Wildeman 2017). In fact, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics has re-
.
ported that 73% of women in state prisons 61% of women in federal prisons, and
j
75% of women in local jails had mental health problems (James & Glaze, 2006).
•
One study of women from nine jails across several states showed that 67% had
i
i
a mental disorder, such as major depression or bipolar disorder, and 83% had a
i
: .
substance use disorder (Green et al. 2016 ), Moreover, suicide in prison isn' t rare.
i Between 2001 and 2014, research shows that 2,826 people committed suicide in
i I
U.S. state prisons (Noonan, 2016). The high rates of mental illness among women
in prison also reflect lack of access to quality mental health treatment.
! How we understand women's distress matters a great deal. When women en-
ter the criminal justice system, they're often seen as "bad"; the stress and trau-
!! mas they've experienced are often ignored. In other situations, women can also
j,
be labeled "sad" or "mad." They can be medicated, shocked, or hospitalized. In
i
fact, there's a long history of women receiving such treatments without consent
. (Burstow, 2006; Chesler, 2005; Geller & Harris, 1984). Ideally, women who experi-
ence violence and mental distress can receive help to alleviate their suffering, but
this doesn’t always happen. And although mental health isn ' t just a concern for
women, the interpretation and treatment of symptoms is a distinctly gendered
phenomenon ( Ussher, 2011).
i
if In this chapter, we'll explore women's mental health. We'll discuss how women
have historically been considered "mad'' when they didn't conform to gender
. i norms or were perceived as troublesome. We'll then look at the modern system
A
:
i of diagnosing mental illness in the United States, and we'll explore diagnoses that
women receive more frequently than men. Finally, we'll discuss how feminist thera-
pists bring an intersectional understanding of the ways in which systems of oppres-
sion (e.g., gender oppression, class oppression) can affect women's mental health.
they act in ways that arc too feminine, and stereotypical aspects of femininity
( c.g., passivity, dependence ) have been associated with madness ( Chcslcr, 2005 ).
Moreover, women arc often labeled as mad , sick, or ill when they respond in
ways that actually may make sense within oppressive environments. Knowing
the historical context in which these patterns developed will provide a better
understanding of women’s modern experiences.
The Beginnings
What factors contributed to historical categorizations of women as
mentally ill? 13;
Before modern science and medicine, there were many misattributions about
how the body works and what causes particular illnesses. Madness was no
exception . Some forms of madness were specifically tied to femininity, as they
were believed to be a side effect of women’s reproductive processes. Madness,
particularly among women, has also been attributed to supernatural causes, and
the label “ mad ” was often accompanied by other labels, such as being a witch.
The very first mental problem associated with women was hysteria . It was
described by the ancient Egyptians, who believed it originated from the uterus
wandering through the body ( Tasca , Rapetti , Carta, & Fadda , 2012 ). Symptoms
of hysteria were said to include seizures, fears, and a sense of suffocation . The i;
ancient Greeks saw hysteria as being caused by a “sad ” uterus that wanted to be
linked to a man ( Tasca , ct al ., 2012, p. 110 ). Symptoms included tremors and
anxiety, and treatments included drinking wine and engaging in orgies or having
vigorous sex with a male partner.
In the Middle Ages and into the 17th century, symptoms that had previously
been attributed to the wandering uterus were considered to signal demonic
possession ( Chcslcr, 2005 ). During this time, non -conforming women, as well
as women who experienced psychological symptoms, were labeled as watches.
Many w'ere probably midwives and healers, and some may have had property
that the Church coveted ( Chester, 2005 ). Witches were regarded in opposi-
tion to the “ good wife” because they spoke up against men, exhibited sex-
ual desire, and sought revenge against enemies. One w^ell- known example in 3
w'hich non - conforming women w'ere targeted is the witchcraft accusations that
occurred in Newr England during the 1690s, often referred to as the Salem
witch trials.
Many witchcraft confessions w'ere given under duress, but other w'omen vol-
untarily confessed ( Jackson, 1995 ). One woman who had suffered tremendously
at the hands of her husband felt enormous guilt after he died. She decided that
she must have killed him with her evil thoughts, so she confessed to being a
witch . Other w'omen w'ho had negative feelings toward their children attributed
these to the devil and also confessed to witchcraft. The persecution of witches
i
Insane Asylums and Rest Cures Although women in the 19 th century
weren’t burned at the stake as witches when they showed signs of “ madness,”
treatments during that period were far from benign . Many women were invol -
untarily placed in insane asylums, where treatments could include beatings,
prolonged periods in restraints, and being submerged in water. These women
were often deemed hysterical because they acted in non -feminine ways, rejected
their role as wives or mothers, and /or were sexually attracted to other women.
Some were involuntarily hospitalized for “ crimes” such as speaking their minds,
becoming romantically involved with other women, dressing extravagandy, or
disagreeing with their families’ religious views ( Geller & Harris, 1984 ).
i
During the late 19 th century,
certain doctors prescribed rest
cures to upper - class White
women to treat symptoms
of hysteria . Authors Virginia
Woolf and Edith Wharton
both experienced rest cures,
during which they were
allowed only limited time to
be out of bed and to engage
in intellectually stimulating
activities such as reading or
writing. These rest cures likely !
;
exacerbated symptoms and
reinforced gender stereotypes
about privileged women.
i particularly for White women with financial resources, was because of the rise
A
of medications designed to treat psychological problems. While medication
It
allowed many women who were distressed to obtain needed relief, there was
a danger in over- use. In particular, Valium , a sedative that reduced symptoms
' •
—
of anxiety, was prescribed to millions of women often middle - and upper-
class White women who were unhappy with their roles in life ( Herzbcrg,
2006 ). It’s estimated that 20% of women in the United States during the
1970s had prescriptions for Valium and that 10% used it regularly. Valium ,
or “ mother’s little helper,” was criticized early in the second wave feminist
movement for making women accept their subordinate status rather than
questioning their lot in life. Although concerns about the over- use of Valium
are justified , the feminist concern about the drug was largely influenced by
l| i
}!
:i
—
the fact that it was primarily affecting middle -class White women the group
most connected to second wave feminism ( Herzberg, 2006 ) . For example,
the mental health of poor women of color didn’t receive the same type of
attention.
1'
! i In 1987, the anti -depressant Prozac, the “ happy pill,” was introduced and
quickly replaced Valium as die most frequendy prescribed medication for women
( Blum & Stracuzzi, 2004 ). Although anxiety was the most frequently diagnosed
l. j disorder when Valium was popular, depression became an increasingly common
|
diagnosis with the rise of Prozac ( Horwitz, 2010 ). Doctors were enthusiastic
; I
about Prozac because it had fewer side effects than earlier anti -depressants, and
many women found needed relief through its use. Instead of having a sedat-
i
ing effect, the drug was seen as energizing because women who took it felt
more productive. Instead of being prescribed to women to keep them happy
:
;
wadi their domestic lives, it was prescribed to allow them to be “superwomen ”
S!if and aid them in combining work and family demands. Marketing materi-
:
als described the drug as making women more energetic, assertive, efficient,
—
and ambitious all qualities associated with traditional masculinity ( Blum &
Stracuzzi, 2004 ). Prozac, like Valium , was marketed primarily to middle- and
!
i upper-class White women.
.i Currently, anti -depressants are widely used and have helped many women
1
to alleviate depression and decrease suicidal thoughts. Research indicates that
[i
21.2% of women in their 40s and 50s, and 24.4% of women over age 60, take
anti-depressants ( Pratt, Brody, & Gu, 2017 ). In contrast, only 11.6% and 12.6%
of men in these respective age groups take them. Anti -depressants continue to
i 'j be more frequently used by White women than by Black, Latinx, and Asian
American women ( Alegria et al., 2008 ). For example, between 2011 and 2014,
21.4% of White women were prescribed anti-depressants, but only 4.6% of Asian
women, 6.4% of Latinx women, and 7.9% of Black women received these pre-
: scriptions ( Pratt et al., 2017). Although many people see medication as a critical
therapeutic option that women benefit from, some critics believe that women’s
widespread use of medication as a treatment for mental illness supports the
status quo because it doesn’t address the social and political factors, such as
poverty and abuse , that contribute to women’s distress.
Diagnosis and Treatment The 20th century saw the rise of the formal disci-
pline of psychiatry. Its purpose was to diagnose and treat mental disorders using
die medical model. This model assumes that mental health concerns are the
result of physical problems that can be treated through medical intervention.
The first edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
( DSM ) was published in 1952 by the American Psychiatric Association, and
currently the manual is in its fifth edition. The DSM promotes a disease model
of mental illness that focuses on the presence or absence of specific symptoms
enhanced by the use of seemingly objective checklists ( Cosgrove & Wheeler, I
2013 ). These checklists generally ask whether or not an individual is experienc- :
ing a symptom ( e .g., sadness, hopelessness ) but don’t ask about die situations
—
or contexts in which die symptom occurs for example, after being yelled at by
one’s boss or before being hit by one’s spouse.
II
Many people think of these diagnostic categories as real, phys - il
ically identifiable, brain disorders that people either have or don’t
have. However, what is or isn’t considered a mental illness contin -
ues to be a product of cultural context. For example, homosexuality
used to be considered a mental illness, but it was removed from the
DSM in 1973 ( Kawa & Giordano, 2012 ). When mental illness is
seen as a real disease within a person, it gains legitimacy, but social or
environmental causes for the distress are generally minimized.
One concern about the current version of the DSM is that its
authors have deep financial ties to the pharmaceutical industry
( Cosgrove & Wheeler, 2013; Marecek & Gavey, 2013 ). In fact, 69%
of the members of die entire American Psychiatric Association task
force that wrote die DSM -5 had ties to pharmacology, including
receiving research funding from pharmaceutical companies, being
paid to speak for diem , or serving as paid consultants ( Cosgrove
& Krimsky, 2012 ). Another concern is that more people can be
-
classified as having mental illnesses using the DSM 5 than previous *«?
editions. For example, in the past, a diagnosis of major depression The Diagnostic and Statistical
couldn’t be made if a person had recently experienced the loss of a Manual of Mental Disorders
loved one. However, someone coping with grief from this type of { DSM ) pictured here and the
loss can now be diagnosed with major depression and, consequently, International Classification
of Diseases ( ICD) are the two
be prescribed medication to alleviate its symptoms ( Wakefield,
tools clinicians typically use to
2016 ). diagnose mental illness. When
The ability to define what is normal and abnormal is very pow - are medical diagnoses helpful ?
erful because the mental health profession depends on the DSM for
medical legitimacy and authority ( Ali, Caplan, & Fagnant, 2010 ).
When might'they cause more
harm than good?
- -
For example, in order to cover the costs of treatment for a given
,
The Feminist Critique of Mental Illness It’s undeniable that many women
live with distress related to their mental health. However, the fact that symp-
toms are currently labeled as depression rather than hysteria or demonic pos-
session reflects cultural context. Over 60 years ago, the philosopher Michel
Foucault noted that it’s necessary to understand how people interpret and
give significance to their own experiences in order to understand mental illness
( Foucault, 1954/1987 ) . More recently, the psychologist Jane Ussher noted
that “ within medicalized discourse, women’s negative emotions and reasonable
responses to daily living or to family life arc positioned as ‘symptoms’ worthy
of a psychiatric diagnosis” ( Ussher, 2011, p. 100 ). This observation doesn’t
simply reflect being diagnosed by others. People define their own experiences
based on the options available to them within their cultural context. In the
past, many women believed themselves to be possessed by a demon or to be
suffering from hysteria; today, in contrast, many see their suffering as a sign of
mental illness.
Modern psychiatry generally sees disorders as products of biological pro-
cesses or irrational thinking patterns. Therefore, treatments generally focus
on altering biological processes ( through medication ) and/or changing think-
ing patterns ( through talk therapies ). These treatments can be very effective,
and they do represent important ways to relieve distress. However, a feminist
approach to mental illness also seeks a more careful analysis of why a person
is experiencing distress in the first place. Whether the distress is interpreted as
depression, anxiety, an eating disorder, or some other condition, it is often a
reasonable response to unacceptable or challenging life circumstances. Women i
*
Women and Madness: A Historical Perspective 549
T
!i ,i
•»
i!
|>
1’ Mental Health Diagnose
i . As mentioned earlier, feminist psychologists have been critical of the DSM.
ii
However, given the necessity of diagnosis for insurance coverage, feminist psy-
i.i
.i
! chologists do make use of this system . Also, diagnostic labels enable people
—
to make meaning of their distress the labels give them words to identify the
pain they’re feeling, and for that reason diagnoses can be empowering ( Brown ,
2004, 2006 ). However, rather than solely relying on a DSM checklist, feminist
psychologists advocate for considering multiple forms of evidence and knowl-
edge to understand a person’s distress and dysfunction ( Ballou , 1990; Eriksen &
:•! Kress, 2008 ). In other words, how we think about, and ultimately treat, mental
health issues cannot stop with a diagnostic label. It’s only one piece of a larger
diagnostic picture that would also include the social context and how intersect-
ing aspects of people’s social identities shape their experiences.
I
: Major Depression
What are the gender differences in depression, and what factors contribute
to these differences?
Discrimination Women also encounter a great deal of life stress that can contrib -
ute to depression . To start, many women grow up in sexist environments in which
they learn that their needs should be secondary to others’. In one study, women
were interviewed about sexism widiin their families, and a recurring theme was
that they felt devalued as girls and as though their brothers were favored simply
because they were boys ( Atwood , 2001 ). These women also reported that their
parents ignored or dismissed incidents when their brothers became abusive. The
women were often teased about their weight by their parents or brothers, and
they worried a lot about being fat. Many participants described taking on the role
of the good girl, being extra pleasant and compliant in order to please their moth -
ers. The women in this study were all depressed to some degree. They described
a sense of powerlessness and felt diey were entided to less attention than others.
Mental health continues to be impacted as women encounter sexist environ-
ments outside the family. For example, sexual harassment at work has been con-
sistently related to mental health problems such as anxiety and depression, as well
as decreased psychological well - being ( Cantisano, Dominguez, 8c Depolo, 2008;
Gutck & Koss, 1993; Willness, Steel , 8c Lee, 2007). Another study showed that
experiencing everyday sexism such as being objectified, being called a derogatory
term ( e.g., bitch ) , or being told a sexist joke was common for young women
( occurring a few times a week ) and was related to increased depression, anxi -
ety, and anger (Swim , Hyers, Cohen , 8c Ferguson, 2001 ). In yet another study,
chronic sexual harassment in college was found to relate to higher levels of depres-
sion, anxiety, and substance abuse ( McGinley, Wolff, Rospenda, Liu, 8c Richman,
2016 ). In general, chronic experiences of sexism relate to women’s higher rates
of depression and other negative psychological symptoms ( Klonoffet al., 2000 ).
Sexism isn’t the only form of discrimination that can affect women’s mental
health. Depending on other aspects of their social identities, racism, homopho-
bia, and discrimination based on gender identity are among other forms that can
be harmful. Racism can negatively influence mental health for various reasons.
First, it causes members of racial/ethnic minority groups to have fewer edu-
cational and job opportunities and an increased likelihood of living in poverty
( Williams 8c Williams- Morris, 2000 ). Second, the experience of racial discrimi-
nation can be extremely distressing. A study of Latinx women found that those
1
study showed that die experience of racist microaggressions, leading to feel-
: ing like a second -class citizen or feeling invalidated, related to higher levels of
depression in an ethnically diverse group of largely female participants ( Nadal,
Griffin , Wong, Hamit, 8c Rasmus, 2014 ). Third , racist culture can lead racial/
ethnic minority group members to internalize negative evaluations of themselves
( Williams & Williams-Morris, 2000 ) . One study of Black American and Carib-
bean women and men found that internalized racism was related to depression
and other mental health problems ( Mouzon & McLean , 2017 ) . Discrimination
can also affect access to treatment. In one study, psychologists were found to be
less likely to offer therapy appointments when new clients called and were per-
ceived to be Black or from a lower-class background ( Ku gel mass, 2016 ).
The combination of racism and sexism can be especially damaging. For exam -
ple, Black women can be subject to comments that are both sexist and rac-
ist ( e.g., comments about a woman’s “sexy black ass”; Buchanan & Ormcrod,
2002, p. 113). One study showed that Black women who experienced racializcd
sexual harassment had more symptoms of trauma and distress than those who
experienced only gender discrimination , especially if the harassment was from a
White man ( Woods, Buchanan, 6c Settles, 2009 ).
j Discrimination against members of gender and sexual minority groups also
can have a significant negative impact. Several studies have shown that those in
the LGBTQ community are twice as likely to experience depression as those
1 who arc not ( D’Augelli, 2002; Gilman et al., 2001; Meyer, 2003 ) . Stressors
associated with being LGBQ, as well as the perceived stigma that others dis-
approve of one’s sexual orientation , have been linked with depression ( Lewis,
Derlega, Griffin, 8c Krowinski, 2003 ) . Individuals who arc transgender or gen -
der non -conforming also experience high rates of depression . Clinical levels of
depression were found in 44% of transgendcr individuals participating in one
-
I
i
study, and this outcome was strongly related to experiences of discrimination and
stigma ( Bockting, Miner, Swinburne-Romine, Hamilton , 8c Coleman, 2013).
Internalizing negative feelings about one’s sexual orientation has been linked
to depression and suicidal ideation in both lesbians and gay men ( Igartua, Gill ,
8c Montoro, 2009; McLaren , 2016 ). For women who hold both racial and
sexual minority identities, discrimination and internalized negative feelings
about the self can cause distress and decreased well - being. One study of women
who identified as both Latinx and sexual minority group members showed that
experiences of racial and heterosexist discrimination contributed to depression
( Velez, Moradi 8c DeBlacre, 2015 ). Internalizing racism and heterosexism also
contributed to depression and decreased life satisfaction and self-esteem.
Individuals with sexual minority identities are at increased risk for suicide
I too ( Igartua et al ., 2009 ). The riskiest time appears to be immediately after
coming out to one’s family, especially if the family’s reaction isn’t positive.
particular concern is that die therapist might support conversion therapy. Conver-
sion therapy, or reparative therapy, seeks to change a client’s sexual orientation
from LGBQ to heterosexual ( Haldcman, 2002 ). Research has consistcndy shown
diat conversion therapy has harmful effects, including increased depressive symp-
toms, suicidality, social isolation , and decreased feelings of self-worth ( Flcntjc, Heck,
& Cochran , 2013; Haldeman, 2002; Serovich et al., 2008; Shidlo & Schroeder,
2002 ). As a result, many mental health organizations, including the American
Psychological Association, oppose die practice of conversion therapy. Yet in one
recent survey of family therapists across die country, nearly 1 in 5 of those sur-
veyed thought conversation therapy was ediical ( McGeorgc, Carlson, & Toomey,
2015 ). As of January 2018, 14 states as well as additional counties and districts have
banned the practice for minors ( Mallory, Brown, & Conron, 2018 ). It’s estimated
diat 698,000 LGBQ people have gone dirough conversion dierapy and diat many
more will experience it in those states diat haven’t banned the practice. Figure 13.1
indicates which states protect LGBQ youdi from conversion therapy.
FIGURE 13.1 States that protect LGBQ youth from conversion therapy. Conversion
therapy seeks to change the sexual orientation of those in the LGBQ community. As of
2018, these 14 states and the District of Columbia have banned this type of therapy for
minors. Despite being identified as ineffective and harmful by organizations such as the -t
_
American Psychological Association, conversion therapy is still legal in 36 states.
Note. Adapted from Human Rights Campaign website data, https://www.hrc.org/statc- maps
/convcrsion%20 thcrapy.
« fi
.f
!' i i Poverty In 2016, more than 16 million women in the United States ( approx-
imately 1 in 8 ) lived in poverty ( Patrick, 2017 ) . Women are 38% more likely to
be living in poverty than are men . These rates are higher for women of color
and women with disabilities than they are for White women without disabilities.
!
w
<
—
Poverty rates are also higher for single mothers almost 36% of single mothers
live in poverty, and there are 13.2 million children living in poverty ( Patrick,
i
!
2017 ). When including women who are at the brink of poverty, the numbers
more than double (Shriver & Center for American Progress, 2014 ).
i This high level of poverty has a significant effect on women’s mental health.
Some studies have found that rates of depression among poor women are
S
' t
approximately double that of the general population ( Belle 8c Doucet, 2003;
i
!|.; I .
Brown, 2012 ). Other studies identify even higher rates. For example, 40% of
poor, Black, single mothers in one study had symptoms consistent with clini-
it
It
558 Chapter 13 Mental Health
:
' '
in her pantry ( Goodman et al., 2013 ). Another woman doubted that talk ther-
apy could help: “ Because talking may help, yes, but talking isn’t going to pro-
vide me with food . Talking isn’t going to get me a job” ( p. 188 ).
—
to cluster individuals who experience one form often
experience multiple forms ( Chapman et al., 2004 ). Also,
it? Has reading this chapter changed your
thoughts about the causes of depression,
:
tiie more ACES that one experiences, the greater the both in general and for women in partic-
odds that one has depression . ular? How can women achieve positive
Violence experienced in adulthood can also contribute mental health when living in a sexist cul-
to depression . One meta - analysis indicated that women ture ? What can contribute to developing
resilience , even in the face of oppression?
who are depressed are 2.7 times more likely to have
had a violent partner than those who aren’t depressed
( Trevillion, Oram , Feder, & Howard , 2012 ). Another
study showed that women who experienced domestic violence while pregnant
were three times more likely to develop post-partum depression than women
who didn’t experience domestic violence while pregnant ( Howard, Oram,
Galley, Trevillion, & Feder, 2013 ) .
f .
! . !
Anxiety i
What are the gender differences in anxiety disorders, and what factors !
contribute to these differences?
Women have higher rates of almost all anxiety disorders than do men. Women :*
are four times more likely to have agoraphobia , which is anxiety related to
> : being outside of the home or in a public place ( Bekker & van Mens-Vcrhulst,
2007 ). They’re three times more likely than men to have generalized anxiety
disorder, which involves chronic debilitating worry about many aspects of life.
Women are two to three times more likely than men to have panic disorder,
which involves panic attacks that appear unpredictably as well as fear about hav-
1
ing such attacks; and they’re twice as likely to have a specific phobia , or fear of
—
a specific object or activity such as spiders or hang gliding.
Reasons for women’s higher rates of anxiety than men’s are similar to
those for their higher rates of depression . For one thing, women may find it
r. more socially acceptable to discuss their anxiety and seek treatment ( Bcckkcr
& van Mens-Vcrhulst, 2007 ). Furthermore, since men are more likely than
r women to use alcohol to self- medicate their anxiety ( Bolton , Cox , Clara, &
i
Sareen, 2006 ), men may be under-diagnosed because the substance use would
ii i
mask their symptoms. Also, the life stress variables described previously —
—
'
i
i' discrimination, violence, and poverty contribute to women’s higher rates of
•i anxiety. Motherhood is also a tremendous source of anxiety. As we saw in Chap-
•!
ter 9, social pressures cause women to be anxious about what could happen to
:
J their children and about what they should be doing to maximize their children’s
chances of success ( Warner, 2006 ).
i: A specific feminist analysis has been made about agoraphobia . This analysis
holds that women’s higher rates of agoraphobia arc unsurprising given that their
social domain has historically been in the home ( Bekker, 1996; Callard, 2003 ).
:!$.
<i Women’s agoraphobia can be seen as relating to their lack of autonomy and
their traditional dependence on men ( Bekker Sc van Mens- Verhulst , 2007 ).
:
I!
to gender?
561
i' j the DSM -5, it’s a diagnosis that appears in the 11th edition of the World Health
sr
i .I Organization’s International Classification of Diseases ( released in 2018 ) and
! has been found to most strongly relate to cumulative interpersonal violence
i! ; experienced in childhood ( Karatzias et al ., 2017; World Health Organization,
2018 ). In the past, many women with complex PTSD have been misdiagnosed
t
and , instead , have received stigmatizing diagnoses ( e.g., borderline personality
—
disorder discussed later in this chapter ) that may not have been helpful in their
treatment ( Courtois 8c Ford , 2009 ).
The effects of trauma can also be transmitted intergen -
erationally. Historical trauma is unresolved grief that affects
an individual or a group in successive generations of those
< who have suffered significant trauma ( Grayshield , Rutherford ,
| I . Salazar, Mihecoby, & Luna, 2015 ). For example, post-
,v
I traumatic slave syndrome describes the idea that the trauma -
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tfv A and marginalization ) continues to manifest in psychological
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cans ( Leary, 2005; Sotero, 2006 ). Other research shows that
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Ravek is pictured with her grandson, explained by die fact that mothers generally play a larger role
than fathers in child rearing ( Bowers & Yehuda, 2016 ).
i
r.
Daniel Philosoph. She was tattooed
i!
with the number 4559 while a
prisoner in Auschwitz. Her grandson
In contrast, other research shows evidence of post -
traumatic growth^ or positive psychological changes as a
i had the same number tattooed on his
il result of experiencing trauma. For example, contemporary
*; arm more than 60 years later . This
practice has been described as a way Black Americans may have also inherited legacies of strengdi,
}! to make the intergenerational trauma spirituality, perseverance, vitality, dynamism , and resilienq'
»
•
of the Holocaust visible ( Brouwer & ( Hicks, 2015 ). Another study, which focused on Brazilian
Horwitz, 2015 ). Holocaust survivors and their children, showed that die
degree to which survivors developed dieir own stories about
report experiencing fewer pressures to be thin, especially from their peers and i
the media ( Ordaz et al., 2018 ). Overall, research suggests that White women :
engage in dieting behavior more frequently and have higher rates of eating dis-
orders than women of color; however, women of color do engage in binge eat-
ing at rates that approach those of White women (Striegel-Moore et al., 2003; i
Talleyrand, 2012 ).
Not all women who are exposed to the thin ideal develop an eating disorder.
In addition to cultural factors, other variables make some women more suscepti-
ble to internalizing this norm and developing an eating disorder. These include f.
}•
both genetic and environmental risk factors, such as abuse and a history of
being bullied or teased about weight ( Culbert et al., 2015; Neumark-Sztainer,
Falkner, Story, Perry, Sc Hannan, 2002).
The DSM -5 identifies several kinds of eating disorders. Anorexia nervosa
involves restricting one’s intake of food to the point that a significant reduction
in body weight occurs ( American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Fear of gaining
weight and disturbance in how one’s weight is perceived are also part of this
disorder. Less than 1% of the population has anorexia, but it’s three times more
common in women than in men ( Hudson, Hiripi, Pope, & Kessler, 2007).
'
Women constantly encounter
: magazines such as these,
i
: and they contribute to the
.2 message that girls and
women should strive to be
thinner. Given this context, it
is unsurprising that women RTH OF
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r*
m ^sis
have such high rates of
' eating disorders. Do you read U
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magazines like these ? Do you c
know people who do? Do VAli
. SEXY
22 you think they affect the way
women view their bodies?
*
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-
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How can women navigate our
culture without developing an
eating disorder ?
565
i' f *
, j
* TABLE 13.1 Symptoms of Eating Disorders Experienced by
:
i
Women and Men
!
:
i boys felt like they lost control over their eating, 28% of
i
girls and 11% of boys felt as though they were fat when
i
your turn others said they were thin, and 31% of girls and 23% of
boys said that thinking about food dominated their lives
How does our culture’s obsession with
: r ( Zeiler et al., 2016 ).
thinness affect your relationship with
!; ! j Overall, given our cultural idealization of the thin female
your body and food? How might this be
if
different if you had a different gender
body, many women engage in behaviors that are symptom -
identity? How can women avoid develop- atic of eating disorders. A good question for future research
ing an eating disorder in this culture? may not be why some women develop eating disorders but,
rather, how most women resist them .
\
.
tile traits as well as raise their children in an unstable and violent environment
( Bornovalova et al., 2013 ). Furthermore, children who are aggressive or overly • .
568
shown that, while there’s a link between child abuse and BPD, some of that link
involves shared genetic traits ( Bornovalova ct al ., 2013 ). Other researchers have
begun to look outside of the family for contributors to BPD. In one study, peer
teasing was related to symptoms of BPD above and beyond the contribution of
family factors ( Stitt, Francis, Field, 3c Carr, 2015 ).
Feminist Therapy
How are feminist therapists similar to and different from traditional
therapists?
Feminist therapists, like all other therapists, seek to relieve their clients’ distress.
In their work they use a variety of research -supported techniques to treat men -
tal illness, including cognitive behavioral approaches. They may also prescribe
medications as appropriate or work in coordination with a psychiatrist who pre-
scribes medications. However, feminist therapists conceptualize their clients’
problems more broadly than traditional therapists do. Instead of viewing mental
illness solely as a disease that manifests within a person , feminist therapists also
view it as a response to the relative powerlcssness experienced by socially mar-
ginalized groups. Therefore, feminist therapists see mental illness in women par-
tially as a response to patriarchy ( Israeli 3c Santor, 2000 ). In emphasizing that
the personal is political, feminist therapists sec a woman’s depression, anxiety, or
other disorders not just as arising from biology or dysfunctional thinking styles,
but also as arising from her situation in a sexist society ( Worell 3c Remer, 1992 ).
Therefore, feminist therapy focuses on more than making women feel better.
Feminist therapists help women see how their problems reflect broader social
issues. Feminist therapists also often work to change aspects of society, such as
reducing violence against women or advocating for an adequate minimum wage
and increased support for women living in poverty ( Kahn , 2000 ).
Let’s imagine, as an example, a Black lesbian experiencing racism, sexism , and
homophobia . She may experience depression and have thoughts such as “ People
hate me and I am worthless” ( Brown, 2006, pp. 20-21 ). A traditional therapist
may diagnose major depression and begin cognitive therapy designed to help
this woman challenge and change her irrational thinking. A feminist therapist
may also use these approaches but would additionally recognize the broader sys-
tems of power and discrimination that influence this woman’s life. The feminist
therapist would be more likely to consider that the woman’s thoughts may not
be a cognitive distortion but may reflect the disempowerment she experiences
as a result of discrimination. The feminist therapist might also work to reduce
discrimination and encourage this client to develop stronger social networks to
also collectively promote change.
Feminist Therapy
:! ; !I
;
' !
P
:
!
Because of this perspective, a primary goal of feminist therapy is to help cli -
:
develop a feminist consciousness ( Brown, 2004 ). In other words, feminist
!'
ents
therapists help clients distinguish internal and external sources of distress so
! they don’t unnecessarily blame themselves for their mental health concerns. As
Hi the clients’ feminist consciousness increases, they may experience relief from
their distress. In one study of primarily White women who participated in
i
feminist consciousness- raising groups, researchers found a decrease in depres-
i
sive symptoms and an increase in self-esteem ( Weitz, 1982 ). Although con -
sciousness- raising groups are no longer as popular as they were in the 1970s,
; i feminist therapists continue to work to alleviate women’s suffering by helping
!
them to realize the links between dieir own experiences and wider social struc-
I tures ( Marecek, 2017 ). Support groups for women still exist , especially for
1
women in abusive relationships ( Tutty, Babins-Wagner, 8c Rothery, 2016 ).
!i :
These groups help women understand the dynamics of their relationships,
it including the influences of gender role socialization. They also help women
build skills to develop and maintain healthy and safe relationships. Research
i
suggests that such groups improve women’s general mental health and self-
i\
!
i esteem ( Tutty et al., 2016 ).
:
r, r
;
li!
.
Many techniques associated with feminist therapy are now considered essen -
tial parts of good therapy for everyone and are used by practitioners who may
i ; not identify as feminists ( Brown , 2006 ). For example, feminist therapists see
:
the therapeutic relationship as collaborative and egalitarian ( Rader 8c Gilbert,
i
: 2005; Worell 8c Remer, 1992 ). In this view, the therapist isn’t considered an
all- powerful expert but, rather, acts as a partner in helping the client. Creating
a collaborative therapeutic relationship in which the client feels truly heard and
. understood has been identified as a key component of successful treatment in all
.
types of therapies (Ackerman 8c Hilsenroth, 2003 ).
i Also, feminist therapists may be more likely than non -feminist ones to tell cli -
! j ents about their own experiences, a practice known as self-disclosure ( Mahalik,
Van Ormer, 8c Simi, 2000; Worell 8c Remer, 1992 ). For example, if a client
; struggles to balance work and family responsibilities, a therapist who faces
similar challenges may disclose her own experiences and strategies for coping.
< i Such self-disclosure promotes trust, empathy, and a sense of equality between
:»«
: therapist and client. The American Psychological Association ( APA ) supports
appropriate levels self-disclosure when it can benefit the client but discourages
fl self-disclosure if it would impair the therapist’s competence, effectiveness, or
objectivity ( Behnke, 2015 ). A meta-analysis examining the effects of counselor
\'
i . self-disclosure in therapy showed that self-disclosure was related to positive
*•
i!
570 Chapter 13 Mental Health
I!
outcomes, including more disclosure by the client, positive feelings toward
die therapist, and an increased desire to continue therapy ( Henretty, Currier,
Berman, 8c Levitt, 2014 ).
Another component that has been integrated into feminist therapy that has
also become a part of any good therapy is a focus on multicultural compe-
tence. Being able to recognize how multiple, intersecting aspects of clients’
social identities influence their lives is an important part of understanding
clients and developing good therapeutic relationships. Multicultural thera -
pists are keenly aware of the dangers of stereotypes and assumptions about
universality of experience when working with clients of diverse backgrounds
( Enns, 2012 ) . In 2003, the APA developed guidelines for therapists to be
trained in multicultural competence, and an updated version was approved
in 2017 ( American Psychological Association, 2003, 2017 ). Competence
involves being aware of how therapists’ own cultures influence their world -
view, and understanding how their own social and cultural identities ones
—
often associated with greater power and privilege assist them in navigating
—
the world .
A multiculturally competent therapist would also consider how cultural
socialization informs mental health. For example, it’s useful for all therapists
to understand that a cultural emphasis on saving face and not exposing per-
sonal weakness among some clients with Asian identities may make it difficult
for those individuals to seek treatment and openly talk about their problems
( Au , 2017 ) . Similarly, some women place great value on their roles as wives and
mothers. In one study, a group of South Asian women who were survivors of
IPV reported that disclosing their abuse caused others in their community to
view them as “ mentally weak” and as “inadequate wives and mothers” (Singh 8c
Hays, 2008, p. 98 ). The group leader noted that therapy was improved when
members had time to socialize before group and when the start and stop times
of the group were flexible.
Multicultural competency means applying knowledge about the values of a
particular group on an individualized basis. In other words, while understand -
ing cultural differences is important, every individual from a given culture is
a unique person, so it’s also important not to stereotype. For example, not
all Asian American clients are concerned about saving face. Knowing when to
generalize about a client’s cultural heritage and when to consider that person’s
unique situation has been labeled dynamic sizing (Sue, 1998 ). Clinicians develop
flexibility so they can recognize that a client’s situation may be a complicated
blend of individual and cultural factors.
Psychologists are also beginning to talk about class competency and how to
modify traditional psychotherapy practice when working with people with lower
incomes. This perspective emphasizes the benefits of therapists being aware of
their own beliefs about social class and poverty and being willing to discuss the
>!
role of poverty in tlieir clients’ mental health ( Goodman et al ., 2013 ). Psychol -
ogists may also have to modify how they conduct their practice. For example,
therapists may need to travel to community agencies in order meet clients where
j it’s convenient for diem radier dian convenient for the therapist ( Goodman
ct al., 2013 ). Therapists may also help clients to access resources. The client
discussed earlier who complained diat her previous therapist had reported her
to social services for not having food described a different experience with her
current therapist: “ If I’m low on food , you know, it’s okay, ‘Come on we’ll have
a session in the car headed for the food pantry’ . . . You know, just providing me
with resources that I don’t know of ’ ( p. 189 ) .
Not only are many feminist approaches generally considered good therapy, but
dicy draw from a wade variety of dierapeutic perspectives. For example, feminist
r !i therapists may use cognitive behavioral techniques to help clients change their
it thinking styles ( Brown, 2006 ). Many feminist therapists who work closely wadi
!!!i! patients who’ve experienced trauma use a variety of techniques, including exposure
to memories of die trauma and narrative techniques that
encourage w'omcn to tell their story and re - frame their
experience as one of survival rather than victimization
( Brosi & Rolling, 2010; Marecek, 2017).
Another approach involves integrating the practice
of mindfulness into treatment. Mindfulness, which is
based in Buddhist philosophical thought, involves a
non - judgmental acceptance of one’s sensations and
emotions as well as what has happened in one’s life.
It can be fostered through meditation , attending to
breathing, or activities such as yoga or tai chi . Mind -
fulness is an increasingly popular therapeutic practice
and has been consistently related to therapeutic ben -
efits. A meta -analysis of over 200 studies showed that
mindfulness- based interventions were effective in alle-
viating a wdde variety of problems, including stress,
anxiety, and depression ( Khoury et al ., 2013 ).
Mindfulness can be particularly helpful for w'omen
who have experienced trauma, which often involves a
cycle of attempting to suppress memories of the expe -
Dr . Laura Brown, who contributed the nearby rience but then experiencing unwanted memories and
Spotlight feature, is a renowned feminist
flashbacks. Facilitating a mindful acceptance of what
therapist. She has written or edited more
than 10 books and has produced over 150
happened, in the absence of self- judgment or blame,
additional professional publications. She can help stop this negative cycle and reduce intrusive
identifies the construct of Tikkun Olam , the thoughts, avoidance, and shame ( Boyd , Lanius, &
Hebrew term for “healing the world," as McKinnon, 2018; Follcttc, Palm , & Pearson, 2006 ).
central to her work . When women are distressed due to experiences of
abuse or violence, acceptance of what happened is
and I think Fve just got to deal with any sort of effect
it’s having on me now. Which otherwise, I’d just go on Being a Feminist
living . . . an’ letting it take over everything, and it would
ruin my life ” ( p . 187 ) . Therapist
Contributed by Laura Brown, PhD
eral , therapists who self- idcntify as feminist therapists are Feminist therapy has facilitated the
formation of meaningful connections with
more likely to use certain techniques ( Moradi, Fischer,
many of my clients. We' ve written together
Hill , Jome, 8c Blum, 2000 ). These include focusing
about our work, mourned shared losses
on how the personal is political , encouraging clients to together , and come to see one another
take care of themselves instead of prioritizing or only as equal human beings striving toward
focusing on the needs of others, and assisting clients empowerment. When colleagues complain
with increasing their own assertiveness and autonomy about burnout, I don't relate because this
( Moradi ct al ., 2000 ) . Moreover, feminist therapists can model keeps me fully engaged with those
be agents of social change ( Singh 8c Burncs, 2010 ). I work with.
Like other feminist therapists, l under -
Promoting Consciousness Raising Emphasizing that stand my clients' distress and behavior in
the personal is political can be considered part of con- the framework of a larger cultural and po -
litical lens. Problematic behaviors are often
sciousness raising for clients ( Israeli 8c San tor, 2000 ).
attempts to overcome danger , violation, or
For example, feminist therapists can help clients see their
persistent unfairness, which decrease qual-
personal problems as part of larger structural problems,
ity of life. If a diagnosis is required, I arrive
such as the sexist oppression of women. For such clients, at it collaboratively with my client .
this realization can reduce self- blame and increase empa - Feminist therapists also seek to situate
thy and kindness toward die self ( Richmond , Geiger, 8c their offices so they will be welcoming to
Reed , 2013 ). diverse people. This might mean being
This was the case for a White, female law student near a bus line and /or in a neighborhood
who experienced depression, insomnia, and anxiety that where people of many identities will feel
interfered with her academic and social lives ( Richmond safe and not at risk of harassment. With
et al., 2013 ). She described her father as strict, verbally regard to fees, I balance personal financial
security with being available to clients
abusive, and having negative views of women. Her symp-
from a range of incomes. Because feminist
toms started in middle school, where she was teased for
therapy emphasizes egalitarian relation-
developing breasts early. They worsened severely in col- ships, I continually consider how to address
lege when her boyfriend’s roommate raped her. At this the imbalance of power that characterizes
point she experienced guilt and self- blame, thinking it a psychotherapy relationship .
was her fault because she had passed out drunk in the
bed and didn’t stop the rape when she came to.
573
ii'
Hi
?i;
Through therapy, tliis woman began to see how what she considered to be
private, personal problems were due to sexism around her ( Richmond ct al.,
2013). Her childhood was dominated by her father being the powerful decision
i maker and making her feel unimportant. Her teenage years were controlled by
i
feeling shame about her developing body while coping with conflicting media
messages that encouraged her to be sexy without being sexual. She realized that
her guilt about the rape stemmed from her parents voicing rape myths, such as
the ideas that good girls are virgins and that only promiscuous girls get raped.
.
Through therapy, she developed a feminist consciousness and began to see her-
self as a survivor rather than a victim .
{(
Cultivating Assertiveness and Autonomy Another feminist approach
involves encouraging women to increase their assertiveness and autonomy. For
ii
=; example, self-defense training teaches what to do in the case of a sexual assault
:
or attack. One study showed that women who’d taken this type of training had
increased assertiveness, more self-esteem , and a greater sense of control as well
as decreased anxiety, depression, and avoidance behaviors ( Brecklin & Ullman,
2005 ). Teaching women how to appropriately express anger in an assertive way
can also alleviate their distress.
31
Feminist therapists often
use group therapy as a way
to deepen connections and
raise awareness. Groups may
focus on the importance of
understanding how social and
political contexts affect mental
health. Groups also typically
involve explicit recognition of
the diversity among participants
and attention to power
dynamics within the group.
constantly stressed about keeping her house clean could be encouraged to be less
! hard on herself and let the dirty dishes sit overnight ( Usshcr, 2011 ). However,
some feminist therapists also encourage clients to value the feminine aspects of
themselves, a perspective more consistent with cultural feminism ( Marecek &
Kravetz, 1998; VVorell & Remer, 1992 ). As an example, a client who has been
told her whole life that she’s overly emotional could be encouraged to sec being
in touch with her emotions as a positive aspect of herself.
!
:l
Conclusion
i' t - Women with mental health issues have been called mad throughout the ages,
: and some aspects of femininity continue to be associated with madness. How-
ever, the mental health problems that women frequently experience today par-
if tially stem from the oppressive environments in which they live. It’s limiting to
sec these problems as pathologies instead of as reasonable reactions to a bad
situation. Psychological treatment and medication can be helpful , but treat -
ment that doesn’t account for aspects of women’s social environments will have
limited effectiveness. When environments change for the better, women’s lives
can improve.
Women and Madness: A Historical Perspective relationships between hormones and depression
Women who have violated gendered and a greater tendency to ruminate in women.
expectations or cultural standards have often Socialization and gender roles also
been labeled as “ mad .” contribute to mental illness. For example,
Hysteria was a common diagnosis given to depression is related to self-silencing and
women for centuries. Specific symptoms varied not expressing negative emotions or anger,
across culture and time periods, but it was and although women are encouraged to
generally connected to women’s reproductive “do femininity,” doing it too well has been
functions and /or sexuality. linked to depression.
Treatments for “ madness ” evolved as beliefs Intersecting aspects of social identities can i .
about mental health changed and medical contribute to women’s experiences of distress
knowledge advanced . For example, rest and complicate the way women, especially
cures gave way to institutionalization, which women of color, understand their distress
subsequently gave way to treatment with drugs and engage in help -seeking behaviors. Sexual
such as Valium and Prozac. harassment and discrimination related to
The DSM profoundly influences how mental marginalized aspects of social identities have
illness is understood and treated, but feminists been linked to depression and anxiety.
have criticized the manual for pathologizing Therapists have not always been affirming of
femininity and considering variation in gender sexual minority identities; conversion therapy
identity as abnormal. has now been deemed harmful and is illegal in
Feminist clinicians note that much of the some states.
distress that women experience can be Poverty is a significant life stressor that has • n
considered reasonable reactions to challenging been linked to mental illness, and women are
life circumstances. more likely than men to live in poverty. Poverty
can contribute to barriers to receiving adequate
Mental Health Diagnoses treatment. 1
Women arc diagnosed with depression, anxiety, Experiencing violence and abuse is related to
PTSD, and eating disorders more frequently experiencing depression, PTSD, and BPD, and
than are men. Even when diagnosis rates arc symptoms, such as those of depression , can
low, as with eating disorders, rates of behaviors be considered a reasonable response to these
and symptoms associated with disorders can be experiences.
quite high . BPD was believed to be more common among
Biological and cognitive factors may contribute women, but recent research indicates that rates
to different rates of diagnoses, such as indirect are actually similar for women and men.
KEY TERMS
hysteria ( p. 541 ) panic disorder ( p. 560 )
deinstitutionalization ( p. 545 ) specific phobia ( p. 560 )
medical model ( p. 547) -
post traumatic stress disorder ( PTSD ) ( p. 560 )
dependent personality disorder ( DPD ) ( p. 548 ) complex PTSD ( p. 561 )
gender dysphoria ( p. 549 ) historical trauma ( p. 562 )
major depression ( p. 550 ) anorexia nervosa ( p. 563 )
rumination ( p. 552 ) bulimia nervosa ( p. 564 )
self-silencing ( p. 553) binge eating disorder ( p. 565 )
marianismo ( p. 553 ) borderline personality disorder ( BPD ) ( p. 566 )
conversion therapy ( p. 557 ) prc- menstrual dysphoric disorder ( PMDD ) ( p.568 )
agoraphobia ( p. 559 ) multicultural competence ( p. 571 )
I
generalized anxiety disorder ( p. 560 ) dialectical behavioral therapy ( DBT ) ( p. 575 )
THINK ABOUT IT
1. How has the history of mental illness 3. Go to a bookstore or search the web for self- help
influenced the way distress is labeled guides for dealing with anxiety. What arc the
among different types of women ? In what main suggestions in these sources? Do they offer
ways do diagnostic labels help women ? recommendations on how to develop a feminist
In what ways do they reveal biased consciousness? If not, why might that be?
assumptions? Are there better ways to 4. Go to the Psychology’s Feminist Voices
“name the pain ”? website ( feministvoices.com ) and look up
2. Imagine you’ve been asked to develop a Beverly Greene’s profile. Watch her oral history
I psychoeducation program to address gender
disparities in rates of depression. Based
excerpt on African American Feminist Therapy.
After listening to her talk, think about the ways
on the research described in this chapter, in which feminist therapy differs from common
design a program that helps to raise awareness perceptions of therapy. In what ways can feminist
!i about depression risk factors. therapy uniquely promote social change?
i
linity get more attention and more value in this social dynamic than
; women do" ( Padawar, 2014, para. 49 ). Although this situation may
be viewed positively as reflecting inclusivity, some women on these
campuses object to the fact that masculinity has so much power at Calliope Wong enrolled in the
! honors program at the University
traditionally women's colleges. For example, transmen have had
of Connecticut, majoring in
success in student government elections. Those who are concerned English and as a pre-med
feel that women's colleges should be places only for those who iden- student after she was rejected
by Smith College. A classically
tify as women: they object to diluting ideas of sisterhood to accom-
trained pianist, she also won a
modate transmen (Padawar, 2014). grant to make a recording of
This controversy illustrates the fact that feminists don't always piano music . She hopes to
agree. In many arenas, including feminist circles, decisions about become an endocrinologist and
who is included and excluded can reflect struggles within power hi-
.
notes “I am many things besides
. .
being trans " ( Stiepock 2016
.
erarchies. As we saw in Chapter 2 tensions within feminism arise, para.16).
in part, from the multiple sources of inequality that women face.
581
i
1
Therefore, feminists continually reflect on hidden power dynamics— for example,
i
by asking questions like these: Whose concerns are the most pressing? Who
!
qualifies as a feminist? What goals should we try to achieve? and Which femi-
nist perspective is the most effective in achieving those goals? Considering such
\ questions often exposes power disparities that need careful attention in order
to ensure equity and inclusion. In this chapter, we’ll explore how questions like
these can reveal conflicts and tensions within feminism. We ' ll then discuss ways
. !! in which people can work across these tensions to build coalitions that can ad-
——
dress specific social goals. Finally, we’ll examine how psychologists, in particular,
1
:
are using findings from research to promote change at both individual and struc-
*t
tural levels.
!
! I
8 I
—
i
i
The Future of Feminism:
Challenges and Contro
I
1
!•
\
Whose Concerns Are the Most Pressing?
The Case of Inclusion
\l
i
•
What are the tensions associated with identifying who is considered a
ii
! woman, and how do they reflect the prioritizing of some people ' s concerns
« over others' concerns?
1
ii Discussions and disagreements about the admission of transwomen or non-
!
binary individuals to women’s colleges reflect the broader controversy about what
it means to be a woman. This isn’t a new phenomenon. In 1851, at die Women’s
Convention in Akron, Ohio, the former slave, abolitionist, and women’s rights
activist Sojurner Truth famously declared, “Ain’t I a woman ? ” She was responding
to the ways in which White womanhood was constructed ( e.g., as passive, fragile )
as compared to Black womanhood ( e.g., as strong, resilient ). Truth argued that
stereotypes of women being weak and passive were inherently inaccurate since
Black women demonstrated strength and resilience. This, she argued, undercut
the idea that women couldn’t lead because they were weak.
.....
When Truth made her famous statement, many White women feared that
her comments would divert attention away from the suffrage movement and
toward emancipation ( Crenshaw, 1989 ). They worried that without a singular,
focused goal ( i.e., suffrage ), they would lose political momentum. As a result,
they worked to move the conversation away from slavery and the oppression of
Black people. This limited focus privileged White women and ignored the harsh
realities of slavery, which was the most pressing concern for Truth.
The tension between White feminists and those advocating for racial justice
increased after the passage of the 15 th Amendment allowing Black men to vote
in 1870 ( Fields-White, 2011 ). Some White feminists cast their advocacy for
women’s suffrage in racist terms, implying that (White ) women’s votes would
be needed to counteract the negative influence of Black men’s votes. Black fem -
inists such as Ida Wells explicitly advocated for the end of racial oppression
and the lynching of Black people, but she was often in conflict with White
feminists ( Fields-White, 2011 ). By focusing on voting rights and ignoring the
additional oppression that Black women experienced, White feminists excluded
Black women from the movement.
Second and third wave feminists have continued to struggle with inclusion
and exclusion, as well as whether it makes sense to talk about women as a sin -
gular group at all . In her book Gender Trouble, philosopher and gender theorist
Judith Butler ( 1989 ) argued that a unified category of “ woman ” does not exist.
For example, a wealthy Black lesbian’s experience of sexism is different from that
of a poor White heterosexual woman; a middle-class immigrant Ladnx woman
has very different experiences from those of a White transgender woman with
a disability. Yet , Butler pointed out, women aren’t just simply different from
one another. As we discussed in Chapter 2, our society deems some identities as
inferior and others as superior. This inevitably creates power inequities among
women because some voices and concerns will be more readily heard and taken
more seriously than others.
When feminist activist Betty Friedan (1963) wrote The Feminine Mystique,
she explored the difficulties of a specific group of women: relatively wealthy,
mostly White, cisgender American women. Her observations were extremely
important for many women who shared these social identity characteristics,
and they helped usher in the second wave feminist movement. However, they
excluded the experiences of a great many other women in the United States. For
example, there was no equivalent second wave feminist movement that rallied
resources to end die exploitation of poor, female, domestic workers. Because
these women lacked access to the same level of political power as Friedan,
their concerns didn’t receive mainstream attention ( hooks, 1984 ). Given this
context, when Butler claimed there is no universal concept of “woman,” she
was drawing attention to the way in which that concept has privileged some
women over others and has falsely suggested a universal experience that doesn’t
actually exist.
i
EMPOWERING
dj
^ J OR OPPRESSING?
:
-
T
he play The Vagina Monologues was written both the distressing monologues and the positive ones
and produced by feminist playwright Eve Ensler (Capriccioso, 2006). However, this move was considered
based on her interviews with over 200 women.
1 1
exclusionary, and those who give the rights to perform
t
Many women view the show as a way to celebrate The Vagina Monologues considered revoking them in this
•
i ,
having vaginas and providing a safe space for women to instance. Ultimately, the University of Michigan produc-
talk about sex and sexual violence. Performers and viewers
IM
tion did allow White women to audition and perform.
alike find the experience empowering. For example, a stu- Other criticisms are that the show reduces women to
dent directing the show said, "Being on stage and perform- one body part ( their vaginas ) and assumes that all women
ing is a way to tell a story that may not necessarily be yours, have vaginas and that everyone who has a vagina is a
but it could be very close. It is therapeutic in a unique way" woman ( Hall, 2005). In this way, critics claim, it makes in-
!•
(Donahoe, 2012, paras. 3-4). Proceeds from performances tersex and transgender individuals invisible or abnormal.
are generally donated to organizations that work to prevent In 2014, Mount Holyoke College cancelled a performance
; sexual violence. of The Vagina Monologues because the play offered what
: Critics of the play claim it prioritizes the experiences of the college identified as "an extremely narrow perspec-
! •: privileged White women. Most monologues don't indicate tive on what it means to be a woman" ( Mulhere, 2015,
a race or ethnicity, but a few are marked to be played by para. 5). While some students applauded this decision,
women with specific ethnic accents. In most performances others found it problematic. Eve Enlser responded that
of The Vagina Monologues, however, White women per- the play was never meant to imply that being a woman
form the unmarked monologues, which are generally means having a vagina, but that "over 51% of the popula -
positive in tone, and women of color perform the marked tion has vaginas, clitorises, vulvas, and many to this day
.
ones Most of the monologues written for women of color do not feel comfortable, familiar, free, or endowed with
involve violence or other negative experiences; the only agency over them" (Ensler, 2015, para. 2). However, this
i rape in the show is experienced by a woman of color controversy raises questions about how to define what it
.
(Cooper 2007). According to one critic, this conveys the means to be a woman and how to engage in discussions
message that only privileged White women can enjoy about issues that are important to some women without
’i their vaginas (Cooper, 2007). In 2006, the University of excluding others.
ill Michigan attempted to stage a performance of the show What do you think? Is The Vagina Monologues empow-
casting only women of color so that they would perform ering or oppressing?
584
Issues of inclusion and exclusion continue to be a source
of tension within feminism in the 21st century. For exam - your turn
pie, in Chapter 2 we mentioned how organizers of the 2017
Women’s March in Washington struggled with inclusivity
If all women are different and have
and messaging, and in Chapter 9 we pointed out how pro-
uniquely different concerns, how is it
life feminists were excluded from the march . In fact , conflict
possible to determine what goals the
is an inevitable part of organizing. How to determine which
feminist movement should focus on?
issues to place at the forefront and whose voices to elevate Should one group's concerns take priority
is a necessary conversation feminists will continue to have. over others? If numerous goals are pri-
—
Doing feminism is an active process one that involves con -
tinual reflection and critical thinking.
oritized at the same time, will this cause
fragmentation within the movement?
If so, how can it be avoided?
' i
I f
!i feminist activist in her 60s, has been a vocal critic of Beyonce, a Black singer in
iii
i
ii her 30s ( Coker, 2014 ). In objecting to Beyonce’s use of her body, her compli -
ance with dominant standards of beauty, and her self-sexualization, hooks has
stated that Bcyonci is “colluding in the construction of herself as a slave ”; hooks
=;. i *
also sees a “part” of Beyonce as “a terrorist especially in terms of the impact on
young girls” ( para . 3). Those who regard Beyonce as a contemporary feminist
icon find these criticisms to be insulting and controversial .
In fact, in response to hooks, other feminists have written in defense of Beyonce.
One Black feminist journalist, Roxane Gay ( 2014 ), defended Beyonce, saying she
!
has agency and choice in the images of herself that she portrays. Janet Mock, a
is l transwoman feminist activist, saw the criticism as reflecting a wider problem of
r —
the dismissal of the feminine within feminism especially among Black feminine
—
.
: mented that women were supporting Sanders in order to meet young men .
Steinem said, “When you’re young, you’re thinking: ‘Where are the boys ? The
i!i
!l boys are with Bernie’” ( para. 9 ) . Young feminists were appalled by this state-
ili
• i! ment. One woman wrote on Reddit: “ It’s such a ridiculous thing to say. A fem-
' !
i
'* •
1 inist, basically saying that young women are incapable of having thoughts and
opinions of their own . Unreal ” ( Contrera, 2016, para. 4 ). An online petition
;;
demanded that Steinem apologize, and she later did so, saying she was sorry
’ if her remarks were taken to mean that young women weren’t serious in their
;
•,
- j
politics ( Contrera, 2016 ).
This debate reflects, among other things, the likelihood that Albright and
Steinem viewed Clinton’s gender as a key factor in supporting a candidate, while
younger feminists may have been more focused on Sanders’s broader social jus-
tice agenda. In a larger sense, the debate reflected the women’s different under-
i
: standings of what feminism is and how it should be enacted . However, such
: conflict need not be seen in a negative light. Older and younger feminists alike
)[
grapple with how best to address die current status of women, and conflicts
within the movement can be a source of strength if people with different per-
spectives can come together in dialogue ( Novak & Richmond , 2016 ).
ginalized groups who are close to them. For example, they may speak up on
behalf of a friend or a sister, but they wouldn’t see larger patterns of social
injustice. In the second stage, people can be considered aspiring allies and are
motivated by an altruistic desire to help. Individuals in this stage become aware
of social inequities and may feel guilty about their power and privilege. They see
members of marginalized groups as victims in need of assistance and see them-
selves as being in a position to rescue others. Those in this stage want approval
from and are very sensitive to criticism from members of the groups they are
seeking to help.
The final stage involves becoming an ally for social justice ( Edwards, 2007).
Instead of seeing members of marginalized groups as victims, people in this
stage can see how systems of oppression hurt everyone in different ways.
Aboriginal activist Lilia Watson is noted for articulating this perspective: “ If you
have come here to help me, then you are wasting your time. . . . But if you
have come because your liberation is bound up with mine, then let us work
together ” ( “About,” n.d ., para. 1). Instead of being sensitive to criticism, those
in this stage of allyship welcome criticism as a way to help them uncover the
Acknowledging your Recognizing the areas in which you’re privileged , and using
privilege that privilege to help dismantle the oppressive systems you
benefit from.
];
Giving credit to others Explicidy acknowledging those you draw from , and not taking
credit for the work of others who are marginalized.
!
.!
it Being a good listener Listening to an array of people from marginalized groups to
deepen your understanding of issues.
i ;
i
•» Taking action Realizing that it’s not enough to say you ’re an ally, but that
action is essential.
Avoiding self-labeling Recognizing that you can strive to be an ally but that those who
i are part of marginalized groups have to decide if you arc, and
that being an ally to one group member doesn’t mean all group
members will perceive you in this way.
Continually educating Continuing to search out information to further your under-
yourself standing, and realizing that those who arc part of marginalized
groups are unlikely to take the lead in educating you .
i Making an effort not to be Interacting and engaging with diverse communities.
ij
i
isolated
;
• Playing a supporting role Recognizing that privilege may give you a louder voice, and using
that voice to shift attention away from yourself and toward those
who are not heard.
Engaging with those who If you’re White, talking with other White people about racism;
i; share your identities if you’re able- bodied, calling out examples of ableism ; and so on.
Seeing criticism as an Taking responsibility, apologizing, and changing your behavior
opportunity for growth when you’re called out for not recognizing privilege and/or for
acting in a hurtful way.
Seeking emotional Not expecting members of marginalized groups to support you
support from other allies as you work through your internalized racism , classism, and other
prejudices; recognizing that support should come from other allies.
r
.
Note Ideas adapted from Lawrence ( 2017) and Utt ( 2013).
:
AUyship has benefits that can promote change at both individual and systemic
levels. In one study, Black feminist men described that their female feminist
friends enabled them to practice new ways of ‘‘doing gender” within the context
of their friendship ( White & Gaines, 2006 ). This included finding new ways to
express emotions, developing non -violent strategies to address anger inside and
outside the home, and showing a willingness to accept and respect women’s
leadership. Also, across generations, allies can learn to “ teach the conflicts”
( Dedoff, 1997, p. 91 ). In other words, they can come to understand that there
are conflicting positions within feminism and that it isn’t necessary to agree on
everything in order to work together to support social change.
Minimum Wage
In the United States in 2016, over 16 million women were living in poverty
( Patrick, 2017 ) . Advocacy to raise the minimum wage has been undertaken
in response to this problem, and it has gained momentum in recent years with
Feminist Activism: Changing Women's Lives 591
=!
-!
=
3
many cities and states raising their minimum wage ( Jones, 2017 ). The fed -
eral minimum wage of $7.25 an hour hasn’t been raised since 2009, and as of
i January 2018, the District of Columbia and 29 states have raised their minimum
wage above federal guidelines. Raising the minimum wage would, in particular,
positively impact women who make up two thirds of minimum -wage workers
and tipped workers ( Vogtman, 2017 ) .
Some economists originally feared that raising the minimum wage would
make it more difficult for businesses to afford to pay their workers and would
lead to workers being laid off. However, more recent economic data show that
minimum wage increases positively affect over 97% of workers and that any
resulting job losses are negligible in number and largely temporary ( Cooper,
Mishcl, 8c Zipperer, 2018 ) . For example, researchers determined that a sub-
:
stantial minimum wage increase, like the one from $9.47 to $13.00 per hour
in Seattle, Washington , could increase both productivity and income for low-
wage workers and that these positive effects would grow in magnitude over time
( Rinz 8c Voorheis, 2018 ). In fact, the authors calculated that a substantial min -
imum wage increase could have greatly decreased the wages lost by low - wage
earners during the recession of 2008.
It has been suggested that raising the minimum wage to SI 5.00 by 2024
would affect 41.5 million workers, 56% of whom are women ( Cooper, 2017 ).
I This number includes 7.5 million mothers with children. The wage change would
; benefit 43% of Black and 38% of Latinx working women , significantly enhancing
dieir quality of life. In another study, researchers estimated that , if the mini-
mum wage had been $15.00 an hour during the period 2008-2012, between
2,800 and 5,500 deaths could have been avoided in New York City because of a
:
documented link between poverty and poor health ( Tsao et al ., 2016 ) .
Workplace Equality
Activism related to workplace equality focuses on many topics, but three com -
mon issues are the pay gap, paid leave, and affordable child care. Much of the
focus has been on passing legislation at local and national levels to address these
ongoing, and long-standing, concerns.
In 2009, passage of the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act signaled progress toward
closing the pay gap. This legislation permits women to sue their employer after
—
noticing wage discrimination in any paycheck not just the first one, as had pre-
viously been required ( Ledbetter, 2016 ). Although the act was a positive step,
activists argue that it’s insufficient because lawsuits require that the plaintiff
know what her colleagues are earning ( and in one study, researchers found that
almost half of all workers arc either discouraged or forbidden from discussing
their salaries; Hayes 8c Hartmann, 2011 ). This puts the burden on those who
are being discriminated against to prove their case rather than on companies
in Rhode Island found that the majority of them favored 2016; Valenti, 2014 ). Although medical and
health supplies aren't taxed, in most states
the policies ( Bartel, Rossin -Slater, Rlium, 8c Waldfogel,
menstrual products are. As of 2018, only
2016 ) . Other paid leave laws have been passed in nine states have eliminated these taxes
Washington , D.C., California, New Jersey, New York, ( Sagner, 2018). A more radical proposal
and Washington State ( effective 2020 ). comes from feminist activist Jessica Valenti
In the absence of legislation , some individual com - (2014 ): " Women's feminine hygiene prod -
panies have developed generous leave policies to help ucts should be free for all , all the time"
attract and retain talented women ( Adamczyk, 2015; ( para . 4 ) .
Malacoff, 2017 ). In many cases, however, these policies Are menstrual products taxed in your
allow more leave for mothers (or only allow leave for community? Are free tampons and pads
mothers ) or “ primary caretakers,” under the assumption provided in your student health clinic or
campus bathrooms? Why is toilet paper
that one parent ( generally, die mother ) wall do die bulk of
free in public restrooms but not menstrual
the child care. Gender- neutral leave policies, in contrast,
products? Are groups in your community
make it easier for couples to have truly shared parenting.
working to provide access to menstrual
Some companies (such as Netflix ) are offering paid leave products for poor and homeless women or
to all parents and caregivers, and some (such as Etsy ) women in prisons? If this is an issue you .
have a broader view of parenting that includes surrogacy care about , what can you do to help?
KM
and adoption (see Table 14.2 ). However, while these
593
TABLE 14.2 Paid Leave Policies at Selected Companies
Company Policy
Amazon 4 weeks before a mother gives birth and 10 weeks after giving birth ,
as well as an additional 6 weeks for any parent
American Express 20 weeks for new parents ( both mothers and fathers ) for both
full - and part- time workers; the company also offers $ 35,000 for
adoption, surrogacy, or infertility treatments
Bill and Melinda Gates 52 weeks of leave for parents after the birth of a child
Foundation
Google 18 weeks for birth mothers, 12 weeks for primary caretakers ( including
adoptive parents ), and 7 weeks for non - primary caretakers
Yahoo 16 weeks for birth mothers and 8 weeks for non - birth parents
.
.
Note Information drawn from Adamczyk ( 2015 ) and Malacoff ( 2017 ).
:
Gun Violence
Feminists also work to create communities that are peaceful and secure and
where everyone’s basic needs can be met. Reducing gun violence is one goal
in tlais effort. The group Mothers of the Movement consists of Black women
whose children were killed by police and gun violence ( Morrison, 2016 ). Since
losing their children, these mothers have strived to increase transparency and
accountability for police who kill in the line of duty and to demand better gun
control measures. Also, the grassroots organization Moms Demand Action for
Gun Sense in America was founded by Sharon Watts after the Sandy Hook Ele-
mentary School shooting in Newtown, Connecticut ( “Moms Demand Action,’
5
n.d.). It now has a chapter in every state and has been the center of advo-
cacy to reduce gun violence. Mothers aren’t the only ones taking on this issue,
however. After the shooting of 14 students and 3 staff members at Marjory
Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, March for Our Lives,
;
Reproductive Justice
!
As we saw in Chapter 9, die reproductive justice movement supports the rights
: of women to either have or not have children and to parent the children they
l:
u
<
do have in safe and healthy environments ( Ross 8c Solinger, 2017; Silliman ,
Fried, Ross, 8c Gutierrez, 2004 ). Reproductive justice is inherently linked to
other movements that advocate for social justice and basic human rights, as
Figure 14.1 shows. Basic human rights were first articulated in 1948 in the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights ( United Nations General Assembly,
1948 ). These include civil and political rights such as die rights to vote, assem -
ble, and be treated without discrimination . They also include economic and
social rights, such as the rights to a living wage and access to food , shelter,
education , and safety. Women working in the reproductive justice framework
ii advocate for economic equality, environmental safety, and an end to violence
against all women ( Ross 8c Solinger, 2017; Silliman et al., 2004 ).
There has been substantial grassroots activism in die reproductive justice
movement. For example, the Asian Community for Reproductive Justice worked
with environmental advocate groups to close a toxic waste plant in Oakland, Cal -
ifornia in 2001 (Asian Communities for Reproductive Justice, 2005 ). The group
also advocated to decrease the amount of toxins that workers are exposed to as
nail salon staff. The Mothers Milk Project has worked with Native American
women to reduce environmental toxins that can make their way into breastmilk
(Silliman et al., 2004). Another group, Forward Together, sponsored die Strong
Families movement, which is dedicated to helping families thrive. Members
have worked to document the negative effects of incarceration on families and
have started a collection of art projects focusing on die rights of transwomen of
color. In 2011, Strong Families started die celebration of Mamas Day in order
Environmental Queer
Justice Rights
Youth Educational :
Organizing Justice
REPRODUCTIVE
JUSTICE
\\ Ending Violence
Against Women
Environmentalism
Ecofeminism is a hybrid movement in which both environmental and feminist
concerns are seen as connected to patriarchy. Regardless of whether they iden -
tify as ecofeminists, feminist activists are often at the forefront of environmental
movements. For example, in 2016, Native American women led a movement to
stop the Dakota Access Pipeline from running through North Dakota ( Walker,
2016 ). They were concerned that this pipeline would disturb sacred lands, con -
taminate the Missouri River, and fuel climate change. Protests took place for
months during die summer and fall of 2016, and by October 2016 there were
diousands of protestors and 140 protesters had been arrested ( Yan, 2016 ). The
protests were ultimately unsuccessful, as the pipeline opened in January 2017
under executive order of President Donald Trump, and by June 2017 there had
already been an oil spill ( Visser, 2017 ).
Other environmental activists are working on a variety of projects, including
cleaning waterways to help salmon migrate, helping undocumented immigrants
who have suffered in wildfires in California, and providing support to transgender
individuals who have been impacted by natural disasters ( Lewis, 2018 ). Activists
also work on legislation. In New York, The Climate Community and Protection
Act would move die state toward 100% renewable energy,
and resources would be equitably shared with disadvantaged
try it for yourself communities. In Seattle, Got Green, an environmental advo -
cacy group, successfully passed a law diverting money from
taxes on sugary drinks to programs that reduce food insecurity
Even though many women are at the
( gotgreenAdmin, 2017).
center of activist movements, their roles
often get erased from the narratives.
Environmental activism takes place across the globe. In
• r Find a social activist movement in history India , Suryamani Bhagat is a grassroots environmental activ-
that interests you. and research the roles ist who founded the Jharkhand Save the Forest Movement to
of women in that movement. How hard enable Indigenous people to manage their own forests. The
do you have to work to learn about the techniques of reforestation are influenced by both Indige-
women's roles? Have their roles been nous wisdom and scientific knowledge. Women are consid -
overlooked or minimized in the common ered to be especially important in this work as they are seen
narratives? as healers with particular knowledge of the forest. Through
the work of this organization, forests around 45 villages have
been slowly re-growing ( Global Greengrants Fund , 2015 ).
At the same time, though, some women at the forefront of global environ -
mental activism have experienced harassment. Bhagat, for example, has been
subject to verbal harassments and threats. In Indonesia, a prominent environ -
mental activist named Aleta Baum was forced to flee her home for a year because
; of death threats ( Win, 2014 ).
Activism often starts out of necessity. For example, when a person feels threatened,
activism becomes a way to channel anger into action and transform helplessness
598 .
Chapter 14 Tensions Action, and Hope for the Future
rr
i
I
2017 ). However, as we discussed in Chapter 10, some people who had experi-
enced sexual trauma found the constant reminders of trauma to be triggering
rather than empowering ( LaMotte, 2017 ).
The way discrimination is perceived can play a role in whether acting against it
can be beneficial or harmful. In one study, researchers found that predominantly
White undergraduate women who saw gender discrimination as a pervasive and
ongoing problem had increased well - being if they talked with other people about
’
j it or informed the media ( Foster, 2014 ) . However, if they saw the discrimina -
tion as an isolated event, they reported greater well - being if they didn ’t report
—
it probably, the researcher suggested , because reporting was seen as more of a
hassle than not reporting. Activism can also elicit negative responses and retal -
: iation . For example, when a group of faculty complained about the removal of
contraceptives from their health -care plan at Belmont Abbey College, a Catholic
school , dieir names were mentioned in an email about the case sent to all faculty'
from the university president ( Stripling, 2009 ) . This had negative social reper-
cussions for those faculty' members who had complained and was considered
retaliation by the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity' Commission .
When people become highly active in social justice causes, including femi-
nism, they run the risk of developing physical or psychological problems associ -
ated with overwork and disillusionment. In one study, researchers interviewed
social justice activists who had suffered from symptoms of burnout ( Chen &
Gorski, 2015 ). These individuals reported physical and psychological health
problems such as insomnia due to worrying about what needed to be done,
physical health problems linked to exhaustion , and depression and anxiety'
linked to a sense of hopelessness and despair. One activist noted , “ You can start
to think diat what you’re doing makes no difference . . . and you kind of move
into despair” ( p. 376 ).
si The same study found that burnout was related to
infighting among fellow activists ( generally about who was
F .
your turn getting credit for the work being done ), increased sensitivity'
to injustice, and a lack of personal self- care ( Chen & Gorski,
thought. For example, participants in one experiment support policies that would benefit the
were shown one of six different statements made by a lives of women and members of other f
fictional climate scientist on a Facebook page and were oppressed groups. These can be on the
’ •
asked to rate the extent to which they found him credi - local, state, or national level.
ble and trustworthy ( Kotcher, Myers, Vraga, Stenhouse, 7. Campaigning for those officials to raise
8c Maibach , 2017 ). Some of the statements were policy awareness about policies that would
neutral and simply stated facts; others advocated for a benefit women and members of other
specific policy position . The credibility of this fictional marginalized groups.
climate scientist wasn’t influenced when he advocated for 8. Running for leadership positions on
specific policy positions. The authors concluded that sci - cempus and/or in community or profes-
entists who wish to engage in advocacy could do so with- sional organizations you ' re part of — or
out negatively impacting their credibility with die public. even running for local, state, or national
Today, many scientists do believe that if they want to government positions.
effectively communicate important findings to the pub- 9. Donating time to community organiza -
lic and promote policy change, they have to be more tions that focus on social justice goals.
601
active and engaged in communities ( Hernandez, 2017 ). They have concluded
that science and activism can be complementary. Especially when scientists dis -
cover inequities that directly influence people’s lives, they may feel compelled
to act. For example, it was the scientific knowledge gathered by Virginia Tech
professor Marc Edwards, along with the active persistence of concerned mother
LecAnne Walters, that exposed toxic levels of lead in the public water supply of
Flint, Michigan ( McQuaid , 2016 ). Despite receiving hundreds of complaints
from residents about the poisoned water, it took the power of science combined
with activism to actually capture national attention and begin to hold city offi -
cials accountable.
As part of the scientific community, some psychologists use research to
j
advance social justice goals. In Chapter 1, we discussed the doll studies of Mamie
and Kenneth Clark ( Clark & Clark, 1947 ). Their studies were a key part of the
case Brown v. Board of Education, the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court ruling that
led to the desegregation of public schools in the United States. More recently,
psychological science was central to the public debate over marriage equality.
During the Hollingsworth v. Perry federal court cases on same -sex marriage in
California, psychological research played a critical role in convincing jurors to
-
rule in favor of same sex marriage ( Fingerhut & Peplau, 2013 ) . These examples
show the power of psychological science to promote change .
:
:
issues affecting LGBTQ students and families. In 2017, the group hosted the
annual GSA Youth Summit to develop activism among students. Participants
i learned how to help Georgia’s schools become safe and affirming environ-
ments for all students, regardless of sexual orientation or gender identity/
expression . Members of the coalition did this by educating LGBTQ students
about their rights, helping them to develop anti - harassment and bullying poli -
cies at their schools, working with students to create and grow LGBTQ affinity
groups, and advocating with students for trans-affirming language and facili -
ties. Students who attended were also provided with resources to help them
- —
advocate for themselves for example, how to explain to teachers and admin -
istrators about the Day of Silence or how to have conversations with parents
about prom dates.
I
Conclusion: "Run to the Noise"
In her commencement address at Oberlin College in May 2015, Michelle
Obama gave useful advice to college students about how to engage with con -
flict rather than avoid it. “Today, I want to urge you to actively seek out the
most contentious, polarized , gridlocked places you can find . . . because so
often, throughout our history, those have been the places where progress really
—
happens the places where minds are changed, lives transformed , where our
great American story unfolds” ( Cunningham, 2015, para . 2 ) . Obama noted
that students might be tempted to seek out only like - minded individuals, but
she encouraged them to also seek out the opinions of those who differ from
them: “You need to run to, not away from, the noise” ( para. 6 ).
It can be difficult to engage with people who are different from you and/or
who hold beliefs that you disagree with . You may have had difficult discussions
in this class throughout the semester. You may also have discussed some of the
are excited that you ( yes, you ) might be able to build on the ideas in this book.
; R n a
w
H -
1
SUMMA
The Future of Feminism: Challenges and Feminist Activism: Changing Women's Lives
Controversies Feminists have worked on a variety of
There is no one experience of being a woman. social issues that both directly and indirectly
Feminism continues to struggle with insufficiently connect to gender. These issues include
recognizing the needs of women such as increasing the minimum wage, achieving
transwomen, women of color, and poor women. equality at work, reducing gun violence,
Men can be effective advocates for feminism, but advocating for reproductive justice, and
when they advocate for feminism, they’re often improving the environment.
given more respect and credibility than women.
Joys and Perils of Activism
Conflict among feminist perspectives
—
continues to cause tension for example, in
intergenerational conflict.
Activism is often motivated by oppression.
Activists can experience increased well- being,
but they can also experience retaliation and
Building Bridges: A Call for Allyship
burnout.
Through working as allies, people can come
Psychology and Activism
together across social identity groups to create
positive social change. Psychologists and psychological researchers
have been key in promoting change, both
Becoming an ally is a process with the ultimate within and outside the discipline.
goal of joining with other people to advocate
for social justice.
KEY TERMS
allyship ( p. 589 ) stereotype inoculation ( p. 602 )
i
THINK ABOUT IT
1. How can you “ run to the noise ” ? What arc the 3. Reflect on this book . What issue do you
opportunities and challenges associated with think did not get enough coverage ? Explore
engaging in debates about feminism and in this issue in an academic search engine, and
exploring some of the tensions discussed in this imagine you could add a section to this
chapter and the book as a whole ? What kinds textbook. What would you sav?
of debates and conversations about these 4. Imagine a friend asks, “What is psycholog)'
topics have you had with friends and family? of women and gender? ” How would
I 2. What do you believe arc the most pressing you respond ? How has this course
social justice concerns? Spend some time changed the way you view psychology
exploring local, national, and global groups and society ?
that address these issues. Are there any 5. What are your thoughts about feminism
legislative priorities? If not, in what other ways and its role in societv? Have your thoughts
is activism addressing these concerns? Look to changed over the course of the semester ?
see if psychological research can contribute to
advancing a specific cause in that domain .
: {!
1
ONLINE RESOURCES
—
Black Lives Matter information about
the Black Lives Matter network and its efforts
Lachrista Greco — Lachrista Greco is creator
of the Guerrilla Feminism digital activist
to establish dignity, justice, and respect: network; her website features links to her
blacklivesmatter.com writing about activism and offers a digital
—
Crunk Feminist Collective a space for
hip - hop-generation feminists of color to discuss
activist library and information about guerilla
feminism: lachristagreco.com
and debate ideas and to provide support in
the struggle to identify shared feminist goals:
National Organization for Women —
highlights the activities of the largest U.S.
crunkfeministcollcctive.com grassroots feminist organization dedicated to
—
Girls Globe a website aimed at connecting
girls and women across die globe in order to
a multi - issue and multi -strategy approach to
women’s rights: now.org
educate and inspire people to take action on
human rights, social justice, and gender equality:
girlsglobe.org
competitiveness, and acting to get things done, backlash effects: The social and economic penalties that
agoraphobia: A type of anxiety related to being outside may be experienced when individuals violate gender
of the home or being in a public place , stereotypes.
allyship: A lifelong process in which individuals who are beauty norms: Shared standards for attractiveness,
privileged develop relationships with individuals who whether implicitly or explicidy stated, that are held
are marginalized as a way to address social injustice, by members of a given social group,
ambivalent sexism: A form of sexism that includes the beauty work: Body modifications done to conform to
two related , but complementary, components of hos- social norms of attractiveness,
tility and benevolence. behavioral theories: A group of theories that emphasize
amplification: A technique that women can use in meet - how aspects of the environment influence behavior,
ings to support each other: One woman repeats what belief in a just world: The belief that most people get
another woman said and gives credit to the original what they deserve.
speaker. benevolent sexism: A component of ambivalent sexism
androcentric: Male -centered . that consists of beliefs that girls and women should
G-1
be treated differently than men because they arc spe- cognitive developmental theories: Theories emphasiz-
cial and in need of protection , ing that ( a ) children’s understanding of gender goes
bereavement: Grief associated with losing a relative or a through stages that correspond to the development
close friend through death. of cognitive skills and ( b ) children arc active partic-
binegativity: A social stigma directed at bisexual peo- ipants in their attempt to understand and take on
ple that can come from both heterosexuals and those gender roles.
who identify as lesbian or gay. cognitive distraction: In the context of sex, a shift of
binge eating disorder: A disorder involving recurrent focus from how a woman feels about what she’s
episodes of binge eating in which a person feels dis- experiencing in the sexual encounter to worrying
tressed and disgusted over each episode,
body dissatisfaction: The state of not feeling comfort-
about how her partner perceives her appearance
also known as cognitive distraction during sex; more
—
able or satisfied with one’s physical appearance, broadly, a shift to a secondary focus that interferes
body esteem: The degree to which people view their with one’s ability to focus on the primary task,
bodies positively. experience, or goal.
body image self -consciousness: Body surveillance during colorism: A preference for lighter skin that stems from a
sexual activity due to concerns about how one looks history of racism and greater privilege for those with
to a sexual partner. Also known as body image self- light skin and/or those who are perceived as White,
consciousness during physical intimacy, coming out: A process by which LGBTQ individuals
body shame: An ongoing experience of negative emo - accept, appreciate, and inform themselves and others
tions as a result of judging one’s body as undesirable, about their LGBTQ identity,
body surveillance: Viewing one’s body from an observer’s communal: A characteristic way of being, commonly as-
perspective and evaluating one’s physical appearance, sociated with women , involving warmth, friendliness,
borderline personality disorder ( BPD): A disorder involv- concern for others, and emotional expressiveness.
ing a poor sense of self including self-criticism, feelings comparable worth: The idea that jobs requiring the same
of emptiness, and impairments in interpersonal rela - education and skill and giving similar value should pay
tionships, including impaired empathy and intimacy. the same wage.
borderwork: Activities, such as teasing about cooties or complex PTSD: A set of trauma responses described by
playing catch games, that reinforce the borders between survivors who faced ongoing, prolonged interper -
girls’ spaces and boys’ spaces, sonal violence during childhood and adolescence;
bridge work: Work, often part- time, obtained after re- symptoms include an inability to foster stable rela -
tirement from one job that provides a transition be - tionships, stress- related physical ailments, and diffi -
tween employment and full retirement, culty maintaining boundaries and personal safety,
bulimia nervosa: A disorder characterized by binge eat- compliant sex: Sex that occurs when a person agrees to
ing episodes, in which a person eats a great deal and sexual acts that arc actually unwanted ,
feels out of control while doing so, and compensatory comprehensive sex education: Programs that include
jj behavior, such as throwing up, exercising excessively, communication and interpersonal skills training in
or using laxatives. addition to information about abstinence and con -
bystander intervention: Intervening when one witnesses traception; sex and sexuality are framed as positive
a problematic situation. and healthy components of life ,
castration anxiety: The fear that one’s penis will be cut compulsory heterosexuality: The idea that sexual pref-
off; according to Freud, this occurs in young boys as ercnces are formed through the social ideal of het-
part of the Oedipus complex, erosexuality, ultimately leading girls and women to
casual sex: Sex that occurs outside of the context of a prioritize the sexual desires of men .
committed relationship. congenital adrenal hyperplasia ( CAH ): An inherited con -
childhood sexual abuse: Any sexual activity between an dition that causes the adrenal gland to over- produce
adult and a minor. androgens, which influences fetal genetic develop -
cisgender identity: Gender identification that matches ment and can also affect development later on.
the sex a person was assigned at birth. consensually non - monogamous ( CNM ) relationships:
coercive power: A type of power that leads survivors to Committed romantic relationships among partners
think they will experience negative consequences if who agree that they can have sexual and emotional
they do not comply with their abusers’ demands. commitments with other people.
-
G2 Glossary
conversion therapy: A form of therapy that seeks to part of a social group that is less powerful than the
change a client’s sexual orientation from LGBQ to dominant group.
heterosexual; this type of therapy has been deemed disenfranchised grief: Grief that cannot be expressed
harmful by the APA and is banned in some states, openly because the loss is not recognized or acknowl-
co- rumination: Extensive discussing of problems and edged by those around the bereaved individual,
dwelling on negatives in conversation with another disorders of sex development ( DSD ): The medical term ,
person . replacing intersex, that encompasses a variety of con -
cultivation theory: The idea that greater exposure to the ditions in which chromosomal, gonadal, or anatom -
media makes it more likely that the images seen there ical features arc not sex typical; some clinicians and
will seem realistic and believable , researchers now define DSD as “differences of sex
cultural feminism: A type of feminism that focuses on development ” to address stigma concerns,
the differences between women and men and views doing gender: Performing or enacting behaviors associ -
women’s inequality as related to the lack of value -
ated with a specific gender in day to -day life,
placed on the unique experiences, perspectives, and domestic violence: Any abusive, violent, coercive, force-
qualities of women . ful, or threatening act by one member of a family or
cultural spillover theory: The idea that widespread cul - household toward another.
tural support for violence leads to increased accept - doula: A paid professional whose job is to support a
ability for violence in other aspects of life , mother during childbirth.
custodial role: Full - time, and often permanent, care and elder abuse: A single or repeated act, occurring within
guardianship of a grandchild , the context of a trusting relationship, that causes
cyberbullying: Bullying through electronic communica - harm to a person over the age of 60.
tion such as texts, emails, social media posts, and the elderspeak: A pattern of speaking aimed at older adults
like. characterized by simplified speech, a high pitch, and
cycle of abuse: A cycle within ongoing abusive relation - an exaggerated tone similar to baby- talk.
ships that consists of a tension - building stage, a vio - Electra complex: A version of the Oedipus com -
lent episode, and a loving and contrition phase, plex for girls: Girls love their fathers, resent their
dating scripts: Lessons absorbed from popular culture mothers, and experience penis envy and can only
that describe supposedly “ normal ” behaviors in the resolve these conflicts by accepting the inferior sta -
context of dating. tus of femininity'.
deinstitutionalization: The mass release of people emotion work: Tasks that make others feel loved and
from psychiatric hospitals in the latter half of the cared for.
20 th century related to an increase in the use of psy - emotional social support: Support that enables us to feel
chiatric medications, concern for patients’ rights, and nurtured and/or cared for by others ,
decreased federal funding for inpatient care, empowerment: The capacity' to attain power,
dependent personality disorder ( DPD): A disorder char- -
empty nest syndrome: The experience of depression,
acterized by traits such as fear of disagreeing with loneliness, identity' crisis, or emotional distress after
others and difficulty in making everyday decisions children leave the home.
without reassurance. ethic of care: A moral perspective that considers how
dialectical behavioral therapy ( DBT): A therapeutic tech - a given action wall affect interpersonal relationships
nique developed for individuals diagnosed with bor- and the well- being of others,
derline personality disorder that combines training ethic of justice: A moral perspective based on abstract
in social skills, mindfulness, emotion regulation , and principles of right and wrong,
assertiveness. ethnocentrism: The tendency to judge other groups ac-
differences perspective: The idea that women and men cording to the values of one’s own group,
are more different than similar, expectancy role value theory: A theory suggesting that
differential parental investment theory: A theory sug- people make decisions about the activities they want
gesting diat women are more invested in their offspring to pursue based on both the expectation that doing
than men because of women’s greater contributions the activity wall lead to success and the value they put
to parenting through gestation and breastfeeding, on the activity.
discrimination: A form of prejudice that involves the un - -
face ism: A tendency to have greater facial prominence
fair treatment of an individual on account of being ( i.e., a larger proportion of the image devoted to
ii
the face ) in depictions of men, while body promi - gender labeling: The ability to say whether someone is
nence is more typical in images of women , female or male .
family caregiving: Unpaid assistance provided to an older gender microaggressions: Brief, everyday acts of sexism,
adult or an adult with chronic or disabling conditions, whether intentional or unintentional , that demean
fat talk: Negative body talk, usually in informal conver- and insult a person based on that individual’s gender.
sations, in which people, typically girls and women, gender rigidity: A sense of inflexibility in terms of what
express dissatisfaction with their bodies, especially in girls and boys are supposed to do.
terms of weight or body size/shape, gender roles: The behaviors within a culture that arc
feminism: A movement to end sexism , sexist cxploita - generally considered acceptable or desirable for a per-
tion, and oppression. son based on that individual’s actual or perceived sex.
feminist epistemologies: Ways to critique and produce gender schema theory: A cognitive theory that focuses
methods of creating knowledge that attempt to on how, in developing an understanding of them -
address biases against certain groups of people, in - selves, children integrate their network of assumptions
cluding girls and women. about how people with different genders are supposed
feminist psychology: A perspective within the field of to think, feel, and act ( i .e., their gender schema ),
psycholog)' in which work is explicitly informed by gender segregation: The tendency for children to segre-
feminism, in contrast to more general research and gate on the basis of actual or perceived gender identity.
theory about girls and women; feminist psycholog)' gender socialization: The internalization of the social
is an explicidy political perspective because it aims to expectations and attitudes associated with one’s per-
advance social justice. ceived gender.
: ,
-
5 alpha reductase deficiency: A condition in which in - gender stratification hypothesis: The idea that differ-
dividuals have XY chromosomes but lack sufficient ences found between women and men ( especially on
quantities of the enzyme 5-alpha reductase, so they’re cognitive skills ) relate to the level of gender equality
unable to convert testosterone into dihydrotesterone in a country.
and , therefore, cannot masculinize their external gen - gender transitioning: For transgender individuals, the
italia in utcro. process of publicly demonstrating one’s gender in
gender constancy: The understanding that even if a both appearance and behavior.
change in physical appearance takes place, a girl will gender-based violence: Violence that is motivated by
still be a girl and a boy will still be a boy. anger, hatred , or bias because of a person’s gender,
gender deviance neutralization: The idea that w'hcn -
gender fair language: The use of symmetrical linguistic
people act in a way that’s gender atypical in one forms and inclusive terms ( e.g., they instead of he;
domain , they overcompensatc by acting in a gender- first -year student instead of freshman ) to refer to all
stereotypical way in another domain , people.
gender dysphoria: A disorder diagnosed w'hcn individ - generalized anxiety disorder: A disorder that involves
uals express a strong desire to be treated as a gender chronic debilitating w'orry about many aspects of life ,
MI
different from the one they w'ere assigned at birth , glass ceiling: An invisible barrier that keeps many women
iij
gender essentialism: The idea that men and women from rising to the highest levels of leadership.
are fundamentally different because of deep and un - glass cliff : The tendency for women to be promoted to
changing properties that are generally due to biolog)' leadership positions when a company is in a precari -
or genetics. ous position or at risk for failure.
gender expression: The external manifestation of a per- glass escalator: The tendency for men to be promoted
son’s gender identity, which may or may not conform to leadership positions very rapidly when they work
to the socially defined behaviors and external character- in traditionally female - dominated fields,
istics that are considered to be masculine or feminine. goal congruity perspective: The idea that people want
gender identity: One’s understanding of oneself as gen - to engage in activities that meet their goals ,
dered , based on a fundamental sense of belonging to hate crime: A crime that is motivated by bias.
a sex/gender category regardless of sex assignment heteronormativity: The idea that people fall into two dis-
at birth. tinct, or binary, sex categories ( M or F), that those
gender intensification: The process during puberty in categories have aligning gender roles ( male or female ),
which girls and boys start to more rigidly enact their and that sexual desires arc most naturally linked to the
gender roles. other sex.
G-4 Glossary
heterosexism: A bias that assumes all people arc hetero-
sexual ( at least until proven otherwise ) and that it is
activities in order to ensure optimal brain develop -
ment, and feel ultimately fulfilled in their role,
more desirable to be heterosexual , intermittent labor: In terms of household labor, tasks
heterosexist harassment: A form of harassment that that arc done only occasionally and for which there’s
involves expressing a negative view toward sexual usually some leeway as to when they need to get
minority identities ( gay, lesbian , bisexual ) whether or done.
not the target of the harassment identifies as a mem - internalization: The process of taking on the standards
ber of a sexual minority group, and norms of dominant society as one’s own and
hidden curriculum: The ways in which the school envi - then striving to meet those standards,
ronment indirectly teaches norms, beliefs, and values, internalized biphobia: Sec internalized homophobia.
historical trauma: Unresolved grief that affects an indi - internalized heterosexism: See internalized homonegativity.
vidual or a group in successive generations of those internalized homonegativity: The internalization of neg-
who have suffered significant trauma , ativity about one’s sexual minority identity. See also
hookup: Sexual activity between two people with no internalized biphobia, internalized heterosexism, and
expectation of commitment, although there is dis - internalized homophobia.
agreement as to exactly what activities constitute internalized homophobia: Among some individuals who
hooking up. are uncomfortable with their sexual orientation, in -
horizontal occupational gender segregation: The ten - ternalized feelings of negativity toward being LGBQ.
dency for women and men to cluster in different Also called internalized biphobia. See also internal-
professions. ized heterosexism and internalized homonegativity.
hostile sexism: A component of ambivalent sexism that internalized transphobia: The internalization of nega -
consists of negative and derogatory beliefs about tive messages about transgender people by someone
girls and women. who identifies as transgender,
hostile work environment: A form of harassment that interoceptive awareness: Awareness of one’s internal
occurs when the atmosphere at a workplace is hostile, physiological signals.
intimidating, and /or offensive, intersectionality: The ways in which different types of
hysteria: The first mental illness associated with women oppression ( c.g., racism , classism , homophobia, trans-
and associated with reproduction, sexuality, or tradi- phobia, ableism, sexism ) are interconnected and,
tional femininity at different points in history, therefore, cannot be examined separately; also the
identity- based bullying: Aggression directed toward peo- way multiple social identity variables influence any
ple who are actual or perceived members of a devalued psychological variable being studied,
social group because of that group membership, intersex: A term used to describe a wide variety of con-
imperialism: A practice that extends a country’s power ditions in which chromosomal, gonadal, or anatomi-
through either diplomacy or war, or both , cal features arc not sex typical,
in vitro fertilization ( IVF): A treatment for infertility by intimate partner violence ( IPV): A form of domestic
which egg production is stimulated, several eggs are violence involving violence by one member of an in -
extracted , the egg is fertilized with sperm outside of timate couple against the other,
the body, and one or more embryos are implanted intrauterine insemination ( IUI ): A treatment for infertil-
after fertilization has taken place, ity by which washed and concentrated sperm are in -
infertility: An inability to become pregnant after 12 months jected directly into the uterus at the time of ovulation,
of regular unprotected sexual intercourse, intuitive eating: Eating in response to physiological
informational social support: Support that involves cues of hunger and satiation rather than situational
others giving advice or ideas to help us find strategies or emotional cues; also referred to as mindful eating.
or resources to better cope with life events, Klinefelter syndrome ( KS): A condition in which a per -
instrumental social support: Support that involves others son’s chromosomal type has more than one X chro-
providing us tangible assistance in terms of money, mosome plus one or two Y chromosomes,
goods, or services. launching phase: The period during which children are
intensive parenting: The idea that parents, especially in the process of leaving the parental home,
mothers, are expected to be fully immersed in the par- learned hopefulness: The belief that an abuser can
enting experience, seek expert advice on how to par- change, which can contribute to survivors remaining
ent, engage their children in cognitively stimulating committed to abusive relationships.
Glossary G 5 -
legitimizing myths: Attitudes, values, or beliefs that exist menarche: The first menstrual period .
hierarchies.
to justify social menopause: The permanent end of menstrual periods,
leisure innovation: Engaging in new leisure activities as resulting from decreased hormone production in the
part of retirement. ovaries.
lesbian feminism: A type of radical feminism that focuses mentor: A person with more experience who can help
on sexuality and reproduction as a central place of and guide someone with less experience.
oppression . militarism: The prioritization and justification of mili -
LGBTQ: An acronym that identifies people with diverse tary values within both military and civilian life ,
gender and sexual minority identities; the letters minority stress theory: The idea that having a margin -
refer to lesbian , gay, bisexual, transgender, and alized identity carries additional social stressors that
queer. can worsen mental and physical health outcomes,
liberal feminism: A type of feminism that focuses on the miscarriage: The experience of losing a pregnancy before
similarities between women and men and on using the 20th week of gestation .
government policies to eliminate barriers that keep misgender: To use a pronoun that doesn’t accurately re-
women from achieving their potential. flect a person’s gender identity.
low-control labor: In terms of household labor, tasks misogyny: Hatred of girls and women .
in which the person doing them has little control model minority: The perception that a given minority
over where and when they’re done. See also routine
labor.
group is an ideal example of a minority group for —
example, the perception that Asian American students
major depression: Feelings of sadness or emptiness, arc hard -working, smart, and over-achieving.
diminished pleasure in activities, negative thought modern sexism: Gender bias that is communicated in
patterns reflecting worthlessness or guilt, and phys- subde or indirect ways.
ical symptoms such as fatigue, weight gain or loss, monosexual: A term used to describe a person who is
and excessive sleeping or insomnia. sexually attracted to only one sex /gender,
male gaze: Visual attention to women’s bodies that may morning sickness: The experience of nausea and vom -
come from a heterosexual man or that may repre- iting that many women experience during the first
sent internalization of the idea that women are sexual 12 weeks of pregnancy,
objects to be looked at. mother blaming: The idea that mothers should be held
marianismo: A concept that underlies the gender social - responsible for the actions, health , behavior, and
ization of Latinx girls and women that encourages well- being of their children .
self-sacrifice and the repression of anger, motherhood mandate: The social pressure on women to
masturbation: Stimulation of oneself sexually, usually become mothers.
i
jj
through touching one’s genitals, to result in sexual motherhood wage penalty: The tendenq' for mothers
pleasure. to earn less than non - mothers do.
mate retention behaviors: Controlling behaviors that mujerista: An identity label that prioritizes the lives of
serve to keep a partner away from potential rivals and Latinx women; mujeristas especially act toward the
ensure the partner’s fidelity. decolonization of all people.
maternal gatekeeping: The process of mothers limiting multicultural competence: A therapeutic skill that in -
how involved fathers are allowed to be in caring for volves recognizing how multiple, intersecting aspects
children. of clients’ social identities influence their lives; mul-
maternal wall: Discrimination that mothers experience ticulturally competent therapists arc keenly aware of
in pay and promotion. the dangers of stereotypes and assumptions about
matrix of domination: The idea that all systems of bias universality of experience when working with clients,
(e.g., racism , homophobia, sexism ) stem from the myth of meritocracy: The perception that economic
same systems of social stratification. mobility is easily attainable through hard work ,
medical gaze: A process of dehumanization that occurs name shifting: A strategy by which some individuals
when medical providers treat a person’s body sepa - ( usually women ) use their surname in some situa -
rate from that person’s sense of self. tions ( e.g., professional settings ) and their spouse’s
medical model: A model that assumes mental health name in odier settings ( e.g., familial situations) ,
concerns are the result of physical problems that can networking: A process dirough which people interact
be treated through medical intervention. with those in or connected to their social networks
-
G6 Glossary
in order to make contacts who can help them further physical abuse: Acts of physical force intended to cause
their careers. physical pain.
neurosexism: Reinforcement or justification of gender pinkwashing: The highlighting of a company’s or or -
stereotypes based on the claim that there are biologi - ganization’s concern for breast cancer by promoting
cally based differences between women and men . pink or pink ribbon products,
normative discontent: The idea that the normal state for plasticity: The ability of the brain to change to a certain
women with respect to their bodies is to feel unhappy degree in response to aspects of the environment and
or dissatisfied . learning experiences.
objectification: The viewing of a person as an object to pluralistic ignorance: The mistaken belief that one’s
be looked at rather than as a human being inhabiting own attitudes and behaviors are different from those
a skin . of others.
objectification theory: The theory that women interna - polyamourous ( poly) relationships: Consensual romantic
lize the perspective of an observer as the primary way and/or sexual relationships with multiple partners, with
of viewing their bodies. all partners having knowledge of the non- monogamous
observational learning: Learning by watching what nature of the relationships.
others do. polygamy: The practice of one husband having many
Oedipus complex: A stage at which , according to Freud, wives.
boys love their mothers and hate their fathers; the positivism: The idea that science is progressive and cu -
conflict is eventually resolved by learning to identify mulative and that it relies on objectivity, neutrality,
with die father. and rationality.
operant conditioning: A process of learning that occurs post-abortion syndrome: A term used by anti- abortion
through associating actions with consequences by advocates to describe a negative psychological reac-
receiving reinforcement ( or rewards ) or punishment, tion to abortion; research has not supported the exis-
oppression: The w'ays in which certain people experi - tence of this syndrome.
ence degradation because of political, economic, or -
post colonial /transnational feminism: A type of femi-
social realities ( e .g., poverty, homelessness, lack of nism that connects women’s inequality to die legacy
access to health care ). of colonization and critiques the belief that women
outercourse: Forms of sexual activity that don’t involve in Western countries are the most liberated in the
penile - vaginal penetration; sometimes considered a world.
means of contraception . post-feminism: The idea that the women’s movement
overt sexism: Unequal treatment of women that is iden - has achieved its goals and, dierefore, feminism is no
tifiable and, therefore, easily documented. longer needed.
panic disorder: A disorder involving panic attacks diat post- partum anxiety: Feelings after the birth of a child
appear unpredictably as well as fear about having that include worry, a sense of dread , obsessive check-
panic attacks. ing, difficulty sleeping, and other physical symptoms
paternalistic chivalry: The idea that women should be such as dizziness, nausea, and headaches.
protected and cherished — at least, as long as they
conform to traditional gender roles,
post- partum depression: Feelings of sadness, anxiety,
exhaustion, guilt and worthlessness, and suicidal ide-
paternity uncertainty: The notion that men can never be ation lasting at least two weeks that can be experi-
100% sure that the offspring they raise are their own. enced after giving birth.
patriarchy: A social system in which men hold positions -
post traumatic growth: A positive psychological change
of authority and pow'er. that can occur following a struggle with highly chal-
penis envy: According to Freud , die envy that young lenging life circumstances.
girls experience when they realize that they do not -
post traumatic stress disorder ( PTSD): A disorder that
have a penis. occurs after direedy experiencing or witnessing a
performative bisexuality: A sexual script in which hete- shocking or frightening event; symptoms include
rosexual women make out and engage in sexual re-experiencing the event through dreams or flash -
activities with other women for the enjoyment of backs, avoiding stimuli associated with the trauma,
men w'ho are watching them , having a general sense of numbness, and physiolog -
perimenopause: The few years before and the 12 months ical reactivity such as being easily starded or having
after a woman’s last menstrual cycle. insomnia .
Glossary G 7 -
I
postmenopause: The period beginning 12 months after relational aggression: Indirect forms of aggression that
a woman has had her last menstrual period ( or has involve damaging others’ existing or potential rela -
had an oophorectomy ) and continuing until the end tionships and /or social status,
of the woman’ s life. relative resources theory: The idea that the person who
postmodern perspective: The idea that knowledge isn’t brings more resources to the relationship gets to use
objective; rather, it is constructed and , therefore, can those resources to avoid doing chores,
change as a function of time place, or culture
, , reproductive justice movement: A feminist movement
prejudice: A negative attitude toward someone because centering around four basic rights: ( a ) to have chil-
of that person’s actual or perceived membership in a dren, ( b ) to not have children , ( c ) to parent one’s chil -
certain social group. dren in a safe, healthy environment, and ( d ) to express
pre- menstrual dysphoric disorder ( PMDD): A disorder one’s sexual and gender identity free from oppression
that is diagnosed when women have symptoms of and fear.
depression that start before the onset of their period resiliency: The capacity to successfully adapt to trauma
and end soon after the period is over, or stress.
principle of least interest: The idea that the person who restorativejustice: Rehabilitation modeled on Indigenous
i
wants a relationship less has greater power within peacemaking processes involving facilitated meetings
that relationship. between perpetrators and survivors, with the goal of
privilege: The social, economic, and /or political advan - achieving reconciliation and commitment to peace.
j tages that some people enjoy simply because they’re role enhancement theory: The idea that people experi -
part of a certain group, rather than because of any- cncc an increase in energy and well - being when they
thing they did or failed to do. arc engaged in multiple roles ( c . g., worker, mother,
psychoanalytic theories: A group of theories based on sister, friend ) as a result of being so involved and
; the underlying idea that gender development ( and engaged .
personality development in general ) is controlled by role loss hypothesis: The idea that parents, particularly
unconscious forces. mothers, will experience a decrease in well - being
psychological abuse: A type of abuse in which perpetrators when their role as caregiver is no longer needed ,
act in ways that cause fear, shame, isolation, or depri- role strain relief hypothesis: The idea that parents, par-
-j •
i vation; it can involve emotional and /or verbal abuse ,
psychology of women: A subfield of psychology that fo -
ticularly mothers, will have an increase in well - being
after children leave home because of a decrease in daily
cuses on the lives and experiences of girls and women , demands, time constraints, and work-family conflicts,
queer feminism: A type of feminism that claims inequal - routine labor: In terms of household labor, tasks that
ity is related to die ways in which the categories of must be done frequently on a regular schedule. See
\
woman and man have been constructed , studied , and -
also low control labor.
used to organize society. rumination: A tendency to obsessively mull over one’s
!i quid pro quo harassment: A form of harassment that problems and all of the causes and consequences of
occurs when a supervisor requests sexual favors in ex - the situation.
change for workplace benefits, such as a raise or a pro- safe sex: Sex involving birth control , often condoms, in
motion, or to prevent negative events, such as being order to minimize the risk of STIs and pregnancy;
fired or demoted. sometimes referred to as safer sex .
radical feminism: A type of feminism that views women’s sandwich generation: The group of individuals, primar-
unjust treatment as the most fundamental form of ily women , who arc simultaneously caring for their
oppression and that advocates for separatism , children and their aging parents,
rape: Penetration, no matter how slight, of the vagina scapegoating: Blaming a person or a group for things
or anus with any body part or object, or oral pene- that are not their fault.
tration by a sex organ of another person, without the second shift: The phenomenon of women coming home
consent of the victim . from their jobs and doing another round of work in
rape myth: A false belief about how and why rape occurs, the home .
-
reappropriation: The process of a person or group of peo- self fulfilling prophesy: The idea that expectations for
ple from a subordinate group intentionally reclaiming how someone is going to behave influence that per-
a slur that was previously used by a dominant group to son’s behavior so that the expectations are fulfilled ,
oppress or stigmatize them. making the prophesy come true .
-
G8 Glossary
self-objectification: The process of turning the objectify - survival: Men maximized potential oflspring through
ing gaze on oneself in order to evaluate the extent to sexual activity with many women, while women were
which one conforms to societal standards of beauty, selective with sexual partners in order to find stable
self-sexualization: Purposely engaging in behaviors or mates who would contribute resources to promote their
practices that are associated with sexualization ( e.g., children’s survival.
wearing push up- bras, entering wet T-shirt contests ), sexualization: The imposition of sexuality on others, the
self- silencing: Women’s inhibiting of self-expression in consideration of people as sex objects, and/or die
order to please another person, and their sacrificing valuing of people merely for their sexual appeal or
of their own needs in order to maintain relationships, sexual behavior.
self - socialization: Children’s process of looking for clues similarities perspective: The idea that women and men
about how to behave and integrating this informa - arc more similar than different ,
tion into an understanding of how one actually does slut shaming: Criticism of girls and women for their
behave. actual or presumed engagement in sexual behaviors,
sex positivity: The idea that all sexual expression and be - social comparison: Comparison of oneself to others to
havior is healthy as long as it is practiced with explicit assess where one stands in relation to the standards
consent from all parties involved , and norms of dominant society,
sex trafficking: Commercial sex induced by force, fraud , social construction theories: Theories, based on a post-
or coercion. modern perspective, that focus on ( a ) how cultural
sex work: An umbrella term that refers to the exchange beliefs about gender exist to uphold particular so-
of sexual services, performances, or products for cial and economic systems and inequalities, as well as
compensation. ( b ) how to enact gender.
sex/gender binary: The idea that there are only two sexes, social exchange: The idea that economic models of
and that a person must be assigned a sex of either fe - trading goods and services apply to interpersonal
male ( F ) or male ( M ) that will align with a predictable relationships ( e .g., if one member of a couple makes
gender. a lot of money, die other partner may do more
sexism: A bias based on the belief that men are superior housework) .
to women . social identity: A person’s sense of self based on that
sexual agency: A sense of being comfortable with and in individual’s affiliations with different social groups,
control of one’s own sexuality, social learning theories: Theories asserting that learning
sexual assault: A general term that refers to different takes place in a social setting but that children do not
types of sexual abuse, including rape, attempted rape, need to be directly reinforced or punished in order
unwanted sexual touching, and/or sexual harassment , to learn.
sexual assertiveness: The ability to ask for what one social mothers: Women who take on die mother-
wants and to refuse what one doesn’t want within a hood role through social ( rather than biological )
sexual encounter. means, including adopting, fostering, or becoming
sexual configurations theory (SCT): The idea that sexual - a stepmother.
ity is multi - faceted , socially situated, and dynamic and social role theory: The idea that differences between
can be best understood along a variety of dimensions, women and men arise from die different roles they
sexual double standard: A perspective in which women have traditionally held ( e.g., caretaker, provider )
are judged more harshly than men for engaging in rather than from biologically based differences passed
comparable sexual behaviors, down through evolutionary forces. Also known as
sexual orientation: An individual’s predisposition to - social structural theory.
ward sexual and /or romantic attraction for persons social stratification: A social structure by which people
of the same sex/gender ( homosexual ) and /or the are ranked in a hierarchy such that some people and
other sex /gender ( heterosexual ) , groups have more power and status dian others,
sexual scripts: Descriptions of behaviors that constitute social structural theory: See social role theory.
'‘normal” sexual behavior in a given culture, social support: A feeling of being cared for and having
sexual socialization: The process of learning about support and assistance from people around us, in -
sexuality. cluding family, friends, and romantic partners,
sexual strategies theory: A theory suggesting diat women socialist feminism: A type of feminism that links gender
and men developed different mating strategies to ensure oppression with capitalism.
Glossary G- 9
I
specific phobia: Fear of a specific object or activity (e.g., tend -and - befriend coping strategy: An evolutionary the-
spiders, hang gliding ). ory of social support according to which women nur-
-
spectatoring: During sex, an “out of- body” experience ture and protect others in times of stress ( i.c., tend )
in which a woman’s focus shifts to things other than and develop social networks that can help facilitate
the sexual encounter. these patterns ( i.e., befriend ),
sponsor: A person who advocates for another person in tentative speech forms: Patterns of speaking that involve
order to help that individual get a job or a promotion , hedges ( e.g., mostly ) , hesitations ( e.g., nm ) , tag ques-
stereotype: A set of beliefs about the characteristics of a tions ( e.g., right? ) , and intensifies ( e.g., very ).
particular group that are generalized to all members terror management theory: The idea that because
of that group. humans fear death, anything that reminds us that we
stereotype embodiment theory: The idea that people are mortal and wall die needs to be managed in a way
learn age-related stereotypes at a young age, inter- that reduces our anxiety.
nalize them as self-stereotypes, and are subsequently “think manager-think male" bias: The idea that the
influenced by them in thoughts and actions. traits many people associate with leadership arc agen -
stereotype inoculation: The idea that identifying with tic ones that are also associated with masculinity,
: role models who share one or more aspects of social third world feminism: A type of post -colonial feminism
identity can protect people from negative stereotypes that claims feminism should not focus on common -
about their social group within a specific context alities among women but, instead , should address
( e.g., in STEM fields ). issues from multiple perspectives and not assume a
stereotype threat: The idea that when people think their unified position .
social group docs poorly on a certain task ( or think time availability: The idea that the person with the
that others believe this is true ), their anxiety about most available time should do a larger proportion of
confirming that stereotype can actually undermine housework.
their performance. token: A member of a socially marginalized group whose
sticky floor: The tendency for women to remain at the group makes up less than 15% of the workforce in a
bottom of an organizational hierarchy in jobs that workplace setting.
provide limited opportunities for advancement. token resistance: Saying no to sex but really meaning
stigma awareness: For individuals with marginalized tonic immobility: An involuntary “ frozen ” body response
identities, a heightened fear of encountering future that occurs in high -fear situations,
discrimination because of prior experiences with vio- transformational leader: A leader who inspires others,
lence and discrimination. stimulates optimism and excitement about the future
stillbirth: The death of a fetus after the 20th week of of the organization, and focuses on mentorship,
gestation. transgender: A gender identity ( woman , man , or other
stranger harassment: Harassment of women in public gendered identity labels ) and /or a gender expression
places by men who arc strangers, ( feminine, masculine, or other gendered expressive
strategic essentialism: The support of gender essentialist labels ) that doesn’t conform to societal expectations
beliefs as a strategic choice to help advocate for social for the sex a person was assigned at birth ,
causes that uniquely affect large numbers of women , tripartite model of social influence: A model of the key
stratified reproduction: The unequal situation in which factors that influence body image: parents, peers, and
those with more resources based on factors such as the media.
class, race, ethnicity, or migration status have greater Turner's syndrome (TS): A condition in which a person
autonomy and choice with regard to their ability to has only 45 chromosomes and is missing the X sex
have and raise children. chromosome; sometimes referred to as a chromo-
structural inequalities: Specific laws and policies within somal pattern of XO.
organizations, institutions, and governments that give vertical occupational gender segregation: The ten -
men (and members of other privileged groups) more dency for men to hold positions with higher status,
resources and advantages than women (and members authority, and pay than women within any given
of less privileged groups ). field.
surrogacy: A treatment for infertility in which one wo- victim blaming: A type of blame that shifts responsibility
man is contracted to bear a child for another woman. away from the perpetrator and onto the survivor.
!
6-10 Glossary
voluntary childlessness: The choice not to have children , women of color feminism: A type of feminism that
widowhood effect: The elevated risk of mortality follow- secs women’s inequality as deeply linked to White
ing the death of a spouse. supremacy, a form of racism in which White people
womanist: An identity label that stems from the expe- arc considered superior to people of color,
riences of Black women and other women of color; -
work family conflict: A conflict that occurs when work
the term encompasses feminism but differs because interferes with family obligations or family life inter-
it doesn’t prioritize sexism over other forms of op- feres with work.
pression ( e.g., racism ). -
work family enrichment: A two-way process in which
womb envy: According to Karen Homey, men’s envy of what happens at work benefits family life and what
women’s reproductive ability. happens in the family benefits work.
Glossary G-11
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C- 2 Credits
Figure 10.3: Exhibit from “Women in the Workplace Study of Sexuality. Reprinted by permission of Taylor &
2017,” October 2017, McKinsey 8c Company, www .
Francis Ltd, http://wNvw.tandfonline com.
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pany. All rights reserved . Reprinted by permission.
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by permission of Clare Murphy.
Figure 12.1: Figure 1 from “ Conceptualizing the
‘Wantedness’ of Women’s Consensual and Nonconsen- Figure 14.3: Figure 1 from “A New Vision for Advanc-
sual Sexual Experiences: Implications for How Women ing Our Movement for Reproductive Health, Repro -
Label Their Experiences with Rape,” Zoe D. Peterson ductive Rights and Reproductive Justice,” 2005, Asian
and Charlene L. Muehlenhard, The Journal of Sex Communities for Reproductive Justice. Reprinted by
Research 44( 1), 2007, The Society for the Scientific permission of Forward Together.
Credits C-3
name index
Page numbers in italics refer to illustrations, tables, and figures.
AARP Public Policy Institute, 470 Adelman, M., 470 Alderson, K. G., 296
Aassve, A., 347 -
Adclson, J. L., 157, 164 165 Alegria, M., 546
.
Abad, C , 204 Adema, W., 439 Alexander, A. M., 249
Abajian , S. M . , 528 Adesman, A., 390 Alexander, M., 301
Abajobir, A. A., 368 Adler, N ., 366 Alexander, M. G., 130, 131
Abakoumkin , G ., 471 Adler, P., 326 Alexander, S., 33
Abbey, A., 510, 513 Adler, P. A., 326 Ali, A., 547, 553
Abbott, R. L., 508 Adolph , K. E., 213 Ali, S., 260
Abel , E., 381 Adriaanse, M . A., 270 Alimahomed , S., 164
Abel, G., 310 Afifi , T. O., 520 Alkire, M. T., 116
Abcle, A. E., 70 Afifi, W. A., 324 Allan, J., 393
Abeling, S., 515 Afro - Europe, 66 Allen , C., 492
Abell , L., 326 Afshar, H., 260 Allen, L., 288
Aberncthy, D., 551 Aguayo- Romero, R. A., 161 Allen, R. E., 486
.
Abma, J C., 295 -
Ahlers Schmidt, C., 565 Allen, S. M., 392
Abner, E. L., 525 Ahlqvist, S., 225 Allen, T. T., 335
Aboud , R., 34 Ahmad, M., 475 Allison, C., 109
About, 589 Ahmad, S., 515 Allison, C. M., 126
Abraham, S., 265 Ahmed, S. F., 171, 173 Allison, J., 323
Abrams, D., 82, 452 Ahmed, T., 555 Allison, P., 410, 411
Abrams, J . A., 72 Ahrens, C. E., 513, 514, 515 Allore, H . G., 484
Abramson , L., 552 Ahumuza , S. E., 365 Allroggen , M., 495
Abu - Ras, W. M ., 492 Aikin , K. J., 76 Almassi, B., 585, 590
Acker, M., 390 Ainley, V., 269 Almeida, D., 225
Ackerman, A. R., 531 Aitken, Z., 439 Almeida, S. S., 269
Ackerman , R., 265 Ajrouch , K. J., 323 Alonso-Villar, O., 409, 411
Ackerman , S., 570 Aldyama, H., 472 Alpass, F., 481
Adam, K., 207 Akiyoshi, M., 352 5-alpha reductase deficiency, 170
Adamel'kova, Z., 365 Alaggia, R., 210 A1 Romaih, W. R., 295
Adamczyk, A., 593, 594 Alarie, M., 183 Als, H., 241
Adams, M ., 347 Albert, M., 134 Alsultany, E., 62
Adams, R., 27 Albertini, M., 362 Alt, N. P., 75
Adams-Curtis, L. E., 264 Alberts, J. K, 325, 351 Altabe, M., 254
Addady, M., 94 Aldana, E., 514 -
Altenburger, L. E., 336, 518 519
Addams, C., 307 Aldao, A., 120, 130 Alvarez, C. V., 161
Addis, M ., 551 Alderson, J., 171, 174 Amanatullah, E. T., 413
N-1
—
Amanda Bynes Serious mental
issues, 542
Andres, E., 92
Andrew, R, 269
Arthur, A., 224
Artilcs, A. J ., 136
Amato, P., 440 Andrews, B., 512 Artis, A. B ., 6
Amato, P. R , 323, 342 Andrews, W., 538 Aruguete, M. S., 248
Ambady, N., 139 Andrews, W. L., 366 Aschbacher, P. R , 137
American Association for the Ang, C. S., 210 Ash, S., 523
Advancement of Science, 142 Anguiano, C., 328 Ashford , L. S., 363
American Association of University Angulo- Olaiz, F., 289 Ashley, J ., 523
Women, 27 Aniakudo, P., 428 Ashley, W., 74
American Civil Liberties Union, Anisman , H., 562 Ashman , O., 452
430 Anne, K., 205 Ashmore, R , 224
American College of Obstetricians Ansara, Y. G., 159 Asian Communities for Reproductive
and Gynecologists, 371 Ansari-Thomas, Z., 364 Justice, 596
American Psychiatric Association, Anstey, R J., 371 Askari , S. F., 345, 351, 392
162, 302, 303, 304, 549, Anthony, R P., 574 Associated Press, 359
550, 560, 563, 564, 565, 566 Antonucci, T. C., 323, 472 Astbury, J., 380
American Psychological Association, Anyon, J., 216 Atkinson , M . P, 350
43, 52, 366, 557, 571, 605 Anzaldua, G., 35 Attanasio, L., 385
American Psychological Association Aosved, A. C., 509 Attra , S. L., 553, 574
Task Force on the Aphramor, L., 255 Attwood , F., 279, 285
Sexualization of Girls, 306, Appel, H., 561 Atwood , N ., 555
312, 499 Appelman , Y. E. A., 462 Au , A., 571
American Society for Aesthetic Apple, R J., 298, 333 Au , J., 251
Plastic Surgery, 261, 262, 457 Applebaum, S., 383 Aubceluck, A., 267
American Society of Plastic Aranda, F., 185 Aubrey, J., 380
Surgeons, 243, 457 Arbona, C., 335 Aubrey, J . S., 207
Amico, C., 497 Arcelus, J., 564 Auchmuty, R., 337, 343
Amnesty International, 505, 511 Archambault, J., 501 Audet, B ., 551
Amnesty International reveals Archer, D., 251 Augustus- Horvath, C. L., 261
alarming impact, 505 Archer, J., 109, 325 Auman, C., 452
Amodio, D., 200 Archer, L., 137 Aune, R R , 247
Amodio, D. M., 222 Archibald, T., 17 Auster, C. J., 211
Amor, D., 167 Arendell, T., 394, 395 Austin , E., 326
Amorosi, C., 141 Arias, D. M., 34 Austin , S. B., 214, 521
-
Ananeh Firempong, O., II., 467 Arias, E., 465, 465 Avalos, L. C., 269
Anapol, D. M., 344 Arias, I., 496 Avellar, S., 415
Andersen, C., 262 Ariel, B., 527 Avcndano, M., 439
Anderson, C. A., 532 Armitage, J. R , 471 Avcrett, P., 296, 471
Anderson, C. R , 226 Armstrong, E. A., 280, 298, Avis, N., 552
Anderson, D., 203 302, 327 Aviv, R , 442
Anderson, H. T., 251 Armstrong, E. M., 280, 327 Awad , G. H., 241
Anderson, R J., 32, 33, 34, 95 Armstrong, M. J., 474 Axelrod , J., 215
Anderson, R L., 516 Armstrong, P. I., 134 Axclson, S. J., 345, 351, 392
Anderson, L. A., 531 Arndt, J., 262 Axt, J. R , 386
Anderson, L. W., 526 Aron, A., 320 Ayers, B., 458-459
Anderson, M., 192 Aron, L., 136 Ayres, M., 34
Anderson, S. M., 313 AronofF, J., 516 Azmitia, M., 63
Anderson, T., 386 Aronson, J., 138 Baams, L., 226
Anderson, T. L., 341 Arora, S., 389 Babcock, J., 165
Andrei, A. G., 322 Arseneau, J. R , 155, 158 Babcock, L., 351, 413
Andreolctti, C., 71, 450 Artavia, D., 409 Babins-Wagner, R., 570
E.
Coker, H. C., 588 Cook, S., 508, 554 Coyle, K., 283
Colapinto, J., 175 Cook, S. L., 527 Coyne, S. M., 208
Colcombe, S. J., 452 Cooky, C., 150 Coytc, R C., 480
Cole, E. R., 35, 36, 54, 54, 64 Coolcy- Quille, M., 498 Cozzarelli, C., 71
= Cole, R , 213, 553 Coolidgc, F. L., 526 Craig, A., 213
- Coleman , E., 164, 301, 556
Coleman, J., 265
Cooper, C. M., 584
Cooper, D., 592
Craig, L., 347
Craig, S. L., 210
Coleman, L., 265 Cooper, H., 436 Crandall, C. S., 138-139
Coleman , R., 478, 604 Cooper, M., 436 Crawford , M ., 15, 33, 40, 53,
Coley, R. L., 398 Cooper, S. C., 265 106, 280
. Colker, R., 393, 394 Copeland , G. A., 251 Crcanga , A. A., 385
I Coll, C., 220 Copen , C., 374 Crcatsas, G., 168
:
Collier, K. M., 208 Copen , C. E., 341, 342 Creek, S. J ., 493
Collier-Meek, M., 209 Corbett, C., 414 Creighton , S. M., 173, 174
1 Collins, F. S., 108 Corbett, S., 508 Crenshaw, K., 22, 63, 493, 583
Collins, G., 18 Cordero, E. D., 249 Crenshaw, K. W., 63, 217, 218
Collins, J., Jr., 385 Corfield , F., 564 Crick, N. R., 50, 326
Collins, R H., 64, 72, 239, 493 Corley, D., 417 Crittenden , A., 415
Collins, V. E., 336, 519 Corliss, H. L., 214, 521 Crocker, J., 311
Colman, E., 341 Cormier, J . F., 247 Crockett, C., 525
Coltrane, S., 213, 253, 346, 347, Cormier, $., 471 Croft, A., 118, 435
' 433, 454 Corning, A. F., 249 Croghan, C. F., 470
Comas-Diaz, L., 35 Cornwell, E. Y., 468 Cromer, B. A ., 243, 253
Committee on Psychosocial Aspects Corpus, M. J., 185 Cromer, L. D ., 524
of Child and Family Health, Correll , S., 437 Crompton , R., 353
; 391 Corrion , K., 452 Cronin , C., 386
Committee on Substance Abuse, Corry, M., 383 Cronin , T. J ., 599
381 Cortes, P., 442 Crooks, C.V., 516
Comparing the costs, 378 Cortes- Iniestra, S., 264 Croom , A. M., 90
Condon, K. M., 525 Cortina, L., 511 Crosby, F. J ., 77, 437
Conger, C., 464 Cortina, L. M., 78, 143, 429 Crosby, R. A., 286
Conger, R. D., 474 Corvin , A., 194 Crossland , C. L., 136
Conley, T. D., 251, 280, 344 Cosco, T. D., 485 Crouter, A., 213, 351
Connell, K. M., 243 Cosgrove, L., 547, 568 Crowe, J., 586, 587
Connell, K , 160 Costa, R , Jr., 128, 129 Crowley, M., 110, 132, 430
Connidis, I. A., 472 Costos, D., 265 Crowther, J. H., 74, 248, 269
Connor, S., 375 Cotal, D. R., 411 Crum , R A., 269
Connors, S. K., 464 Cote, A. M., 501 Crusius, J., 561
Conron , K. J., 557 Coulter, R. S., 506, 507 Cuddy, A., 415
Consortium on the Management Coupland, C., 479 Cuddy, A. J. C., 70
of Disorders of Sex Courcy, I., 394 Cukan, A., 66
Development, 200 Courtois, C. A., 561, 562, 567 Cuklanz, L. M., 509
Constantine, N. A., 286, 289 Cousineau, T., 371, 372 Culbert, K., 563, 564
Conte, F. A., 167 Coutts, L. B., 267 Cull, M., 175
Contrera, J., 588 Couture, S., 267 Cullen, F. T., 502
Conway, M., 70, 71 Covert, B., 404, 426 Cullcy, L., 372
Cook, A., 262, 425, 426 Covert, J. J., 253, 454 Cumbcrworth, E., 473
Cook, C. L., 514 Cowling, M., 419 Cummings- Hill, M., 91
Cook, J. M., 322 Cox, B., 560 Cundiff, J. L., 47, 49
Cook, K. J., 523 Cox, R., 259 Cunningham, J., 468
Cook, R. E., 339 Coxell, A. W., 506 Cunningham , K. C., 524
L
Hall, E. J., 33 Hanson, S., 440 Hass, N., 426
Hall, E. V., 135 Haq, N., 473 Hassan , G., 379
Hall, I., 216 Harcar, V., 251 Hassounch , D., 516
Hall, J. A., 95, 96, 97 Harcourt, D., 243 Hastings, S. L., 480
Hall, K. Q., 584 Harcourt, W., 30 Hasulube, J., 514
Hall, L. J ., 421 Harden, J., 266 Hatch, S., 561
Hall, M., 386 Hardit, S. K., 250 Hatem, M., 260
Hall, W., 384 Hardy, C., 411 Hattjar, B., 475
Hall, W. S., 76 Hardy, M., 478, 479 Hattori , W. T., 335
Haller, S., 118 Hardy, R., 249 Haugen, E., 388
Halliday, J. L., 167 Hare, K., 66 Hausdorff, J . M., 452
Halliwcll, E., 250, 455 Hare-Mustin, R. T., 41, 47, 108 Hausc, K. S., 325
Hall -McCorquodale, I., 393 Hargreaves, D., 236 Hauscnblas, H. A., 270
Halpern , C. T., 284, 295 Haritaworn , J., 343 Hauser, C., 539
Halpcrn , D. F., 123, 125, 225, 126 Harley, D. A., 486 Havens, B ., 267
Halvorscn, J., 501 Harley, W. F., 102 Hawbaker, K. T., 429
Hambaugh, J., 85, 87 Harlow, B., 552 Hawes, S., 284
Hamburg, P., 250 Harman , E. A., 511 Hawkey, L. C., 321
Hamby, S., 516 Harnois, C. E., 63 Hawkins, A. J ., 392
Hamby, S. L., 495 Harold, C., 412 Hawkins, J ., 565
Hamilton, A., 164, 556 Harper, G. W., 187 Hawkinson , K., 390
Hamilton, B. E., 382 Harrell, E., 502 Hawley, C. E., 136
Hamilton, E. R., 227 Harrington, E. F., 74 Hay, J., 86
Hamilton, L. T., 280, 327 Harris, A., 196 Hay, P. J., 270
Hamilton, M., 203, 204, 345 Harris, G., 284 Hayden, H ., 247
Hamilton, M. C., 84, 85 Harris, J., 125 Hayden, H. A., 255
Hamilton, Z., 521 Harris, K. L., 509 Haydon, A. A., 295
Hamit, S., 556 Harris, L. J., 243 Hayes, A., 298
Hamkins, S., 313 Harris, M., 540, 543 Hayes, E., 77
Hammack, P. L., 338 Harris, M. B., 455, 456 Hayes, J., 592
Hammer, L., 227 Harris, P. B., 486 Hayes, P. A., 62, 62
Hammond, W. P., 37 Harris, S., 313 Hayes, R. D., 302
Hammrich, P. L., 136 Harrison, K., 207, 250, 259 Hayes, R. M ., 508, 509
Hampson, J. G., 175 Harrison, T. W., 84 Hayes, S., 336
Hampson, J. L., 175 Harshbarger, J., 565 Hayman, B., 369
Han, E., 238 Hart, J., 372 Hays, D. G., 164, 571
Han, S., 427 Hartley, C., 382 Hays, S., 394
Hancock, A. B., 95 Hartmann, H., 408, 409, 411, 592 Haytcr, M., 266
Hand , C. J., 501, 509 Hartmann, T., 532 Hayward, C., 227
Handelsman , J., 142 Hartup, W. W., 319 Head , KL , 116
Handy, J., 479 Hartwell, L. P., 336, 395 Head , M., 213, 351
Hanish, L., 214 Harvey, L., 280 Hcaly, C., 310
Hankin, B., 552 Harvey, S., 103 Hcaly, S., 384
Hanley, D., 134 Harvillc, E. W., 382 Heard , K. V., 267
Hannah, M. K., 482 Harway, M., 511, 530 Heath, N. M., 502
Hannan, P., 554, 563 Harwood, S. A., 78, 79 Heaton, T. B., 341
Hannema, S. E., 160 Haskins, J., 374 Hebert, K. S., 525
Hannon, L., 217 Haslam, A. S., 67 Hebert, M., 326
Hannum, J. W., 250 Haslam, N., 499 Hebl, M., 381
Hansen, T., 362 Haslam, S., 425 Hebl, M. R., 143, 257, 455
Hanson, C., 599 Haslam, S. A., 426 Heck, N. C., 557
N- 20 Name Index
Knaucr, S., 409 Kraaykamp, G., 352 Kurinczuk, J. J., 389
Knifsend , C., 320 Krakowiak, K. M., 532 Kuring, J. K., 259
Knight, C., 265 Kralik, D., 336 Kurz, E., 251
Knoblc, N. B ., 515 Kramer, M. R , 385 Kushlcv, R , 387
Knobloch -Wester wick, S., 270 Kramer, U., 575 Kuzawa, C. W., 116
Knox, D., 127 Kraus, L., 478, 604 Laakso, E. R, 88
Ko, J., 388 Kraus, M. W., 96 Labban, J. D., 389
Ko, L., 140 Krause, A. R , 312 Labbok, M. H., 390
Koch, P. B., 265 Krause, E. D., 553 Labuski, C., 165
Koch , T., 336 Kravetz, D., 576 Lachance- Grzela, M., 349, 351
Kodjak, A., 286 Krcagcr, D. A., 280, 327 Lack, C., 74
Kocnen, K. C., 521 Krebs, C. P., 510 Lacroix, C., 208
Koenig, A., 420 Kreicker, K , 86 Ladd, G. W., 327
Koenig, A. M ., 68 Kreider, R. M., 89, 472 Ladd, H. F., 595
Koenig, B., 187 Krckula , C., 455 LaDonna Bravebull Allard urges
Kocser, S., 87, 88 Kress, V. E., 550 UN, 449
Koff, E ., 265, 266 Krimsky, S., 547 Lafontainc, M. F., 520
Kohl berg, L., 49 Krizan , Z., 104 LaFrance, M., 96, 257, 574
Kohn , J. L., 26, 348, 593 Kroeger, L., 329 Laggari, V., 168
Kok, J . L., 204 Kroger, C., 575 Lahey, J. N., 477
Koken, J. A., 157 Krogstad, J. M., 408 LaHuis, D., 143
Koken , J . A. et al., 158 Kronenfeld , L. W., 241, 563 Lai, L., 413
Kolb, D., 412, 413 Kronick, R G., 340 Lai, R , 538
Kollar, M. M ., 339 Kroska, A., 349, 396-397 La Jeunesse, M., 172
Kolshus, E., 545 Kroth, A., 77 Lajic, S., 173
Komisaruk, B. R., 301 Krowinski , A., 556 Lake, M., 220
Konik, J ., 115, 429 Krueger, J. I., 132 LakofF, R , 93
Konik, J . A., 335 Krupnick, E., 603 LaLonde, D., 227
Konrad , A., 418 Krymkowski, D. H., 409 Lalor, J., 387
Konrath , S., 251 Kuchibhatla, M., 470 LaMantia, R , 37
Konrath, S. H ., 251 Kuczynski, R , 361 Lamarrc, M., 220
Koo, H. P., 283 Kuebli, J., 213 LaMay, M. L., 123
Koop, P. M., 469 Kugelmass, H., 556 Lamb, H. R , 545
Kopic, K., 206 Kuh, D., 249 Lamb, M., 440
Korchmaros, J. D., 333 Kuhn, A., 199 Lamb, S., 286, 288, 289, 309, 312
Korfinc, L., 266 Kuhn , E. A., 87 Lambdin, J. R , 85
Korge, K., 372 Kuhn , P., 389 Lambert, T. A., 298, 299, 333
Kornadt, A. E., 450, 452 Kuiper, A. J., 161 Lamis, D. A., 474
Kornell, N., 10 Kulick, A., 84 Lamon , S. J., 123
Koropeckyj-Cox, T., 362 Kulikova, Y., 339-340 LaMottc, S., 600
Kortcnhaus, C., 203 Kull, R M., 187 Lancet Maternal Survival Series
Kosciw, J ., 326 Kullgren , G., 502 Steering Group, 385
Kosciw, J. G., 185, 187, 222, 226 Kully, C., 501 Landrine, H., 550, 551
Kosfelder, J ., 575 Kumar, A., 367, 368 Landry, L. J., 259
Kosova, E., 293 Kumar, D., 431 Landry- Meyer, L., 475
Koss, M., 203, 555 Kumar, R , 376 Landsburg, S. E., 303
Koss, M. P., 504, 510 Kuo, D., 498 Lane, J ., 514
Kotchcr, J . E., 601 Kupersmidt, J . B., 322 Lane, T. N., 107
Koyama, E., 523 Kupper, L. L., 512 Laner, M. R , 331
Kozce, H. B., 243 Kurdek, L. A., 345, 347, 353 Laney, E., 386
Kozhimannil, K., 385 Kuriloff, P. J., 34 Lang, F. R , 452
N- 26 Name Index
Murray, S. H., 249 Nelson , S., 241 Njie-Carr, V., 522
Murray, T., 37 Nelson, S. K., 387, 394 Noel, M. J ., 344
Murray-Close, D ., 326 Nemeroff, C. J ., 255 Nolan , D., 497
Muschkin , C. G ., 595 Nemmers, T. M., 467 Nolan , M. T., 470
Musher- Eizcnman , D. R., 238 Nepomnyaschy, L., 440 Nolan, S. A., 527
Musil, C. M., 475 Neppl, T. KL, 474 -
Nolcn Hoekscma, S., 270, 552,
Mussap, A. J ., 260 Nercnberg, L., 526 553, 554, 559
Mustanski, B., 186 Ncsdale, D., 326 Noll, S. M., 256, 258, 454-455
Mutran, E. J., 484 Nesi, J., 210 Noonan, M., 540
Mutrie, N., 482 Ncsteruk, O., 481, 482, 483 Noone, J., 481
Myckatyn , T., 464 Nctdc, D., 114 Noor, N. M., 260
Myers, C., 545 Nettles, S. M., 483 Noorani, N., 260
Myers, K., 86 Netzley, S. B., 253 Nordcll, J., 431
Myers, L. M ., 452 Ncufeldt, A. H., 281 Nordenstrom, A., 173
Myers, T. A., 269, 311 Ncumark, D., 477 Nordmeyer, K., 505
Myers, TA., 601 Ncumark-Sztaincr, D., 247, 248, Nordqvist, R , 369
Nachtigall, R. D., 371 249, 380, 554, 563, 565 Norcnzayan, A., 49
Nack, A., 367 Nevill, M., 228 Norris, M., 565
Nadal , K. L., 78, 84, 162, 185, Neville, H. A., 241 Norsworthy, K. L., 37
308, 309, 556 Newburn , M., 383 North , M. S., 478
Nadworny, E., 595 Newcomb, M. E., 186 Norton, E. C., 238
Najman , J . M., 368 Newcombe, N. S., 110, 125 Norton, L., 92
Nakamura , M., 352 Newhill, C., 379 Nosek, M. A., 522
Nanda, J ., 217 Newman , B. M., 599 Nourse, S., 136
Nanda , S., 153, 171, 179 Newman , F. L., 525 Novak, A. N., 589
Narun, J . E., 185 Newman , M. G ., 471 Novy, R L., 270
Nano, M. T., 464 Newport, F., 70, 368 Now, Circulating, 515
Napikoski, L., 29 Newton, J., 390 Nowatzki, J ., 311
Narayan, C., 450 Newton, J. R., 457 Nudd, T., 318
Nardo, A. C., 217 Newton -John , T., 239 Nunnink, S. E., 305
Nasaw, D., 522 New View Campaign, 275 Nussbaum, E., 173
Nash , E., 364 Neysmith, S., 525 Nyline, B. N., 503
National Alliance on Mental Illness, Ng, E. S., 410 Oakley, L. L., 389
548 Ng, K. K., 295 Obedin-Maliver, J., 370
National Science Board , 135 Ng, R., 484 Oberg, K., 303
National Task Force to End Sexual Ng, T. W. H., 478 Obermeyer, C. M., 459
and Domestic Violence Ngo, C. T., 527 O’Brien, L. T., 77
Against Women , 502 NICHD Early Child Care Research Ocampo, C., 560
National Women’s Law Center, 16 Network, 605-606 Ocen, R , 217
Nayak, M., 503 Nicholson, L., 23 Ochman, J. M., 204
Nazari , N., 307 Nickerson , A., 512 O’Connor, B. P., 468
N’Dejuru , R., 497 Nicksa, S. C., 501 O’Connor, C., 33, 53, 104
Neal, A. M., 242 Niedlich, C., 71 O’Dea, C. J., 92
Ncavc, N., 244 Nielsen, B., 376 O’Donnell, E., 375
Ncdercnd, S., 223 Nielsen, L. B., 97 O’Donovan, T., 228
Ncgy, C., 227 Nielsen, S., 564 Oftman, A., 313
Nelson, A., 467 Niemann, Y. F., 335 Ofreneo, M. A. P., 297
Nelson, D., 552 Nierobisz, A., 519 Ogilvie, D., 4S2
Nelson, D. A., 208 Nilsen, A. R , 92 Ogletree, S. M., 338
Nelson, J. A., 34, 119, 397 Nishii, L. H., 480 Oh, E. J., 528
Nelson, K., 78 Nitsch, C., 118 O’Halloran, M. S., 503
Note: Material in illustrations, figures, or tables is indicated by italic page numbers. Footnotes are indicated by n
after the page number.
adolescence relational aggression, 50,
body image concerns in early - 325-328, 326
ableism , 320, 478 maturing girls, 227-228 testosterone and, 117
abordon decreased sports participation by aging successfully, 485-487
back- alley abortions, 364 girls, 227-228 agoraphobia, 559-560
defined, 363 gender development, 225 228- agreeableness, 128-129
late- term abortions, 365 gender intensification in girls, AIS ( androgen -insensitivity
mental health outcomes, 225, 227, 228, 554 syndrome ), 169, 174,
366-368, 367 harassment of gender 180
reasons for, 364, 365 non -conforming Aladdin ( movie ), 207, 209
restrictions on , 364-365, 366 adolescents, 226 Albright, Madeline, 588
Rocv. Wade, 21, 364 media literacy programs and , alcohol consumption during
social and political aspects, 255-256 pregnancy, 381
363-365 parenting of adolescents, Alexander, Marissa, 539
U.S. abordon rates, 365 398-399 Allard, LaDonna Brave Bull, 448,
abstinence as contraceptive method, peer victimization , 226 448-449
293, 294, 294 tomboys, 225-226, 228 Allen, Woody, 253
abstinence - only sex education, adoption , 377-379 allyship
285-286, 287, 289 affirmative consent, 508 defined , 589
abstinence- plus sex education, 287 Affordable Care Act (ACA), 24, 548 -
pro feminist men as allies, 36,
abstinence script, 296 age concealment, 455, 456 585-587
Abu -Salha, Razan Mohammad , -
age discrimination, 476 480, 477 and social change, 589-591
492, 492, 493, 494 Age Discrimination and Employment -
stages of, 589 590
Abu -Salha, Yusor, 492, 492 Act (ADEA), 476, 479 tips for being an ally, 590
academic achievement, gender ageism , 85, 173, 450, 467, 478, 5 - alpha reductase, 169, 170
and, 127 479 5 - alpha reductase deficiency, 170
Accord Alliance, 175 agentic or masculine traits, 70, 71 -
Alzheimer’s disease, 461, 466 467
acquaintance rape, 502 aggression “ ambiguous” genitalia, 171-176
active aging, 486 and control over women, 114 see also intersex
active constructive responding, gender similarities and differences, ambiguous loss, 158
321-322 109, 114, 131 ambivalent sexism, 80-84
,
Act Like a Lady Think Like a Man indirect aggression, 109, 131, 325 Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI ),
( Harvey), 103 -
microaggressions, 77 79, 84, 80-81, 81
ADDRESSING model, 62, 62-63 162, 468, 556, 560 American Indian suffrage, 20
S-1
American Psychiatric Association , sexual scripts and, 280 beauty norms
162, 547 women with disabilities and , 281 able- bodied perspective, 243
-
see also Diagnostic and Statis Asexual Visibility and Education body hair and , 239, 246, 262,
tical Manual of Mental Network (AVEN ), 177 305
Disorders ( DSM ) Asian Americans as cisgcndcr norms, 243-244
American Psychological Association Asian women in STEM, 137, colorism , 241
(APA ) 138, 139 consequences for conforming,
abortion and mental health, 366 attributes associated with, 73 239-240, 486
Committee on Women in china doll stereotype of Asian consequences for not conforming,
Psychology, 605 women , 74 238-240
Congressional Fellowship facial features as beauty concern , defined , 240
Program , 605 242-243 facial features, 242-243
courses, textbooks and journals mathematical ability, gender and , facial symmetry and , 244
developed , 41-42 109-110 hair texture, 239, 241, 242
Ethical Standards on sexual as model minority, 137 importance of beauty standards
misconduct, 41 sexual socialization , 283 to women, 238
first female president, 38 skin color as beauty concern , 241 internalization , 254-255
opposition to conversion stereotypes, 74, 137, 139 and invisibility in the media ,
therapy, 557, 557 women in STEM, 137 251-253
publication manual, 43, 52, Asian Community for Reproductive media’s influence, 250-253
604-605 Justice, 596 parents’ influence, 247-248
Society for the Psychology of assertiveness, 128 peers’ influence, 248-249
Women formed , 41 assisted reproductive technologies racializcd standards of beauty,
Storming of Council, 41 ( ARTs ), 372-374 239, 240-243, 242
therapy guidelines, 570, 571 Association for Women in skin color and beauty, 241
Americans with Disabilities Act, 21 Psychology (AWP), 41 thinness and, 244, 244-245, 245
amplification , 424 Athletics South Africa, 151 transgendcr individuals and ,
Anderson, Kristin, 32 attachment fertility theory, 243-244
androcentric, defined, 25, 198 114-115 tripartite model of social
androgen -insensitivity syndrome attachment parenting, 28, 396 influence, 247, 249
(AIS ), 169, 174, 180 autism and mother blaming, 394 women fired for being too
androgens, 168-170 Axe product line, 234 beautiful, 239-240
Angelou, Maya, 480 youth, 253
angry Black woman stereotype, 74, beauty products
78, 79, 138, 214 amount spent on , 27
anorexia nervosa, 563-564, 565 baby blues, 388 anti -aging products and
Ansari, Aziz, 33-34, 509 Baby X studies, 220-221 procedures, 455, 455, 457
anti-aging products and procedures, bacldash effects, 33, 75, 94, 138, 587 Black females and hair- care
455, 455, 457 Bandura, Albert, 197 products, 66, 242
antidepressants, 546-547 Barakat, Deah, 492, 492 Beauty Sick ( Engeln ), 261
anxiety disorders, 559-560 Barbie dolls, 245 beauty work, 455, 455-458
approaching this class, 3-11 Barra, Mary, 426 Bechdel, Alison , 206
aromantic individuals, 179, 343 Barres, Ben (formerly Barbara ), 421 Bechdel test, 206
Arquette, Patricia, 35 barrier methods of contraception , Becker, Anne, 250
asexual, defined, 776, 177 292, 293, 294 behavioral theories, 196-198
asexual orientation ( ascxuality) basal body temperature, 369 belief in a just world , 509
advanced age and, 469 battered women’s syndrome, 520 belly touching during pregnancy,
defined, 179 Baum, Alcta, 598 380-381
prevalence, 280 Beauty and the Beast ( movie ), 207, Belmont Abbey College, 600
romance and , 179 209, 519 Bend It Like Beckham ( movie ),
vs. sexual dysfunction, 302 ,
Beauty Myth The (Wolf ), 261 228, 228
Subject Index
benevolent sexism Black Panther ( movie ), 251 hijab wearing and, 260
ambivalent sexism and , 80, BlackSingles, 333 internalization and , 254
80-84, 81 Black women and men as a normative discontent, 238
and breastfeeding, 381 angry Black woman stereotype, older women , 454-455
dating scripts, 333 74, 78, 79, 138, 214 parents and, 247
in language, 86 attributes associated with, 73 peers and, 248-249
and sex/gender differences, Black feminists’ concern about during pregnancy, 380
106-107 racist stereotypes, 36 selfics and , 239
treatment of pregnant women , Black sex workers, 308, 309 sexual dysfunction and, 304-306
381 Black transgender people, in women with disabilities,
video games and , 208 163, 164 243, 253
see also sexism Black women in STEM, 135, see also women’s bodies
bereavement, 470-472 136-137, 138, 143 body esteem , 247
Berna, Casey, 358 body satisfaction of Black women , body hair and beauty norms, 239,
Bernal , Martha , 39 241, 254-255 246, 262, 305
Beyond, 240, 588 books about Black girls, 192, body image concerns
Bhagat, Suryamani , 598 192, 203 body image self-consciousness,
bias hair-care products and , 66, 242 304-305
direct bias against women in harassment at work, 428-429 in early - maturing girls, 227-228
past, 17 invisibility of, 67 Facebook and, 239, 254
explicit bias, 76 Jezebel stereotype of Black in pregnancy, 379-380
identifying sex/gender bias in women, 74, 78, 307 Twitter and, 239
research, 47-55 “ natural” hair and dreadlocks, body language, 95-97
implicit bias, 76-77 66, 193, 239, 242 body monitoring, 454
subtle workplace bias, 17 preferred traits in romantic see also body surveillance
see also research bias partners, 335 body shame
Big Five personality traits, 128-129 and racialized standards of beauty, body surveillance and , 258, 304
binegativity, 183 239, 240-243, 242 defined , 258
binge eating disorder, 565-566 school disciplinary codes and , self-objectification and, 258,
binomial pairs, 86 217-218 258, 259, 261
biological determinism, 38-39 sexual socialization , 284 skin color and, 241
biological explanations for gender skin color as beauty concern, 241 body surveillance
differences, 115-117, 118 stereotypes in media, 75, 307 body image self-consciousness
biological sex, social construct of, 151 strong Black woman (SBW ) stere- during sex, 304-305
biopsychosocial model, 107 otype, 72, 74, 553-554 body shame and, 258, 304
Birdwan ( movie ), 206 womanism and Black feminists, defined, 257
biromantics, 179 34-35 Instagram use and , 255
birth control, 292, 292-294, 294 see also specific topics self-objectification and, 255-256,
birth mothers and adoption, 378-379 Blade Runner ( movies ), 509 257-258, 258, 259
bisexual women Bland , Sandra , 538-539 books
bisexuality, defined , 176 Blum , Lenore, 603 about Black girls, 192, 192, 203
coming out, 185 body anxiety, 44-46, 50 gender socialization and, 202-205
development of a sexual minority body cues, awareness of, 268-269 gender stereotypes in, 203-205
identity, 181, 183 body dissatisfaction overrepresentation of boys and
intimate partner violence and , among ethnic/ racial minority men, 202-203
521 women , 259 people of color in, 203
self-objectification, 259 among homeless women, 241 people with disabilities in, 203
in the U.S. Congress, 17
Blackish (TV show ), 454
defined, 238 -
boomerang kids, 473 474
depression and , 554 borderline personality disorder
Black Lives Matter, 29 eating disorders and, 563-564 ( BPD ), 562, 566-567,
# blacklivesmatter hashtag, 29,
29 exercise and, 270 569, 575
fit
borderwork, 215 Cameron, Debbie, 94 child abuse
Boseman, Chadwick, 251 Campos, Paul, 239 and borderline personality
Botox injections, 262, 455, 457 cancer disorder, 567, 569
“Boys Act and Girls Appear,” 212 -
breast cancer, 462 463, 465, childhood sex trafficking, 500,
-
bra burning feminist stereotype, 464, 465, 481 523-524
22, 33 deaths from, 467, 463 childhood sexual abuse,
lung cancer, 462-463, 463 496 97, 559
brain anatomy and function
brain size, 105 types diagnosed , 463
^
child pornography, 500
plasticity, 116, 118 capitalism , 25-26 and depression , 559
sex/gender similarities and differ-
ences, 104, 115-116, 117
caregiver stress model of elder
abuse, 525-526 resiliency, 498-499
-
effects of abuse, 497 499
Frozen ( movie ), 208, 209 Genderbread Person , 178, 178 strategic essentialism, 108
gender bundle, 153, 154, 178 see also similarities and differences
gender-confirming surgery, 160 between genders
gender constanq', 200-201, gender expression, 30, 154, 157 , 178
Garza, Alicia, 29, 29 223-224 gender-fair language, 87-88
gaslighting, 520 gender development gender identity
gatekeepers of sex, women as, 277, adolescence, 225-228 “ambiguous” genitalia and,
279, 292 behavioral theories, 196-198 171-176
“gay gene,” search for, 184 cognitive developmental awareness of transgender identity,
Gay, Roxane, 588 theories, 198-201 157-158
GaySinglcsOnline, 333 in infants, 220-221 cisgender identity, 30, 154
gender middle childhood, 223-225 complications in gender
defined, 43 prenatal period , 218-220 assignment, 166-176
distinguishing between sex and pre-school years, 221-223 defined, 154
gender, 43, 105-106 psychoanalytic theories, development of lesbian identity,
hetcronormative assumptions 194-196 181-182
about, 152, 152-154 social construction theories, development of sexual minority *
intcrsectionality of sex and 201-202 identity, 181-183, 187
gender, 106 social learning theories, development of transgender
rcimagining gender, 530, 531 197-198 identity, 156-159
social construct of, 106, 151 see also gender socialization Genderbread Person and, 178
gender-affirming surgery, 160, 304 gender deviance neutralization, 350 gender identities under the
see also sex reassignment surgery gender discrimination at work transgender umbrella,
- -
gender based violence, 491 536 double bind for women seeking 154 , 155
aftermath of sexual assault,
-
512 515 421
-
leadership roles, 420 422, non - monosexual identity,
182-183
bystander intervention and , 531 glass ceiling, 417, 418, 425, 427 pronouns and, 85, 158-159 , 182
challenges of leaving abusive re - glass cliff, 425-427 gender intensification, 225, 227,
lationships, 521-523, 522 -
glass escalator, 418 420 228, 554
302, 331, 332-333, 510 20 th century, 544-545, 118, 134, 139, 140,
horizontal occupational gender seg - 549 182-183, 452
regation , 408^112, 414
hormonal contraceptives, 292,
Freudian view, 544
in the nineteenth century, of sexual scripts, 301
—
resisting internalization, 254 256
iff n T i
gender identity in transgender Truth, Sojurner, 20, 582-583 U.S. National Institutes of Health
children, 156, 158, 201, Tubman , Harriet, 29 ( NIH ), 108
202 , 222 -
Turner’s syndrome ( TS ), 167 168, Usshcr, Jane, 549
U.S. Supreme Court justices,
= gender rigidity in transgender
children , 222
264
Twilight book and movie series, female, 95, 95
human trafficking, 309, 310 205, 336, 519
intimate partner violence Twitter
and , 521 # blacklivesmattcr, 29, 29
legal issues, 163 body image concerns and , 239 vaginal rejuvenation or vaginoplasty,
LGBTQ community and , #everydaysexism , 78-79 305
163-164, 165 girls and women on , 93, 210, Vagina Monologues, The ( Ensler ), 584
medical concerns, 159-161 599 Valenti, Jessica, 593
menstruation and , 264 Girls Who Code classes, 135 Valium ( “ mother’s little helper” ),
misgendering of, 159 # heforshe campaign , 16 546
murder and hate crimes against , “ Like a Girl” campaign and , 14 van Anders, Sari, 178
16, 243, 494 Michael Hughes and Vanity Fair ( magazine ), 519
number identifying as in United #wejustneedtopee, 162 variability (statistics ), 120
States, 154 # naturalisprofessional variables, defined, 44
passing or recognition , 159-160 campaign, 66 verbal ability, gender similarities
perceived as mentally ill, 430 #notallmen and #yesallwomen, 83 and differences, 127
pronouns and new names, #sayhername movement, 538 verbal abuse, 496
158-159 tweeting about social issues, 599 Vernon, Polly, 358
resiliency of, 164-165 #yesallwomen , 83 vertical occupational gender segre-
schools and transgender students, #YouOkSis, 519 gation , 408, 416, 416
156, 158, 217, 222, 226 vestibular bulbs, 291, 292
sexual displeasure link to body Viagra, 275
shame, 304 victim blaming, 501, 506, 509
sexualization in media, 307-308 ultrasound , 221 Victims of Trafficking and Violence
sexual orientation identity labels, Unchained At Last, 496 Protection Act, 523
179-180 Unger, Rlioda, 48, 105-106 video games and gender
sex work and transgender Unilever, 234 socialization , 208
women, 308-309 United States v. Windsor, 21 View, The (TV show ), 233
stereotypes and transgender Universal Declaration of Human violence against women , see
women, 71 Rights, 596 gender- based violence;
stigma awareness, 163, 180 unmarked language, 86-87, 87, 88 intimate partner
tomboyism in transgender UPS, 438 violence; rape
children, 225 uptalk ( upspeak ), 94 Violence Against Women Act,
violence against , 160, 243, 326 urgency script, 296 21, 516
see also gender transitioning U .S. Congress, women in , 17 violent resistance, 518, 520
Transgcncration ( documentary ), 164 U .S. Department of Justice, 430 virginity, losing, 295-297
transitioning, sec gender transitioning U .S. Equal Employment vocal fry, 94
transnational feminists, 30-31, Opportunity Commission Vogel, Lisa, 25
31, 529 ( EEOC ), 430 voluntary childlessness, 360-363
Transparent ( web TV scries ), 165 using this book, 3-11 vulvas, 290, 291, 306, 306
transracial adoption, 379 Empowering or Oppressing ?
Trans Resilience Project , 603-604 boxes, 8
transsexual, 160 Spotlight On boxes, 5
see also transgender SQ3R method, 6-10 Walker, Karen, 323-324
tripartite model of social influence, Try It for Yourself boxes , 5 “walk of shame,” 313
247, 249 unique aspects, 4-5 Waller, Willard, 345
Trump, Donald, 286, 421, 598 Your Turn boxes, 5 Walmart, 422, 437
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