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Richard L. Daft
Vanderbilt University

Organization Theory & Design 12e

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viii Contents

Two Frameworks for Selecting Strategy and Design 59 Relational Coordination, 99

Porter’s Competitive Strategies, 60 IN PRACTICE: Southwest Airlines 100
HOW DO YOU FIT THE DESIGN? Your Strategy/ Organization Design Alternatives 101
Performance Strength 61 Required Work Activities, 101 r Reporting
IN PRACTICE: Allegiant Travel Company 63 Relationships, 102 r Departmental Grouping
Miles and Snow’s Strategy Typology, 63 r Options, 102
How Strategies Affect Organization Design, 65 Functional, Divisional, and Geographic Designs 104
r Other Contingency Factors Affecting
Functional Structure, 104
Organization Design, 66
IN PRACTICE: Narayana Hrudayalaya Hospital 105
Assessing Organizational Effectiveness 67
Functional Structure with Horizontal
Definition, 67 r Who Decides?, 68 Linkages, 105 r Divisional Structure, 106
Four Effectiveness Approaches 69 IN PRACTICE: Microsoft 109
Goal Approach, 69 r Resource-Based Geographic Structure, 109
Approach, 71 r Internal Process Approach, 72
Matrix Structure 111
IN PRACTICE: BNSF Railway 73
Conditions for the Matrix, 112 r Strengths
Strategic Constituents Approach, 73 and Weaknesses, 113
An Integrated Effectiveness Model 75 IN PRACTICE: Englander Steel 114
IN PRACTICE: Samsung Group 78 Horizontal Structure 116
Design Essentials 78 Characteristics, 117
Chapter 2 Workshop: Identify Your Goal Preferences 80 IN PRACTICE: GE Salisbury 118
Case for Analysis: The Venable Museum of Art 80 Strengths and Weaknesses, 119
Case for Analysis: Covington Corrugated
Virtual Networks and Outsourcing 120
Parts & Services 82
How the Structure Works, 121
Chapter 3: Fundamentals of Organization IN PRACTICE: Sandy Springs, Georgia 121
Structure 86 Strengths and Weaknesses, 122
Purpose of This Chapter, 88 Hybrid Structure 124
Organization Structure 88 Applications of Structural Design 126
Information-Sharing Perspective on Structure 90 Structural Alignment, 126 r Symptoms of
Centralized Versus Decentralized, 90 Structural Deficiency, 127
BOOKMARK 3.0: The Future of Management 91 Design Essentials 128
IN PRACTICE: Toyota 92 Chapter 3 Workbook: You and Organization Structure 129
Vertical Information Sharing, 93 r Horizontal Case for Analysis: C & C Grocery Stores, Inc. 130
Information Sharing and Collaboration, 94 Case for Analysis: Aquarius Advertising Agency 133
HOW DO YOU FIT THE DESIGN?: The Pleasure/Pain of
Working on a Team 99

PART 3 Open System Design Elements 139

Chapter 4: The External Environment 140 IN PRACTICE: Fujifilm Holding Corporation 148
Purpose of This Chapter, 141 Framework, 149
The Organization’s Environment 142 BOOKMARK 4.0: Confronting Reality: Doing What
Matters to Get Things Right 150
Task Environment, 142 r General
Environment, 144 r International Adapting to Complexity and Dynamism 152
Environment, 145 Adding Positions and Departments, 152 r
IN PRACTICE: Richard Ginori 146 Building Relationships, 153 r Differentiation
and Integration, 154 r Organic Versus
The Changing Environment 146
Mechanistic Management Processes, 156
Complexity, 147 r Dynamism, 148
Contents ix

HOW DO YOU FIT THE DESIGN? Mind and Environment 157 Design Essentials 202
Planning, Forecasting, and Chapter 5 Workshop: The Shamatosi 204
Responsiveness, 158 Case for Analysis: Why is Cooperation So Hard? 205
Framework for Adapting to Complexity Case for Analysis: Oxford Plastics Company 206
and Dynamism 159
Dependence on Financial Resources 160 Chapter 6: Designing Organizations
Influencing Financial Resources 161 for the International Environment 212
Establishing Formal Relationships, 161 Purpose of This Chapter, 214
IN PRACTICE: Omnicom and Publicis 162 Entering the Global Arena 214
Influencing Key Sectors, 164 Motivations for Global Expansion, 215
IN PRACTICE: Amazon and Walmart 164 BOOKMARK 6.0: The World Is Flat: A Brief History of
the Twenty-First Century 215
IN PRACTICE: Huawei Technologies 165
IN PRACTICE: Amway 218
Organization–Environment Integrative Framework 167
Stages of International Development, 219
Design Essentials 168
HOW DO YOU FIT THE DESIGN? What Is Your Cultural
Chapter 4 Workshop: Organizations You Rely On 169 Intelligence? 221
Case for Analysis: CPI Corporation: What Happened? 170 Global Expansion Through International
Case for Analysis: The Paradoxical Twins: Acme Alliances and Acquisitions, 222
and Omega Electronics 171
IN PRACTICE: China’s International Expansion 223
Chapter 5: Interorganizational The Challenges of Global Design 223
Relationships 178 Increased Complexity and Differentiation, 224
r Increased Need for Coordination, 225 r
Purpose of This Chapter, 180
More Difficult Transfer of Knowledge and
Organizational Ecosystems 180 Innovation, 226
Is Competition Dead?, 181 Designing Structure to Fit Global Strategy 228
IN PRACTICE: Apple and Samsung 183
Strategies for Global Versus Local
The Changing Role of Management, 183 r Opportunities, 228
Interorganizational Framework, 185 IN PRACTICE: Panasonic 231
Resource Dependence 185 International Division, 231 r Global Product
Types of Resource-Dependence Division Structure, 232 r Global Geographic
Relationships, 186 r Power Implications, 188 Division Structure, 234
IN PRACTICE: Facebook 188 IN PRACTICE: Colgate-Palmolive Company 235
Collaborative Networks 188 Global Matrix Structure, 235
HOW DO YOU FIT THE DESIGN? Personal Networking 189 IN PRACTICE: ABB Group 237
Why Collaboration?, 189 Additional Global Coordination Mechanisms 238
IN PRACTICE: Accelerating Medicines Partnership 191 Global Teams, 238
From Adversaries to Partners, 191 IN PRACTICE: L’Oréal 239
BOOKMARK 5.0: Managing Strategic Relationships: Headquarters Planning, 240 r Expanded
The Key to Business Success 192 Coordination Roles, 240 r Benefits of
Population Ecology 193 Coordination, 241
What Hinders Adaptation?, 194 The Transnational Model of Organization 242
IN PRACTICE: Barnes & Noble Versus Amazon 194 Design Essentials 246
Organizational Form and Niche, 195 r Chapter 6 Workshop: Made in the U.S.A.? 247
Process of Ecological Change, 195 r Strategies Case for Analysis: TopDog Software 248
for Survival, 196 Case for Analysis: Rhodes Indestries 249
Institutionalism 197
The Institutional View and Organization
Design, 198 r Institutional Similarity, 199
x Contents

PART 4 Internal Design Elements 257

Chapter 7: Manufacturing and Service HOW DO YOU FIT THE DESIGN? Is Goal-Setting
Your Style? 312
Technologies 258
Organization Level: The Balanced
Purpose of This Chapter, 261
Scorecard, 313 r Department Level:
Core Organization Manufacturing Technology 262 Behavior Versus Outcome Control, 316
Manufacturing Firms, 262 r Strategy, IN PRACTICE: University of Tennessee Medical Center 316
Technology, and Performance, 265
BOOKMARK 6.0: The Checklist Manifesto: How to Get
Contemporary Applications 265 Things Right 318
Trends, 266 Facilitating Employee Coordination and Efficiency 318
IN PRACTICE: Carnival Cruise Lines 266 Knowledge Management, 318 r Social
BOOKMARK 7.0: Inviting Disaster: Lessons from the Network Analysis, 320
Edge of Technology 267 Adding Strategic Value 322
The Smart Factory, 268 r Lean Social Business, 323
Manufacturing, 269
IN PRACTICE: General Motors 323
IN PRACTICE: La-Z-Boy 270
Structural Design for Social Business, 324 r
Performance and Structural Implications, 272 Big Data, 325 r Big Data and Organization
Core Organization Service Technology 273 Structure, 328
Service Firms, 273 IN PRACTICE: Caesars Entertainment 330
HOW DO YOU FIT THE DESIGN? Manufacturing Versus Impact on Organization Design 331
Service 276
Design Essentials 332
IN PRACTICE: Seattle Children’s Hospital 276
Chapter 8 Workshop: Balanced Scorecard Exercise 334
Designing the Service Organization, 277
Case for Analysis: Century Medical 336
IN PRACTICE: Home Depot Inc. 278 Case for Analysis: Is Anybody Listening? 337
Noncore Departmental Technology 279
Variety, 279 r Analyzability, 280 r Chapter 9: Organization Size,
Framework, 280 r Department Design, 282 Life Cycle, and Decline 342
IN PRACTICE: Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center 282 Purpose of This Chapter, 344
Workflow Interdependence Among Departments 284 Organization Size: Is Bigger Better? 344
Types, 285 Pressures for Growth, 344
IN PRACTICE: Southwest Airlines 287 BOOKMARK 9.0: Small Giants: Companies That
Choose to Be Great Instead of Big 345
Structural Priority, 288 r Structural
Implications, 288 Dilemmas of Large Size, 346
IN PRACTICE: Athletic Teams 289 HOW DO YOU FIT THE DESIGN? What Size
Organization for You? 348
Sociotechnical Systems 290
IN PRACTICE: Dell Inc. 350
Design Essentials 292
Organizational Life Cycle 350
Chapter 7 Workshop: Bistro Technology 294
Stages of Life-Cycle Development, 350
Case for Analysis: AV Corporate: Software Tool Project 294
IN PRACTICE: Google 354
Chapter 8: Technology for Control, Social Organizational Characteristics During the
Business, and Big Data 304 Life Cycle, 354
Purpose of This Chapter, 306 Organizational Size, Bureaucracy, and Control 355
Information Technology Evolution 306 What Is Bureaucracy?, 356
The Philosophy and Focus of Control Systems 308 IN PRACTICE: United Parcel Service (UPS) 357

The Changing Philosophy of Control, 308 r Size and Structural Control, 358
Feedback Control Model, 311
Contents xi

Bureaucracy in a Changing World 360 Organizational Decline and Downsizing 368

Organizing Temporary Systems, 361 Definition and Causes, 368
IN PRACTICE: Salvation Army 361 IN PRACTICE: Eastman Kodak 369
Other Approaches to Busting A Model of Decline Stages, 370 r Downsizing
Bureaucracy, 362 Implementation, 371
Bureaucracy Versus Other Forms of Control 363 Design Essentials 373
Bureaucratic Control, 363 Chapter 9 Workshop: Classroom Control 375
IN PRACTICE: East Resources Inc. and Royal Dutch Case for Analysis: Yahoo: “Get to Work!” 375
Shell PLC 365 Case for Analysis: Sunflower Incorporated 376
Market Control, 365 r Clan Control, 366
IN PRACTICE: Menlo Innovations, FAVI 367

PART 5 Managing Dynamic Processes 383

Chapter 10: Organizational Culture and Chapter 10 Workshop: The Power of Ethics 413
Ethical Values 384 Case for Analysis: Implementing Change at National
Industrial Products 413
Purpose of This Chapter, 386 Case for Analysis: The Boys Versus Corporate 415
Organizational Culture 386
What Is Culture?, 386 r Emergence and Chapter 11: Innovation and Change 420
Purpose of Culture, 387 Purpose of This Chapter, 422
IN PRACTICE: Billtrust 388 The Strategic Role of Change 422
Interpreting Culture, 389 Innovate or Fail, 422 r Strategic Types of
Organization Design and Culture 393 Innovation and Change, 424
The Adaptability Culture, 394 IN PRACTICE: Elkay Manufacturing 425
IN PRACTICE: Zappos 394 Elements for Successful Change 426
The Mission Culture, 395 r The Clan Culture, Technology Change 428
395 r The Bureaucratic Culture, 395 r Culture HOW DO YOU FIT THE DESIGN? Are You Innovative? 429
Strength and Organizational Subcultures, 396 The Ambidextrous Approach, 430 r The
HOW DO YOU FIT THE DESIGN? Corporate Culture Bottom-Up Approach, 431
Preference 397
IN PRACTICE: Taco Bell and Frito-Lay 431
IN PRACTICE: Pitney Bowes Credit Corporation 397
Techniques for Encouraging Technology
Constructive Culture, Learning, and Performance 398 Change, 432
IN PRACTICE: Box 398 BOOKMARK 11.0: Creativity Inc.: Overcoming the
Ethical Values and Social Responsibility 400 Unseen Forces That Stand in the Way of True Inspiration 434
Sources of Individual Ethical Principles, 400 New Products and Services 435
r Managerial Ethics, 401 r Corporate Social New Product Success Rate, 436 r Reasons
Responsibility, 403 for New Product Success, 437 r Horizontal
BOOKMARK 10.0: Conscious Capitalism: Liberating Coordination Model, 437
the Heroic Spirit of Business 404 IN PRACTICE: Corning, Inc. 439
Does It Pay to Be Good?, 405 Open Innovation and Crowdsourcing, 439 r
How Managers Shape Culture and Ethics 405 Achieving Competitive Advantage: The Need
Values-Based Leadership, 406 for Speed, 441
IN PRACTICE: Costco 407 Strategy and Structure Change 441
Formal Structure and Systems, 408 The Dual-Core Approach, 442 r
Organization Design for Implementing
Corporate Culture and Ethics in a Global
Management Change, 443
Environment 410
IN PRACTICE: GlaxoSmithKline 444
Design Essentials 411
xii Contents

IN PRACTICE: Zappos 445 Special Decision Circumstances 497

Culture Change 445 High-Velocity Environments, 497 r
Forces for Culture Change, 446 r Decision Mistakes and Learning, 498
Organization Development Culture Change r Cognitive Biases, 499 r Overcoming
Interventions, 447 Cognitive Biases, 500
IN PRACTICE: UnitedHealth Group 448 Design Essentials 501
Strategies for Implementing Change 449 Chapter 12 Workshop: Do Biases Influence Your
Leadership for Change, 449 r Techniques Decision Making? 503
for Implementation, 450 r Techniques for Case for Analysis: Cracking the Whip 504
Overcoming Resistance, 451 Case for Analysis: Medici Mediterranean Restaurant 505
Answers to Questions in “Workshop” 506
Design Essentials 453
Chapter 11 Workshop: Innovation Climate 454 Chapter 13: Conflict, Power, and Politics 512
Case for Analysis: Shoe Corporation of Illinois 456 Purpose of This Chapter, 514
Case for Analysis: Southern Discomfort 460
Interdepartmental Conflict in Organizations 514
Chapter 12: Decision-Making Sources of Conflict, 515
Processes 466 IN PRACTICE: The U.S. Military 518
Purpose of This Chapter, 468 Rational Versus Political Model, 518 r Tactics
for Enhancing Collaboration, 520
Types of Decisions 468
IN PRACTICE: The Freaky Friday Management
IN PRACTICE: McDonald’s 469
Technique 522
Individual Decision Making 470
Power and Organizations 523
Rational Approach, 471
Individual Versus Organizational Power, 524 r
IN PRACTICE: Saskatchewan Consulting 473 Power Versus Authority, 524 r Vertical Sources of
Bounded Rationality Perspective, 474 Power, 525 r The Power of Empowerment, 529
HOW DO YOU FIT THE DESIGN? Making Important IN PRACTICE: Morning Star 530
Decisions 477 Horizontal Sources of Power, 530
BOOKMARK 12.0: Blink: The Power of Thinking IN PRACTICE: International Alliance of Theatrical
without Thinking 479 Stage Employees 533
Organizational Decision Making 480 IN PRACTICE: Carilion Health System 535
Management Science Approach, 480 r Political Processes in Organizations 536
Carnegie Model, 482
Definition, 536 r When to Use Political
IN PRACTICE: The New York Times 482 Activity, 537
Incremental Decision Model, 484 Using Soft Power and Politics 538
IN PRACTICE: Ford Motor Company 485 HOW DO YOU FIT THE DESIGN? Political Skills 539
Organizational Decisions and Change 488 Tactics for Increasing Power, 540 r Political
Combining the Incremental and Tactics for Using Power, 541
Carnegie Models, 488 r Garbage Can IN PRACTICE: The Vatican 541
Model, 488
BOOKMARK 13.0: Influence: Science and Practice 543
IN PRACTICE: Nike 492
IN PRACTICE: World Bank 544
Contingency Decision-Making
Design Essentials 544
Framework 493
Problem Consensus, 493 r Technical Chapter 13 Workshop: How Do You Handle Conflict? 546
Knowledge about Solutions, 494 r Case for Analysis: The Daily Tribune 547
Contingency Framework, 494 Case for Analysis: The New Haven Initiative 548
Contents xiii

Integrative Cases 553

1.0 W. L. Gore—Culture of Innovation 555 7.0 Sometimes a Simple Change Isn’t So Simple 600
2.0 Rondell Data Corporation 565 8.0 Costco: Join the Club 605
3.0 IKEA: Scandinavian Style 572 9.0 The Donor Services Department 608
4.0 Engro Chemical Pakistan Limited—Restructuring the 10.0 Cisco Systems: Evolution of Structure 612
Marketing Division 576 11.0 Hartland Memorial Hospital (A): An Inbox
5.0 First Union: An Office Without Walls 588 Exercise 616
6.0 Lean Initiatives and Growth at Orlando Metering 12.0 Disorganization at Semco: Human Resource Practices
Company 591 as a Strategic Advantage 625

Glossary 635 Corporate Name Index 657

Name Index 646 Subject Index 661
 Preface

My vision for the Twelfth Edition of Organization Theory and Design is to integrate
current organization design problems with significant ideas and theories in a way
that is engaging and enjoyable for students. There is an average of 37 new citations
per chapter for new findings and examples that make the Twelfth Edition current
and applicable for students. In addition, significant elements of this edition include
“Managing by Design Questions” and “How Do You Fit the Design?” boxes, along
with updates to every chapter that incorporate the most recent ideas, new case
examples, new book reviews, and new end-of-book integrative cases. The research
and theories in the field of organization studies are rich and insightful and will help
students and managers understand their organizational world and solve real-life
problems. My mission is to combine the concepts and models from organizational
theory with changing events in the real world to provide the most up-to-date view
of organization design available.

Distinguishing Features of the Twelfth Edition

Many students in a typical organization theory course do not have extensive work
experience, especially at the middle and upper levels, where organization theory is
most applicable. Moreover, word from the field is that many students today often
do not read the chapter opening examples or boxed examples, preferring instead
to focus on chapter content. To engage students in the world of organizations,
the Twelfth Edition uses “Managing by Design Questions” at the start of each
chapter. These questions immediately engage students in thinking and expressing
their beliefs and opinions about organization design concepts. Another in-chapter
feature, “How Do You Fit the Design?” engages students in how their personal style
and approach will fit into an organization. Other student experiential activities that
engage students in applying chapter concepts include new “BookMarks,” new “In
Practice” examples, new end-of-chapter cases, and new integrative cases for student
analysis. The total set of features substantially expands and improves the book’s
content and accessibility. These multiple pedagogical devices are used to enhance
student involvement in text materials.

How Do You Fit the Design? The “How Do You Fit the Design?” feature presents
a short questionnaire in each chapter about the student’s own style and preferences
to quickly provide feedback about how they fit particular organizations or situations.
For example, questionnaire topics include “What Is Your Cultural Intelligence?”
“Your Strategy Strength,” “Are You Ready to Fill an International Role?” “Corporate
Culture Preference,” “Is Goal-Setting Your Style?” “Making Important Decisions,”

xv
xvi Preface

and “Personal Networking.” These short feedback questionnaires connect the

student’s personal preferences to chapter material to heighten interest and show the
relevance of chapter concepts.

Managing by Design Questions. Each chapter opens with three short opinion
questions that engage students in clarifying their thoughts about upcoming material
and concepts. These questions are based on the idea that when students express
their opinions first, they are more open to and interested in receiving material that
is relevant to the questions. Example questions, which ask students to agree or
disagree, include:
A certain amount of conflict is good for an organization.
The best measures of business performance are financial.
Savvy organizations should encourage managers to use Twitter.
A CEO’s top priority is to make sure the organization is designed correctly.
Managers should use the most objective, rational process possible when making
a decision.
As a follow-up to the three “Managing by Design” questions, each chapter
contains three “Assess Your Answer” inserts that allow students to compare
their original opinions with the “correct” or most appropriate answers based on
chapter concepts. Students learn whether their mental models and beliefs about
organizations align with the world of organizations.

BookMarks. “BookMarks” are short book reviews that reflect current issues
of concern for managers working in real-life organizations. These reviews, which
represent a unique feature of this text, describe the varied ways companies are
dealing with the challenges of today’s changing environment. New “BookMarks” in
the Twelfth Edition include Great by Choice: Uncertainty, Chaos, and Luck—Why
Some Thrive Despite Them All, Blue Ocean Strategy: How to Create Uncontested
Market Space and Make the Competition Irrelevant, Conscious Capitalism:
Liberating the Heroic Spirit of Business, and Creativity Inc.: Overcoming the
Unseen Forces That Stand in the Way of True Inspiration.

In Practice. This edition contains many new “In Practice” examples that illustrate
theoretical concepts in organizational settings. Many examples are international,
and all are based on real organizations. There are 50 new “In Practice” cases used
within chapters, including Fujifilm Holding Corporation, Carnival Cruise Lines,
Omnicom and Publicis, Amway, Harley Davidson, Morning Star, Valve Software,
Amazon, the Freaky Friday Management Technique, Bloomberg PLC, Apple, Taco
Bell and Frito Lay, L’Oreal, the U.S. Military, Box, BNSF Railway, Toyota Motor
Corporation, Royal Dutch Shell PLC, United Health Group, Allegiant Travel, The
Vatican, Nike, Richard Ginori, Caesar’s Entertainment, International Alliance of
Theatrical Stage Employees, Dell, Town of Sandy Springs, Georgia, Panasonic,
Zappos, and Narayana Hrudayalaya Hospital.

Manager’s Briefcase. Located in the chapter margins, this feature tells students
how to use concepts to analyze cases and manage organizations.

Text Exhibits. Frequent exhibits are used to help students visualize organizational
relationships, and the artwork has been redone to communicate concepts more
clearly.
Preface xvii

Design Essentials. This summary and interpretation section tells students how
the essential chapter points are important in the broader context of organization
theory and design.

Case for Analysis. These cases are tailored to chapter concepts and provide a
vehicle for student analysis and discussion. New cases for analysis include “It Isn’t
So Simple: Infrastructure Change at Royce Consulting,” “The Venable Museum of
Art,” “CPI Corporation: What Happened?,” “AV Corporate: Software Tool Project,”
“Yahoo: Get to Work!,” “The Boys Versus Corporate,” and “Medici Mediterranean
Restaurant.”

Integrative Cases. The integrative cases at the end of the text have been
expanded and positioned to encourage student discussion and involvement. The
new cases include W. L. Gore—Culture of Innovation, Engro Chemical Pakistan
Limited: Restructuring the Marketing Division, Sometimes a Simple Change Isn’t
So Simple, Rondell Data Corporation, and Disorganization at Semco: Human
Resource Practices as a Strategic Advantage. Previous cases that have been retained
include IKEA: Scandinavian Style, First Union: An Office Without Walls, Lean
Initiatives and Growth at Orlando Metering Company, Costco: Join the Club, The
Donor Services Department, Cisco Systems: Evolution of Structure, and Hartland
Memorial Hospital.

New Concepts
Many concepts have been added or expanded in this edition. New material has
been added on the increasing complexity of the organizational environment, social
business, goal conflict and the hybrid organization, big data analytics, the green
movement and sustainability, the need for collaboration, social network analysis,
quasirationality, manager decision-making biases, stages of disruptive innovation, the
smart factory and trends in manufacturing, innovation contests and crowdsourcing,
types of resource-dependent relationships, radical decentralization and bossless
organization design, conscious capitalism, and global teams as a way to resolve the
tension between a need for global uniformity and a need for local responsiveness.

Chapter Organization
Each chapter is highly focused and is organized into a logical framework. Many
organization theory textbooks treat material in sequential fashion, such as “Here’s
View A, Here’s View B, Here’s View C,” and so on. Organization Theory and
Design shows how they apply in organizations. Moreover, each chapter sticks to
the essential point. Students are not introduced to extraneous material or confusing
methodological squabbles that occur among organizational researchers. The body
of research in most areas points to a major trend, which is reported here. Several
chapters develop a framework that organizes major ideas into an overall scheme.
This book has been extensively tested on students. Feedback from students and
faculty members has been used in the revision. The combination of organization
theory concepts, book reviews, examples of leading organizations, self-insight
questionnaires, case illustrations, experiential exercises, and other teaching devices
is designed to meet student learning needs, and students have responded favorably.
xviii Preface

Supplements
Companion Website. Access important teaching resources on the companion
website. For your convenience, you can download electronic versions of the
instructor supplements at the password-protected section of the site, including the
Instructor’s Manual, Test Bank, and PowerPoint presentations.
To access these additional course materials and companion resources, please
visit www.cengagebrain.com. At the CengageBrain.com home page, search for
the ISBN of your title (from the back cover of your book) using the search box at
the top of the page. This will take you to the product page where free companion
resources can be found.

Instructor’s Manual. The Instructor’s Manual contains chapter overviews, chap-

ter outlines, lecture enhancements, discussion questions, discussion of activities, dis-
cussion of chapter cases, and case notes for integrative cases.

Cognero Test Bank. The Cognero Test Bank contains easy-to-use test creation
software. Instructors can add or edit questions, instructions, and answers and
can select questions (randomly or numerically) by previewing them on the screen.
Instructors can also create and administer quizzes online.

PowerPoint Lecture Presentation. The PowerPoint Lecture Presentation

enables instructors to customize their own multimedia classroom presentations.
Prepared in conjunction with the text and instructor’s resource guide, the package
contains approximately 150 slides. It includes exhibits from the text as well as
outside materials to supplement chapter concepts. Material is organized by chapter
and can be modified or expanded for individual classroom use.

Experiential Exercises in Organization Theor y and Design, Second

Edition. By H. Eugene Baker III and Steven K. Paulson of the University of North
Florida.
Tailored to the table of contents in Daft’s Organization Theory and Design,
Twelfth Edition, the core purpose of Experiential Exercises in Organization Theory
and Design is to provide courses in organizational theory with a set of classroom
exercises that will help students better understand and internalize the basic principles
of the course. The chapters of the book cover the most basic and widely covered
concepts in the field. Each chapter focuses on a central topic, such as organizational
power, production technology, or organizational culture, and provides all necessary
materials to fully participate in three different exercises. Some exercises are intended
to be completed by individuals, others in groups, and still others can be used either
way. The exercises range from instrumentation-based and assessment questionnaires
to actual creative production activities.

Acknowledgments
Textbook writing is a team enterprise. The Twelfth Edition has integrated ideas and
hard work from many people to whom I am grateful. Reviewers and focus group
participants made an especially important contribution. They praised many features,
were critical of things that didn’t work well, and offered valuable suggestions.
Preface xix

David Ackerman Jane Lemaster

University of Alaska, Southeast University of Texas–Pan American
Kristin Backhaus Kim Lukaszewski
SUNY New Paltz SUNY New Paltz
Michael Bourke Steven Maranville
Houston Baptist University University of Saint Thomas
Suzanne Clinton Rick Martinez
Cameron University Baylor University
Pat Driscoll Ann Marie Nagye
Texas Woman’s University Mountain State University
Jo Anne Duffy Janet Near
Sam Houston State University Indiana University
Cheryl Duvall Julie Newcomer
Mercer University Texas Woman’s University
Allen D. Engle, Sr. Frank Nolan
Eastern Kentucky University Liberty University
Patricia Feltes Asbjorn Osland
Missouri State University George Fox University
Robert Girling Laynie Pizzolatto
Sonoma State University Nicholls State University
Yezdi H. Godiwalla Paula Reardon
University of Wisconsin-Whitewater State University of New York, Delhi
John A. Gould Samantha Rice
University of Maryland Abilene Christian University
George Griffin Richard Saaverda
Spring Arbor University University of Michigan
Leda McIntyre Hall W. Robert Sampson
Indiana University, South Bend University of Wisconsin, Eau Claire
Ralph Hanke Amy Sevier
Pennsylvania State University University of Southern Mississippi
Bruce J. Hanson W. Scott Sherman
Pepperdine University Pepperdine University
Thomas Head Marjorie Smith
Roosevelt University Mountain State University
Patricia Holahan R. Stephen Smith
Stevens Institute of Technology Virginia Commonwealth University
Jon Kalinowski Filiz Tabak
Minnesota State University, Mankato Towson University
Guiseppe Labianca Thomas Terrell
Tulane University Coppin State College
xx Preface

Jack Tucci Richard Weiss

Southeastern Louisiana University University of Delaware
Renee Tyre Judith White
Wilmington University Santa Clara University
Isaiah Ugboro Jan Zahrly
North Carolina A&T State University University of North Dakota
Warren Watson
University of North Texas
Among my professional colleagues, I am grateful to my friends and colleagues at
Vanderbilt’s Owen School—Bruce Barry, Rich Oliver, David Owens, Ty Park, Ranga
Ramanujam, and Bart Victor—for their intellectual stimulation and feedback. I
also owe a special debt to Dean Eric Johnson and Associate Dean Sal March for
providing the time and resources for me to stay current on the organization design
literature and develop the revisions for the text.
I want to extend special thanks to my editorial associate, Pat Lane. She skillfully
wrote materials on a variety of topics and special features, found resources, and did
an outstanding job with the copyedited manuscript and page proofs. Pat’s personal
enthusiasm and care for the content of this text enabled the Twelfth Edition
to continue its high level of excellence. I also thank DeeGee Lester for her work
drafting new end-of-chapter and integrative cases. DeeGee’s creative writing skills
brought to life key organizational issues that students will enjoy discussing and
solving.
The team at Cengage Learning also deserves special mention. Scott Person did
a great job of designing the project and offering ideas for improvement. Managing
Content Developers Suzanne Wilder and Josh Wells were superb to work with and
kept the people and project on schedule while solving problems creatively and
quickly. Jennifer Ziegler and Joseph Malcolm, Project Managers, provided superb
project coordination and used their creativity and management skills to facilitate
the book’s on-time completion. Emily Horowitz, Marketing Manager; Kristen
Hurd, Marketing Director; and Christopher Walz, Marketing Coordinator, offered
additional support, creativity, and valuable market expertise.
Finally, I want to acknowledge the love and support of my daughters, Danielle,
Amy, Roxanne, Solange, and Elizabeth, and my new grandson, Nelson, who make
my life special during our precious time together.

Richard L. Daft
Nashville, Tennessee
January 2015
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Design Essentials

2
Chapter 1: Organizations and Organization Design 3

Before reading this chapter, please check whether you agree or disagree with
each of the following statements:

1 An organization can be understood primarily by understanding the people who

make it up.
I AGREE I DISAGREE

2 The primary role of managers in business organizations is to achieve maximum

efficiency.
I AGREE I DISAGREE

3 A CEO’s top priority is to make sure the organization is designed correctly.

I AGREE I DISAGREE

A Look Inside Xerox Corporation

Everyone has probably used the term Xerox to refer to copying pages. Xerox Cor-
poration built its reputation on the copy machine. On the eve of the twenty-first
century, Xerox seemed on top of the world, with fast-rising earnings, a soaring
stock price, and a new line of computerized copier-printers that were techno-
logically superior to rival products. Less than two years later, however, many
considered Xerox a has-been, destined to fade into history. Consider the following
events:
r
Sales and earnings plummeted as rivals caught up with Xerox’s high-end digital
machines, offering comparable products at lower prices.
r
Xerox’s losses for the opening year of the twenty-first century totaled
$384 million, and the company continued to bleed red ink. Debt rose to
$18 billion.
r
The company’s stock fell from a high of $64 to less than $4, amid fears that
Xerox would file for federal bankruptcy protection. Over an 18-month period,
Xerox lost $38 billion in shareholder wealth.
r
Twenty-two thousand Xerox workers lost their jobs, further weakening the
morale and loyalty of remaining employees. Major customers were alienated,
too, by a restructuring that threw salespeople into unfamiliar territories and
tied billing up in knots, leading to mass confusion and billing errors.

What Went Wrong?

The company’s deterioration is a classic story of organizational mistakes and
decline. Although Xerox appeared to fall almost overnight, the organization’s prob-
lems were connected to a series of organizational blunders over a period of many
years.
4 Part 1: Introduction to Organizations

Xerox was founded in 1906 as the Haloid Company, a photographic supply

house that developed the world’s first xerographic copier, introduced in 1959. With-
out a doubt, the 914 copier was a money-making machine. By the time it was retired
in the early 1970s, the 914 was the best-selling industrial product of all time, and the
new name of the company, Xerox, was listed in the dictionary as a synonym for pho-
tocopying. Yet, like many profitable organizations, Xerox became a victim of its own
success. Leaders no doubt knew that the company needed to move beyond copiers
to sustain its growth, but they found it difficult to look beyond the 70 percent gross
profit margins of the 914 copier.
Xerox’s Palo Alto Research Center (PARC), established in 1970, became known
around the world for innovation—many of the most revolutionary technologies in
the computer industry, including the personal computer, graphical user interface,
Ethernet, and laser printer, were invented at PARC. But the copier bureaucracy, or
Burox as it came to be known, blinded Xerox leaders to the enormous potential of
these innovations. While Xerox was plodding along selling copy machines, younger,
smaller, and hungrier companies were developing PARC technologies into tremen-
dous money-making products and services.
Xerox’s market share declined from 95 percent to 13 percent by 1982. And with
no new products to make up the difference, the company had to fight hard to cut
costs and reclaim market share by committing to Japanese-style techniques and to-
tal quality management. Through the strength of his leadership, CEO David Kearns
was able to rally the troops and rejuvenate the company by 1990. However, he also
set Xerox on a path to future disaster. Seeing a need to diversify, Kearns moved the
company into insurance and financial services on a large scale. When he turned
leadership over to Paul Allaire in 1990, Xerox’s balance sheet was crippled by bil-
lions of dollars in insurance liabilities.

Entering the Digital Era

Allaire wisely began a methodical, step-by-step plan for extricating Xerox from the
insurance and financial services business. At the same time, he initiated a mixed
strategy of cost cutting and new-product introductions to get the stodgy company
moving again. Xerox had success with a line of digital presses and new high-speed
digital copiers, but it fumbled again by underestimating the threat of the desktop
printer.
Desktop printing, combined with the increasing use of the Internet and e-mail,
cut heavily into Xerox’s sales of copiers. People didn’t need to make as many photo-
copies, but they still needed effective ways to create and share documents. Rebrand-
ing Xerox as “The Document Company,” Allaire pushed into the digital era, hoping
to remake Xerox in the image of the rejuvenated IBM, offering not just “boxes
(machines)” but complete document management solutions.
As part of that strategy, Allaire picked Richard Thoman, who was then serv-
ing as Louis Gerstner’s right-hand man at IBM, as his successor. Thoman came to
Xerox as president, chief operating officer, and eventually CEO, amid high hopes
that the company could regain the stature of its glory years. Only 13 months later,
as revenues and the stock price continued to slide, he was fired by Allaire, who had
remained as Xerox’s chairman.
Chapter 1: Organizations and Organization Design 5

The Culture Problem

Allaire and Thoman blamed each other for the failure to successfully implement the
digital strategy. Outsiders, however, believe the failure had much more to do with
Xerox’s dysfunctional culture. The culture was already slow to adapt, and some
say that under Allaire it became almost totally paralyzed by politics. Thoman was
brought in to shake things up, but when he tried, the old guard rebelled. A manage-
ment struggle developed, with the outsider Thoman and a few allies on one side
lined up against Allaire and his group of insiders who were accustomed to doing
things the traditional Xerox way. Recognized for his knowledge, business expe-
rience, and intensity, Thoman was also considered to be somewhat haughty and
unapproachable. He was never able to exert substantial influence with key manag-
ers and employees or to gain the support of board members, who continued to rally
behind Allaire.
The failed CEO succession illustrates the massive challenge of reinvent-
ing a century-old company. By the time Thoman arrived, Xerox had been going
through various rounds of restructuring, cost cutting, rejuvenating, and reinvent-
ing for nearly two decades, but little had really changed. Some observers doubted
that anyone could fix Xerox because the culture had become too dysfunctional and
politicized. “There was always an in-crowd and an out-crowd,” says one former
executive. “They change the branches, but when you look closely, the same old
monkeys are sitting in the trees.”

Shaking Up a Century-Old Company

In August 2001, Allaire turned over the CEO reins to Anne Mulcahy, a popular
24-year veteran, who had started at Xerox as a copier saleswoman and worked
her way up the hierarchy. Despite her insider status, Mulcahy proved that she was
more than willing to challenge the status quo. She surprised skeptical analysts,
stockholders, and employees by engineering one of the most extraordinary business
turnarounds in recent history.
How did she do it? Few people thought Mulcahy would take the tough actions
Xerox needed to survive, but she turned out to be a strong decision maker. She
quickly launched a turnaround plan that included massive cost cutting and the
closing of several money-losing operations, including the division she had previ-
ously headed. She was brutally honest about “the good, the bad, and the ugly” of
the company’s situation, as one employee put it, but she also showed that she cared
about what happened to employees and she gave them hope for a better future.
People knew she was working hard to save the company. After major layoffs,
Mulcahy walked the halls to tell people she was sorry and let them vent their anger.
She personally negotiated the settlement of a long investigation into fraudulent
accounting practices, insisting that her personal involvement was necessary to signal
a new commitment to ethical business practices. She appealed directly to creditors,
begging them not to pull the plug until a new management team could make needed
changes.
Mulcahy transferred much of production to outside contractors and refocused
Xerox on innovation and service. In addition to introducing new products,
Xerox moved into high-growth areas such as document management services,
Another random document with
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votes—he contending for district elections, and the delegates to vote
individually. South Carolina was not represented in the convention.
After the first ballot Mr. Van Buren’s vote sensibly decreased, until
finally, Mr. James K. Polk, who was a candidate for the Vice-
Presidency, was brought forward and nominated unanimously for
the chief office. Mr. Geo. M. Dallas was chosen as his colleague for
the Vice-Presidency. The nomination of these gentlemen, neither of
whom had been mentioned until late in the proceedings of the
convention, for the offices for which they were finally nominated,
was a genuine surprise to the country. No voice in favor of it had
been heard; and no visible sign in the political horizon had
announced it.
The Whig convention nominated Henry Clay, for President; and
Theodore Frelinghuysen for Vice-President.
The main issues in the election which ensued, were mainly the
party ones of Whig and Democrat, modified by the tariff and Texas
questions. It resulted in the choice of the Democratic candidates,
who received 170 electoral votes as against 105 for their opponents;
the popular majority for the Democrats being 238,284, in a total vote
of 2,834,108. Mr. Clay received a larger popular vote than had been
given at the previous election for the Whig candidate, showing that
he would have been elected had he then been the nominee of his
party; though the popular vote at this election was largely increased
over that of 1840. It is conceded that the 36 electoral votes of New
York State gave the election to Mr. Polk. It was carried by a bare
majority; due entirely to the Gubernatorial candidacy of Mr. Silas
Wright, who had been mentioned for the vice-presidential
nomination in connection with Mr. Van Buren, but who declined it
after the sacrifice of his friend and colleague; and resigning his seat
in the Senate, became a candidate for Governor of New York. The
election being held at the same time as that for president, his name
and popularity brought to the presidential ticket more than enough
votes to make the majority that gave the electoral vote of the State to
the Democrats.
President Tyler’s annual and last message to Congress, in
December 1844, contained, (as did that of the previous year) an
elaborate paragraph on the subject of Texas and Mexico; the idea
being the annexation of the former to the Union, and the assumption
of her causes of grievance against the latter; and a treaty was pending
to accomplish these objects. The scheme for the annexation of Texas
was framed with a double aspect—one looking to the then pending
presidential election, the other to the separation of the Southern
States; and as soon as the rejection of the treaty was foreseen, and
the nominating convention had acted, the disunion aspect
manifested itself over many of the Southern States—beginning with
South Carolina. Before the end of May, a great meeting took place at
Ashley, in that State, to combine the slave States in a convention to
unite the Southern States to Texas, if Texas should not be received
into the Union; and to invite the President to convene Congress to
arrange the terms of the dissolution of the Union if the rejection of
the annexation should be persevered in. Responsive resolutions were
adopted in several States, and meetings held. The opposition
manifested, brought the movement to a stand, and suppressed the
disunion scheme for the time being—only to lie in wait for future
occasions. But it was not before the people only that this scheme for
a Southern convention with a view to the secession of the slave States
was a matter of discussion; it was the subject of debate in the Senate;
and there it was further disclosed that the design of the secessionists
was to extend the new Southern republic to the Californias.
The treaty of annexation was supported by all the power of the
administration, but failed; and it was rejected by the Senate by a two-
thirds vote against it. Following this, a joint resolution was early
brought into the House of Representatives for the admission of Texas
as a State of the Union, by legislative action; it passed the House by a
fair majority, but met with opposition in the Senate unless coupled
with a proviso for negotiation and treaty, as a condition precedent. A
bill authorizing the President and a commissioner to be appointed to
agree upon the terms and conditions of said admission, the question
of slavery within its limits, its debts, the fixing of boundaries, and the
cession of territory, was coupled or united with the resolution; and in
this shape it was finally agreed to, and became a law, with the
concurrence of the President, March 3, 1845. Texas was then in a
state of war with Mexico, though at that precise point of time an
armistice had been agreed upon, looking to a treaty of peace. The
House resolution was for an unqualified admission of the State; the
Senate amendment or bill was for negotiation; and the bill actually
passed would not have been concurred in except on the
understanding that the incoming President (whose term began
March 4, 1845, and who was favorable to negotiation) would act
under the bill, and appoint commissioners accordingly.
Contrary to all expectation, the outgoing President, on the last day
of his term, at the instigation of his Secretary of State, Mr. Calhoun,
assumed the execution of the act providing for the admission of
Texas—adopted the legislative clause—and sent out a special
messenger with instructions. The danger of this had been foreseen,
and suggested in the Senate; but close friends of Mr. Calhoun,
speaking for the administration, and replying to the suggestion,
indignantly denied it for them, and declared that they would not
have the “audacity” to so violate the spirit and intent of the act, or so
encroach upon the rights of the new President. These statements
from the friends of the Secretary and President that the plan by
negotiation would be adopted, quieted the apprehension of those
Senators opposed to legislative annexation or admission, and thus
secured their votes, without which the bill would have failed of a
majority. Thus was Texas incorporated into the Union. The
legislative proposition sent by Mr. Tyler was accepted: Texas became
incorporated with the United States, and in consequence the state of
war was established between the United States and Mexico; it only
being a question of time and chance when the armistice should end
and hostilities begin. Although Mr. Calhoun was not in favor of war
with Mexico—he believing that a money payment would settle the
differences with that country—the admission of Texas into the Union
under the legislative annexation clause of the statute, was really his
act and not that of the President’s; and he was, in consequence,
afterwards openly charged in the Senate with being the real author of
the war which followed.
The administration of President Polk opened March 4, 1845; and
on the same day, the Senate being convened for the purpose, the
cabinet ministers were nominated and confirmed. In December
following the 29th Congress was organized. The House of
Representatives, being largely Democratic, elected the Speaker, by a
vote of 120, against 70 for the Whig candidate. At this session the
“American” party—a new political organization—first made its
appearance in the National councils, having elected six members of
the House of Representatives, four from New York and two from
Pennsylvania. The President’s first annual message had for its chief
topic, the admission of Texas, then accomplished, and the
consequent dissatisfaction of Mexico; and referring to the
preparations on the part of the latter with the apparent intention of
declaring war on the United States, either by an open declaration, or
by invading Texas. The message also stated causes which would
justify this government in taking the initiative in declaring war—
mainly the non-compliance by Mexico with the terms of the treaty of
indemnity of April 11, 1839, entered into between that State and this
government relative to injuries to American citizens during the
previous eight years. He also referred to the fact of a minister having
been sent to Mexico to endeavor to bring about a settlement of the
differences between the nations, without a resort to hostilities. The
message concluded with a reference to the negotiations with Great
Britain relative to the Oregon boundary; a statement of the finances
and the public debt, showing the latter to be slightly in excess of
seventeen millions; and a recommendation for a revision of the tariff,
with a view to revenue as the object, with protection to home
industry as the incident.
At this session of Congress, the States of Florida and Iowa were
admitted into the Union; the former permitting slavery within its
borders, the latter denying it. Long before this, the free and the slave
States were equal in number, and the practice had grown up—from a
feeling of jealousy and policy to keep them evenly balanced—of
admitting one State of each character at the same time. Numerically
the free and the slave States were thus kept even: in political power a
vast inequality was going on—the increase of population being so
much greater in the northern than in the southern region.
The Ashburton treaty of 1842 omitted to define the boundary line,
and permitted, or rather did not prohibit, the joint occupation of
Oregon by British and American settlers. This had been a subject of
dispute for many years. The country on the Columbia River had been
claimed by both. Under previous treaties the American northern
boundary extended “to the latitude of 49 degrees north of the
equator, and along that parallel indefinitely to the west.” Attempts
were made in 1842 and continuing since to 1846, to settle this
boundary line, by treaty with Great Britain. It had been assumed that
we had a dividing line, made by previous treaty, along the parallel of
54 degrees 40 minutes from the sea to the Rocky mountains. The
subject so much absorbed public attention, that the Democratic
National convention of 1844 in its platform of principles declared for
that boundary line, or war as the consequence. It became known as
the 54–40 plank, and was a canon of political faith. The negotiations
between the governments were resumed in August, 1844. The
Secretary of State, Mr. Calhoun, proposed a line along the parallel of
49 degrees of north latitude to the summit of the Rocky mountains
and continuing that line thence to the Pacific Ocean; and he made
this proposition notwithstanding the fact that the Democratic party—
to which he belonged—were then in a high state of exultation for the
boundary of 54 degrees 40 minutes, and the presidential canvass, on
the Democratic side, was raging upon that cry.
The British Minister declined this proposition in the part that
carried the line to the ocean, but offered to continue it from the
summit of the mountains to the Columbia River, a distance of some
three hundred miles, and then follow the river to the ocean. This was
declined by Mr. Calhoun. The President had declared in his
inaugural address in favor of the 54–40 line. He was in a dilemma; to
maintain that position meant war with Great Britain; to recede from
it seemed impossible. The proposition for the line of 49 degrees
having been withdrawn by the American government on its non-
acceptance by the British, had appeased the Democratic storm which
had been raised against the President. Congress had come together
under the loud cry of war, in which Mr. Cass was the leader, but
followed by the body of the democracy, and backed and cheered by
the whole democratic newspaper press. Under the authority and
order of Congress notice had been served on Great Britain which was
to abrogate the joint occupation of the country by the citizens of the
two powers. It was finally resolved by the British Government to
propose the line of 49 degrees, continuing to the ocean, as originally
offered by Mr. Calhoun; and though the President was favorable to
its acceptance, he could not, consistently with his previous acts,
accept and make a treaty, on that basis. The Senate, with whom lies
the power, under the constitution, of confirming or restricting all
treaties, being favorable to it, without respect to party lines, resort
was had, as in the early practice of the Government, to the President,
asking the advice of the Senate upon the articles of a treaty before
negotiation. A message was accordingly sent to the Senate, by the
President, stating the proposition, and asking its advice, thus shifting
the responsibility upon that body, and making the issue of peace or
war depend upon its answer. The Senate advised the acceptance of
the proposition, and the treaty was concluded.
The conduct of the Whig Senators, without whose votes the advice
would not have been given nor the treaty made, was patriotic in
preferring their country to their party—in preventing a war with
Great Britain—and saving the administration from itself and its party
friends.
The second session of the 29th Congress was opened in December,
1847. The President’s message was chiefly in relation to the war with
Mexico, which had been declared by almost a unanimous vote in
Congress. Mr. Calhoun spoke against the declaration in the Senate,
but did not vote upon it. He was sincerely opposed to the war,
although his conduct had produced it. Had he remained in the
cabinet, to do which he had not concealed his wish, he would, no
doubt, have labored earnestly to have prevented it. Many members of
Congress, of the same party with the administration, were extremely
averse to the war, and had interviews with the President, to see if it
was inevitable, before it was declared. Members were under the
impression that the war could not last above three months.
The reason for these impressions was that an intrigue was laid,
with the knowledge of the Executive, for a peace, even before the war
was declared, and a special agent dispatched to bring about a return
to Mexico of its exiled President, General Santa Anna, and conclude a
treaty of peace with him, on terms favorable to the United States.
And for this purpose Congress granted an appropriation of three
millions of dollars to be placed at the disposal of the President, for
negotiating for a boundary which should give the United States
additional territory.
While this matter was pending in Congress, Mr. Wilmot of
Pennsylvania introduced and moved a proviso, “that no part of the
territory to be acquired should be open to the introduction of
slavery.” It was a proposition not necessary for the purpose of
excluding slavery, as the only territory to be acquired was that of
New Mexico and California, where slavery was already prohibited by
the Mexican laws and constitution. The proviso was therefore
nugatory, and only served to bring on a slavery agitation in the
United States. For this purpose it was seized upon by Mr. Calhoun
and declared to be an outrage upon and menace to the slaveholding
States. It occupied the attention of Congress for two sessions, and
became the subject of debate in the State Legislatures, several of
which passed disunion resolutions. It became the watchword of party
—the synonym of civil war, and the dissolution of the Union. Neither
party really had anything to fear or to hope from the adoption of the
proviso—the soil was free, and the Democrats were not in a position
to make slave territory of it, because it had just enunciated as one of
its cardinal principles, that there was “no power in Congress to
legislate upon slavery in Territories.” Never did two political parties
contend more furiously about nothing. Close observers, who had
been watching the progress of the slavery agitation since its
inauguration in Congress in 1835, knew it to be the means of keeping
up an agitation for the benefit of the political parties—the
abolitionists on one side and the disunionists or nullifiers on the
other—to accomplish their own purposes. This was the celebrated
Wilmot Proviso, which for so long a time convulsed the Union;
assisted in forcing the issue between the North and South on the
slavery question, and almost caused a dissolution of the Union. The
proviso was defeated; that chance of the nullifiers to force the issue
was lost; another had to be made, which was speedily done, by the
introduction into the Senate on the 19th February, 1847, by Mr.
Calhoun of his new slavery resolutions, declaring the Territories to
be the common property of the several States; denying the right of
Congress to prohibit slavery in a Territory, or to pass any law which
would have the effect to deprive the citizens of any slave State from
emigrating with his property (slaves) into such Territory. The
introduction of the resolutions was prefaced by an elaborate speech
by Mr. Calhoun, who demanded an immediate vote upon them. They
never came to a vote; they were evidently introduced for the mere
purpose of carrying a question to the slave States on which they
could be formed into a unit against the free States; and so began the
agitation which finally led to the abrogation of the Missouri
Compromise line, and arrayed the States of one section against those
of the other.
The Thirtieth Congress, which assembled for its first session in
December, 1847, was found, so far as respects the House of
Representatives, to be politically adverse to the administration. The
Whigs were in the majority, and elected the Speaker; Robert C.
Winthrop, of Massachusetts, being chosen. The President’s message
contained a full report of the progress of the war with Mexico; the
success of the American arms in that conflict; the victory of Cerro
Gordo, and the capture of the City of Mexico; and that negotiations
were then pending for a treaty of peace. The message concluded with
a reference to the excellent results from the independent treasury
system.
The war with Mexico was ended by the signing of a treaty of peace,
in February, 1848, by the terms of which New Mexico and Upper
California were ceded to the United States, and the lower Rio
Grande, from its mouth to El Paso, taken for the boundary of Texas.
For the territory thus acquired, the United States agreed to pay to
Mexico the sum of fifteen million dollars, in five annual installments;
and besides that, assumed the claims of American citizens against
Mexico, limited to three and a quarter million dollars, out of and on
account of which claims the war ostensibly originated. The victories
achieved by the American commanders, Generals Zachary Taylor
and Winfield Scott, during that war, won for them national
reputations, by means of which they were brought prominently
forward for the Presidential succession.
The question of the power of Congress to legislate on the subject of
slavery in the Territories, was again raised, at this session, on the bill
for the establishment of the Oregon territorial government. An
amendment was offered to insert a provision for the extension of the
Missouri compromise line to the Pacific Ocean; which line thus
extended was intended by the amendment to be permanent, and to
apply to all future territories established in the West. This
amendment was lost, but the bill was finally passed with an
amendment incorporating into it the anti-slavery clause of the
ordinance of 1787. Mr. Calhoun, in the Senate, declared that the
exclusion of slavery from any territory was a subversion of the
Union; openly proclaimed the strife between the North and South to
be ended, and the separation of the States accomplished. His speech
was an open invocation to disunion, and from that time forth, the
efforts were regular to obtain a meeting of the members from the
slave States, to unite in a call for a convention of the slave States to
redress themselves. He said: “The great strife between the North and
the South is ended. The North is determined to exclude the property
of the slaveholder, and, of course, the slaveholder himself, from its
territory. On this point there seems to be no division in the North. In
the South, he regretted to say, there was some division of sentiment.
The effect of this determination of the North was to convert all the
Southern population into slaves; and he would never consent to
entail that disgrace on his posterity. He denounced any Southern
man who would not take the same course. Gentlemen were greatly
mistaken if they supposed the Presidential question in the South
would override this more important one. The separation of the North
and the South is completed. The South has now a most solemn
obligation to perform—to herself—to the constitution—to the Union.
She is bound to come to a decision not to permit this to go on any
further, but to show that, dearly as she prizes the Union, there are
questions which she regards as of greater importance than the
Union. This is not a question of territorial government, but a
question involving the continuance of the Union.” The President, in
approving the Oregon bill, took occasion to send in a special
message, pointing out the danger to the Union from the progress of
the slavery agitation, and urged an adherence to the principles of the
ordinance of 1787—the terms of the Missouri compromise of 1820—
as also that involved and declared in the Texas case in 1845, as the
means of averting that danger.
The Presidential election of 1848 was coming on. The Democratic
convention met in Baltimore in May of that year; each State being
represented in the convention by the number of delegates equal to
the number of electoral votes it was entitled to; saving only New
York, which sent two sets of delegates, and both were excluded. The
delegates were, for the most part, members of Congress and office-
holders. The two-thirds rule, adopted by the previous convention,
was again made a law of the convention. The main question which
arose upon the formation of the platform for the campaign, was the
doctrine advanced by the Southern members of non-interference
with slavery in the States or in the Territories. The candidates of the
party were, Lewis Cass, of Michigan, for President, and General Wm.
O. Butler, of Kentucky, for Vice-President.
The Whig convention, taking advantage of the popularity of Genl.
Zachary Taylor, for his military achievements in the Mexican war,
then just ended; and his consequent availability as a candidate,
nominated him for the Presidency, over Mr. Clay, Mr. Webster and
General Scott, who were his competitors before the convention.
Millard Fillmore was selected as the Vice-presidential candidate.
A third convention was held, consisting of the disaffected
Democrats from New York who had been excluded from the
Baltimore convention. They met at Utica, New York, and nominated
Martin Van Buren for President, and Charles Francis Adams for
Vice-President. The principles of its platform, were, that Congress
should abolish slavery wherever it constitutionally had the power to
do so—[which was intended to apply to the District of Columbia]—
that it should not interfere with it in the slave States—and that it
should prohibit it in the Territories. This party became known as
“Free-soilers,” from their doctrines thus enumerated, and their party
cry of “free-soil, free-speech, free-labor, free-men.” The result of the
election, as might have been foreseen, was to lose New York State to
the Baltimore candidate, and give it to the Whigs, who were
triumphant in the reception of 163 electoral votes for their
candidates, against 127 for the democrats; and none for the free-
soilers.
The last message of President Polk, in December following, gave
him the opportunity to again urge upon Congress the necessity for
some measure to quiet the slavery agitation, and he recommended
the extension of the Missouri compromise line to the Pacific Ocean,
passing through the new Territories of California and New Mexico,
as a fair adjustment, to meet as far as possible the views of all parties.
The President referred also to the state of the finances; the excellent
condition of the public treasury; government loans, commanding a
high premium; gold and silver the established currency; and the
business interests of the country in a prosperous condition. And this
was the state of affairs, only one year after emergency from a foreign
war. It would be unfair not to give credit to the President and to
Senator Benton and others equally prominent and courageous, who
at that time had to battle against the bank theory and national paper
money currency, as strongly urged and advocated, and to prove
eventually that the money of the Constitution—gold and silver—was
the only currency to ensure a successful financial working of the
government, and prosperity to the people.
 The new President, General Zachary Taylor, was inaugurated
March 4, 1849. The Senate being convened, as usual, in extra
session, for the purpose, the Vice-President elect, Millard Fillmore,
was duly installed; and the Whig cabinet officers nominated by the
President, promptly confirmed. An additional member of the Cabinet
was appointed by this administration to preside over the new “Home
Department” since called the “Interior,” created at the previous
session of Congress.
The following December Congress met in regular session—the 31st
since the organization of the federal government. The Senate
consisted of sixty members, among whom were Mr. Webster, Mr.
Calhoun, and Mr. Clay, who had returned to public life. The House
had 230 members; and although the Whigs had a small majority, the
House was so divided on the slavery question in its various phases,
that the election for Speaker resulted in the choice of the Democratic
candidate, Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, by a majority of three votes. The
annual message of the President plainly showed that he
comprehended the dangers to the Union from a continuance of
sectional feeling on the slavery question, and he averred his
determination to stand by the Union to the full extent of his
obligations and powers. At the previous session Congress had spent
six months in endeavoring to frame a satisfactory bill providing
territorial governments for California and New Mexico, and had
adjourned finally without accomplishing it, in consequence of
inability to agree upon whether the Missouri compromise line should
be carried to the ocean, or the territories be permitted to remain as
they were—slavery prohibited under the laws of Mexico. Mr. Calhoun
brought forward, in the debate, a new doctrine—extending the
Constitution to the territory, and arguing that as that instrument
recognized the existence of slavery, the settlers in such territory
should be permitted to hold their slave property taken there, and be
protected. Mr. Webster’s answer to this was that the Constitution
was made for States, not territories; that it cannot operate anywhere,
not even in the States for which it was made, without acts of
Congress to enforce it. The proposed extension of the constitution to
territories, with a view to its transportation of slavery along with it,
was futile and nugatory without the act of Congress to vitalize slavery
under it. The early part of the year had witnessed ominous
movements—nightly meetings of large numbers of members from
the slave States, led by Mr. Calhoun, to consider the state of things
between the North and the South. They appointed committees who
prepared an address to the people. It was in this condition of things,
that President Taylor expressed his opinion, in his message, of the
remedies required. California, New Mexico and Utah, had been left
without governments. For California, he recommended that having a
sufficient population and having framed a constitution, she be
admitted as a State into the Union; and for New Mexico and Utah,
without mixing the slavery question with their territorial
governments, they be left to ripen into States, and settle the slavery
question for themselves in their State constitutions.

With a view to meet the wishes of all parties, and arrive at some
definite and permanent adjustment of the slavery question, Mr. Clay
early in the session introduced compromise resolutions which were
practically a tacking together of the several bills then on the calendar,
providing for the admission of California—the territorial government
for Utah and New Mexico—the settlement of the Texas boundary—
slavery in the District of Columbia—and for a fugitive slave law. It
was seriously and earnestly opposed by many, as being a concession
to the spirit of disunion—a capitulation under threat of secession;
and as likely to become the source of more contentions than it
proposed to quiet.
The resolutions were referred to a special committee, who
promptly reported a bill embracing the comprehensive plan of
compromise which Mr. Clay proposed. Among the resolutions
offered, was the following: “Resolved, that as slavery does not exist
by law and is not likely to be introduced into any of the territory
acquired by the United States from the Republic of Mexico, it is
inexpedient for Congress to provide by law either for its introduction
into or exclusion from any part of the said territory; and that
appropriate territorial governments ought to be established by
Congress in all of the said territory, and assigned as the boundaries
of the proposed State of California, without the adoption of any
restriction or condition on the subject of slavery.” Mr. Jefferson
Davis of Mississippi, objected that the measure gave nothing to the
South in the settlement of the question; and he required the
extension of the Missouri compromise line to the Pacific Ocean as
the least that he would be willing to take, with the specific
recognition of the right to hold slaves in the territory below that line;
and that, before such territories are admitted into the Union as
States, slaves may be taken there from any of the United States at the
option of their owner.
Mr. Clay in reply, said: “Coming from a slave State, as I do, I owe it
to myself, I owe it to truth, I owe it to the subject, to say that no
earthly power could induce me to vote for a specific measure for the
introduction of slavery where it had not before existed, either south
or north of that line.*** If the citizens of those territories choose to
establish slavery, and if they come here with constitutions
establishing slavery, I am for admitting them with such provisions in
their constitutions; but then it will be their own work, and not ours,
and their posterity will have to reproach them, and not us, for
forming constitutions allowing the institution of slavery to exist
among them.”
Mr. Seward of New York, proposed a renewal of the Wilmot
Proviso, in the following resolution: “Neither slavery nor involuntary
servitude, otherwise than by conviction for crime, shall ever be
allowed in either of said territories of Utah and New Mexico;” but his
resolution was rejected in the Senate by a vote of 23 yeas to 33 nays.
Following this, Mr. Calhoun had read for him in the Senate, by his
friend James M. Mason of Virginia, his last speech. It embodied the
points covered by the address to the people, prepared by him the
previous year; the probability of a dissolution of the Union, and
presenting a case to justify it. The tenor of the speech is shown by the
following extracts from it: “I have, Senators, believed from the first,
that the agitation of the subject of slavery would, if not prevented by
some timely and effective measure, end in disunion. Entertaining
this opinion, I have, on all proper occasions, endeavored to call the
attention of each of the two great parties which divide the country to
adopt some measure to prevent so great a disaster, but without
success. The agitation has been permitted to proceed, with almost no
attempt to resist it, until it has reached a period when it can no
longer be disguised or denied that the Union is in danger. You have
had forced upon you the greatest and gravest question that can ever
come under your consideration: How can the Union be preserved?
*** Instead of being weaker, all the elements in favor of agitation are
stronger now than they were in 1835, when it first commenced, while
all the elements of influence on the part of the South are weaker.
Unless something decisive is done, I again ask what is to stop this
agitation, before the great and final object at which it aims—the
abolition of slavery in the States—is consummated? Is it, then, not
certain that if something decisive is not now done to arrest it, the
South will be forced to choose between abolition and secession?
Indeed as events are now moving, it will not require the South to
secede to dissolve the Union.*** If the agitation goes on, nothing will
be left to hold the States together except force.” He answered the
question, How can the Union be saved? with which his speech
opened, by suggesting: “To provide for the insertion of a provision in
the constitution, by an amendment, which will restore to the South
in substance the power she possessed of protecting herself, before
the equilibrium between the sections was destroyed by the action of
the government.” He did not state of what the amendment should
consist, but later on, it was ascertained from reliable sources that his
idea was a dual executive—one President from the free, and one from
the slave States, the consent of both of whom should be required to
all acts of Congress before they become laws. This speech of Mr.
Calhoun’s, is important as explaining many of his previous actions;
and as furnishing a guide to those who ten years afterwards
attempted to carry out practically the suggestions thrown out by him.
Mr. Clay’s compromise bill was rejected. It was evident that no
compromise of any kind whatever on the subject of slavery, under
any one of its aspects separately, much less under all put together,
could possibly be made. There was no spirit of concession
manifested. The numerous measures put together in Mr. Clay’s bill
were disconnected and separated. Each measure received a separate
and independent consideration, and with a result which showed the
injustice of the attempted conjunction; for no two of them were
passed by the same vote, even of the members of the committee
which had even unanimously reported favorably upon them as a
whole.
Mr. Calhoun died in the spring of 1850; before the separate bill for
the admission of California was taken up. His death took place at
Washington, he having reached the age of 68 years. A eulogy upon
him was delivered in the Senate by his colleague, Mr. Butler, of South
Carolina. Mr. Calhoun was the first great advocate of the doctrine of
secession. He was the author of the nullification doctrine, and an
advocate of the extreme doctrine of States Rights. He was an
eloquent speaker—a man of strong intellect. His speeches were plain,
strong, concise, sometimes impassioned, and always severe. Daniel
Webster said of him, that “he had the basis, the indispensable basis
of all high characters, and that was unspotted integrity, unimpeached
honor and character!”
In July of this year an event took place which threw a gloom over
the country. The President, General Taylor, contracted a fever from
exposure to the hot sun at a celebration of Independence Day, from
which he died four days afterwards. He was a man of irreproachable
private character, undoubted patriotism, and established reputation
for judgment and firmness. His brief career showed no deficiency of
political wisdom nor want of political training. His administration
was beset with difficulties, with momentous questions pending, and
he met the crisis with firmness and determination, resolved to
maintain the Federal Union at all hazards. His first and only annual
message, the leading points of which have been stated, evinces a
spirit to do what was right among all the States. His death was a
public calamity. No man could have been more devoted to the Union
nor more opposed to the slavery agitation; and his position as a
Southern man and a slaveholder—his military reputation, and his
election by a majority of the people as well as of the States, would
have given him a power in the settlement of the pending questions of
the day which no President without these qualifications could have
possessed.
In accordance with the Constitution, the office of President thus
devolved upon the Vice-President, Mr. Millard Fillmore, who was
duly inaugurated July 10, 1850. The new cabinet, with Daniel
Webster as Secretary of State, was duly appointed and confirmed by
the Senate.
The bill for the admission of California as a State in the Union, was
called up in the Senate and sought to be amended by extending the
Missouri Compromise line through it, to the Pacific Ocean, so as to
authorize slavery in the State below that line. The amendment was
introduced and pressed by Southern friends of the late Mr. Calhoun,
and made a test question. It was lost, and the bill passed by a two-
third vote; whereupon ten Southern Senators offered a written
protest, the concluding clause of which was: “We dissent from this
bill, and solemnly protest against its passage, because in sanctioning
measures so contrary to former precedents, to obvious policy, to the
spirit and intent of the constitution of the United States, for the
purpose of excluding the slaveholding States from the territory thus
to be erected into a State, this government in effect declares that the
exclusion of slavery from the territory of the United States is an
object so high and important as to justify a disregard not only of all
the principles of sound policy, but also of the constitution itself.
Against this conclusion we must now and for ever protest, as it is
destructive of the safety and liberties of those whose rights have been
committed to our care, fatal to the peace and equality of the States
which we represent, and must lead, if persisted in, to the dissolution
of that confederacy, in which the slaveholding States have never
sought more than equality, and in which they will not be content to
remain with less.” On objection being made, followed by debate, the
Senate refused to receive the protest, or permit it to be entered on
the Journal. The bill went to the House of Representatives, was
readily passed, and promptly approved by the President. Thus was
virtually accomplished the abrogation of the Missouri compromise
line; and the extension or non-extension of slavery was then made to
form a foundation for future political parties.
The year 1850 was prolific with disunion movements in the
Southern States. The Senators who had joined with Mr. Calhoun in
the address to the people, in 1849, united with their adherents in
establishing at Washington a newspaper entitled “The Southern
Press,” devoted to the agitation of the slavery question; to presenting
the advantages of disunion, and the organization of a confederacy of
Southern States to be called the “United States South.” Its constant
aim was to influence the South against the North, and advocated
concert of action by the States of the former section. It was aided in
its efforts by newspapers published in the South, more especially in
South Carolina and Mississippi. A disunion convention was actually
held, in Nashville, Tennessee, and invited the assembly of a Southern
Congress. Two States, South Carolina and Mississippi responded to
the appeal; passed laws to carry it into effect, and the former went so
far as to elect its quota of Representatives to the proposed new
Southern Congress. These occurrences are referred to as showing the
spirit that prevailed, and the extraordinary and unjustifiable means
used by the leaders to mislead and exasperate the people. The
assembling of a Southern “Congress” was a turning point in the
progress of disunion. Georgia refused to join; and her weight as a
great Southern State was sufficient to cause the failure of the scheme.
But the seeds of discord were sown, and had taken root, only to
spring up at a future time when circumstances should be more
favorable to the accomplishment of the object.
Although the Congress of the United States had in 1790 and again
in 1836 formally declared the policy of the government to be non-
interference with the States in respect to the matter of slavery within
the limits of the respective States, the subject continued to be
agitated in consequence of petitions to Congress to abolish slavery in
the District of Columbia, which was under the exclusive control of
the federal government; and of movements throughout the United
States to limit, and finally abolish it. The subject first made its
appearance in national politics in 1840, when a presidential ticket
was nominated by a party then formed favoring the abolition of
slavery; it had a very slight following which was increased tenfold at
the election of 1844 when the same party again put a ticket in the
field with James G. Birney of Michigan, as its candidate for the
Presidency; who received 62,140 votes. The efforts of the leaders of
that faction were continued, and persisted in to such an extent, that
when in 1848 it nominated a ticket with Gerritt Smith for President,
against the Democratic candidate, Martin Van Buren, the former
received 296,232 votes. In the presidential contest of 1852 the
abolition party again nominated a ticket, with John P. Hale as its
candidate for President, and polled 157,926 votes. This large
following was increased from time to time, until uniting with a new
party then formed, called the Republican party, which latter adopted
a platform endorsing the views and sentiments of the abolitionists,
the great and decisive battle for the principles involved, was fought
in the ensuing presidential contest of 1856; when the candidate of
the Republican party, John C. Fremont, supported by the entire
abolition party, polled 1,341,812 votes. The first national platform of
the Abolition party, upon which it went into the contest of 1840,
favored the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and
Territories; the inter-state slave trade, and a general opposition to
slavery to the full extent of constitutional power.
Following the discussion of the subject of slavery, in the Senate
and House of Representatives, brought about by the presentation of
petitions and memorials, and the passage of the resolutions in 1836
rejecting such petitions, the question was again raised by the
presentation in the House, by Mr. Slade of Vermont, on the 20th
December 1837, of two memorials praying the abolition of slavery in
the District of Columbia, and moving that they be referred to a select
committee. Great excitement prevailed in the chamber, and of the
many attempts by the Southern members an adjournment was had.
The next day a resolution was offered that thereafter all such
petitions and memorials touching the abolition of slavery should,
when presented, be laid on the table; which resolution was adopted
by a large vote. During the 24th Congress, the Senate pursued the
course of laying on the table the motion to receive all abolition
petitions; and both Houses during the 25th Congress continued the
same course of conduct; when finally on the 25th of January 1840,
the House adopted by a vote of 114 to 108, an amendment to the
rules, called the 21st Rule, which provided:—“that no petition,
memorial or resolution, or other paper, praying the abolition of
slavery in the District of Columbia, or any state or territory, or the
slave-trade between the States or territories of the United States, in
which it now exists, shall be received by this House, or entertained in
any way whatever.” This rule was afterwards, on the 3d of December,
1844, rescinded by the House, on motion of Mr. J. Quincy Adams, by
a vote of 108 to 80; and a motion to re-instate it, on the 1st of
December 1845, was rejected by a vote of 84 to 121. Within five years
afterwards—on the 17th September 1850,—the Congress of the
United States enacted a law, which was approved by the President,
abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia.
On the 25th of February, 1850, there was presented in the House
of Representatives, two petitions from citizens of Pennsylvania and
Delaware, setting forth that slavery, and the constitution which
permits it, violates the Divine law; is inconsistent with republican
principles; that its existence has brought evil upon the country; and
that no union can exist with States which tolerate that institution;
and asking that some plan be devised for the immediate, peaceful
dissolution of the Union. The House refused to receive and consider
the petitions; as did also the Senate when the same petitions were
presented the same month.
The presidential election of 1852 was the last campaign in which
the Whig party appeared in National politics. It nominated a ticket
with General Winfield Scott as its candidate for President. His
opponent on the Democratic ticket was General Franklin Pierce. A
third ticket was placed in the field by the Abolition party, with John
P. Hale as its candidate for President. The platform and declaration
of principles of the Whig party was in substance a ratification and
endorsement of the several measures embraced in Mr. Clay’s
compromise resolutions of the previous session of Congress, before
referred to; and the policy of a revenue for the economical
administration of the government, to be derived mainly from duties
on imports, and by these means to afford protection to American
industry. The main plank of the platform of the Abolition party (or
Independent Democrats, as they were called) was for the non-
extension and gradual extinction of slavery. The Democratic party
equally adhered to the compromise measure. The election resulted in
the choice of Franklin Pierce, by a popular vote of 1,601,474, and 254
electoral votes, against a popular aggregate vote of 1,542,403 (of
which the abolitionists polled 157,926) and 42 electoral votes, for the
Whig and Abolition candidates. Mr. Pierce was duly inaugurated as
President, March 4, 1853.
The first political parties in the United States, from the
establishment of the federal government and for many years
afterwards, were denominated Federalists and Democrats, or
Democratic-Republicans. The former was an anti-alien party. The
latter was made up to a large extent of naturalized foreigners;
refugees from England, Ireland and Scotland, driven from home for
hostility to the government or for attachment to France. Naturally,
aliens sought alliance with the Democratic party, which favored the
war against Great Britain. The early party contests were based on the
naturalization laws; the first of which, approved March 26, 1790,
required only two years’ residence in this country; a few years
afterwards the time was extended to five years; and in 1798 the
Federalists taking advantage of the war fever against France, and
then being in power, extended the time to fourteen years. (See Alien
and Sedition Laws of 1798). Jefferson’s election and Democratic
victory of 1800, brought the period back to five years in 1802, and
reinforced the Democratic party. The city of New York, especially,
from time to time became filled with foreigners; thus naturalized;
brought into the Democratic ranks; and crowded out native
Federalists from control of the city government, and to meet this
condition of affairs, the first attempt at a Native American
organization was made. Beginning in 1835; ending in failure in
election of Mayor in 1837, it was revived in April, 1844, when the
Native American organization carried New York city for its
Mayoralty candidate by a good majority. The success of the
movement there, caused it to spread to New Jersey and
Pennsylvania. In Philadelphia, it was desperately opposed by the
Democratic, Irish and Roman Catholic element, and so furiously,
that it resulted in riots, in which two Romish Churches were burned
and destroyed. The adherents of the American organization were not
confined to Federalists or Whigs, but largely of native Democrats;
and the Whigs openly voted with Democratic Natives in order to
secure their vote for Henry Clay for the Presidency; but when in
November, 1844, New York and Philadelphia both gave Native
majorities, and so sapped the Whig vote, that both places gave